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THE METHODS OF ETHICS
Ethical Methods
THE
METHODS OF ETHICS
BY
HENRY SIDGWICK
KNIGHTBRIDGE PROFESSOR OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE
BY
HENRY SIDGWICK
Knightbridge Professor of Moral Philosophy at the University of Cambridge
SEVENTH EDITION
7TH EDITION
London
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1907
London
MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited
NEW YORK: MACMILLAN
1907
[The Right of Translation is reserved.]
All rights to translation are reserved.
First Edition 1874.
Second Edition 1877.
Third Edition 1884.
Fourth Edition 1890.
Fifth Edition 1893.
Sixth Edition 1901.
Seventh Edition 1907.
First Edition 1874.
Second Edition 1877.
Third Edition 1884.
Fourth Edition 1890.
Fifth Edition 1893.
Sixth Edition 1901.
Seventh Edition 1907.
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
In offering to the public a new book upon a subject so trite as Ethics, it seems desirable to indicate clearly at the outset its plan and purpose. Its distinctive characteristics may be first given negatively. It is not, in the main, metaphysical or psychological: at the same time it is not dogmatic or directly practical: it does not deal, except by way of illustration, with the history of ethical thought: in a sense it might be said to be not even critical, since it is only quite incidentally that it offers any criticism of the systems of individual moralists. It claims to be an examination, at once expository and critical, of the different methods of obtaining reasoned convictions as to what ought to be done which are to be found—either explicit or implicit—in the moral consciousness of mankind generally: and which, from time to time, have been developed, either singly or in combination, by individual thinkers, and worked up into the systems now historical.
In presenting a new book to the public on a topic as well-worn as Ethics, it's important to clearly outline its plan and purpose right from the start. Its unique features can first be described negatively. It is not primarily metaphysical or psychological; however, it is also not dogmatic or directly practical. It does not explore the history of ethical thought except as a means of illustration. In a way, it might be considered not even critical, as it only incidentally critiques the systems of individual moralists. It aims to be an examination that is both explanatory and critical, of the different methods for forming reasoned beliefs about what should be done, which can be found—either explicitly or implicitly—in the moral consciousness of humanity as a whole. These methods have, from time to time, been developed, either individually or in combination, by various thinkers and have evolved into the systems that are now considered historical.
I have avoided the inquiry into the Origin of the Moral Faculty—which has perhaps occupied a disproportionate amount of the attention of modern moralists—by the simple assumption (which seems to be made implicitly in all ethical reasoning) that there is something[1] under any given circumstances which it is right or reasonable to do, and that this may be known. If it be admitted that we now have the faculty of knowing this, it appears to me that the investigation of the historical antecedents of this cognition, and of its relation to other[vi] elements of the mind, no more properly belongs to Ethics than the corresponding questions as to the cognition of Space belong to Geometry.[2] I make, however, no further assumption as to the nature of the object of ethical knowledge: and hence my treatise is not dogmatic: all the different methods developed in it are expounded and criticised from a neutral position, and as impartially as possible. And thus, though my treatment of the subject is, in a sense, more practical than that of many moralists, since I am occupied from first to last in considering how conclusions are to be rationally reached in the familiar matter of our common daily life and actual practice; still, my immediate object—to invert Aristotle’s phrase—is not Practice but Knowledge. I have thought that the predominance in the minds of moralists of a desire to edify has impeded the real progress of ethical science: and that this would be benefited by an application to it of the same disinterested curiosity to which we chiefly owe the great discoveries of physics. It is in this spirit that I have endeavoured to compose the present work: and with this view I have desired to concentrate the reader’s attention, from first to last, not on the practical results to which our methods lead, but on the methods themselves. I have wished to put aside temporarily the urgent need which we all feel of finding and adopting the true method of determining what we ought to do; and to consider simply what conclusions will be rationally reached if we start with certain ethical premises, and with what degree of certainty and precision.
I’ve steered clear of exploring the Origin of the Moral Faculty—which has probably taken up more focus from modern moralists than it deserves—by simply assuming (a notion that seems to be implicitly accepted in all ethical reasoning) that there is something [1] in any situation that it is right or reasonable to do, and that we can know what that is. If we agree that we now have the ability to understand this, I believe investigating the historical background of this understanding and its connection to other [vi] aspects of the mind isn't really part of Ethics, just like questions about the understanding of Space don’t belong to Geometry. [2] However, I don’t make any further assumptions about the nature of ethical knowledge: so my work isn’t dogmatic. All the different methods discussed in it are presented and critiqued from a neutral standpoint, as fairly as possible. Thus, although my approach to the topic is, in a way, more practical than that of many moralists—since I focus throughout on how to logically arrive at conclusions in the everyday matters of our lives and actions—my main goal, to flip Aristotle’s phrase, isn’t Practice but Knowledge. I believe that the strong inclination of moralists to preach has hindered the genuine advancement of ethical science: and that applying the same kind of unbiased curiosity that has led to major discoveries in physics would enhance this field. It’s with this mindset that I’ve tried to create this current work: and with this goal, I’ve aimed to keep the reader’s focus, from beginning to end, not on the practical outcomes our methods produce, but on the methods themselves. I’ve wanted to temporarily set aside the pressing need we all feel to find and adopt the right way to determine what we should do, and instead simply consider what conclusions can be reached rationally if we start with certain ethical premises, and to what extent of certainty and detail.
I ought to mention that chapter iv. of Book i. has been reprinted (with considerable modifications) from the Contemporary Review, in which it originally appeared as an article on “Pleasure and Desire.” And I cannot conclude without a tribute of thanks to my friend Mr. Venn, to whose kindness in accepting the somewhat laborious task of reading and criticising my work, both before and during its passage through the press, I am indebted for several improvements in my exposition.
I should point out that chapter iv of Book i has been reprinted (with significant changes) from the Contemporary Review, where it first appeared as an article titled “Pleasure and Desire.” I also want to express my gratitude to my friend Mr. Venn, whose willingness to read and critique my work, both before and during its publication process, has helped make several improvements in my presentation.
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
In preparing this work for the second edition, I have found it desirable to make numerous alterations and additions. Indeed the extent which these have reached is so considerable, that I have thought it well to publish them in a separate form, for the use of purchasers of my first edition. On one or two points I have to acknowledge a certain change of view; which is partly at least due to criticism. For instance, in chap. iv. of Book i. (on “Pleasure and Desire”), which has been a good deal criticised by Prof. Bain and others, although I still retain my former opinion on the psychological question at issue, I have been led to take a different view of the relation of this question to Ethics; and in fact § 1 of this chapter as it at present stands directly contradicts the corresponding passage in the former edition. So again, as regards the following chapter, on ‘Free-Will,’ though I have not exactly found that the comments which it has called forth have removed my difficulties in dealing with this time-honoured problem, I have become convinced that I ought not to have crudely obtruded these difficulties on the reader, while professedly excluding the consideration of them from my subject. In the present edition therefore I have carefully limited myself to explaining and justifying the view that I take of the practical aspect of the question. I have further been led, through study of the Theory of Evolution in its application to practice, to attach somewhat more importance to this theory than I had previously done; and also in several passages of Books iii. and iv. to substitute ‘well-being’ for ‘happiness,’ in my exposition of that implicit reference to some further end and standard which reflection on the Morality of Common Sense continually brings into view. This latter change however (as I explain in the concluding chapter of Book iii.) is not ultimately found to have any practical effect. I have also modified my view of[viii] ‘objective rightness,’ as the reader will see by comparing Book i. chap. i. § 3 with the corresponding passage in the former edition; but here again the alteration has no material importance. In my exposition of the Utilitarian principle (Book iv. chap. i.) I have shortened the cumbrous phrase ‘greatest happiness of the greatest number’ by omitting—as its author ultimately advised—the last four words. And finally, I have yielded as far as I could to the objections that have been strongly urged against the concluding chapter of the treatise. The main discussion therein contained still seems to me indispensable to the completeness of the work; but I have endeavoured to give the chapter a new aspect by altering its commencement, and omitting most of the concluding paragraph.
In preparing this work for the second edition, I've found it useful to make many changes and additions. In fact, the number of changes is so significant that I felt it was best to publish them separately for buyers of my first edition. On a couple of points, I have to admit I’ve changed my view, partly due to feedback. For example, in chapter iv of Book I (on “Pleasure and Desire”), which has been heavily critiqued by Prof. Bain and others, although I still hold my original opinion on the psychological issue at hand, I've come to see this issue's connection to Ethics differently; and indeed, § 1 of this chapter now directly contradicts the corresponding passage in the earlier edition. Similarly, regarding the next chapter on ‘Free Will,’ while the comments I've received haven’t resolved my challenges with this long-standing issue, I've become convinced that I shouldn't have bluntly presented these challenges to the reader while claiming to exclude them from my topic. In this edition, I've focused on explaining and justifying my perspective on the practical aspect of the question. I’ve also come to place more importance on the Theory of Evolution as it relates to practice than I did before; plus, in several parts of Books III and IV, I’ve replaced ‘happiness’ with ‘well-being’ when discussing that implicit reference to a further end and standard that reflections on Common Sense Morality frequently highlight. However, this last change (as I explain in the concluding chapter of Book III) doesn't ultimately lead to any practical difference. I've also adjusted my perspective on ‘objective rightness,’ which the reader can see by comparing Book I, chapter I, § 3 with the similar passage in the earlier edition; though again, the change is not materially significant. In my explanation of the Utilitarian principle (Book IV, chapter I), I’ve shortened the cumbersome phrase ‘greatest happiness of the greatest number’ by dropping—as its author ultimately suggested—the last four words. Finally, I’ve tried to address the criticisms about the concluding chapter of the work. While I still believe that the main discussion contained there is essential for the work's completeness, I’ve attempted to refresh the chapter by changing its beginning and removing most of the final paragraph.
The greater part, however, of the new matter in this edition is merely explanatory and supplementary. I have endeavoured to give a fuller and clearer account of my views on any points on which I either have myself seen them to be ambiguously or inadequately expressed, or have found by experience that they were liable to be misunderstood. Thus in Book i. chap. ii. I have tried to furnish a rather more instructive account than my first edition contained of the mutual relations of Ethics and Politics. Again, even before the appearance of Mr. Leslie Stephen’s interesting review in Fraser (March 1875), I had seen the desirability of explaining further my general view of the ‘Practical Reason,’ and of the fundamental notion signified by the terms ‘right,’ ‘ought,’ etc. With this object I have entirely rewritten chap. iii. of Book i., and made considerable changes in chap. i. Elsewhere, as in chaps. vi. and ix. of Book i., and chap. vi. of Book ii., I have altered chiefly in order to make my expositions more clear and symmetrical. This is partly the case with the considerable changes that I have made in the first three chapters of Book iii.; but I have also tried to obviate the objections brought by Professor Calderwood[3] against the first of these chapters. The main part of this Book[ix] (chaps. iv.-xii.) has been but slightly altered; but in chap. xiii. (on ‘Philosophical Intuitionism’), which has been suggestively criticised by more than one writer, I have thought it expedient to give a more direct statement of my own opinions; instead of confining myself (as I did in the first edition) to comments on those of other moralists. Chap. xiv. again has been considerably modified; chiefly in order to introduce into it the substance of certain portions of an article on ‘Hedonism and Ultimate Good,’ which I published in Mind (No. 5). In Book iv. the changes (besides those above mentioned) have been inconsiderable; and have been chiefly made in order to remove a misconception which I shall presently notice, as to my general attitude towards the three Methods which I am principally occupied in examining.
Most of the new content in this edition is simply explanatory and supplementary. I’ve aimed to provide a fuller and clearer account of my views on points that I have found to be ambiguous or inadequately expressed, or that experience has shown to be prone to misunderstanding. For instance, in Book i, chap. ii, I’ve tried to offer a more informative discussion of the relationships between Ethics and Politics than what was in my first edition. Moreover, even before Mr. Leslie Stephen’s interesting review appeared in Fraser (March 1875), I recognized the need to further clarify my general perspective on the ‘Practical Reason’ and the basic concepts indicated by the terms ‘right,’ ‘ought,’ etc. To achieve this, I completely rewrote chap. iii of Book i and made significant changes to chap. i. In other sections, such as chaps. vi and ix of Book i, and chap. vi of Book ii, I primarily made alterations to enhance clarity and symmetry in my explanations. This is also true for the substantial changes in the first three chapters of Book iii; however, I also sought to address the objections raised by Professor Calderwood[3] regarding the first of these chapters. The main section of this Book[ix] (chaps. iv-xii) has only been slightly modified; but in chap. xiii (on ‘Philosophical Intuitionism’), which has been notably critiqued by several writers, I felt it necessary to provide a more straightforward statement of my own opinions, rather than just commenting on those of other moralists, as I did in the first edition. Chap. xiv has also undergone considerable changes, primarily to incorporate elements from an article on ‘Hedonism and Ultimate Good’ that I published in Mind (No. 5). In Book iv, the revisions (besides those mentioned above) have been minimal and mainly aim to clear up a misunderstanding regarding my overall stance towards the three Methods that I am primarily examining.
In revising my work, I have endeavoured to profit as much as possible by all the criticisms on it that have been brought to my notice, whether public or private.[4] I have frequently deferred to objections, even when they appeared to me unsound, if I thought I could avoid controversy by alterations to which I was myself indifferent. Where I have been unable to make the changes required, I have usually replied, in the text or the notes, to such criticisms as have appeared to me plausible, or in any way instructive. In so doing, I have sometimes referred by name to opponents, where I thought that, from their recognised position as teachers of the subject, this would give a distinct addition of interest to the discussion; but I have been careful to omit such reference where experience has shown that it would be likely to cause offence. The book is already more controversial than I could wish; and I have therefore avoided encumbering it with any polemics of purely personal interest. For this reason I have generally left unnoticed such criticisms as have been due to mere misapprehensions, against which I thought I could[x] effectually guard in the present edition. There is, however, one fundamental misunderstanding, on which it seems desirable to say a few words. I find that more than one critic has overlooked or disregarded the account of the plan of my treatise, given in the original preface and in § 5 of the introductory chapter: and has consequently supposed me to be writing as an assailant of two of the methods which I chiefly examine, and a defender of the third. Thus one of my reviewers seems to regard Book iii. (on Intuitionism) as containing mere hostile criticism from the outside: another has constructed an article on the supposition that my principal object is the ‘suppression of Egoism’: a third has gone to the length of a pamphlet under the impression (apparently) that the ‘main argument’ of my treatise is a demonstration of Universalistic Hedonism. I am concerned to have caused so much misdirection of criticism: and I have carefully altered in this edition the passages which I perceive to have contributed to it. The morality that I examine in Book iii. is my own morality as much as it is any man’s: it is, as I say, the ‘Morality of Common Sense,’ which I only attempt to represent in so far as I share it; I only place myself outside it either (1) temporarily, for the purpose of impartial criticism, or (2) in so far as I am forced beyond it by a practical consciousness of its incompleteness. I have certainly criticised this morality unsparingly: but I conceive myself to have exposed with equal unreserve the defects and difficulties of the hedonistic method (cf. especially chaps. iii., iv. of Book ii., and chap. v. of Book iv.). And as regards the two hedonistic principles, I do not hold the reasonableness of aiming at happiness generally with any stronger conviction than I do that of aiming at one’s own. It was no part of my plan to call special attention to this “Dualism of the Practical Reason” as I have elsewhere called it: but I am surprised at the extent to which my view has perplexed even those of my critics who have understood it. I had imagined[xi] that they would readily trace it to the source from which I learnt it, Butler’s well-known Sermons. I hold with Butler that “Reasonable Self-love and Conscience are the two chief or superior principles in the nature of man,” each of which we are under a “manifest obligation” to obey: and I do not (I believe) differ materially from Butler in my view either of reasonable self-love, or—theology apart—of its relation to conscience. Nor, again, do I differ from him in regarding conscience as essentially a function of the practical Reason: “moral precepts,” he says in the Analogy (Part II. chap. viii.), “are precepts the reason of which we see.” My difference only begins when I ask myself, ‘What among the precepts of our common conscience do we really see to be ultimately reasonable?’ a question which Butler does not seem to have seriously put, and to which, at any rate, he has given no satisfactory answer. The answer that I found to it supplied the rational basis that I had long perceived to be wanting to the Utilitarianism of Bentham, regarded as an ethical doctrine: and thus enabled me to transcend the commonly received antithesis between Intuitionists and Utilitarians.
In revising my work, I have tried to make the most of all the feedback I've received, whether it was public or private. I have often accepted objections, even when I thought they were unreasonable, if I believed I could avoid conflict by making changes I didn't really care about. Where I couldn't make the required changes, I usually responded in the text or notes to criticisms that seemed plausible or useful. In some cases, I've named specific critics, thinking that their recognized positions as experts in the field would add interest to the discussion; however, I've been careful to avoid mentioning names when I thought it might lead to offense. The book is already more contentious than I would like, so I've tried to avoid adding any personal disputes. For that reason, I've generally left out criticisms based on misunderstandings, believing I could effectively guard against them in this edition. However, there is one significant misunderstanding that I feel I need to address. I’ve noticed that more than one critic has overlooked or ignored the explanation of my work’s structure, provided in the original preface and in § 5 of the introductory chapter, and has therefore assumed I am attacking two of the methods I mainly review and defending the third. For instance, one of my reviewers seems to view Book III (on Intuitionism) as just hostile criticism from the outside, another has written an article assuming my main goal is the “suppression of Egoism,” and a third has published a pamphlet under the impression that the “main argument” of my work demonstrates Universalistic Hedonism. I'm concerned that I have caused this misdirection in criticism, and I have made careful changes in this edition to the sections I see as contributing to it. The morality I discuss in Book III is as much my own as it is anyone's; it is, as I mention, the "Morality of Common Sense," which I only try to represent to the extent that I agree with it. I only step outside of it either (1) temporarily, for the sake of impartial critique, or (2) as far as I am pushed beyond it by my realization of its incompleteness. I have certainly critiqued this morality rigorously, but I believe I have equally exposed the flaws and challenges of the hedonistic method (see especially chapters III and IV of Book II, and chapter V of Book IV). Regarding the two hedonistic principles, I don't believe any more strongly in the reasonableness of pursuing happiness in general than I do in the reasonableness of pursuing one's own happiness. It wasn't part of my plan to highlight this "Dualism of Practical Reason," as I've called it elsewhere: but I'm surprised at how much my perspective has confused even those critics who have understood it. I thought they would easily trace it back to the source from which I learned it, Butler’s well-known Sermons. I agree with Butler that “Reasonable Self-love and Conscience are the two principal or superior principles in human nature,” each of which we have a “clear obligation” to follow: and I don't (I believe) differ substantially from Butler in my views on reasonable self-love, or—setting theology aside—its connection to conscience. Nor do I differ from him in seeing conscience as essentially a function of practical Reason: “moral precepts,” he states in the Analogy (Part II. chap. viii.), “are precepts whose reason we understand.” My distinction starts when I ask myself, ‘Which of the precepts of our shared conscience do we actually see as ultimately reasonable?’ a question that Butler doesn’t seem to have seriously considered, and to which he hasn’t provided a satisfactory answer. The answer I found offered the rational foundation that I had long felt was missing in Bentham's Utilitarianism as an ethical theory, allowing me to move beyond the usual opposition between Intuitionists and Utilitarians.
PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION
In this third edition I have again made extensive alterations, and introduced a considerable amount of new matter. Some of these changes and additions are due to modifications of my own ethical or psychological views; but I do not think that any of these are of great importance in relation to the main subject of the treatise. And by far the largest part of the new matter introduced has been written either (1) to remove obscurities, ambiguities, and minor inconsistencies in the exposition of my views which the criticisms[5] of others or my[xii] own reflection have enabled me to discover; or (2) to treat as fully as seemed desirable certain parts or aspects of the subject which I had either passed over altogether or discussed too slightly in my previous editions, and on which it now appears to me important to explain my opinions, either for the greater completeness of my treatise,—according to my own view of the subject,—or for its better adaptation to the present state of ethical thought in England. The most important changes of the first kind have been made in chaps. i. and ix. of Book i., chaps, i.-iii. of Book ii., and chaps. i., xiii., and xiv. of Book iii.: under the second head I may mention the discussions of the relation of intellect to moral action in Book i. chap. iii., of volition in Book i. chap. v., of the causes of pleasure and pain in Book ii. chap. vi., of the notion of virtue in the morality of Common Sense in Book iii. chap. ii., and of evolutional ethics in Book iv. chap. iv. (chiefly).
In this third edition, I’ve made significant changes and added a lot of new content. Some of these updates reflect shifts in my own ethical or psychological views, but I don't believe any of them are particularly crucial to the main topic of the treatise. The majority of the new material has been included either (1) to clarify uncertainties, ambiguities, and minor inconsistencies in the presentation of my ideas, which were revealed through feedback[5] from others or my own reflection; or (2) to thoroughly address certain parts or aspects of the subject that I either previously overlooked or discussed too briefly, and which I now feel are important to elaborate on, either for a more complete understanding of the topic according to my perspective or to better align it with the current state of ethical thought in England. The most significant changes of the first type can be found in chapters i. and ix. of Book I, chapters i-iii. of Book II, and chapters i, xiii, and xiv of Book III. Under the second category, I’d highlight the discussions on the relationship between intellect and moral action in Book I, chapter iii, on volition in Book I, chapter v, on the causes of pleasure and pain in Book II, chapter vi, on the concept of virtue in the morality of Common Sense in Book III, chapter ii, and on evolutionary ethics in Book IV, chapter iv (mainly).
I may add that all the important alterations and additions have been published in a separate form, for the use of purchasers of my second edition.
I should mention that all the key changes and additions have been published separately for the benefit of buyers of my second edition.
PREFACE TO THE FOURTH EDITION
The chief alterations in this fourth edition are the following. (1) I have expanded the discussion on Free Will in Book i. chap. v. § 3, to meet the criticisms of Mr. Fowler, in his Principles of Morals, and Dr. Martineau, in his Types of Ethical Theory. (2) In consequence of the publication of the last-mentioned work, I have rewritten part of chap. xii. of Book iii., which deals with the Ethical view maintained by Dr. Martineau. (3) I have expanded the argument in Book[xiii] iii. chap. xiv., to meet objections ably urged by Mr. Rashdall in Mind (April 1885). (4) I have somewhat altered the concluding chapter, in consequence of an important criticism by Prof. v. Gizycki (Vierteljahrsschrift für Wissenschaftliche Philosophie, Jahrg. iv. Heft i.) which I had inadvertently overlooked in preparing the third edition. Several pages of new matter have thus been introduced: for which—I am glad to say—I have made room by shortening what seemed prolix, omitting what seemed superfluous, and relegating digressions to notes, in other parts of the work: so that the bulk of the whole is not increased.
The main changes in this fourth edition are as follows. (1) I have expanded the discussion on Free Will in Book I, chapter v, section 3, to address the critiques from Mr. Fowler in his Principles of Morals and Dr. Martineau in his Types of Ethical Theory. (2) Following the publication of the latter work, I have rewritten part of chapter xii of Book III, which covers the Ethical perspective put forward by Dr. Martineau. (3) I have extended the argument in Book[xiii] III, chapter xiv, to respond to well-articulated objections from Mr. Rashdall in Mind (April 1885). (4) I have made some changes to the concluding chapter due to a significant critique by Prof. v. Gizycki (Vierteljahrsschrift für Wissenschaftliche Philosophie, Jahrg. iv. Heft i.) that I unintentionally overlooked while preparing the third edition. As a result, I've added several pages of new material: I’m pleased to note that I created space for this by condensing parts that were too long, removing what was unnecessary, and moving digressions to footnotes in other sections of the work, so the overall size remains the same.
For the index which forms a new feature in the present edition I am indebted to the kindness of Miss Jones of Girton College, the author of Elements of Logic as a Science of Propositions.
For the index that is a new addition in this edition, I owe my thanks to Miss Jones of Girton College, the author of Elements of Logic as a Science of Propositions.
PREFACE TO THE FIFTH EDITION
Such criticisms of my Ethical opinions and reasonings as have come under my notice, since the publication of the fourth edition of this treatise, have chiefly related to my treatment of the question of Free Will in Book i. chap. v., or to the hedonistic view of Ultimate Good, maintained in Book iii. chap. iv. I have accordingly rewritten certain parts of these two chapters, in the hope of making my arguments more clear and convincing: in each case a slight change in view will be apparent to a careful reader who compares the present with the preceding edition: but in neither case does the change affect the main substance of the argument. Alterations, in one or two cases not inconsiderable, have been made in several other chapters, especially Book i. chap. ii., and Book iii. chaps. i. and ii.: but they have chiefly aimed at removing defects of exposition, and do not (I think) in any case imply any material change of view.
Since the publication of the fourth edition of this book, I've noticed that most criticisms of my ethical opinions and reasoning focus on my discussion of Free Will in Book I, Chapter V, or the hedonistic perspective on Ultimate Good presented in Book III, Chapter IV. As a result, I have rewritten certain parts of these two chapters to clarify and strengthen my arguments. A careful reader will notice some slight changes in perspective when comparing this edition to the previous one; however, the core substance of the arguments remains unchanged. Additionally, there have been notable alterations in several other chapters, particularly in Book I, Chapter II, and Book III, Chapters I and II. These changes are mainly aimed at improving clarity and do not, in my view, suggest any significant shift in perspective.
My thanks are again due to Miss Jones, of Girton College, for reading through the proofs of this edition and making most useful corrections and suggestions: as well as for revising the index which she kindly made for the fourth edition.
My thanks go once again to Miss Jones from Girton College for reviewing the proofs of this edition and providing valuable corrections and suggestions, as well as for updating the index that she generously created for the fourth edition.
PREFACE TO THE SIXTH EDITION
The revision of The Methods of Ethics for this edition was begun by Professor Sidgwick and carried through by him up to p. 276, on which the last of his corrections on the copy were made. The latter portion of his revision was done under the pressure of severe illness, the increase of which prevented him from continuing it beyond the point mentioned; and by the calamity of his death the rest of the book remains without the final touches which it might have received from his hand. In accordance with his wish, I have seen pp. 277 to 509 through the press unchanged—except for a few small alterations which he had indicated, and the insertion on pp. 457-459 of the concluding passage of Book iv. chapter iii.[6] Such alterations as were made by Professor Sidgwick in this edition prior to p. 276 will be found chiefly in chapters i.-v. and ix. of Book i., and chapters iii. and vi. of Book ii.
The revision of The Methods of Ethics for this edition was started by Professor Sidgwick and completed by him up to page 276, which is where he made his last corrections on the manuscript. The latter part of his revision was done while he was seriously ill, and the worsening of his condition prevented him from continuing past that point; following his unfortunate death, the rest of the book lacks the final touches that he could have provided. In line with his wishes, I have ensured that pages 277 to 509 went to print unchanged—except for a few minor adjustments he indicated, and the inclusion on pages 457-459 of the closing passage from Book iv. chapter iii.[6] The changes made by Professor Sidgwick in this edition prior to page 276 can be found mainly in chapters i.-v. and ix. of Book i., and chapters iii. and vi. of Book ii.
The Appendix on “The Kantian Conception of Free Will,” promised in note 1 on p. 58 of this edition, is substantially a reprint of a paper by Professor Sidgwick under that heading which appeared in Mind, vol. xiii. No. 51, and accurately covers the ground indicated in the note.
The Appendix on “The Kantian Conception of Free Will,” promised in note 1 on p. 58 of this edition, is mainly a reprint of a paper by Professor Sidgwick with that title that was published in Mind, vol. xiii. No. 51, and effectively covers the topics mentioned in the note.
There is one further matter of importance. Among the MS. material which Professor Sidgwick intended to be referred to, in preparing this edition for the press, there occurs, as part of the MS. notes for a lecture, a brief history of the development in his thought of the ethical view which he has set[xv] forth in the Methods of Ethics. This, though not in a finished condition, is in essentials complete and coherent, and since it cannot fail to have peculiar value and interest for students of the book, it has been decided to insert it here. Such an arrangement seems to a certain extent in harmony with the author’s own procedure in the Preface to the Second Edition; and in this way while future students of the Methods will have access to an introductory account which both ethically and historically is of very exceptional interest, no dislocation of the text will be involved.
There’s one more important thing to address. Among the manuscript material that Professor Sidgwick planned to incorporate when preparing this edition, there’s a brief history of how his ethical views have evolved, which is included as part of the notes for a lecture. This section, while not fully polished, is essentially complete and coherent. Since it will undoubtedly be valuable and interesting for students of the book, we’ve decided to include it here. This approach aligns somewhat with the author’s method in the Preface to the Second Edition. In this way, future students of the Methods will have access to an introductory explanation that is both ethically and historically significant, without disrupting the original text.
In the account referred to Professor Sidgwick says:—
In the account mentioned, Professor Sidgwick says:—
“My first adhesion to a definite Ethical system was to the Utilitarianism of Mill: I found in this relief from the apparently external and arbitrary pressure of moral rules which I had been educated to obey, and which presented themselves to me as to some extent doubtful and confused; and sometimes, even when clear, as merely dogmatic, unreasoned, incoherent. My antagonism to this was intensified by the study of Whewell’s Elements of Morality which was prescribed for the study of undergraduates in Trinity. It was from that book that I derived the impression—which long remained uneffaced—that Intuitional moralists were hopelessly loose (as compared to mathematicians) in their definitions and axioms.
"My first commitment to a specific ethical system was to Mill's Utilitarianism. I found it a relief from the seemingly external and arbitrary pressure of moral rules I had been taught to follow, which often felt doubtful and confusing; and sometimes, even when they were clear, they seemed just dogmatic, unreasoned, and incoherent. My opposition to this was deepened by studying Whewell’s Elements of Morality, which was required reading for undergraduates at Trinity. From that book, I got the impression—which lasted for a long time—that intuitional moralists were hopelessly vague (compared to mathematicians) in their definitions and axioms."
The two elements of Mill’s view which I am accustomed to distinguish as Psychological Hedonism [that each man does seek his own Happiness] and Ethical Hedonism [that each man ought to seek the general Happiness] both attracted me, and I did not at first perceive their incoherence.
The two parts of Mill's perspective that I usually identify as Psychological Hedonism [that everyone naturally seeks their own happiness] and Ethical Hedonism [that everyone should aim for the overall happiness] both intrigued me, and I didn’t realize at first that they were inconsistent.
Psychological Hedonism—the law of universal pleasure-seeking—attracted me by its frank naturalness. Ethical Hedonism, as expounded by Mill, was morally inspiring by its dictate of readiness for absolute self-sacrifice. They appealed to different elements of my nature, but they brought these into apparent harmony: they both used the same words “pleasure,” “happiness,” and the persuasiveness of Mill’s exposition veiled for a time the profound discrepancy between the natural end of action—private happiness, and the end of duty—general happiness. Or if a doubt assailed me as to the coincidence of private and general happiness, I was inclined to hold that it ought to be cast to the winds by a generous resolution.
Psychological Hedonism—the idea that everyone seeks pleasure—caught my attention with its straightforward approach. Ethical Hedonism, as explained by Mill, was morally uplifting because it called for a willingness to make complete self-sacrifices. They appealed to different parts of who I am, but they seemed to fit together: they both talked about “pleasure,” “happiness,” and Mill’s convincing arguments temporarily obscured the serious gap between the personal goal of action—individual happiness—and the goal of duty—overall happiness. Even if I questioned whether personal and collective happiness aligned, I tended to believe it should be disregarded in favor of a noble decision.
But a sense grew upon me that this method of dealing with the conflict between Interest and Duty, though perhaps proper for[xvi] practice could not be final for philosophy. For practical men who do not philosophise, the maxim of subordinating self-interest, as commonly conceived, to “altruistic” impulses and sentiments which they feel to be higher and nobler is, I doubt not, a commendable maxim; but it is surely the business of Ethical Philosophy to find and make explicit the rational ground of such action.
But I started to feel that this way of handling the conflict between self-interest and duty, while maybe suitable for practical use, couldn't be the final answer for philosophy. For practical people who don’t think philosophically, the idea of putting self-interest, as usually understood, below “altruistic” feelings and impulses that they see as higher and more noble is, I believe, a worthy principle; but it is definitely the role of Ethical Philosophy to identify and clarify the rational basis for such actions.
I therefore set myself to examine methodically the relation of Interest and Duty.
I set out to carefully examine the connection between Interest and Duty.
This involved a careful study of Egoistic Method, to get the relation of Interest and Duty clear. Let us suppose that my own Interest is paramount. What really is my Interest, how far can acts conducive to it be known, how far does the result correspond with Duty (or Wellbeing of Mankind)? This investigation led me to feel very strongly this opposition, rather than that which Mill and the earlier Utilitarians felt between so-called Intuitions or Moral Sense Perceptions, and Hedonism, whether Epicurean or Utilitarian. Hence the arrangement of my book—ii., iii., iv. [Book ii. Egoism, Book iii. Intuitionism, Book iv. Utilitarianism].
This involved a careful study of Egoistic Method to clarify the relationship between Interest and Duty. Let’s assume that my own Interest takes precedence. What exactly is my Interest? How can we identify actions that promote it? How well do the outcomes align with Duty (or the Wellbeing of Mankind)? This investigation made me strongly recognize this opposition, rather than the one that Mill and the earlier Utilitarians observed between so-called Intuitions or Moral Sense Perceptions and Hedonism, whether Epicurean or Utilitarian. Therefore, that’s how I organized my book—ii., iii., iv. [Book ii. Egoism, Book iii. Intuitionism, Book iv. Utilitarianism].
The result was that I concluded that no complete solution of the conflict between my happiness and the general happiness was possible on the basis of mundane experience. This [conclusion I] slowly and reluctantly accepted—cf. Book ii. chap. v., and last chapter of treatise [Book ii. chap. v. is on “Happiness and Duty,” and the concluding chapter is on “The Mutual Relations of the Three Methods”]. This [was] most important to me.
The result was that I concluded that no complete solution to the conflict between my happiness and the general happiness was possible based on everyday experiences. I slowly and reluctantly accepted this conclusion—cf. Book ii. chap. v., and last chapter of the treatise [Book ii. chap. v. is on “Happiness and Duty,” and the concluding chapter is on “The Mutual Relations of the Three Methods”]. This was very important to me.
In consequence of this perception, moral choice of the general happiness or acquiescence in self-interest as ultimate, became practically necessary. But on what ground?
As a result of this understanding, the moral decision between general happiness and giving in to self-interest as the ultimate goal became practically essential. But on what basis?
I put aside Mill’s phrases that such sacrifice was “heroic”: that it was not “well” with me unless I was in a disposition to make it. I put to him in my mind the dilemma:—Either it is for my own happiness or it is not. If not, why [should I do it]?—It was no use to say that if I was a moral hero I should have formed a habit of willing actions beneficial to others which would remain in force, even with my own pleasure in the other scale. I knew that at any rate I was not the kind of moral hero who does this without reason; from blind habit. Nor did I even wish to be that kind of hero: for it seemed to me that that kind of hero, however admirable, was certainly not a philosopher. I must somehow see that it was right for me to sacrifice my happiness for the good of the whole of which I am a part.
I set aside Mill's phrases about how such sacrifice was "heroic": that I was not doing "well" unless I was ready to make it. In my mind, I posed the dilemma: Either it is for my own happiness or it isn’t. If it isn’t, then why should I do it? It didn’t help to say that if I were a moral hero, I should have developed a habit of doing things that benefit others, which would still hold true even if my own pleasure was in the other balance. I knew that, at the very least, I was not the type of moral hero who did this without reason; not out of blind habit. And I didn't even want to be that kind of hero: because it seemed to me that such a hero, while admirable, was definitely not a philosopher. I needed to somehow see that it was right for me to sacrifice my happiness for the good of the whole that I am a part of.
Thus, in spite of my early aversion to Intuitional Ethics, derived from the study of Whewell, and in spite of my attitude of discipleship to Mill, I was forced to recognise the need of a fundamental ethical intuition.
So, even though I initially disliked Intuitional Ethics, influenced by my study of Whewell, and despite my loyalty to Mill, I had to acknowledge the necessity of a basic ethical intuition.
The utilitarian method—which I had learnt from Mill—could[xvii] not, it seemed to me, be made coherent and harmonious without this fundamental intuition.
The utilitarian method—which I had learned from Mill—could[xvii] not, it seemed to me, be made coherent and harmonious without this fundamental intuition.
In this state of mind I read Kant’s Ethics again: I had before read it somewhat unintelligently, under the influence of Mill’s view as to its “grotesque failure.”[7] I now read it more receptively and was impressed with the truth and importance of its fundamental principle:—Act from a principle or maxim that you can will to be a universal law—cf. Book iii. chap. i. § 3 [of The Methods of Ethics]. It threw the “golden rule” of the gospel (“Do unto others as ye would that others should do unto you”) into a form that commended itself to my reason.
In this state of mind, I read Kant’s Ethics again: I had previously read it somewhat mindlessly, influenced by Mill’s opinion of its “grotesque failure.”[7] I approached it with a more open mindset this time and was struck by the truth and significance of its core principle:—Act according to a principle or maxim that you can will to be a universal law—cf. Book iii. chap. i. § 3 [of The Methods of Ethics]. It reformulated the “golden rule” of the gospel (“Do unto others as you would have them do unto you”) in a way that resonated with my reasoning.
Kant’s resting of morality on Freedom did not indeed commend itself to me,[8] though I did not at first see, what I now seem to see clearly, that it involves the fundamental confusion of using “freedom” in two distinct senses—“freedom” that is realised only when we do right, when reason triumphs over inclination, and “freedom” that is realised equally when we choose to do wrong, and which is apparently implied in the notion of ill-desert. What commended itself to me, in short, was Kant’s ethical principle rather than its metaphysical basis. This I briefly explain in Book iii. chap. i. § 3 [of The Methods of Ethics]. I shall go into it at more length when we come to Kant.
Kant’s grounding of morality in Freedom didn't really appeal to me,[8] although I didn't initially realize, what I now understand clearly, that it involves the basic confusion of using “freedom” in two different ways—“freedom” that is achieved only when we do the right thing, when reason wins over desire, and “freedom” that is achieved just as much when we choose to do wrong, which is apparently included in the idea of deserving blame. What appealed to me, in short, was Kant’s ethical principle rather than its metaphysical foundation. I briefly explain this in Book iii. chap. i. § 3 [of The Methods of Ethics]. I'll go into it in more detail when we discuss Kant.
That whatever is right for me must be right for all persons in similar circumstances—which was the form in which I accepted the Kantian maxim—seemed to me certainly fundamental, certainly true, and not without practical importance.
That whatever is right for me must be right for everyone in similar situations—which was how I understood the Kantian principle—seemed to me absolutely fundamental, undeniably true, and not without real-world significance.
But the fundamental principle seemed to me inadequate for the construction of a system of duties; and the more I reflected on it the more inadequate it appeared.
But the basic principle seemed insufficient for building a system of duties; and the more I thought about it, the more insufficient it seemed.
On reflection it did not seem to me really to meet the difficulty which had led me from Mill to Kant: it did not settle finally the subordination of Self-interest to Duty.
On reflection, it didn't seem to really address the issue that had caused me to move from Mill to Kant: it didn't ultimately resolve the subordination of self-interest to duty.
For the Rational Egoist—a man who had learnt from Hobbes that Self-preservation is the first law of Nature and Self-interest the only rational basis of social morality—and in fact, its actual basis, so far as it is effective—such a thinker might accept the Kantian principle and remain an Egoist.
For the Rational Egoist—a person who learned from Hobbes that self-preservation is the primary law of nature and self-interest is the only logical foundation for social morality—and in reality, its true foundation, as far as it is effective—this kind of thinker might accept the Kantian principle and still be an Egoist.
He might say, “I quite admit that when the painful necessity comes for another man to choose between his own happiness and the general happiness, he must as a reasonable being prefer his own, i.e. it is right for him to do this on my principle. No doubt, as I probably do not sympathise with him in particular any more than with other persons, I as a disengaged spectator should like[xviii] him to sacrifice himself to the general good: but I do not expect him to do it, any more than I should do it myself in his place.”
He might say, “I fully admit that when someone faces the painful choice between their own happiness and the happiness of others, it's only reasonable for them to prioritize their own. In other words, according to my principles, it's right for them to choose their own happiness. Of course, since I probably don't feel any more sympathy for him than I do for anyone else, as an impartial observer, I'd prefer if he sacrificed himself for the greater good. But I don't expect him to do that, just as I wouldn't do it myself if I were in his position.”
It did not seem to me that this reasoning could be effectively confuted. No doubt it was, from the point of view of the universe, reasonable to prefer the greater good to the lesser, even though the lesser good was the private happiness of the agent. Still, it seemed to me also undeniably reasonable for the individual to prefer his own. The rationality of self-regard seemed to me as undeniable as the rationality of self-sacrifice. I could not give up this conviction, though neither of my masters, neither Kant nor Mill, seemed willing to admit it: in different ways, each in his own way, they refused to admit it.
It didn't seem to me that this reasoning could be effectively disproven. No doubt, from the universe's perspective, it made sense to favor the greater good over the lesser, even if the lesser good was the personal happiness of the individual. Still, it also seemed undeniably reasonable for a person to prioritize their own happiness. The rationality of self-interest seemed just as clear to me as the rationality of self-sacrifice. I couldn’t let go of this belief, even though neither of my mentors, Kant nor Mill, seemed willing to accept it: in their own unique ways, each refused to acknowledge it.
I was, therefore, [if] I may so say, a disciple on the loose, in search of a master—or, if the term ‘master’ be too strong, at any rate I sought for sympathy and support, in the conviction which I had attained in spite of the opposite opinions of the thinkers from whom I had learnt most.
I was, therefore, if I may say so, a wandering student, looking for a mentor—or, if the word 'mentor' feels too intense, at least I was seeking understanding and encouragement, holding onto the beliefs I had developed despite the differing views of the thinkers who had taught me the most.
It was at this point then that the influence of Butler came in. For the stage at which I had thus arrived in search of an ethical creed, at once led me to understand Butler, and to find the support and intellectual sympathy that I required in his view.
It was at this point that Butler's influence became apparent. The stage I had reached in my search for an ethical belief helped me understand Butler and find the support and intellectual connection I needed in his perspective.
I say to understand him, for hitherto I had misunderstood him, as I believe most people then misunderstood, and perhaps still misunderstand, him. He had been presented to me as an advocate of the authority of Conscience; and his argument, put summarily, seemed to be that because reflection on our impulses showed us Conscience claiming authority therefore we ought to obey it. Well, I had no doubt that my conscience claimed authority, though it was a more utilitarian conscience than Butler’s: for, through all this search for principles I still adhered for practical purposes to the doctrine I had learnt from Mill, i.e. I still held to the maxim of aiming at the general happiness as the supreme directive rule of conduct, and I thought I could answer the objections that Butler brought against this view (in the “Dissertation on Virtue” at the end of the Analogy). My difficulty was, as I have said, that this claim of conscience, whether utilitarian or not, had to be harmonised with the claim of Rational Self-love; and that I vaguely supposed Butler to avoid or override [the latter claim].
I say I understand him now, because until then I had misunderstood him, as I believe most people did back then, and maybe still do. He was presented to me as a champion of the authority of Conscience; and his argument, put simply, seemed to be that because thinking about our impulses shows us that Conscience demands authority, we should obey it. Well, I had no doubt that my conscience claimed authority, although it was a more practical conscience than Butler’s: because, throughout this search for principles, I still held onto the doctrine I learned from Mill, meaning I still believed in the principle of pursuing general happiness as the main guiding rule for conduct. I thought I could respond to the objections that Butler raised against this view (in the “Dissertation on Virtue” at the end of the Analogy). My issue was, as I mentioned, that this claim of conscience, whether practical or not, had to be reconciled with the claim of Rational Self-love; and I vaguely thought that Butler avoided or dismissed [the latter claim].
But reading him at this stage with more care, I found in him, with pleasure and surprise, a view very similar to that which had developed itself in my own mind in struggling to assimilate Mill and Kant. I found he expressly admitted that “interest, my own happiness, is a manifest obligation,” and that “Reasonable Self-love” [is “one of the two chief or superior principles in the nature of man”]. That is, he recognised a “Dualism of the[xix] Governing Faculty”—or as I prefer to say “Dualism of the Practical Reason,” since the ‘authority’ on which Butler laid stress must present itself to my mind as the authority of reason, before I can admit it.
But after reading him more carefully at this stage, I was pleased and surprised to find a perspective very similar to what had developed in my own thoughts while trying to understand Mill and Kant. I noticed that he explicitly acknowledged that “interest, my own happiness, is a clear obligation,” and that “Reasonable Self-love” [is “one of the two main or superior principles in human nature”]. In other words, he recognized a “Dualism of the[xix] Governing Faculty”—or as I prefer to call it “Dualism of the Practical Reason,” since the ‘authority’ that Butler emphasized must come to my mind as the authority of reason before I can accept it.
Of this more presently: what I now wish to make clear is that it was on this side—if I may so say—that I entered into Butler’s system and came under the influence of his powerful and cautious intellect. But the effect of his influence carried me a further step away from Mill: for I was led by it to abandon the doctrine of Psychological Hedonism, and to recognise the existence of ‘disinterested’ or ‘extra-regarding’ impulses to action, [impulses] not directed towards the agent’s pleasure [cf. chap. iv. of Book i. of The Methods of Ethics]. In fact as regards what I may call a Psychological basis of Ethics, I found myself much more in agreement with Butler than Mill.
Of this more shortly: what I want to clarify now is that it was on this side—if I can put it that way—that I engaged with Butler’s system and was influenced by his strong and careful intellect. However, his influence took me further away from Mill: it led me to give up the idea of Psychological Hedonism and to acknowledge the existence of 'disinterested' or 'extra-regarding' motivations for action, motivations not aimed at the agent’s pleasure [cf. chap. iv. of Book i. of The Methods of Ethics]. In fact, when it comes to what I would call a psychological foundation of ethics, I found myself more aligned with Butler than with Mill.
And this led me to reconsider my relation to Intuitional Ethics. The strength and vehemence of Butler’s condemnation of pure Utilitarianism, in so cautious a writer, naturally impressed me much. And I had myself become, as I had to admit to myself, an Intuitionist to a certain extent. For the supreme rule of aiming at the general happiness, as I had come to see, must rest on a fundamental moral intuition, if I was to recognise it as binding at all. And in reading the writings of the earlier English Intuitionists, More and Clarke, I found the axiom I required for my Utilitarianism [That a rational agent is bound to aim at Universal Happiness], in one form or another, holding a prominent place (cf. History of Ethics, pp. 172, 181).
And this made me rethink my connection to Intuitional Ethics. The intensity and forcefulness of Butler’s criticism of pure Utilitarianism, especially from such a careful writer, really struck me. I had to admit that I had become somewhat of an Intuitionist myself. The ultimate rule of pursuing general happiness, as I realized, needs to be based on a fundamental moral intuition if I am to see it as binding at all. While reading the works of earlier English Intuitionists, More and Clarke, I found the principle I needed for my Utilitarianism [That a rational agent is bound to aim at Universal Happiness], presented in one form or another, consistently prominent (cf. History of Ethics, pp. 172, 181).
I had then, theoretically as well as practically, accepted this fundamental moral intuition; and there was also the Kantian principle, which I recognised as irresistibly valid, though not adequate to give complete guidance.—I was then an “intuitional” moralist to this extent: and if so, why not further? The orthodox moralists such as Whewell (then in vogue) said that there was a whole intelligible system of intuitions: but how were they to be learnt? I could not accept Butler’s view as to the sufficiency of a plain man’s conscience: for it appeared to me that plain men agreed rather verbally than really.
I had, both theoretically and practically, accepted this basic moral intuition; and there was also the Kantian principle, which I found undeniably valid, although it didn’t provide complete guidance. I was, to some extent, an “intuitional” moralist, so why not go further? The traditional moralists like Whewell (who was popular at the time) claimed that there was a whole understandable system of intuitions, but how were they supposed to be learned? I couldn’t accept Butler’s idea that a regular person’s conscience was enough, because it seemed to me that regular people agreed more in words than in genuine understanding.
In this state of mind I had to read Aristotle again; and a light seemed to dawn upon me as to the meaning and drift of his procedure—especially in Books ii., iii., iv. of the Ethics—(cf. History of Ethics, chap. ii. § 9, p. 58, read to end of section).
In this mindset, I had to read Aristotle again, and it felt like a lightbulb went off for me regarding the meaning and direction of his approach—especially in Books ii, iii, and iv of the Ethics—(see History of Ethics, chap. ii. § 9, p. 58, read to the end of the section).
What he gave us there was the Common Sense Morality of Greece, reduced to consistency by careful comparison: given not as something external to him but as what “we”—he and others—think, ascertained by reflection. And was not this really the Socratic induction, elicited by interrogation?
What he shared with us was the Common Sense Morality of Greece, made consistent through careful comparison: offered not as something separate from him but as what “we”—he and others—believe, determined through reflection. And wasn't this truly the Socratic method, brought out through questioning?
Might I not imitate this: do the same for our morality here and now, in the same manner of impartial reflection on current opinion?
Might I not copy this: do the same for our morality here and now, by reflecting impartially on current opinions?
Indeed ought I not to do this before deciding on the question whether I had or had not a system of moral intuitions? At any rate the result would be useful, whatever conclusion I came to.
Indeed should I not do this before deciding on the question of whether I had a system of moral intuitions or not? Anyway, the result would be useful, regardless of the conclusion I reached.
So this was the part of my book first written (Book iii., chaps. i.-xi.), and a certain imitation of Aristotle’s manner was very marked in it at first, and though I have tried to remove it where it seemed to me affected or pedantic, it still remains to some extent.
So this was the section of my book that was written first (Book iii., chaps. i.-xi.), and there was a noticeable influence of Aristotle's style at the beginning. Even though I've worked on removing it where it felt forced or overly intellectual, it still lingers to some degree.
But the result of the examination was to bring out with fresh force and vividness the difference between the maxims of Common Sense Morality (even the strongest and strictest, e.g. Veracity and Good Faith) and the intuitions which I had already attained, i.e. the Kantian Principle (of which I now saw the only certain element in Justice—“treat similar cases similarly”—to be a particular application), and the Fundamental Principle of Utilitarianism. And this latter was in perfect harmony with the Kantian Principle. I certainly could will it to be a universal law that men should act in such a way as to promote universal happiness; in fact it was the only law that it was perfectly clear to me that I could thus decisively will, from a universal point of view.
But the results of the examination highlighted even more clearly the differences between the principles of Common Sense Morality (even the strongest and strictest ones, like Truthfulness and Good Faith) and the insights I had already gained, specifically the Kantian Principle (where I now recognized that the only certain aspect of Justice—“treat similar cases similarly”—was just a specific application), along with the Fundamental Principle of Utilitarianism. The latter aligned perfectly with the Kantian Principle. I could definitely will it to be a universal law that people should act in a way that promotes universal happiness; in fact, it was the only law that was completely clear to me that I could unequivocally will from a universal perspective.
I was then a Utilitarian again, but on an Intuitional basis.
I was once again a Utilitarian, but this time based on intuition.
Also the previous reflection on hedonistic method for Book ii. had shown me its weaknesses. What was then to be done? [The] conservative attitude [to be observed] towards Common Sense [is] given in chapter v. of Book iv.: “Adhere generally, deviate and attempt reform only in exceptional cases in which,—notwithstanding the roughness of hedonistic method,—the argument against Common Sense is decisive.”
Also, the earlier reflection on the hedonistic method for Book II has shown me its weaknesses. So, what should be done now? The conservative attitude to take toward Common Sense is outlined in Chapter V of Book IV: “Stick to Common Sense generally, and only deviate and try to reform in exceptional cases where, despite the flaws of the hedonistic method, the argument against Common Sense is conclusive.”
In this state of mind I published my book: I tried to say what I had found: that the opposition between Utilitarianism and Intuitionism was due to a misunderstanding. There was indeed a fundamental opposition between the individual’s interest and either morality, which I could not solve by any method I had yet found trustworthy, without the assumption of the moral government of the world: so far I agreed with both Butler and Kant.
In this frame of mind, I published my book: I aimed to express what I discovered: that the conflict between Utilitarianism and Intuitionism stemmed from a misunderstanding. There was, in fact, a fundamental clash between individual interests and morality, which I couldn’t resolve using any reliable method I had come across, without assuming the moral governance of the world: in this regard, I aligned with both Butler and Kant.
But I could find no real opposition between Intuitionism and Utilitarianism.... The Utilitarianism of Mill and Bentham seemed to me to want a basis: that basis could only be supplied[xxi] by a fundamental intuition; on the other hand the best examination I could make of the Morality of Common Sense showed me no clear and self-evident principles except such as were perfectly consistent with Utilitarianism.
But I couldn't see any real conflict between Intuitionism and Utilitarianism. The Utilitarianism of Mill and Bentham seemed to lack a foundation; that foundation could only come from a fundamental intuition. On the other hand, the best analysis I could do of the Morality of Common Sense revealed no clear and obvious principles except those that perfectly aligned with Utilitarianism.
Still, investigation of the Utilitarian method led me to see defects [in it]: the merely empirical examination of the consequences of actions is unsatisfactory; and being thus conscious of the practical imperfection in many cases of the guidance of the Utilitarian calculus, I remained anxious to treat with respect, and make use of, the guidance afforded by Common Sense in these cases, on the ground of the general presumption which evolution afforded that moral sentiments and opinions would point to conduct conducive to general happiness; though I could not admit this presumption as a ground for overruling a strong probability of the opposite, derived from utilitarian calculations.”
Still, looking into the Utilitarian method made me notice flaws in it: just looking at the outcomes of actions isn't enough; and being aware of the practical shortcomings in many situations guided by the Utilitarian calculus left me wanting to respect and use the guidance offered by Common Sense in these cases, based on the general assumption that evolution suggested moral feelings and beliefs would lead to actions that promote overall happiness; although I couldn't accept this assumption as a reason to dismiss a strong likelihood of the opposite, coming from utilitarian calculations.
It only remains to mention that the Table of Contents and the Index have been revised in accordance with the changes in the text.
It only remains to mention that the Table of Contents and the Index have been updated to reflect the changes in the text.
E. E. Constance Jones.
E. E. Constance Jones.
Girton College,
Cambridge, April 1901.
Girton College,
Cambridge, April 1901.
PREFATORY NOTE TO THE SEVENTH EDITION
This Edition is a reprint of the Sixth, the only changes (besides correction of a few clerical errors) being an alteration of type in the passage which occurs on p. 457 in the Sixth Edition and pp. 457-459 in this Edition, together with consequent changes (1) in paging and indexing, (2) in the reference to the passage in question in the reprinted Preface to the Sixth Edition, and (3) in the insertion of the note on p. 457.
This edition is a reprint of the sixth. The only changes (besides fixing a few clerical errors) are a change in the type for the passage found on p. 457 in the sixth edition and pp. 457-459 in this edition, leading to updates in (1) paging and indexing, (2) the reference to that passage in the reprinted preface of the sixth edition, and (3) the addition of the note on p. 457.
E. E. C. J.
E. E. C. J.
December 1906.
December 1906.
CONTENTS
BOOK I | |
CHAPTER I | |
INTRODUCTION | |
PAGES | |
1. Ethics is a department of the Theory or Study of Practice. | 1-2 |
2. It is the study of what ought to be, so far as this depends upon the voluntary action of individuals. | 2-4 |
3. In deciding what they ought to do, men naturally proceed on different principles, and by different methods. | 4-6 |
4. There are two prima facie rational Ends, Excellence or Perfection and Happiness: of which the latter at least may be sought for oneself or universally. It is also commonly thought that certain Rules are prescribed without reference to ulterior consequences. The Methods corresponding to these different principles reduce themselves in the main to three, Egoism, Intuitionism, Utilitarianism. | 6-11 |
5. These methods we are to examine separately, abstracting them from ordinary thought, where we find them in confused combination, and developing them as precisely and consistently as possible. | 11-14 |
CHAPTER II | |
ETHICS AND POLITICS | |
1. In considering the relation between Ethics and Politics, we have to distinguish between Positive Law and Ideal Law. | 15-18 |
[xxiv]2. But at any rate the primary object of Ethics is not to determine what ought to be done in an ideal society: it therefore does not necessarily require as a preliminary the theoretical construction of such a society. | 18-22 |
CHAPTER III | |
ETHICAL JUDGMENTS | |
1. By ‘Reasonable’ conduct—whether morally or prudentially reasonable—we mean that of which we judge that it ‘ought’ to be done. Such a judgment cannot be legitimately interpreted as a judgment concerning facts, nor as referring exclusively to the means to ulterior ends: in particular, the term ‘ought,’ as used in moral judgments, does not merely signify that the person judging feels a specific emotion: | 23-28 |
2. nor does it merely signify that the conduct in question is prescribed under penalties: | 28-31 |
3. The notion expressed by “ought,” in its strictest ethical use is too elementary to admit of formal definition, or of resolution into simpler notions; it is assumed to be objectively valid; and judgments in which it is used when they relate to the future conduct of the person judging, are accompanied by a special kind of impulse to action. | 31-35 |
4. This ‘dictate of reason’ is also exemplified by merely prudential judgments; and by merely hypothetical imperatives. | 35-38 |
CHAPTER IV | |
PLEASURE AND DESIRE | |
1. The psychological doctrine, that the object of Desire is always Pleasure, is liable to collide with the view of Ethical judgments just given: and in any case deserves careful examination. | 39-42 |
2. If by “pleasure” is meant “agreeable feeling,” this doctrine is opposed to experience: for throughout the whole scale of our desires, from the highest to the lowest, we can distinguish impulses directed towards other ends than our own feelings from the desire of pleasure: | 42-51 |
3. as is further shown by the occasional conflict between the two kinds of impulse. | 51-52 |
4. Nor can the doctrine derive any real support from consideration either of the ‘unconscious’ or the ‘original’ aim of human action. | 52-54 |
Note | 54-56 |
CHAPTER V | |
FREE WILL | |
1. The Kantian identification of ‘Free’ and ‘Rational’ action is misleading from the ambiguity of the term ‘freedom.’ | 57-59 |
[xxv]2. When, by definition and analysis of voluntary action, the issue in the Free Will Controversy has been made clear, it appears that the cumulative argument for Determinism is almost overwhelming: | 59-65 |
3. still it is impossible to me in acting not to regard myself as free to do what I judge to be reasonable. However the solution of the metaphysical question of Free Will is not important—Theology apart—for systematic Ethics generally: | 65-70 |
4. it seems however to have a special relation to the notion of Justice: | 71-72 |
5. The practical unimportance of the question of Free Will becomes more clear if we scrutinize closely the range of volitional effects. | 72-76 |
CHAPTER VI | |
ETHICAL PRINCIPLES AND METHODS | |
1. The Methods indicated in chap. i. have a prima facie claim to proceed on reasonable principles: other principles seem, in so far as they can be made precise, to reduce themselves to these: | 77-80 |
2. especially the principle of “living according to Nature.” | 80-83 |
3. In short, all varieties of Method may conveniently be classed under three heads: Intuitionism and the two kinds of Hedonism, Egoistic and Universalistic. The common confusion between the two latter is easily explained, but must be carefully guarded against. | 83-87 |
Note | 87-88 |
CHAPTER VII | |
EGOISM AND SELF-LOVE | |
1. To get a clear idea of what is commonly known as Egoism, we must distinguish and exclude several possible meanings of the term: | 89-93 |
2. and define its end as the greatest attainable surplus of pleasure over pain for the agent,—pleasures being valued in proportion to their pleasantness. | 93-95 |
CHAPTER VIII | |
INTUITIONISM | |
1. I apply the term Intuitional—in the narrower of two legitimate senses—to distinguish a method in which the rightness of some kinds of action is assumed to be known without consideration of ulterior consequences. | 96-98 |
2. The common antithesis between Intuitive and Inductive is inexact, since this method does not necessarily proceed from the universal to the particular. We may distinguish Perceptional Intuitionism, according to which it is always the rightness of some particular action that is held to be immediately known: | 98-100 |
3. Dogmatic Intuitionism, in which the general rules of Common Sense are accepted as axiomatic: | 100-101 |
4. Philosophical Intuitionism, which attempts to find a deeper explanation for these current rules. | 101-103 |
[xxvi]Note | 103-104 |
CHAPTER IX | |
GOOD | |
1. Another important variety of Intuitionism is constituted by substituting for “right” the wider notion “good.” | 105-106 |
2. The common judgment that a thing is “good” does not on reflection appear to be equivalent to a judgment that it is directly or indirectly pleasant. | 106-109 |
3. “Good” = “desirable” or “reasonably desired”: as applied to conduct, the term does not convey so definite a dictate as “right,” and it is not confined to the strictly voluntary. | 109-113 |
4. There are many other things commonly judged to be good: but reflection shows that nothing is ultimately good except some mode of human existence. | 113-115 |
BOOK II | |
EGOISM | |
CHAPTER I | |
THE PRINCIPLE AND METHOD OF EGOISM | |
1. The Principle of Egoistic Hedonism is the widely accepted proposition that the rational end of conduct for each individual is the Maximum of his own Happiness or Pleasure. | 119-121 |
2. There are several methods of seeking this end: but we may take as primary that which proceeds by Empirical-reflective comparison of pleasures. | 121-122 |
CHAPTER II | |
EMPIRICAL HEDONISM | |
1. In this method it is assumed that all pleasures sought and pains shunned are commensurable; and can be arranged in a certain scale of preferableness: | 123-125 |
2. pleasure being defined as “feeling apprehended as desirable by the sentient individual at the time of feeling it.” | 125-130 |
[xxvii]Note | 130 |
CHAPTER III | |
EMPIRICAL HEDONISM (continued) | |
1. To get a clearer view of this method, let us consider objections tending to show its inherent impracticability: as, first, that “pleasure as feeling cannot be conceived,” and that a “sum of pleasures is intrinsically unmeaning”: | 131-134 |
2. that transient pleasures cannot satisfy; and that the predominance of self-love tends to defeat its own end: | 134-138 |
3. that the habit of introspectively comparing pleasures is unfavourable to pleasure: | 138-140 |
4. that any quantitative comparison of pleasures and pains is vague and uncertain, even in the case of our own past experiences: | 140-144 |
5. that it also tends to be different at different times: especially through variations in the present state of the person performing the comparison: | 144-146 |
6. that, in fact, the supposed definite commensurability of pleasures is an unverifiable assumption: | 146-147 |
7. that there is a similar liability to error in appropriating the experience of others; and in inferring future pleasures from past. | 147-150 |
CHAPTER IV | |
OBJECTIVE HEDONISM AND COMMON SENSE | |
1. It may seem that the judgments of Common Sense respecting the Sources of Happiness offer a refuge from the uncertainties of Empirical Hedonism: but there are several fundamental defects in this refuge; | 151-153 |
2. and these judgments when closely examined are found to be perplexingly inconsistent. | 153-158 |
3. Still we may derive from them a certain amount of practical guidance. | 158-161 |
CHAPTER V | |
HAPPINESS AND DUTY | |
1. It has been thought possible to prove on empirical grounds that one’s greatest happiness is always attained by the performance of duty. | 162-163 |
2. But no such complete coincidence seems to result from a consideration either of the Legal Sanctions of Duty: | 163-166 |
3. or of the Social Sanctions: | 166-170 |
[xxviii]4. or of the Internal Sanctions: even if we consider not merely isolated acts of duty, but a virtuous life as a whole. | 170-175 |
CHAPTER VI | |
DEDUCTIVE HEDONISM | |
1. Hedonistic Method must ultimately rest on facts of empirical observation: but it might become largely deductive, through scientific knowledge of the causes of pleasure and pain: | 176-180 |
2. but we have no practically available general theory of these causes, either psychophysical, | 180-190 |
3. or biological. | 190-192 |
4. Nor can the principle of ‘increasing life,’ or that of ‘aiming at self-development,’ or that of ‘giving free play to impulse,’ be so defined as to afford us any practical guidance to the end of Egoism, without falling back on the empirical comparison of pleasures and pains. | 192-195 |
BOOK III | |
INTUITIONISM | |
CHAPTER I | |
INTUITIONISM | |
1. The fundamental assumption of Intuitionism is that we have the power of seeing clearly what actions are in themselves right and reasonable. | 199-201 |
2. Though many actions are commonly judged to be made better or worse through the presence of certain motives, our common judgments of right and wrong relate, strictly speaking, to intentions. One motive, indeed, the desire to do what is right as such, has been thought an essential condition to right conduct: but the Intuitional method should be treated as not involving this assumption. | 201-207 |
3. It is certainly an essential condition that we should not believe the act to be wrong; and this implies that we should not believe it to be wrong for any similar person in similar circumstances: but this implication, though it may supply a valuable practical rule, cannot furnish a complete criterion of right conduct. | 207-210 |
4. The existence of apparent cognitions of right conduct, intuitively obtained, as distinct from their validity, will scarcely be questioned; and to establish their validity it is not needful to prove their ‘originality.’ | 210-214 |
[xxix]5. Both particular and universal intuitions are found in our common moral thought: but it is for the latter that ultimate validity is ordinarily claimed by intuitional moralists. We must try, by reflecting on Common Sense, how far we can state these Moral Axioms with clearness and precision. | 214-216 |
CHAPTER II | |
VIRTUE AND DUTY | |
1. Duties are Right acts, for the adequate performance of which a moral motive is at least occasionally necessary. Virtuous conduct includes the performance of duties as well as praiseworthy acts that are thought to go beyond strict duty, and that may even be beyond the power of some to perform. | 217-221 |
2. Virtues as commonly recognised, are manifested primarily in volitions to produce particular right effects—which must at least be thought by the agent to be not wrong—: but for the completeness of some virtues the presence of certain emotions seems necessary. | 221-228 |
3. It may be said that Moral Excellence, like Beauty, eludes definition: but if Ethical Science is to be constituted, we must obtain definite Moral Axioms. | 228-230 |
CHAPTER III | |
THE INTELLECTUAL VIRTUES | |
1. The common conception of Wisdom assumes a harmony of the ends of different ethical methods: all of which—and not one rather than another—the wise man is commonly thought to aim at and attain as far as circumstances admit. | 231-233 |
2. The Will is to some extent involved in forming wise decisions: but more clearly in acting on them—whatever we may call the Virtue thus manifested. | 233-236 |
3. Of minor intellectual excellences, some are not strictly Virtues: others are, such as Caution and Decision, being in part voluntary. | 236-237 |
Note | 237 |
CHAPTER IV | |
BENEVOLENCE | |
1. The Maxim of Benevolence bids us to some extent cultivate affections, and confer happiness | 238-241 |
2. on sentient, chiefly human, beings; especially in certain circumstances and relations, in which affections—which are hardly virtues—prompt to kind services. Rules for the distribution of Kindness are needed, | 241-246 |
3. as claims may conflict; but clearly binding rules cannot be obtained from Common Sense in a definite form; | 246-247 |
4. nor clear principles from which rules may be deduced; as is seen when we examine the duties to Kinsmen, as commonly conceived: | 247-250 |
[xxx]5. and the wider duties of Neighbourhood, Citizenship, Universal Benevolence; and the duties of cultivating Reverence and Loyalty: | 250-254 |
6. and those springing from the Conjugal relation: | 254-256 |
7. and those of Friendship: | 256-259 |
8. and those of Gratitude: and those to which we are prompted by Pity. | 259-263 |
Note | 263 |
CHAPTER V | |
JUSTICE | |
1. Justice is especially difficult to define. The Just cannot be identified with the Legal, as laws may be unjust. Again, the Justice of laws does not consist merely in the absence of arbitrary inequality in framing or administering them. | 264-268 |
2. One element of Justice seems to consist in the fulfilment of (1) contracts and definite understandings, and (2) expectations arising naturally out of the established order of Society; but the duty of fulfilling these latter is somewhat indefinite: | 268-271 |
3. and this social order may itself, from another point of view, be condemned as unjust; that is, as tried by the standard of Ideal Justice. What then is this Standard? We seem to find various degrees and forms of it. | 271-274 |
4. One view of Ideal Law states Freedom as its absolute End: but the attempt to construct a system of law on this principle involves us in insuperable difficulties. | 274-278 |
5. Nor does the realisation of Freedom satisfy our common conception of Ideal Justice. The principle of this is rather ‘that Desert should be requited.’ | 278-283 |
6. But the application of this principle is again very perplexing: whether we try to determine Good Desert (or the worth of services), | 283-290 |
7. or Ill Desert, in order to realise Criminal Justice. There remains too the difficulty of reconciling Conservative and Ideal Justice. | 290-294 |
CHAPTER VI | |
LAWS AND PROMISES | |
1. The duty of obeying Laws, though it may to a great extent be included under Justice, still requires a separate treatment. We can, however, obtain no consensus for any precise definition of it. | 295-297 |
2. For we are neither agreed as to what kind of government is ideally legitimate, | 297-299 |
3. nor as to the criterion of a traditionally legitimate government, | 299-301 |
4. nor as to the proper limits of governmental authority. | 301-303 |
5. The duty of fulfilling a promise in the sense in which it was understood by both promiser and promisee is thought to be peculiarly stringent and certain | 303-304 |
6. (it being admitted that its obligation is relative to the promisee, and may be annulled by him, and that it cannot override strict prior obligations). | 304-305 |
[xxxi]7. But Common Sense seems to doubt how far a promise is binding when it has been obtained by force or fraud: | 305-306 |
8. or when circumstances have materially altered since it was made—especially if it be a promise to the dead or absent, from which no release can be obtained, or if the performance of the promise will be harmful to the promisee, or inflict a disproportionate sacrifice on the promiser. | 306-308 |
9. Other doubts arise when a promise has been misapprehended: and in the peculiar case where a prescribed form of words has been used. | 308-311 |
CHAPTER VII | |
CLASSIFICATION OF DUTIES. TRUTH | |
1. I have not adopted the classification of duties into Social and Self-regarding: as it seems inappropriate to the Intuitional method, of which the characteristic is, that it lays down certain absolute and independent rules: such as the rule of Truth. | 312-315 |
2. But Common Sense after all scarcely seems to prescribe truth-speaking under all circumstances: nor to decide clearly whether the beliefs which we are bound to make true are those directly produced by our words or the immediate inferences from these. | 315-317 |
3. It is said that the general allowance of Unveracity would be suicidal, as no one would believe the falsehood. But this argument, though forcible, is not decisive; for (1) this result may be in special circumstances desirable, or (2) we may have reason to expect that it will not occur. | 317-319 |
Note | 319 |
CHAPTER VIII | |
OTHER SOCIAL DUTIES AND VIRTUES | |
1. Common opinion sometimes condemns sweepingly malevolent feelings and volitions: but Reflective Common Sense seems to admit some as legitimate, determining the limits of this admission on utilitarian grounds. | 320-324 |
2. Other maxims of social duty seem clearly subordinate to those already discussed: as is illustrated by an examination of Liberality and other cognate notions. | 324-326 |
CHAPTER IX | |
SELF-REGARDING VIRTUES | |
1. The general duty of seeking one’s own happiness is commonly recognised under the notion of Prudence. | 327-328 |
[xxxii]2. This as specially applied to the control of bodily appetites is called Temperance: but under this notion a more rigid restraint is sometimes thought to be prescribed: though as to the principle of this there seems no agreement. | 328-329 |
3. Nor is it easy to give a clear definition of the maxim of Purity—but in fact common sense seems averse to attempt this. We must note, however, that suicide is commonly judged to be absolutely wrong. | 329-331 |
CHAPTER X | |
COURAGE, HUMILITY, ETC. | |
1. The Duty of Courage is subordinate to those already discussed: and in drawing the line between the Excellence of Courage and the Fault of Foolhardiness we seem forced to have recourse to considerations of expediency. | 332-334 |
2. Similarly the maxim of Humility seems either clearly subordinate or not clearly determinate. | 334-336 |
CHAPTER XI | |
REVIEW OF THE MORALITY OF COMMON SENSE | |
1. We have now to examine the moral maxims that have been defined, to ascertain whether they possess the characteristics of scientific intuitions. | 337-338 |
2. We require of an Axiom that it should be (1) stated in clear and precise terms, (2) really self-evident, (3) not conflicting with any other truth, (4) supported by an adequate ‘consensus of experts.’ These characteristics are not found in the moral maxims of Common Sense. | 338-343 |
3. The maxims of Wisdom and Self-control are only self-evident in so far as they are tautological: | 343-345 |
4. nor can we state any clear, absolute, universally-admitted axioms for determining the duties of the Affections: | 345-349 |
5. and as for the group of principles that were extracted from the common notion of Justice, we cannot define each singly in a satisfactory manner, still less reconcile them: | 349-352 |
6. and even the Duty of Good Faith, when we consider the numerous qualifications of it more or less doubtfully admitted by Common Sense, seems more like a subordinate rule than an independent First Principle. Still more is this the case with Veracity: | 352-355 |
7. similarly with other virtues: even the prohibition of Suicide, so far as rational, seems to rest ultimately on utilitarian grounds. | 355-357 |
8. Even Purity when we force ourselves to examine it rigorously yields no clear independent principle. | 357-359 |
9. The common moral maxims are adequate for practical guidance, but do not admit of being elevated into scientific axioms. | 359-361 |
CHAPTER XII | |
MOTIVES OR SPRINGS OF ACTION AS SUBJECTS OF MORAL JUDGMENT | |
[xxxiii]1. It has been held by several moralists that the “Universal Conscience” judges primarily not of Rightness of acts, but of Rank of Motives. | 362-365 |
2. If, however, we include the Moral Sentiments among these motives, this latter view involves all the difficulties and perplexities of the former, yet it is paradoxical to omit these sentiments. | 365-367 |
3. But even if we leave these out, we still find very little agreement as to Rank of Motives: and there is a special difficulty arising from complexity of motive. Nor does Common Sense seem to hold that a “higher” motive—below the highest—is always to be preferred to a “lower.” | 367-372 |
CHAPTER XIII | |
PHILOSOPHICAL INTUITIONISM | |
1. The Philosopher, as such, attempts to penetrate beneath the surface of Common Sense to some deeper principles: | 373-374 |
2. but has too often presented to the world, as the result of his investigation, tautological propositions and vicious circles. | 374-379 |
3. Still there are certain abstract moral principles of real importance, intuitively known; though they are not sufficient by themselves to give complete practical guidance. Thus we can exhibit a self-evident element in the commonly recognised principles of Prudence, Justice, and Benevolence. | 379-384 |
4. This is confirmed by a reference to Clarke’s and Kant’s systems: | 384-386 |
5. and also to Utilitarianism: which needs for its basis a self-evident principle of Rational Benevolence; as is shown by a criticism of Mill’s “proof.” | 386-389 |
Note | 389-390 |
CHAPTER XIV | |
ULTIMATE GOOD | |
1. The notion of Virtue, as commonly conceived, cannot without a logical circle be identified with the notion of Ultimate Good: | 391-394 |
2. nor is it in accordance with Common Sense to regard Subjective Rightness of Will, or other elements of Perfection, as constituting Ultimate Good. | 394-395 |
3. What is ultimately good or desirable must be Desirable Consciousness. | 395-397 |
4. i.e. either simply Happiness, or certain objective relations of the Conscious Mind. | 398-400 |
[xxxiv]5. When these alternatives are fairly presented, Common Sense seems disposed to choose the former: especially as we can now explain its instinctive disinclination to admit Pleasure as ultimate end: while the other alternative leaves us without a criterion for determining the comparative value of different elements of ‘Good.’ | 400-407 |
BOOK IV | |
UTILITARIANISM | |
CHAPTER I | |
THE MEANING OF UTILITARIANISM | |
1. The ethical theory called Utilitarianism, or Universalistic Hedonism, is to be carefully distinguished from Egoistic Hedonism: and also from any psychological theory as to the nature and origin of the Moral Sentiments. | 411-413 |
2. The notion of ‘Greatest Happiness’ has been determined in Book ii. chap. i.: but the extent and manner of its application require to be further defined. Are we to include all Sentient Beings? and is it Total or Average Happiness that we seek to make a maximum? We also require a supplementary Principle for Distribution of Happiness: the principle of Equality is prima facie reasonable. | 413-417 |
CHAPTER II | |
THE PROOF OF UTILITARIANISM | |
Common Sense demands a Proof of the first Principle of this method, more clearly than in the case of Egoism and Intuitionism. Such a proof, addressed to the Egoistic Hedonist, was in fact given in Book iii. chap. xiii. § 3: it exhibited the essence of the Utilitarian Principle as a clear and certain moral Intuition. But it is also important to examine its relation to other received maxims. | 418-422 |
CHAPTER III | |
THE RELATION OF UTILITARIANISM TO THE MORALITY OF COMMON SENSE | |
1. Taking as our basis Hume’s exhibition of the Virtues as Felicific qualities of character, we can trace a complex coincidence between Utilitarianism and Common Sense. It is not needful—nor does it even help the argument—to show this coincidence to be perfect and exact. | 423-426 |
[xxxv]2. We may observe, first, that Dispositions may often be admired (as generally felicific) when the special acts that have resulted from them are infelicific. Again, the maxims of many virtues are found to contain an explicit or implicit reference to Duty conceived as already determinate. Passing over these to examine the more definite among common notions of Duty: | 426-430 |
3. we observe, first, how the rules that prescribe the distribution of kindness in accordance with normal promptings of Family Affections, Friendship, Gratitude, and Pity have a firm Utilitarian basis: and how Utilitarianism is naturally referred to for an explanation of the difficulties that arise in attempting to define these rules. | 430-439 |
4. A similar result is reached by an examination, singly and together, of the different elements into which we have analysed the common notion of Justice: | 439-448 |
5. and in the case of other virtues. | 448-450 |
6. Purity has been thought an exception: but a careful examination of common opinions as to the regulation of sexual relations exhibits a peculiarly complex and delicate correspondence between moral sentiments and social utilities. | 450-453 |
7. The hypothesis that the Moral Sense is ‘unconsciously Utilitarian’ also accounts for the actual differences in different codes of Duty and estimates of Virtue, either in the same age and country, or when we compare different ages and countries. It is not maintained that perception of rightness has always been consciously derived from perception of utility: a view which the evidence of history fails to support. | 453-457 |
On the Utilitarian view, the relation between Ethics and Politics is different for different parts of the legal code. | 457-459 |
CHAPTER IV | |
THE METHOD OF UTILITARIANISM | |
1. Ought a Utilitarian, then, to accept the Morality of Common Sense provisionally as a body of Utilitarian doctrine? Not quite; for even accepting the theory that the Moral Sense is derived from Sympathy, we can discern several causes that must have operated to produce a divergence between Common Sense and a perfectly Utilitarian code of morality. | 460-467 |
2. At the same time it seems idle to try to construct such a code in any other way than by taking Positive Morality as our basis. | 467-471 |
3. If General Happiness be the ultimate end, it is not reasonable to adopt “social health” or “efficiency” as the practically ultimate criterion of morality. | 471-474 |
CHAPTER V | |
THE METHOD OF UTILITARIANISM (continued) | |
1. It is, then, a Utilitarian’s duty at once to support generally, and to rectify in detail, the morality of Common Sense: and the method of pure empirical Hedonism seems to be the only one that he can at present use in the reasonings that finally determine the nature and extent of this rectification. | 475-480 |
[xxxvi]2. His innovations may be either negative and destructive, or positive and supplementary. There are certain important general reasons against an innovation of the former kind, which may, in any given case, easily outweigh the special arguments in its favour. | 480-484 |
3. Generally, a Utilitarian in recommending, by example or precept, a deviation from an established rule of conduct, desires his innovation to be generally imitated. But in some cases he may neither expect nor desire such imitation; though cases of this kind are rare and difficult to determine. | 485-492 |
4. There are no similar difficulties in the way of modifying the Ideal of Moral Excellence—as distinguished from the dictates of Moral Duty—in order to render it more perfectly felicific. | 492-495 |
CONCLUDING CHAPTER | |
THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE THREE METHODS | |
1. It is not difficult to combine the Intuitional and Utilitarian methods into one; but can we reconcile Egoistic and Universalistic Hedonism? | 496-498 |
2. In so far as the latter coincides with Common Sense, we have seen in Book ii. chap. v. that no complete reconciliation is possible, on the basis of experience. | 498-499 |
3. Nor does a fuller consideration of Sympathy, as a specially Utilitarian sanction, lead us to modify this conclusion; in spite of the importance that is undoubtedly to be attached to sympathetic pleasures. | 499-503 |
4. The Religious Sanction, if we can show that it is actually attached to the Utilitarian Code, is of course adequate: | 503-506 |
5. but its existence cannot be demonstrated by ethical arguments alone. Still, without this or some similar assumption, a fundamental contradiction in Ethics cannot be avoided. | 506-509 |
APPENDIX on Kant's View of Free Will | 511 |
INDEX | 517 |
BOOK I
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTION
§ 1. The boundaries of the study called Ethics are variously and often vaguely conceived: but they will perhaps be sufficiently defined, at the outset, for the purposes of the present treatise, if a ‘Method of Ethics’ is explained to mean any rational procedure by which we determine what individual human beings ‘ought’—or what it is ‘right’ for them—to do, or to seek to realise by voluntary action.[9] By using the word “individual” I provisionally distinguish the study of Ethics from that of Politics,[10] which seeks to determine the proper constitution and the right public conduct of governed societies: both Ethics and Politics being, in my view, distinguished from positive sciences by having as their special and primary object to determine what ought to be, and not to ascertain what merely is, has been, or will be.
§ 1. The boundaries of the study called Ethics are often interpreted in different and sometimes unclear ways: but for the purposes of this treatise, we can define 'Method of Ethics' as any logical approach we use to figure out what individual human beings 'ought' to do—or what is 'right' for them to pursue through their voluntary actions.[9] By using the term "individual," I'm temporarily distinguishing the study of Ethics from that of Politics,[10] which aims to determine the proper structure and correct public behavior of governed societies: both Ethics and Politics, in my opinion, are different from positive sciences because they focus on what ought to be, rather than just discovering what simply is, has been, or will be.
The student of Ethics seeks to attain systematic and precise general knowledge of what ought to be, and in this sense his aims and methods may properly be termed ‘scientific’: but I have preferred to call Ethics a study rather than a science, because it is widely thought that a Science must necessarily[2] have some department of actual existence for its subject-matter. And in fact the term ‘Ethical Science’ might, without violation of usage, denote either the department of Psychology that deals with voluntary action and its springs, and with moral sentiments and judgments, as actual phenomena of individual human minds; or the department of Sociology dealing with similar phenomena, as manifested by normal members of the organised groups of human beings which we call societies. We observe, however, that most persons do not pursue either of these studies merely from curiosity, in order to ascertain what actually exists, has existed, or will exist in time. They commonly wish not only to understand human action, but also to regulate it; in this view they apply the ideas ‘good’ and ‘bad,’ ‘right’ and ‘wrong,’ to the conduct or institutions which they describe; and thus pass, as I should say, from the point of view of Psychology or Sociology to that of Ethics or Politics. My definition of Ethics is designed to mark clearly the fundamental importance of this transition. It is true that the mutual implication of the two kinds of study—the positive and the practical—is, on any theory, very close and complete. On any theory, our view of what ought to be must be largely derived, in details, from our apprehension of what is; the means of realising our ideal can only be thoroughly learnt by a careful study of actual phenomena; and to any individual asking himself ‘What ought I to do or aim at?’ it is important to examine the answers which his fellow-men have actually given to similar questions. Still it seems clear that an attempt to ascertain the general laws or uniformities by which the varieties of human conduct, and of men’s sentiments and judgments respecting conduct, may be explained, is essentially different from an attempt to determine which among these varieties of conduct is right and which of these divergent judgments valid. It is, then, the systematic consideration of these latter questions which constitutes, in my view, the special and distinct aim of Ethics and Politics.
The student of Ethics aims to gain a systematic and clear understanding of what should be, and in that sense, their goals and methods can be accurately described as 'scientific.' However, I've chosen to refer to Ethics as a study rather than a science because many believe a Science must focus on some aspect of actual existence. In fact, the term 'Ethical Science' could refer to the area of Psychology that deals with voluntary actions, their motivations, and moral feelings and judgments as real phenomena in individual human minds, or to the area of Sociology that examines similar phenomena as shown by regular members of the organized groups we call societies. However, most people do not pursue either of these studies purely out of curiosity to find out what actually exists, has existed, or will exist over time. They typically want not only to understand human behavior but also to shape it. In this regard, they use the terms 'good' and 'bad,' 'right' and 'wrong,' to evaluate the behavior or institutions they describe, thus shifting from the perspective of Psychology or Sociology to Ethics or Politics. My definition of Ethics aims to highlight the critical importance of this transition. It is true that the interplay between these two types of study—the positive and the practical—is very close and comprehensive. Our understanding of what ought to be largely stems from our grasp of what is; we can only thoroughly learn how to achieve our ideals through careful study of actual phenomena; and for anyone questioning, 'What should I do or aim for?' it's crucial to look at the responses given by others to similar questions. Yet, it’s clear that trying to identify the general laws or patterns that explain the different types of human behavior, along with people’s feelings and judgments about that behavior, is fundamentally different from determining which types of conduct are 'right' and which judgments are 'valid.' Therefore, I believe that the systematic exploration of these latter questions constitutes the unique and distinct purpose of Ethics and Politics.
§ 2. In the language of the preceding section I could not avoid taking account of two different forms in which the fundamental problem of Ethics is stated; the difference between which leads, as we shall presently see, to rather important consequences. Ethics is sometimes considered as an investi[3]gation of the true Moral laws or rational precepts of Conduct; sometimes as an inquiry into the nature of the Ultimate End of reasonable human action—the Good or ‘True Good’ of man—and the method of attaining it. Both these views are familiar, and will have to be carefully considered: but the former seems most prominent in modern ethical thought, and most easily applicable to modern ethical systems generally. For the Good investigated in Ethics is limited to Good in some degree attainable by human effort; accordingly knowledge of the end is sought in order to ascertain what actions are the right means to its attainment. Thus however prominent the notion of an Ultimate Good—other than voluntary action of any kind—may be in an ethical system, and whatever interpretation may be given to this notion, we must still arrive finally, if it is to be practically useful, at some determination of precepts or directive rules of conduct.
§ 2. In the language of the previous section, I had to acknowledge two different ways of framing the fundamental problem of Ethics; the difference between them leads, as we will soon see, to quite important implications. Ethics is sometimes viewed as an exploration of the true moral laws or rational guidelines for behavior; other times, it's seen as a study of the nature of the ultimate goal of reasonable human action—the Good or 'True Good' for humanity—and the methods to achieve it. Both perspectives are well-known and will need careful examination: however, the former seems to be more prominent in contemporary ethical thought and is more easily applicable to modern ethical systems overall. The Good examined in Ethics is confined to a Good that can be somewhat achieved through human effort; therefore, understanding the end goal is necessary to determine which actions are the right means to achieve it. So, no matter how significant the concept of an Ultimate Good—distinct from any voluntary action—might be in an ethical framework, and regardless of how this concept is interpreted, we must ultimately reach a determination of precepts or guiding rules of conduct if it is to be practically useful.
On the other hand, the conception of Ethics as essentially an investigation of the ‘Ultimate Good’ of Man and the means of attaining it is not universally applicable, without straining, to the view of Morality which we may conveniently distinguish as the Intuitional view; according to which conduct is held to be right when conformed to certain precepts or principles of Duty, intuitively known to be unconditionally binding. In this view the conception of Ultimate Good is not necessarily of fundamental importance in the determination of Right conduct except on the assumption that Right conduct itself—or the character realised in and developed through Right conduct—is the sole Ultimate Good for man. But this assumption is not implied in the Intuitional view of Ethics: nor would it, I conceive, accord with the moral common sense of modern Christian communities. For we commonly think that the complete notion of human Good or Well-being must include the attainment of Happiness as well as the performance of Duty; even if we hold with Butler that “the happiness of the world is the concern of Him who is the Lord and the Proprietor of it,” and that, accordingly, it is not right for men to make their performance of Duty conditional on their knowledge of its conduciveness to their Happiness. For those who hold this, what men ought to take as the practically ultimate end of their action and standard of Right conduct, may in some[4] cases have no logical connexion with the conception of Ultimate Good for man: so that, in such cases, however indispensable this latter conception may be to the completeness of an ethical system, it would still not be important for the methodical determination of Right conduct.
On the other hand, the idea of Ethics as essentially an exploration of the 'Ultimate Good' of humanity and the means to achieve it doesn't universally fit the Morality perspective that we can label as the Intuitional view. This perspective suggests that actions are considered right when they align with certain precepts or principles of Duty, which are intuitively recognized as unconditionally binding. In this view, the concept of Ultimate Good isn't necessarily crucial when deciding what constitutes Right conduct, unless we assume that Right conduct itself—or the character developed through it—is the only Ultimate Good for humanity. However, this assumption isn't part of the Intuitional view of Ethics, nor does it seem to align with the moral intuition of modern Christian communities. Generally, we believe that a complete understanding of human Good or Well-being must include both the pursuit of Happiness and the fulfillment of Duty; even if we agree with Butler that “the happiness of the world is the concern of Him who is the Lord and the Proprietor of it,” and therefore it’s not right for people to make their Duty contingent on knowing how it contributes to their Happiness. For those who believe this, what people should consider as the practically ultimate goal of their actions and standard for Right conduct may sometimes have no logical connection to the idea of Ultimate Good for humanity. Thus, in such cases, even though this latter idea may be essential for a complete ethical system, it wouldn’t be important for the systematic determination of Right conduct.
It is on account of the prevalence of the Intuitional view just mentioned, and the prominent place which it consequently occupies in my discussion, that in defining Ethics I have avoided the term ‘Art of Conduct’ which some would regard as its more appropriate designation. For the term ‘Art’—when applied to the contents of a treatise—seems to signify systematic express knowledge (as distinguished from the implicit knowledge or organised habit which we call skill) of the right means to a given end. Now if we assume that the rightness of action depends on its conduciveness to some ulterior end, then no doubt—when this end has been clearly ascertained—the process of determining the right rules of conduct for human beings in different relations and circumstances would naturally come under the notion of Art. But on the view that the practically ultimate end of moral action is often the Rightness of the action itself—or the Virtue realised in and confirmed by such action—and that this is known intuitively in each case or class of cases, we can hardly regard the term ‘Art’ as properly applicable to the systematisation of such knowledge. Hence, as I do not wish to start with any assumption incompatible with this latter view, I prefer to consider Ethics as the science or study of what is right or what ought to be, so far as this depends upon the voluntary action of individuals.[11]
It’s because of the popularity of the Intuitional view mentioned earlier and its significant role in my discussion that I have chosen to avoid the term ‘Art of Conduct’ when defining Ethics, which some may consider more fitting. The term ‘Art’—when referring to the content of a treatise—seems to imply organized, explicit knowledge (as opposed to the implicit understanding or developed habit we call skill) of the correct methods to achieve a particular goal. If we assume that the rightness of an action is determined by its effectiveness in achieving some further goal, then certainly—once that goal is clearly established—the process of identifying the right rules of conduct for people in various relationships and situations would naturally fall under the concept of Art. However, if we consider that the ultimate aim of moral action is often the Rightness of the action itself—or the Virtue realized in and validated by such action—and that this is intuitively recognized in each situation or class of situations, we can hardly say that the term ‘Art’ applies appropriately to the organization of such knowledge. Therefore, since I don’t want to begin with any assumptions that conflict with this latter perspective, I prefer to define Ethics as the science or study of what is right or what should be, to the extent that this depends on the voluntary actions of individuals.[11]
§ 3. If, however, this view of the scope of Ethics is accepted, the question arises why it is commonly taken to consist, to a great extent, of psychological discussion as to the ‘nature of the moral faculty’; especially as I have myself thought it right to include some discussion of this kind in the present treatise. For it does not at first appear why this should belong to Ethics, any more than discussions about the mathematical faculty or the faculty of sense-perception belong to mathematics and physics respectively. Why do we not simply[5] start with certain premises, stating what ought to be done or sought, without considering the faculty by which we apprehend their truth?
§ 3. If we accept this idea about the scope of Ethics, we have to ask why it often includes a lot of psychological discussions about the ‘nature of the moral faculty’; particularly since I have deemed it important to include some of this kind of discussion in this treatise. At first glance, it’s not clear why this should be part of Ethics, any more than debates about the mathematical ability or the ability to perceive sensations should be part of mathematics and physics, respectively. Why don’t we simply start with specific premises that outline what should be done or pursued, without considering the ability through which we understand their truth?
One answer is that the moralist has a practical aim: we desire knowledge of right conduct in order to act on it. Now we cannot help believing what we see to be true, but we can help doing what we see to be right or wise, and in fact often do what we know to be wrong or unwise: thus we are forced to notice the existence in us of irrational springs of action, conflicting with our knowledge and preventing its practical realisation: and the very imperfectness of the connexion between our practical judgment and our will impels us to seek for more precise knowledge as to the nature of that connexion.
One answer is that the moralist has a practical goal: we want to know how to behave correctly so we can act on that knowledge. We can’t help but believe what we see as true, but we can choose whether to do what we know is right or wise, and often we end up doing what we know is wrong or unwise. This forces us to recognize the existence of irrational factors in our actions, which clash with our understanding and hinder us from applying it practically. The imperfect link between our practical judgment and our will drives us to seek a clearer understanding of that connection.
But this is not all. Men never ask, ‘Why should I believe what I see to be true?’ but they frequently ask, ‘Why should I do what I see to be right?’ It is easy to reply that the question is futile, since it could only be answered by a reference to some other recognised principle of right conduct, and the question might just as well be asked as regards that again, and so on. But still we do ask the question widely and continually, and therefore this demonstration of its futility is not completely satisfactory; we require besides some explanation of its persistency.
But that’s not all. People never ask, “Why should I believe what I see as true?” but they often ask, “Why should I do what I see as right?” It’s easy to say that this question is pointless since it can only be answered by referring to some other accepted principle of right behavior, and that question could just as easily be asked again, and so on. Yet we still ask this question frequently, so this demonstration of its pointlessness isn't entirely satisfying; we also need some explanation for why it keeps coming up.
One explanation that may be offered is that, since we are moved to action not by moral judgment alone, but also by desires and inclinations that operate independently of moral judgment, the answer which we really want to the question ‘Why should I do it?’ is one which does not merely prove a certain action to be right, but also stirs in us a predominant inclination to do the action.
One possible explanation is that we’re not just motivated by moral judgment; our desires and inclinations also drive us, often separately from our moral views. So, the answer we really seek to the question, “Why should I do it?” is one that doesn’t just show that an action is right, but also ignites a strong inclination in us to take that action.
That this explanation is true for some minds in some moods I would not deny. Still I think that when a man seriously asks ‘why he should do’ anything, he commonly assumes in himself a determination to pursue whatever conduct may be shown by argument to be reasonable, even though it be very different from that to which his non-rational inclinations may prompt. And we are generally agreed that reasonable conduct in any case has to be determined on principles, in applying which the agent’s inclination—as it[6] exists apart from such determination—is only one element among several that have to be considered, and commonly not the most important element. But when we ask what these principles are, the diversity of answers which we find manifestly declared in the systems and fundamental formulæ of professed moralists seems to be really present in the common practical reasoning of men generally; with this difference, that whereas the philosopher seeks unity of principle, and consistency of method at the risk of paradox, the unphilosophic man is apt to hold different principles at once, and to apply different methods in more or less confused combination. If this be so, we can offer another explanation of the persistent unsatisfied demand for an ultimate reason, above noticed. For if there are different views of the ultimate reasonableness of conduct, implicit in the thought of ordinary men, though not brought into clear relation to each other,—it is easy to see that any single answer to the question ‘why’ will not be completely satisfactory, as it will be given only from one of these points of view, and will always leave room to ask the question from some other.
I won’t deny that this explanation holds true for some people in certain moods. However, I believe that when someone seriously asks why they should do anything, they usually assume they are determined to follow whatever actions can be shown to be reasonable through argument, even if those actions differ greatly from their non-rational instincts. We generally agree that reasonable behavior in any situation must be determined based on principles, where an individual's inclination, as it exists independently from that determination, is just one factor among several that need to be considered, and often not the most important one. But when we ask what these principles are, we notice a wide range of answers exhibited in the systems and fundamental formulas of self-proclaimed moralists seem to reflect the common practical reasoning of people as a whole; with the distinction that while philosophers seek unity of principle and consistency of method, even at the risk of seeming paradoxical, everyday people tend to hold different principles simultaneously and apply various methods in a more or less confusing mix. If this is the case, we can offer another explanation for the ongoing, unfulfilled demand for a definitive reason, as mentioned earlier. If there are different ideas about the ultimate reasonableness of actions that ordinary people have in mind, even if they aren’t clearly related to one another, it’s easy to see that any single answer to the question "why" will not be fully satisfying, since it comes from only one perspective and will always leave room to question it from another angle.
I am myself convinced that this is the main explanation of the phenomenon: and it is on this conviction that the plan of the present treatise is based. We cannot, of course, regard as valid reasonings that lead to conflicting conclusions; and I therefore assume as a fundamental postulate of Ethics, that so far as two methods conflict, one or other of them must be modified or rejected. But I think it fundamentally important to recognise, at the outset of Ethical inquiry, that there is a diversity of methods applied in ordinary practical thought.
I am convinced that this is the main reason for the phenomenon, and it's on this belief that the plan for this work is based. Naturally, we can't consider as valid the reasoning that leads to opposing conclusions; therefore, I take it as a basic principle of Ethics that when two methods conflict, one must be adjusted or discarded. However, I believe it's crucial to acknowledge, at the start of Ethical inquiry, that there are different methods used in everyday practical thinking.
§ 4. What then are these different methods? what are the different practical principles which the common sense of mankind is prima facie prepared to accept as ultimate? Some care is needed in answering this question: because we frequently prescribe that this or that ‘ought’ to be done or aimed at without any express reference to an ulterior end, while yet such an end is tacitly presupposed. It is obvious that such prescriptions are merely, what Kant calls them, Hypothetical Imperatives; they are not addressed to any one who has not first accepted the end.
§ 4. So what are these different methods? What are the various practical principles that common sense is prima facie ready to accept as ultimate? Care is needed when answering this question because we often say that something ‘ought’ to be done or pursued without clearly stating the ultimate goal, even though that goal is assumed. It's clear that these kinds of statements are simply what Kant refers to as Hypothetical Imperatives; they are not directed at anyone who hasn't first accepted the goal.
For instance: a teacher of any art assumes that his pupil[7] wants to produce the product of the art, or to produce it excellent in quality: he tells him that he ought to hold the awl, the hammer, the brush differently. A physician assumes that his patient wants health: he tells him that he ought to rise early, to live plainly, to take hard exercise. If the patient deliberately prefers ease and good living to health, the physician’s precepts fall to the ground: they are no longer addressed to him. So, again, a man of the world assumes that his hearers wish to get on in society, when he lays down rules of dress, manner, conversation, habits of life. A similar view may be plausibly taken of many rules prescribing what are sometimes called “duties to oneself”: it may be said that they are given on the assumption that a man regards his own Happiness as an ultimate end: that if any one should be so exceptional as to disregard it, he does not come within their scope: in short, that the ‘ought’ in such formulæ is still implicitly relative to an optional end.
For example, a teacher of any art assumes that their student[7] wants to create high-quality work: they advise them to hold the awl, the hammer, the brush differently. A doctor assumes that their patient wants to be healthy: they tell them they should wake up early, eat simply, and get plenty of exercise. If the patient intentionally chooses comfort and indulgence over health, the doctor's advice is irrelevant: it no longer applies to them. Likewise, a socialite assumes that their audience wants to succeed in society when they offer guidelines on attire, behavior, conversation, and lifestyle. A similar perspective applies to many rules about what are sometimes called “duties to oneself”: it can be argued that these are based on the assumption that a person sees their own happiness as a primary goal; if someone were unusually indifferent to it, they wouldn't be subject to those rules; in short, the ‘ought’ in such statements is still implicitly linked to an optional goal.
It does not, however, seem to me that this account of the matter is exhaustive. We do not all look with simple indifference on a man who declines to take the right means to attain his own happiness, on no other ground than that he does not care about happiness. Most men would regard such a refusal as irrational, with a certain disapprobation; they would thus implicitly assent to Butler’s statement[12] that “interest, one’s own happiness, is a manifest obligation.” In other words, they would think that a man ought to care for his own happiness. The word ‘ought’ thus used is no longer relative: happiness now appears as an ultimate end, the pursuit of which—at least within the limits imposed by other duties—appears to be prescribed by reason ‘categorically,’ as Kant would say, i.e. without any tacit assumption of a still ulterior end. And it has been widely held by even orthodox moralists that all morality rests ultimately on the basis of “reasonable self-love”;[13] i.e. that its rules are ultimately binding on any individual only so far as it is his interest on the whole to observe them.
It doesn’t seem to me that this explanation is complete. Not everyone views a person who refuses to pursue their own happiness with indifference, just because they don’t care about being happy. Most people would see such a refusal as unreasonable and would reasonably disapprove of it; in doing so, they would implicitly agree with Butler’s statement[12] that “self-interest, one’s own happiness, is a clear obligation.” In other words, they would believe that a person should care about their own happiness. The word ‘should’ here is no longer relative: happiness is seen as a final goal that should be pursued—taking into account other responsibilities—based on reason ‘categorically,’ as Kant would say, i.e. without assuming a further goal. It has also been widely accepted, even among traditional moralists, that all morality ultimately relies on “reasonable self-love”;[13] i.e. that its rules are ultimately binding on any individual only to the extent that it benefits them as a whole to follow them.
Still, common moral opinion certainly regards the duty or virtue of Prudence as only a part—and not the most[8] important part—of duty or virtue in general. Common moral opinion recognises and inculcates other fundamental rules—e.g. those of Justice, Good Faith, Veracity—which, in its ordinary judgments on particular cases, it is inclined to treat as binding without qualification and without regard to ulterior consequences. And, in the ordinary form of the Intuitional view of Ethics, the “categorical” prescription of such rules is maintained explicitly and definitely, as a result of philosophical reflection: and the realisation of Virtue in act—at least in the case of the virtues just mentioned—is held to consist in strict and unswerving conformity to such rules.
Still, popular moral belief definitely sees the duty or virtue of Prudence as just one part—and not the most[8] important part—of duty or virtue as a whole. Common moral opinion acknowledges and teaches other fundamental rules—e.g. those of Justice, Good Faith, and Truthfulness—which, when making general judgments about specific situations, it tends to view as binding without exception and without consideration of further consequences. In the usual form of the Intuitional view of Ethics, the “categorical” enforcement of these rules is supported explicitly and clearly, due to philosophical reasoning: and the realization of Virtue in action—at least concerning the virtues just mentioned—is believed to involve strict and unwavering adherence to these rules.
On the other hand it is contended by many Utilitarians that all the rules of conduct which men prescribe to one another as moral rules are really—though in part unconsciously—prescribed as means to the general happiness of mankind, or of the whole aggregate of sentient beings; and it is still more widely held by Utilitarian thinkers that such rules, however they may originate, are only valid so far as their observance is conducive to the general happiness. This contention I shall hereafter examine with due care. Here I wish only to point out that, if the duty of aiming at the general happiness is thus taken to include all other duties, as subordinate applications of it, we seem to be again led to the notion of Happiness as an ultimate end categorically prescribed,—only it is now General Happiness and not the private happiness of any individual. And this is the view that I myself take of the Utilitarian principle.
On the other hand, many Utilitarians argue that all the moral rules we create for each other are really—often unconsciously—set to promote the overall happiness of humanity or all beings that can feel. Furthermore, it is widely believed among Utilitarian thinkers that these rules, no matter how they come about, are only valid if following them contributes to overall happiness. I will examine this argument in detail later. Here, I just want to highlight that if the responsibility to pursue general happiness includes all other duties as specific applications of it, we seem to circle back to the idea of Happiness as a fundamental goal that is universally required—only now it is General Happiness rather than the personal happiness of any one individual. This is the perspective I hold regarding the Utilitarian principle.
At the same time, it is not necessary, in the methodical investigation of right conduct, considered relatively to the end either of private or of general happiness, to assume that the end itself is determined or prescribed by reason: we only require to assume, in reasoning to cogent practical conclusions, that it is adopted as ultimate and paramount. For if a man accepts any end as ultimate and paramount, he accepts implicitly as his “method of ethics” whatever process of reasoning enables him to determine the actions most conducive to this end.[14] Since, however, to every difference in the end accepted at least some difference in method will generally correspond: if all the ends which men are found practically to adopt as[9] ultimate (subordinating everything else to the attainment of them under the influence of ‘ruling passions’), were taken as principles for which the student of Ethics is called upon to construct rational methods, his task would be very complex and extensive. But if we confine ourselves to such ends as the common sense of mankind appears to accept as rational ultimate ends, the task is reduced, I think, within manageable limits; since this criterion will exclude at least many of the objects which men practically seem to regard as paramount. Thus many men sacrifice health, fortune, happiness, to Fame; but no one, so far as I know, has deliberately maintained that Fame is an object which it is reasonable for men to seek for its own sake. It only commends itself to reflective minds either (1) as a source of Happiness to the person who gains it, or (2) a sign of his Excellence, moral or intellectual, or (3) because it attests the achievement by him of some important benefit to society, and at the same time stimulates him and others to further achievement in the future: and the conception of “benefit” would, when examined in its turn, lead us again to Happiness or Excellence of human nature,—since a man is commonly thought to benefit others either by making them happier or by making them wiser and more virtuous.
At the same time, in systematically investigating the right way to act, with regard to either personal or general happiness, it’s not necessary to assume that the end itself is defined or dictated by reason. We only need to assume that it is accepted as the ultimate and most important goal. If a person accepts any end as ultimate and paramount, they implicitly accept as their "method of ethics" whatever reasoning process helps them determine the actions that best achieve this end.[14] However, since every difference in the end accepted typically corresponds to at least some difference in method, if we took all the ends that people practically adopt as[9] ultimate (subordinating everything else to their pursuit under the influence of 'ruling passions'), the task would become very complex and extensive for the student of Ethics to construct rational methods for them. But if we limit ourselves to ends that the common sense of humanity seems to accept as rational ultimate goals, the task becomes, I believe, manageable; since this standard will exclude at least many of the objects that people practically regard as paramount. Thus, many people sacrifice health, wealth, and happiness for Fame; yet, as far as I know, no one has explicitly argued that Fame is a goal worth pursuing for its own sake. It only appeals to thoughtful individuals either (1) as a source of Happiness for the person who achieves it, or (2) as a sign of their moral or intellectual Excellence, or (3) because it demonstrates their contribution to some important benefit for society and simultaneously motivates them and others to achieve more in the future. The idea of “benefit” would, when examined, lead us back to Happiness or the Excellence of human nature, since a person is commonly thought to benefit others either by making them happier or by making them wiser and more virtuous.
Whether there are any ends besides these two, which can be reasonably regarded as ultimate, it will hereafter[15] be part of our business to investigate: but we may perhaps say that prima facie the only two ends which have a strongly and widely supported claim to be regarded as rational ultimate ends are the two just mentioned, Happiness and Perfection or Excellence of human nature—meaning here by ‘Excellence’ not primarily superiority to others, but a partial realisation of, or approximation to, an ideal type of human Perfection. And we must observe that the adoption of the former of these ends leads us to two prima facie distinct methods, according as it is sought to be realised universally, or by each individual for himself alone. For though doubtless a man may often best promote his own happiness by labouring and abstaining for the sake of others, it seems to be implied in our common notion of self-sacrifice that actions most conducive to the general happiness do not—in this world at least—always tend[10] also to the greatest happiness of the agent.[16] And among those who hold that “happiness is our being’s end and aim” we seem to find a fundamental difference of opinion as to whose happiness it is that it is ultimately reasonable to aim at. For to some it seems that “the constantly proper end of action on the part of any individual at the moment of action is his real greatest happiness from that moment to the end of his life”;[17] whereas others hold that the view of reason is essentially universal, and that it cannot be reasonable to take as an ultimate and paramount end the happiness of any one individual rather than that of any other—at any rate if equally deserving and susceptible of it—so that general happiness must be the “true standard of right and wrong, in the field of morals” no less than of politics.[18] It is, of course, possible to adopt an end intermediate between the two, and to aim at the happiness of some limited portion of mankind, such as one’s family or nation or race: but any such limitation seems arbitrary, and probably few would maintain it to be reasonable per se, except as the most practicable way of aiming at the general happiness, or of indirectly securing one’s own.
Whether there are other ultimate goals beyond these two that can be reasonably considered as such will be something we will explore later: but we can perhaps say that, at first glance, the only two goals that have a strong and widespread claim to be seen as rational ultimate ends are Happiness and Perfection, or Excellence of human nature—by ‘Excellence’ here, I mean not primarily superiority to others, but a partial realization of, or approximation to, an ideal type of human Perfection. We should note that pursuing the first of these ends leads us to two distinct methods, depending on whether it is sought to be realized universally or by each individual for themselves. For while it's true that a person can often best promote their own happiness by working and sacrificing for the benefit of others, it seems inherent in our common understanding of self-sacrifice that actions that best contribute to general happiness don’t—at least not always—lead to the greatest happiness for the individual involved. Among those who believe that “happiness is our being’s end and aim,” there seems to be a fundamental difference of opinion regarding whose happiness is ultimately reasonable to pursue. For some, it appears that “the always proper end of action for any individual at the moment of action is their real greatest happiness from that moment to the end of their life,” whereas others believe that the view of reason is fundamentally universal and that it isn't reasonable to prioritize the happiness of one individual over another—at least if they are equally deserving and capable of it—implying that general happiness must be the “true standard of right and wrong, in the moral sphere” as well as in politics. Of course, it’s possible to adopt a goal that lies between the two, aiming for the happiness of a limited group of people, such as one’s family, nation, or race: but such a limitation seems arbitrary, and likely few would argue that it is reasonable in itself, except as the most practical way of aiming for general happiness, or indirectly ensuring one’s own.
The case seems to be otherwise with Excellence or Perfection.[19] At first sight, indeed, the same alternatives present themselves:[20] it seems that the Excellence aimed at may be[11] taken either individually or universally; and circumstances are conceivable in which a man is not unlikely to think that he could best promote the Excellence of others by sacrificing his own. But no moralist who takes Excellence as an ultimate end has ever approved of such sacrifice, at least so far as Moral Excellence is concerned; no one has ever directed an individual to promote the virtue of others except in so far as this promotion is compatible with, or rather involved in, the complete realisation of Virtue in himself.[21] So far, then, there seems to be no need of separating the method of determining right conduct which takes the Excellence or Perfection of the individual as the ultimate aim from that which aims at the Excellence or Perfection of the human community. And since Virtue is commonly conceived as the most valuable element of human Excellence—and an element essentially preferable to any other element that can come into competition with it as an alternative for rational choice—any method which takes Perfection or Excellence of human nature as ultimate End will prima facie coincide to a great extent with that based on what I called the Intuitional view: and I have accordingly decided to treat it as a special form of this latter.[22] The two methods which take happiness as an ultimate end it will be convenient to distinguish as Egoistic and Universalistic Hedonism: and as it is the latter of these, as taught by Bentham and his successors, that is more generally understood under the term ‘Utilitarianism,’ I shall always restrict that word to this signification. For Egoistic Hedonism it is somewhat hard to find a single perfectly appropriate term. I shall often call this simply Egoism: but it may sometimes be convenient to call it Epicureanism: for though this name more properly denotes a particular historical system, it has come to be commonly used in the wider sense in which I wish to employ it.
The situation is different when it comes to Excellence or Perfection.[19] At first glance, the same choices appear:[20] it seems that the Excellence we aim for can be[11] seen either individually or collectively; there are situations where someone might think that they can best promote the Excellence of others by sacrificing their own. However, no moral philosopher who sees Excellence as the ultimate goal has ever supported such a sacrifice, particularly when it comes to Moral Excellence; no one has ever encouraged someone to promote the virtue of others unless it aligns with, or is essentially part of, achieving Virtue in themselves.[21] Therefore, there seems to be no need to separate the method of determining right conduct that considers the Excellence or Perfection of the individual as the ultimate goal from that which aims at the Excellence or Perfection of the human community. Since Virtue is generally viewed as the most valuable aspect of human Excellence—and a quality that is fundamentally preferable to any other that might compete with it as a rational choice—any method that sees Perfection or Excellence of human nature as the ultimate End will prima facie align significantly with what I called the Intuitional view: hence, I’ve decided to treat it as a special form of this latter view.[22] The two methods that see happiness as the ultimate goal can be conveniently categorized as Egoistic and Universalistic Hedonism: and since it’s the latter, as taught by Bentham and his followers, that is most commonly understood by the term ‘Utilitarianism,’ I will always use that term in this specific sense. For Egoistic Hedonism, it's somewhat challenging to find a single perfectly fitting term. I will often simply refer to it as Egoism: however, it may sometimes be useful to call it Epicureanism: since, although this name more accurately refers to a specific historical system, it has come to be widely used in the broader sense that I intend to use it.
§ 5. The last sentence suggests one more explanation, which, for clearness’ sake, it seems desirable to make: an explanation, however, rather of the plan and purpose of the[12] present treatise than of the nature and boundaries of the subject of Ethics as generally understood.
§ 5. The last sentence implies one more explanation, which, for clarity's sake, it feels necessary to provide: this explanation is more about the plan and purpose of the[12] current treatise than about the nature and scope of the subject of Ethics as it is generally understood.
There are several recognised ways of treating this subject, none of which I have thought it desirable to adopt. We may start with existing systems, and either study them historically, tracing the changes in thought through the centuries, or compare and classify them according to relations of resemblance, or criticise their internal coherence. Or we may seek to add to the number of these systems: and claim after so many unsuccessful efforts to have at last attained the one true theory of the subject, by which all others may be tested. The present book contains neither the exposition of a system nor a natural or critical history of systems. I have attempted to define and unfold not one Method of Ethics, but several: at the same time these are not here studied historically, as methods that have actually been used or proposed for the regulation of practice; but rather as alternatives between which—so far as they cannot be reconciled—the human mind seems to me necessarily forced to choose, when it attempts to frame a complete synthesis of practical maxims and to act in a perfectly consistent manner. Thus, they might perhaps be called natural methods rationalised; because men commonly seem to guide themselves by a mixture of different methods, more or less disguised under ambiguities of language. The impulses or principles from which the different methods take their rise, the different claims of different ends to be rational, are admitted, to some extent, by all minds: and as along with these claims is felt the need of harmonising them—since it is, as was said, a postulate of the Practical Reason, that two conflicting rules of action cannot both be reasonable—the result is ordinarily either a confused blending, or a forced and premature reconciliation, of different principles and methods. Nor have the systems framed by professed moralists been free from similar defects. The writers have usually proceeded to synthesis without adequate analysis; the practical demand for the former being more urgently felt than the theoretical need of the latter. For here as in other points the development of the theory of Ethics would seem to be somewhat impeded by the preponderance of practical considerations; and perhaps a more complete detachment of the theoretical study[13] of right conduct from its practical application is to be desired for the sake even of the latter itself: since a treatment which is a compound between the scientific and the hortatory is apt to miss both the results that it would combine; the mixture is bewildering to the brain and not stimulating to the heart. So again, I am inclined to think that here, as in other sciences, it would be an advantage to draw as distinct a line as possible between the known and the unknown; as the clear indication of an unsolved problem is at any rate a step to its solution. In ethical treatises, however, there has been a continual tendency to ignore and keep out of sight the difficulties of the subject; either unconsciously, from a latent conviction that the questions which the writer cannot answer satisfactorily must be questions which ought not to be asked; or consciously, that he may not shake the sway of morality over the minds of his readers. This last well-meant precaution frequently defeats itself: the difficulties thus concealed in exposition are liable to reappear in controversy: and then they appear not carefully limited, but magnified for polemical purposes. Thus we get on the one hand vague and hazy reconciliation, on the other loose and random exaggeration of discrepancies; and neither process is effective to dispel the original vagueness and ambiguity which lurks in the fundamental notions of our common practical reasonings. To eliminate or reduce this indefiniteness and confusion is the sole immediate end that I have proposed to myself in the present work. In order better to execute this task, I have refrained from expressly attempting any such complete and final solution of the chief ethical difficulties and controversies as would convert this exposition of various methods into the development of a harmonious system. At the same time I hope to afford aid towards the construction of such a system; because it seems easier to judge of the mutual relations and conflicting claims of different modes of thought, after an impartial and rigorous investigation of the conclusions to which they logically lead. It is not uncommon to find in reflecting on practical principles, that—however unhesitatingly they seem to command our assent at first sight, and however familiar and apparently clear the notions of which they are composed—nevertheless when we have carefully examined the[14] consequences of adopting them they wear a changed and somewhat dubious aspect. The truth seems to be that most of the practical principles that have been seriously put forward are more or less satisfactory to the common sense of mankind, so long as they have the field to themselves. They all find a response in our nature: their fundamental assumptions are all such as we are disposed to accept, and such as we find to govern to a certain extent our habitual conduct. When I am asked, “Do you not consider it ultimately reasonable to seek pleasure and avoid pain for yourself?” “Have you not a moral sense?” “Do you not intuitively pronounce some actions to be right and others wrong?” “Do you not acknowledge the general happiness to be a paramount end?” I answer ‘yes’ to all these questions. My difficulty begins when I have to choose between the different principles or inferences drawn from them. We admit the necessity, when they conflict, of making this choice, and that it is irrational to let sometimes one principle prevail and sometimes another; but the necessity is a painful one. We cannot but hope that all methods may ultimately coincide: and at any rate, before making our election we may reasonably wish to have the completest possible knowledge of each.
There are several recognized approaches to this topic, but I've chosen not to adopt any of them. We could start with existing systems and either study their historical developments over the years, compare and categorize them based on similarities, or critique their internal consistency. Alternatively, we could try to expand the number of these systems, claiming that after numerous unsuccessful attempts, we have finally reached the one true theory on the subject that could serve as a benchmark for testing all others. This book does not present a system or a natural or critical history of systems. Instead, I have aimed to define and explore not just one method of ethics, but several. However, these methods are not analyzed historically as those that have been actually used or proposed for guiding practice; rather, they are presented as options that, to the extent that they can't be reconciled, the human mind feels compelled to choose from when trying to create a complete synthesis of practical maxims and act consistently. Thus, they might be considered rationalized natural methods; because people usually seem to steer themselves by a blend of different methods, often obscured by ambiguous language. The motivations or principles behind the different methods and the claims of different goals being rational are acknowledged, to some degree, by everyone. And with these claims comes the need to harmonize them—since, as mentioned, a fundamental assumption of Practical Reason is that two conflicting rules of action cannot both be reasonable. The usual result is either a confusing mix or a forced and premature reconciliation of various principles and methods. The systems created by self-proclaimed moralists have often faced similar issues. Writers typically jump to synthesis without sufficient analysis; the practical need for the former often feels more pressing than the theoretical need for the latter. Here, as in other areas, it seems that the development of ethical theory is somewhat hindered by an emphasis on practical considerations. Perhaps separating the theoretical study of right conduct from its practical application is even necessary for the sake of the latter, as a treatment that mixes the scientific and prescriptive tends to bungle both objectives; the combination confuses the mind and fails to inspire the heart. I also believe that, as in other sciences, it would be beneficial to draw a clear line between what is known and what is not, as clearly identifying an unsolved problem is a step toward its resolution. However, in ethical writings, there's a consistent tendency to overlook or hide the subject's difficulties; either unconsciously, from the belief that questions the writer can't satisfactorily address shouldn't be asked, or consciously, to avoid undermining the authority of morality over readers' minds. This well-meaning effort often backfires: the concealed difficulties in the text can reemerge in debates, not carefully contained but instead amplified for argumentative purposes. We thus encounter vague and unclear attempts at reconciliation on one hand, and on the other, loose and exaggerated portrayals of discrepancies; neither approach effectively resolves the original vagueness and ambiguity lurking in the fundamental concepts of our common practical reasoning. My only immediate goal in this work is to eliminate or reduce this ambiguity and confusion. To better pursue this task, I've avoided attempting to provide a complete and final solution to the main ethical difficulties and debates that would turn this exploration of various methods into a detailed system. However, I hope to contribute to building such a system because it seems simpler to assess the interactions and conflicting claims of different viewpoints after a fair and thorough investigation of the conclusions they logically lead to. It's not uncommon to realize when reflecting on practical principles that—despite how unambiguously they seem to demand our agreement at first glance, and how familiar and clear the concepts they consist of appear—upon closer examination of the outcomes of adopting them, they present a somewhat altered and dubious perspective. The reality seems to be that most serious practical principles resonate with the common sense of humanity as long as they stand alone. They all echo something in our nature: their basic assumptions are ones we tend to accept, and they influence our habitual behavior to some extent. When I'm asked, "Don't you think it's ultimately reasonable to seek pleasure and avoid pain for yourself?" "Do you have a moral sense?" "Do you intuitively decide that some actions are right and others wrong?" "Don't you recognize that general happiness is a primary goal?" I respond 'yes' to all these questions. My difficulty arises when I need to choose between the various principles or conclusions derived from them. We acknowledge the need to make this choice when they conflict and that it's irrational to let one principle dominate at one time and another at another; yet, this necessity is a distressing one. We can only hope that all methods may ultimately align: and in any case, before making our choice, we should reasonably seek the most complete knowledge of each.
My object, then, in the present work, is to expound as clearly and as fully as my limits will allow the different methods of Ethics that I find implicit in our common moral reasoning; to point out their mutual relations; and where they seem to conflict, to define the issue as much as possible. In the course of this endeavour I am led to discuss the considerations which should, in my opinion, be decisive in determining the adoption of ethical first principles: but it is not my primary aim to establish such principles; nor, again, is it my primary aim to supply a set of practical directions for conduct. I have wished to keep the reader’s attention throughout directed to the processes rather than the results of ethical thought: and have therefore never stated as my own any positive practical conclusions unless by way of illustration: and have never ventured to decide dogmatically any controverted points, except where the controversy seemed to arise from want of precision or clearness in the definition of principles, or want of consistency in reasoning.
My goal in this work is to explain as clearly and completely as I can the different methods of Ethics that I see reflected in our everyday moral reasoning; to highlight how they relate to each other; and where they seem to clash, to clarify the issues as much as possible. Throughout this effort, I will discuss the factors that I believe should be key in choosing ethical first principles: but my main goal is not to establish such principles; nor is it to provide a set of practical guidelines for behavior. I wanted to keep the reader focused on the processes of ethical thinking rather than just the outcomes: so I haven’t claimed any positive practical conclusions as my own except as examples; and I have avoided making definitive statements on any debated issues, except where the disagreement seemed to stem from a lack of precision or clarity in defining principles, or inconsistency in reasoning.
CHAPTER II
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN ETHICS AND POLITICS
§ 1. In the last chapter I have spoken of Ethics and Politics as being both Practical Studies, including in the scope of their investigation somewhat that lies outside the sphere of positive sciences—viz. the determination of ends to be sought, or rules to be unconditionally obeyed. Before proceeding further, it would seem desirable to determine in outline the mutual relations of these cognate studies, regarded from the point of view of Ethics.
§ 1. In the last chapter, I discussed Ethics and Politics as Practical Studies, which include aspects that fall outside the realm of positive sciences—specifically, the identification of goals to pursue or principles to rigidly follow. Before moving on, it seems important to outline the connections between these related fields from the perspective of Ethics.
As I have defined them, Ethics aims at determining what ought to be done by individuals, while Politics aims at determining what the government of a state or political society ought to do and how it ought to be constituted,—including under the latter head all questions as to the control over government that should be exercised by the governed.
As I’ve defined them, Ethics focuses on figuring out what individuals should do, while Politics focuses on deciding what the government of a state or political society should do and how it should be set up—including all the questions about the control that the people should have over the government.
At first sight it may seem that Politics, so conceived, must be a branch of Ethics. For all the actions of government are actions of individuals, alone or in combination, and so are all the actions of those who, obeying, influencing, or perhaps occasionally resisting government, maintain and from time to time modify the constitution of their state: and it would seem that if properly performed such actions must be determined on ethical principles or be capable of justification by such principles. But this argument is not decisive; for by similar reasoning Ethics would have to comprehend all arts, liberal and industrial. E.g. it is a main part of the moral duty of a sea-captain and his subordinates to navigate their ship properly; but we do not take Ethics to include a[16] study of the rules of navigation. It may be replied that every man is not a sailor, but—at least in a country under popular government—every citizen has important political duties, which he ought to perform according to knowledge, so far as possible; but, similarly, it is an important part of every adult’s moral duty to take care of his health, and it is proverbial that “every man at forty is a fool or his own physician”; yet we do not consider Ethics to include the art of medicine.
At first glance, it might seem that Politics, as described here, should be a part of Ethics. After all, all government actions involve individuals, whether acting alone or together, and the same goes for those who obey, influence, or sometimes resist the government, as they uphold and occasionally change their state’s constitution. It would appear that if these actions were done properly, they would have to be based on ethical principles or justifiable by them. However, this argument isn't conclusive; using similar logic, Ethics would then need to encompass all arts, both liberal and industrial. For example, it's a crucial part of the moral responsibility of a sea captain and their crew to navigate their ship correctly, but we don't consider Ethics to include studying the rules of navigation. One might argue that not everyone is a sailor, but in a country with popular government, every citizen has important political duties that they should perform to the best of their knowledge. Similarly, it’s a key part of every adult's moral responsibility to care for their health, and it's commonly said that “every man at forty is a fool or his own physician”; yet we don’t think of Ethics as covering the practice of medicine.
The specially important connexion between Ethics and Politics arises in a different way. It is the business of government, by laying down and enforcing laws, to regulate the outward conduct of the governed, not in one department only, but in all their social relations, so far as such conduct is a proper subject for coercive rules. And not only ought this regulation to be in harmony with morality—for obviously people ought not to be compelled to do what they ought not to do—but further, to an important extent the Law of a man’s state will properly determine the details of his moral duty, even beyond the sphere of legal enforcement. Thus we commonly regard it as an individual’s moral duty, under the head of Justice, to “give every man his own,” even when—through some accident—the other party has not the power of legally enforcing his right; but still, in considering what is the other’s “own,” we assume him generally to be guided by the law of his state; if that were changed, his moral duty would change with it. Similarly, the mutual moral duties of husbands and wives, and of children and parents, will vary in detail with the variations in their legal relations.
The important connection between Ethics and Politics arises in a different way. It's the job of government to set and enforce laws that regulate the behavior of the governed, not just in one area, but in all their social interactions, as long as that behavior is suitable for coercive rules. Moreover, this regulation should align with morality—since people obviously shouldn't be forced to do what they shouldn't do—but significantly, the law of a person's state will properly outline the specifics of their moral responsibilities, even beyond what is legally enforceable. For example, we generally consider it an individual's moral duty, under the principle of Justice, to "give every man his own," even when—due to some unforeseen circumstance—the other party can't legally enforce their rights; however, when we think about what is the other person's "own," we usually assume they are guided by the laws of their state; if those laws were to change, their moral obligations would shift accordingly. Similarly, the mutual moral duties of husbands and wives, and parents and children, will change in detail with any changes to their legal relationships.
But when we look closer at the relation thus constituted between Ethics and Politics, we see that a distinction has to be taken between actual or Positive Law and Ideal Law or Law as it ought to be. It is for the latter that Political Theory lays down principles; but it is Positive, not Ideal, Law that primarily determines right conduct for an individual here and now, in the manner just exemplified. No doubt if Positive and Ideal Law appear to me to diverge very widely—if (e.g.) I am convinced by political theory that a fundamental change in the law of property is desirable—this conviction is likely to influence my view of my moral duty under[17] the existing law; but the extent of this influence is vague and uncertain. Suppose I am a slave-owner in a society in which slavery is established, and become convinced that private property in human beings should be abolished by law: it does not therefore follow that I shall regard it as my moral duty to set free my slaves at once. I may think immediate general abolition of slavery not only hopeless, but even inexpedient for the slaves themselves, who require a gradual education for freedom: so that it is better for the present to aim at legal changes that would cut off the worst evils of slavery, and meanwhile to set an example of humane and considerate treatment of bondsmen. Similar reasonings might be applied to the abolition of private property in the instruments of production, or in appointments to offices, civil or ecclesiastical. Speaking generally, the extent to which political ideals ought to influence moral duty would seem to depend partly on the apparent remoteness or nearness of the prospect of realising the ideal, partly on its imperativeness, or the expediency of immediate realisation: and the force attached to both these considerations is likely to vary with the political method adopted; so that it belongs to Politics rather than Ethics to determine them more precisely.
But when we take a closer look at the relationship between Ethics and Politics, we see that we need to distinguish between actual or Positive Law and Ideal Law, or Law as it should be. It's the latter that Political Theory sets forth principles for; however, it’s Positive, not Ideal, Law that primarily dictates what is considered right conduct for an individual here and now, as just illustrated. Certainly, if I perceive a significant divergence between Positive and Ideal Law—like if I’m convinced by political theory that a fundamental change in property law is needed—this belief is likely to shape my understanding of my moral obligation under the current law; yet the degree of this influence is unclear and ambiguous. For example, if I’m a slave owner in a society where slavery is accepted and I become convinced that private ownership of human beings should be abolished by law, it doesn’t automatically mean that I will see it as my moral duty to free my slaves immediately. I might think that an immediate, general abolition of slavery is not only unrealistic but even counterproductive for the slaves themselves, who need a gradual path to freedom: thus, for now, it seems better to pursue legal changes that would eliminate the worst abuses of slavery, while also setting an example of humane and considerate treatment of those in bondage. Similar reasoning could apply to the abolition of private property in production resources, or in positions of office, be they civil or religious. Generally speaking, the degree to which political ideals should impact moral duties seems to depend partly on how close or distant the actual realization of the ideal feels, and partly on how urgent or practical it is to achieve it immediately; and the weight given to both of these aspects is likely to vary with the political approach taken; therefore, it is more a matter for Politics than for Ethics to define them more precisely.
To sum up: we have to distinguish clearly between two questions: (1) how far the determination of right conduct for an individual here and now ought to be influenced by Positive Laws, and other commands of Government as actually established; and (2) how far it ought to be influenced by Political Theory, as to the functions and structure of Government as it ought to be. As regards the former, it clearly belongs to Ethics to determine the grounds and limits of obedience to Government; and also the general conception of political duty, so far as it goes beyond mere obedience—with due recognition of the large variations due to the varying political conditions of different states. (A “good citizen” in the United States will reasonably form a conception of his actual political duty widely divergent from that reasonably formed by a good citizen in Russia.[23]) And this will be the primary business of[18] Ethics so far as it deals with the political side of life. The discussion of political ideals will only come within its purview in a more indefinite and indirect way, so far as such ideals cannot but have some influence on the determination of political duty under existing conditions.
To sum up: we need to clearly differentiate between two questions: (1) how much the determination of right conduct for an individual in the present should be influenced by Positive Laws and the commands of the Government as they currently exist; and (2) how much it should be influenced by Political Theory regarding the functions and structure of Government as it should be. Regarding the first question, it clearly falls to Ethics to determine the grounds and limits of obedience to Government; and also to clarify the general idea of political duty, beyond mere obedience—with an acknowledgment of the significant variations stemming from the different political conditions in various states. A “good citizen” in the United States will reasonably have a concept of their political duty that is quite different from that of a good citizen in Russia.[23]) This will primarily be the focus of[18] Ethics as it relates to the political aspect of life. The discussion of political ideals will only be included in a more vague and indirect way, as such ideals inevitably influence the determination of political duty under current conditions.
§ 2. I have stated the Relation of Ethics to Politics—regarded from an ethical point of view—that seems to me to accord with the definition of the former subject adopted in the preceding chapter. Some thinkers, however, take a view of Ethical Theory which involves a relation to Political Theory quite different from that just set forth; regarding Theoretical or “Absolute” Ethics as properly an investigation not of what ought to be done here and now, but of what ought to be the rules of behaviour in a society of ideally perfect human beings. Thus the subject-matter of our study would be doubly ideal: as it would not only prescribe what ought to be done as distinct from what is, but what ought to be done in a society that itself is not, but only ought to be. In this view the conclusions of Theoretical or “Absolute” Ethics would have as indirect and uncertain a relation to the practical problems of actual life as those of Theoretical Politics:—or even more so, as in sober political theory it is commonly only the government and not the governed society that is conceived in an ideal condition. Still the two studies are not unlikely to blend in one theory of ideal social relations;—unless the ideal society is conceived as having no need of government, so that Politics, in the ordinary sense,[24] vanishes altogether.
§ 2. I've discussed the connection between ethics and politics from an ethical perspective that I believe aligns with the definition of the former topic presented in the previous chapter. Some thinkers, however, view ethical theory in a way that creates a relationship with political theory that is quite different from what I've just described. They see theoretical or "absolute" ethics as an investigation not of what should be done in the present, but of what the rules of behavior should be in a society of perfectly ideal human beings. So, the focus of our study would be doubly ideal: it wouldn't just outline what should be done as opposed to what is actually done, but also what should be done in a society that doesn't exist but only ought to exist. From this perspective, the conclusions of theoretical or "absolute" ethics would be just as indirectly related and uncertain regarding the practical issues of real life as those of theoretical politics—perhaps even more so, since in serious political theory, it’s usually only the government that is imagined in an ideal state, not the society it governs. Still, the two studies could easily merge into one theory of ideal social relations—unless we assume that the ideal society doesn't require government, leading to politics in the usual sense to completely disappear.
Those who take this view[25] adduce the analogy of Geometry[19] to show that Ethics ought to deal with ideally perfect human relations, just as Geometry treats of ideally straight lines and perfect circles. But the irregular lines which we meet with in experience have spatial relations which Geometry does not ignore altogether; it can and does ascertain them with a sufficient degree of accuracy for practical purposes: though of course they are more complex than those of perfectly straight lines. So in Astronomy, it would be more convenient for purposes of study if the stars moved in circles, as was once believed: but the fact that they move not in circles but in ellipses, and even in imperfect and perturbed ellipses, does not take them out of the sphere of scientific investigation: by patience and industry we have learnt how to reduce to principles and calculate even these more complicated motions. It may be useful for purposes of instruction to assume that the planets move in perfect ellipses: but what we want, as astronomers, to know is the actual motion of the stars, and its causes: and similarly as moralists we naturally inquire what ought to be done in the actual world in which we live. In neither case can we hope to represent in our general reasonings the full complexity of the actual considerations: but we endeavour to approximate to it as closely as possible. It is only so that we really grapple with the question to which mankind generally require an answer: ‘What is a man’s duty in his present condition?’ For it is too paradoxical to say that the whole duty of man is summed up in the effort to attain an ideal state of social relations; and unless we say this, we must determine our duties to existing men in view of[20] existing circumstances: and this is what the student of Ethics seeks to do in a systematic manner.
Those who hold this view[25] argue that Ethics should focus on ideal human relationships, much like how Geometry examines perfect straight lines and circles. However, the irregular lines we encounter in reality have spatial relationships that Geometry doesn't completely overlook; it can and does measure them accurately enough for practical use, even if they're more complicated than perfectly straight lines. Similarly, in Astronomy, it would be simpler for study purposes if stars moved in circles, as was once thought. But the reality that they move in ellipses—and even in imperfect or disturbed ellipses—doesn't remove them from scientific investigation: with patience and effort, we've learned to understand and calculate these more complex movements. For educational purposes, it might be helpful to assume that planets move in perfect ellipses, but what astronomers truly seek is to understand the actual movements of stars and their causes. Likewise, as moralists, we naturally ask what should be done in the real world we inhabit. In neither case can we expect our general reasoning to capture the full complexity of actual considerations, but we strive to get as close as possible. This is the only way to effectively address the question that humanity generally demands an answer to: ‘What is a person's duty in their current situation?’ It is too paradoxical to claim that a person's entire duty is summed up in the pursuit of an ideal state of social relations; if we don't claim this, we must define our duties to real people based on current circumstances. This is what the student of Ethics aims to do systematically.
The inquiry into the morality of an ideal society can therefore be at best but a preliminary investigation, after which the step from the ideal to the actual, in accordance with reason, remains to be taken. We have to ask, then, how far such a preliminary construction seems desirable. And in answering this we must distinguish the different methods of Ethics. For it is generally held by Intuitionists that true morality prescribes absolutely what is in itself right, under all social conditions; at least as far as determinate duties are concerned: as (e.g.) that truth should always be spoken and promises kept, and ‘Justice be done, though the sky should fall.’ And so far as this is held it would seem that there can be no fundamental distinction drawn, in the determination of duty, between the actual state of society and an ideal state: at any rate the general definition of (e.g.) Justice will be the same for both, no less than its absolute stringency. Still even an extreme Intuitionist would admit that the details of Justice and other duties will vary with social institutions: and it is a plausible suggestion, that if we can clearly contemplate as a pattern the “absolute” Justice of an ideal community, we shall be better able to attain the merely “relative” Justice that is alone possible under existing conditions. How far this is so, we shall be in a better position to judge when we have examined the definition of Justice from an Intuitional point of view.
The investigation into the morality of an ideal society can only serve as a preliminary study, after which we must take the next step from idealism to reality, based on reason. We need to consider how valuable such a preliminary framework actually is. In doing so, we must recognize the different approaches to Ethics. Intuitionists generally believe that true morality dictates what is inherently right, regardless of social circumstances; this applies especially to specific duties, such as the obligation to always tell the truth, keep promises, and ensure that “Justice is served, even if the sky falls.” Based on this belief, it seems there’s no essential difference in determining duties, whether in an actual society or an ideal one; the overall definition of, for instance, Justice should remain the same, as should its absolute necessity. However, even the most extreme Intuitionist would agree that the specifics of Justice and other duties will vary depending on social institutions. It’s a compelling idea that if we can clearly envision the “absolute” Justice of an ideal community, we’ll be better equipped to pursue the merely “relative” Justice that is achievable in our current situation. We’ll have a better understanding of this once we’ve explored the definition of Justice from an Intuitional perspective.
The question takes a simpler form in the case of the method which proposes as an ultimate end, and supreme standard, Universal Happiness.[26] Here we have merely to ask how far a systematic consideration of the social relations of an ideally happy group of human beings is likely to afford guidance in our efforts to promote human happiness here and now. I shall not at present deny that this task might usefully be included in an exhaustive study of this method.[21] But it can easily be shown that it is involved in serious difficulties.
The question is simpler when it comes to the method that suggests Universal Happiness as the ultimate goal and highest standard.[26] Here, we just need to ask how much a detailed look at the social relationships of a perfectly happy group of people can help us in our efforts to promote human happiness right now. I won’t deny that this task could be a valuable part of a comprehensive study of this method.[21] However, it's clear that this involves some significant challenges.
For as in ordinary deliberation we have to consider what is best under certain conditions of human life, internal or external, so we must do this in contemplating the ideal society. We require to contemplate not so much the end supposed to be attained—which is simply the most pleasant consciousness conceivable, lasting as long and as uninterruptedly as possible—but rather some method of realising it, pursued by human beings; and these, again, must be conceived as existing under conditions not too remote from our own, so that we can at least endeavour to imitate them. And for this we must know how far our present circumstances are modifiable; a very difficult question, as the constructions which have actually been made of such ideal societies show. For example, the Republic of Plato seems in many respects sufficiently divergent from the reality, and yet he contemplates war as a permanent unalterable fact, to be provided for in the ideal state, and indeed such provision seems the predominant aim of his construction; whereas the soberest modern Utopia would certainly include the suppression of war. Indeed the ideal will often seem to diverge in diametrically opposite directions from the actual, according to the line of imagined change which we happen to adopt, in our visionary flight from present evils. For example, permanent marriage-unions now cause some unhappiness, because conjugal affection is not always permanent; but they are thought to be necessary, partly to protect men and women from vagaries of passion pernicious to themselves, but chiefly in order to the better rearing of children. Now it may seem to some that in an ideal state of society we could trust more to parental affections, and require less to control the natural play of emotion between the sexes, and that ‘Free Love’ is therefore the ideal; while others would maintain that permanence in conjugal affection is natural and normal, and that any exceptions to this rule must be supposed to disappear as we approximate to the ideal. Again, the happiness enjoyed in our actual society seems much diminished by the unequal distribution of the means of happiness, and the division of mankind into rich and poor. But we can conceive this evil removed in two quite different ways: either[22] by an increased disposition on the part of the rich to redistribute their share, or by such social arrangements as would enable the poor to secure more for themselves. In the one case the ideal involves a great extension and systematisation of the arbitrary and casual almsgiving that now goes on: in the other case, its extinction.
For just like in regular discussions where we have to think about what’s best under certain human circumstances, whether they’re internal or external, we need to do the same when we think about the ideal society. We should focus not so much on the ultimate goal—which is simply the most enjoyable experience we can imagine, lasting as long and as consistently as possible—but more on how to achieve it through human actions. These human beings should be thought of as living under conditions not too far removed from our own, so we can at least try to emulate them. To do this, we need to understand how much our current situation can change; it's a tough question, as shown by the models of such ideal societies that have actually been proposed. For example, Plato's Republic seems to diverge significantly from reality, yet he views war as a permanent, unchangeable fact that must be addressed in the ideal state, and indeed, this concern seems to be the main goal of his design; whereas the most rational modern Utopia would definitely aim to eliminate war entirely. The ideal often appears to diverge in completely opposite directions from reality, depending on the vision of change we choose as we dream away from present problems. For example, lifelong marriages now cause some unhappiness since romantic feelings aren’t always permanent; however, they’re considered necessary partly to protect people from harmful passions but mainly for raising children better. Some might think that in an ideal society, we could rely more on parental love and need less control over the natural emotions between the sexes, making ‘Free Love’ the ideal; while others would argue that lasting romantic feelings are natural and should be the norm, believing that any deviations from this should disappear as we get closer to the ideal. Additionally, the happiness we experience in our actual society seems greatly lessened by the uneven distribution of happiness resources and the divide between rich and poor. But we can imagine solving this issue in two distinct ways: either[22] by the rich being more willing to share their wealth or by social systems that help the poor secure more for themselves. In one scenario, the ideal involves significantly expanding and organizing the random charitable giving that currently occurs; in the other, it would mean its elimination.
In short, it seems that when we abandon the firm ground of actual society we have an illimitable cloudland surrounding us on all sides, in which we may construct any variety of pattern states; but no definite ideal to which the actual undeniably approximates, as the straight lines and circles of the actual physical world approximate to those of scientific geometry.
In short, it seems that when we let go of the solid foundations of real society, we're surrounded by an endless world of possibilities where we can create any kind of imagined state; however, there's no clear ideal that the real world clearly resembles, like how the straight lines and circles of the physical world relate to scientific geometry.
It may be said, however, that we can reduce this variety by studying the past history of mankind, as this will enable us to predict to some extent their future manner of existence. But even so it does not appear that we shall gain much definite guidance for our present conduct. For let us make the most favourable suppositions that we can, and such as soar even above the confidence of the most dogmatic of scientific historians. Let us assume that the process of human history is a progress of mankind towards ever greater happiness. Let us assume further that we can not only fix certain limits within which the future social condition of mankind must lie, but even determine in detail the mutual relations of the different elements of the future community, so as to view in clear outline the rules of behaviour, by observing which they will attain the maximum of happiness. It still remains quite doubtful how far it would be desirable for us to imitate these rules in the circumstances in which we now live. For this foreknown social order is ex hypothesi only presented as a more advanced stage in our social progress, and not as a type or pattern which we ought to make a struggle to realise approximately at an earlier stage. How far it should be taken as such a pattern, is a question which would still have to be determined, and in the consideration of it the effects of our actions on the existing generation would after all be the most important element.[27]
It can be said that we can simplify this variety by studying human history, as this will help us predict, to some extent, how people will live in the future. However, that doesn't seem to give us much clear guidance for how to act in the present. Let's make the most optimistic assumptions we can, even those that go beyond the confidence of the most assertive scientific historians. Let’s assume that human history is a progression toward greater happiness. Let’s also assume that we can not only identify certain boundaries within which future social conditions will fall but even determine in detail the relationships among different aspects of future communities, providing a clear outline of behavioral rules that will lead to maximum happiness. Still, it remains uncertain how valuable it would be for us to follow these rules in our current circumstances. This anticipated social order is presented solely as a more advanced stage in our social development, not as a model we should struggle to approximate at an earlier stage. How far it should be considered a model is a question that still needs to be resolved, and in this consideration, the impact of our actions on the current generation would ultimately be the most crucial factor.[27]
CHAPTER III
Ethical Decisions
§ 1. In the first chapter I spoke of actions that we judge to be right and what ought to be done as being “reasonable,” or “rational,” and similarly of ultimate ends as “prescribed by Reason”: and I contrasted the motive to action supplied by the recognition of such reasonableness with “non-rational” desires and inclinations. This manner of speaking is employed by writers of different schools, and seems in accordance with the common view and language on the subject. For we commonly think that wrong conduct is essentially irrational, and can be shown to be so by argument; and though we do not conceive that it is by reason alone that men are influenced to act rightly, we still hold that appeals to the reason are an essential part of all moral persuasion, and that part which concerns the moralist or moral philosopher as distinct from the preacher or moral rhetorician. On the other hand it is widely maintained that, as Hume says, “Reason, meaning the judgment of truth and falsehood, can never of itself be any motive to the Will”; and that the motive to action is in all cases some Non-rational Desire, including under this term the impulses to action given by present pleasure and pain. It seems desirable to examine with some care the grounds of this contention before we proceed any further.
§ 1. In the first chapter, I talked about actions we consider right and what should be done as "reasonable" or "rational," and I also referred to ultimate goals as being "prescribed by Reason." I compared the motivation to act that comes from recognizing such reasonableness with "non-rational" desires and inclinations. This way of speaking is used by writers from different schools and aligns with common views and language on the topic. We typically believe that wrong actions are fundamentally irrational, which can be demonstrated through argument; and although we don't think that reason alone motivates people to act rightly, we still believe that appeals to reason are a crucial part of all moral persuasion—a part that concerns the moralist or moral philosopher, as opposed to the preacher or moral rhetorician. Conversely, it's widely argued that, as Hume states, “Reason, meaning the judgment of truth and falsehood, can never of itself be any motive to the Will"; and that the motivation to act is always some Non-rational Desire, which includes the impulses to action driven by immediate pleasure and pain. It seems necessary to carefully examine the basis of this argument before moving forward.
Let us begin by defining the issue raised as clearly as possible. Every one, I suppose, has had experience of what is meant by the conflict of non-rational or irrational desires with reason: most of us (e.g.) occasionally feel bodily appetite prompting us to indulgences which we judge to be imprudent,[24] and anger prompting us to acts which we disapprove as unjust or unkind. It is when this conflict occurs that the desires are said to be irrational, as impelling us to volitions opposed to our deliberate judgments; sometimes we yield to such seductive impulses, and sometimes not; and it is perhaps when we do not yield that the impulsive force of such irrational desires is most definitely felt, as we have to exert in resisting them a voluntary effort somewhat analogous to that involved in any muscular exertion. Often, again,—since we are not always thinking either of our duty or of our interest,—desires of this kind take effect in voluntary actions without our having judged such actions to be either right or wrong, either prudent or imprudent; as (e.g.) when an ordinary healthy man eats his dinner. In such cases it seems most appropriate to call the desires “non-rational” rather than “irrational.” Neither term is intended to imply that the desires spoken of—or at least the more important of them—are not normally accompanied by intellectual processes. It is true that some impulses to action seem to take effect, as we say “blindly” or “instinctively,” without any definite consciousness either of the end at which the action is aimed, or of the means by which the end is to be attained: but this, I conceive, is only the case with impulses that do not occupy consciousness for an appreciable time, and ordinarily do not require any but very familiar and habitual actions for the attainment of their proximate ends. In all other cases—that is, in the case of the actions with which we are chiefly concerned in ethical discussion—the result aimed at, and some part at least of the means by which it is to be realised, are more or less distinctly represented in consciousness, previous to the volition that initiates the movements tending to its realisation. Hence the resultant forces of what I call “non-rational” desires, and the volitions to which they prompt, are continually modified by intellectual processes in two distinct ways; first by new perceptions or representations of means conducive to the desired ends, and secondly by new presentations or representations of facts actually existing or in prospect—especially more or less probable consequences of contemplated actions—which rouse new impulses of desire and aversion.
Let's start by clearly defining the issue at hand. I think everyone has experienced the clash between irrational desires and reason: most of us, for example, sometimes feel physical cravings leading us to indulge in things we consider unwise, and anger pushing us toward actions we view as unjust or unkind. This conflict is when these desires are described as irrational because they push us to act against our conscious judgments; sometimes we give in to these tempting urges, and sometimes we don’t. It’s often when we resist that we feel the strong pull of these irrational desires most keenly, as it takes a conscious effort somewhat similar to physical exertion to hold back. Additionally, since we aren’t always focused on our duties or interests, these desires can lead to actions without us having assessed those actions as right or wrong, prudent or unwise; for instance, when a healthy person sits down to dinner. In those instances, it's more fitting to call the desires “non-rational” instead of “irrational.” Neither term suggests that these desires—especially the more significant ones—don’t usually come with some mental processes. It's true that some urges seem to occur “blindly” or “instinctively” without us being fully aware of the goal of the action or how to achieve it, but I believe this typically happens with impulses that don’t engage our consciousness for long and usually don't require anything more than very familiar and habitual actions to achieve their immediate goals. In all other situations—that is, in actions we mainly focus on in ethical discussions—the intended outcome, and at least some of the means to achieve it, are mostly represented in our consciousness before we decide to act. Therefore, the outcomes of what I call “non-rational” desires and the actions they lead to are continually shaped by intellectual processes in two distinct ways: first, through new perceptions or ideas of means that can help achieve the desired ends, and second, through new insights or representations of facts that exist or are anticipated—especially the likely consequences of contemplated actions—which spark new desires and aversions.
The question, then, is whether the account just given of the influence of the intellect on desire and volition is not exhaustive; and whether the experience which is commonly described as a “conflict of desire with reason” is not more properly conceived as merely a conflict among desires and aversions; the sole function of reason being to bring before the mind ideas of actual or possible facts, which modify in the manner above described the resultant force of our various impulses.
The question now is whether the explanation provided about how the intellect influences desire and will is complete; and whether the experience often referred to as a “conflict of desire with reason” might be better understood as just a clash among different desires and dislikes, with reason's only role being to present ideas about actual or potential facts, which then change the overall influence of our various impulses as described above.
I hold that this is not the case; that the ordinary moral or prudential judgments which, in the case of all or most minds, have some—though often an inadequate—influence on volition, cannot legitimately be interpreted as judgments respecting the present or future existence of human feelings or any facts of the sensible world; the fundamental notion represented by the word “ought” or “right,”[28] which such judgments contain expressly or by implication, being essentially different from all notions representing facts of physical or psychical experience. The question is one on which appeal must ultimately be made to the reflection of individuals on their practical judgments and reasonings: and in making this appeal it seems most convenient to begin by showing the inadequacy of all attempts to explain the practical judgments or propositions in which this fundamental notion is introduced, without recognising its unique character as above negatively defined. There is an element of truth in such explanations, in so far as they bring into view feelings which undoubtedly accompany moral or prudential judgments, and which ordinarily have more or less effect in determining the will to actions judged to be right; but so far as they profess to be interpretations of what such judgments mean, they appear to me to fail altogether.
I believe this isn't true; that the typical moral or practical judgments, which usually have some—though often insufficient—influence on decision-making for most people, can't really be seen as judgments about the current or future existence of human feelings or any facts of the physical world. The core idea represented by the terms “ought” or “right,”[28] which these judgments explicitly or implicitly convey, is fundamentally different from all ideas representing facts of physical or psychological experience. This question ultimately requires individuals to reflect on their practical judgments and reasoning. To do this, it seems most useful to start by demonstrating how inadequate all attempts to explain the practical judgments or propositions introducing this core concept are, without acknowledging its unique nature as defined above. There is some truth in these explanations as they highlight feelings that certainly accompany moral or practical judgments and that typically have a varying influence in guiding actions deemed right. However, to the extent that they claim to interpret what these judgments mean, they seem to me to totally miss the mark.
In considering this question it is important to take separately the two species of judgments which I have distinguished as “moral” and “prudential.” Both kinds might, indeed, be termed “moral” in a wider sense; and, as we saw, it is a strongly supported opinion that all valid moral rules have ultimately a prudential basis. But in ordinary thought we clearly distinguish cognitions or judgments of duty from[26] cognitions or judgments as to what “is right” or “ought to be done” in view of the agent’s private interest or happiness: and the depth of the distinction will not, I think, be diminished by the closer examination of these judgments on which we are now to enter.
When thinking about this question, it's essential to look at the two types of judgments I've identified as “moral” and “prudential” separately. Both could actually be called “moral” in a broader sense; as we discussed, there's a well-supported view that all valid moral rules are ultimately based on prudential considerations. However, in everyday thinking, we clearly separate judgments about duty from judgments regarding what “is right” or “should be done” based on the individual’s personal interests or happiness. I believe the significance of that distinction will not be lessened by the detailed exploration of these judgments that we are about to undertake.
This very distinction, however, suggests an interpretation of the notion of rightness which denies its peculiar significance in moral judgments. It is urged that “rightness” is properly an attribute of means, not of ends: so that the attribution of it merely implies that the act judged right is the fittest or only fit means to the realisation of some end understood if not expressly stated: and similarly that the affirmation that anything ‘ought to be done’ is always made with at least tacit reference to some ulterior end. And I grant that this is a legitimate interpretation, in respect of a part of the use of either term in ordinary discourse. But it seems clear (1) that certain kinds of actions—under the names of Justice, Veracity, Good Faith, etc.—are commonly held to be right unconditionally, without regard to ulterior results: and (2) that we similarly regard as “right” the adoption of certain ends—such as the common good of society, or general happiness. In either of these cases the interpretation above suggested seems clearly inadmissible.[29]
This distinction suggests an interpretation of "rightness" that overlooks its unique importance in moral judgments. It is argued that “rightness” is really a quality of means, not ends: so that saying an act is right indicates it is the best or only appropriate means to achieve a goal, whether that goal is understood or not. Likewise, saying that something ‘ought to be done’ always points to some underlying goal, even if it’s not stated. I agree that this is a valid interpretation regarding some uses of these terms in everyday conversation. However, it’s clear that (1) certain types of actions—like Justice, Veracity, Good Faith, etc.—are usually seen as right without consideration of their outcomes, and (2) we also consider certain goals—like the common good of society or overall happiness—as “right.” In both these situations, the interpretation suggested above seems clearly unacceptable.[29]
We have therefore to find a meaning for “right” or “what ought to be” other than the notion of fitness to some ulterior end. Here we are met by the suggestion that the judgments or propositions which we commonly call moral—in the narrower sense—really affirm no more than the existence of a specific emotion in the mind of the person who utters them; that when I say ‘Truth ought to be spoken’ or ‘Truthspeaking is right,’ I mean no more than that the idea of truthspeaking excites in my mind a feeling of approbation[27] or satisfaction. And probably some degree of such emotion, commonly distinguished as ‘moral sentiment,’ ordinarily accompanies moral judgments on real cases. But it is absurd to say that a mere statement of my approbation of truth-speaking is properly given in the proposition ‘Truth ought to be spoken’; otherwise the fact of another man’s disapprobation might equally be expressed by saying ‘Truth ought not to be spoken’; and thus we should have two coexistent facts stated in two mutually contradictory propositions. This is so obvious, that we must suppose that those who hold the view which I am combating do not really intend to deny it: but rather to maintain that this subjective fact of my approbation is all that there is any ground for stating, or perhaps that it is all that any reasonable person is prepared on reflection to affirm. And no doubt there is a large class of statements, in form objective, which yet we are not commonly prepared to maintain as more than subjective if their validity is questioned. If I say that ‘the air is sweet,’ or ‘the food disagreeable,’ it would not be exactly true to say that I mean no more than that I like the one or dislike the other: but if my statement is challenged, I shall probably content myself with affirming the existence of such feelings in my own mind. But there appears to me to be a fundamental difference between this case and that of moral feelings. The peculiar emotion of moral approbation is, in my experience, inseparably bound up with the conviction, implicit or explicit, that the conduct approved is ‘really’ right—i.e. that it cannot, without error, be disapproved by any other mind. If I give up this conviction because others do not share it, or for any other reason, I may no doubt still retain a sentiment prompting to the conduct in question, or—what is perhaps more common—a sentiment of repugnance to the opposite conduct: but this sentiment will no longer have the special quality of ‘moral sentiment’ strictly so called. This difference between the two is often overlooked in ethical discussion: but any experience of a change in moral opinion produced by argument may afford an illustration of it. Suppose (e.g.) that any one habitually influenced by the sentiment of Veracity is convinced that under certain peculiar circumstances in which he finds himself, speaking truth is not right but wrong. He will[28] probably still feel a repugnance against violating the rule of truthspeaking: but it will be a feeling quite different in kind and degree from that which prompted him to veracity as a department of virtuous action. We might perhaps call the one a ‘moral’ and the other a ‘quasi-moral’ sentiment.
We need to find a definition for “right” or “what should be” that goes beyond just fitting some other purpose. Here, we encounter the idea that the moral judgments or statements we usually refer to as moral—more specifically—really just confirm the presence of a certain emotion in the mind of the person expressing them; that when I say ‘Truth should be spoken’ or ‘Speaking the truth is right,’ I only mean that the concept of truth-telling stirs a feeling of approval or satisfaction in my mind. And it's likely that some level of this emotion, often regarded as ‘moral sentiment,’ usually accompanies moral judgments about real situations. However, it's ridiculous to claim that my simple approval of truth-telling is adequately captured by the statement ‘Truth should be spoken’; otherwise, another person's disapproval could just as easily be expressed by saying ‘Truth should not be spoken’; leading us to have two conflicting statements about the same reality. This is so clear that we must assume those who hold the view I'm challenging don't actually mean to deny it, but rather to argue that this personal feeling of my approval is all that there's any basis for stating, or perhaps that it's all any rational person is willing to confirm upon reflection. Indeed, there are many statements that, while phrased objectively, we typically don’t regard as anything more than subjective if their truth is called into question. If I say that ‘the air is sweet,’ or ‘the food is unpleasant,’ it wouldn’t be entirely accurate to say I mean nothing more than that I enjoy the former or dislike the latter: but if someone challenges my claim, I might just assert my feelings about them. However, I see a fundamental distinction between this scenario and that of moral feelings. The unique emotion of moral approval is, in my experience, always linked to the belief, whether implicit or explicit, that the behavior in question is ‘really’ right—meaning that it cannot be justly disapproved by any other person. If I abandon this belief because others don’t share it, or for any other reason, I might still have a feeling that drives me toward the behavior in question, or—more likely—a feeling of disgust towards the opposing behavior: but this feeling will no longer have the specific quality of ‘moral sentiment’ in the strict sense. This distinction is often missed in ethical discussions: but any instance of a change in moral viewpoint as a result of debate might serve as an example of it. For instance, if someone who is usually guided by the feeling of Veracity believes that in certain unique situations they find themselves in, telling the truth is wrong instead of right, they will probably still experience some resistance to breaking the rule of truth-telling: but it will be a feeling quite different in kind and intensity from the one that motivated them to value truthfulness as a part of virtuous behavior. We might refer to one as a ‘moral’ sentiment and the other as a ‘quasi-moral’ sentiment.
The argument just given holds equally against the view that approbation or disapprobation is not the mere liking or aversion of an individual for certain kinds of conduct, but this complicated by a sympathetic representation of similar likings or aversions felt by other human beings. No doubt such sympathy is a normal concomitant of moral emotion, and when the former is absent there is much greater difficulty in maintaining the latter: this, however, is partly because our moral beliefs commonly agree with those of other members of our society, and on this agreement depends to an important extent our confidence in the truth of these beliefs.[30] But if, as in the case just supposed, we are really led by argument to a new moral belief, opposed not only to our own habitual sentiment but also to that of the society in which we live, we have a crucial experiment proving the existence in us of moral sentiments as I have defined them, colliding with the represented sympathies of our fellow-men no less than with our own mere likings and aversions. And even if we imagine the sympathies opposed to our convictions extended until they include those of the whole human race, against whom we imagine ourselves to stand as Athanasius contra mundum; still, so long as our conviction of duty is firm, the emotion which we call moral stands out in imagination quite distinct from the complex sympathy opposed to it, however much we extend, complicate and intensify the latter.
The argument just presented applies equally to the idea that approval or disapproval isn't just an individual's liking or disliking of certain behaviors, but is complicated by a shared understanding of similar likes or dislikes by other people. There’s no doubt that such sympathy is a normal part of moral emotion, and when it’s missing, it becomes much harder to maintain the latter: this is partly because our moral beliefs usually align with those of others in our society, and this agreement significantly contributes to our confidence in the validity of those beliefs. But if, as in the hypothetical situation mentioned, we are truly led by argument to a new moral belief that opposes not only our own usual feelings but also those of the society we belong to, we have a critical test that proves the existence of moral sentiments as I’ve defined them, clashing with both the understood sympathies of others and our personal likes and dislikes. Even if we imagine that the sympathies against our beliefs are widespread, encompassing everyone in the world, and we see ourselves as standing like Athanasius contra mundum; as long as our sense of duty remains strong, the emotion we identify as moral stands out in our minds distinctly from the complex sympathy that opposes it, no matter how much we amplify, complicate, and intensify the latter.
§ 2. So far, then, from being prepared to admit that the proposition ‘X ought to be done’ merely expresses the existence of a certain sentiment in myself or others, I find it strictly impossible so to regard my own moral judgments without eliminating from the concomitant sentiment the peculiar quality signified by the term ‘moral.’ There is, however, another interpretation of ‘ought,’ in which the likings and aversions that men in general feel for certain kinds of conduct are considered not as sympathetically represented in the[29] emotion of the person judging, and thus constituting the moral element in it, but as causes of pain to the person of whom ‘ought’ or ‘duty’ is predicated. On this view, when we say that a man ‘ought’ to do anything, or that it is his ‘duty’ to do it, we mean that he is bound under penalties to do it; the particular penalty considered being the pain that will accrue to him directly or indirectly from the dislike of his fellow-creatures.
§ 2. So far, I can't accept that the statement ‘X ought to be done’ merely reflects a feeling I or others have. I find it impossible to view my own moral judgments that way without removing the unique quality indicated by the term ‘moral’ from the accompanying feeling. However, there's another way to interpret ‘ought,’ where the likes and dislikes that people generally have toward certain behaviors are seen not as sympathetically represented in the[29] emotions of the person making the judgment, and thus don’t form the moral element, but rather as sources of discomfort for the person to whom ‘ought’ or ‘duty’ applies. From this perspective, when we say that someone ‘ought’ to do something, or it’s his ‘duty’ to do it, we mean that he is obligated to do so under threat of penalties; the particular penalty being the pain he will experience, either directly or indirectly, from the disapproval of others.
I think that this interpretation expresses a part of the meaning with which the words ‘ought’ and ‘duty’ are used in ordinary thought and discourse. For we commonly use the term ‘moral obligation’ as equivalent to ‘duty’ and expressing what is implied in the verb ‘ought,’ thus suggesting an analogy between this notion and that of legal obligation; and in the case of positive law we cannot refuse to recognise the connexion of ‘obligation’ and ‘punishment’: a law cannot be properly said to be actually established in a society if it is habitually violated with impunity. But a more careful reflection on the relation of Law to Morality, as ordinarily conceived, seems to show that this interpretation of ‘ought’—though it cannot be excluded—must be distinguished from the special ethical use of the term. For the ideal distinction taken in common thought between legal and merely moral rules seems to lie in just this connexion of the former but not the latter with punishment: we think that there are some things which a man ought to be compelled to do, or forbear, and others which he ought to do or forbear without compulsion, and that the former alone fall properly within the sphere of law. No doubt we also think that in many cases where the compulsion of law is undesirable, the fear of moral censure and its consequences supplies a normally useful constraint on the will of any individual. But it is evident that what we mean when we say that a man is “morally though not legally bound” to do a thing is not merely that he “will be punished by public opinion if he does not”; for we often join these two statements, clearly distinguishing their import: and further (since public opinion is known to be eminently fallible) there are many things which we judge men ‘ought’ to do, while perfectly aware that they will incur no serious social penalties for omitting them. In[30] such cases, indeed, it would be commonly said that social disapprobation ‘ought’ to follow on immoral conduct; and in this very assertion it is clear that the term ‘ought’ cannot mean that social penalties are to be feared by those who do not disapprove. Again, all or most men in whom the moral consciousness is strongly developed find themselves from time to time in conflict with the commonly received morality of the society to which they belong: and thus—as was before said—have a crucial experience proving that duty does not mean to them what other men will disapprove of them for not doing.
I think this interpretation captures part of how we use the words 'ought' and 'duty' in everyday thinking and conversation. We often use 'moral obligation' as synonymous with 'duty,' which reflects what the word 'ought' implies, suggesting a comparison to legal obligation. In the case of positive law, we can't ignore the link between 'obligation' and 'punishment': a law can't really be considered established in a society if it is frequently broken without consequences. However, a deeper look at the relationship between Law and Morality, as we usually understand it, shows that while we can't rule out this interpretation of 'ought,' it needs to be set apart from the specific ethical meaning of the term. The typical distinction people make between legal and merely moral rules seems to hinge on the connection of the former with punishment but not the latter: we believe there are some things a person ought to be forced to do or not do and others they ought to do or refrain from without any force, with only the former truly belonging to the realm of law. Certainly, we also think that in many situations where legal enforcement isn't ideal, the fear of moral criticism and its fallout provides a helpful check on individual behavior. But it's clear that when we say someone is “morally though not legally bound” to do something, we don't just mean “they'll face backlash from public opinion if they don't”; we often connect these two ideas, clearly differentiating their meanings. Moreover, since public opinion is known to be quite unreliable, there are many actions we believe people 'ought' to take while fully aware that they won't face any serious societal penalties for not doing them. In such instances, people would generally say that social disapproval 'ought' to follow immoral behavior; and in this statement, it's clear that 'ought' doesn't mean that those who disapprove will fear social repercussions. Besides, most people with a strong moral sense occasionally find themselves at odds with the prevailing morality of their society. Thus, as mentioned earlier, they have a significant experience showing that duty doesn't mean to them what others will criticize them for not doing.
At the same time I admit, as indeed I have already suggested in § 3 of chap. i., that we not unfrequently pass judgments resembling moral judgments in form, and not distinguished from them in ordinary thought, in cases where the obligation affirmed is found, on reflection, to depend on the existence of current opinions and sentiments as such. The members of modern civilised societies are under the sway of a code of Public Opinion, enforced by social penalties, which no reflective person obeying it identifies with the moral code, or regards as unconditionally binding: indeed the code is manifestly fluctuating and variable, different at the same time in different classes, professions, social circles, of the same political community. Such a code always supports to a considerable extent the commonly received code of morality: and most reflective persons think it generally reasonable to conform to the dictates of public opinion—to the code of Honour, we may say, in graver matters, or the rules of Politeness or Good Breeding in lighter matters—wherever these dictates do not positively conflict with morality; such conformity being maintained either on grounds of private interest, or because it is thought conducive to general happiness or wellbeing to keep as much as possible in harmony with one’s fellow-men. Hence in the ordinary thought of unreflective persons the duties imposed by social opinion are often undistinguished from moral duties: and indeed this indistinctness is almost inherent in the common meaning of many terms. For instance, if we say that a man has been ‘dishonoured’ by a cowardly act, it is not quite clear whether we mean that he has incurred contempt, or that he has deserved it, or both: as becomes evident when we take a case in which the Code of Honour comes into conflict with[31] Morality. If (e.g.) a man were to incur social ostracism anywhere for refusing a duel on religious grounds, some would say that he was ‘dishonoured,’ though he had acted rightly, others that there could be no real dishonour in a virtuous act. A similar ambiguity seems to lurk in the common notion of ‘improper’ or ‘incorrect’ behaviour. Still in all such cases the ambiguity becomes evident on reflection: and when discovered, merely serves to illustrate further the distinction between the notion of ‘right conduct,’ ‘duty,’ what we ‘ought’ or are under ‘moral obligation’ to do—when these terms are used in a strictly ethical sense—and conduct that is merely conformed to the standard of current opinion.
At the same time, I acknowledge, as I have already pointed out in § 3 of chapter i., that we often make judgments that look like moral judgments in form and aren’t clearly different from them in everyday thinking. This happens when the obligation we assert depends, upon reflection, on existing opinions and feelings. People in modern civilized societies are influenced by a code of Public Opinion, which is enforced by social penalties. Most thoughtful people don’t see this code as the same as the moral code or view it as unconditionally binding. In fact, this code is obviously fluctuating and varies between different classes, professions, and social circles within the same political community. This code often supports the commonly accepted moral code to a significant extent, and many thoughtful people generally find it reasonable to go along with public opinion—what we might call the Code of Honour in serious matters or the rules of Politeness or Good Breeding in lighter matters—as long as these opinions do not directly conflict with morality. This conformity is maintained either for personal gain or because it is believed to promote general happiness or well-being by staying in harmony with others. Therefore, in the everyday thinking of unreflective people, the duties imposed by social opinion are often seen as the same as moral duties. This overlap is nearly inherent in the common meanings of many terms. For example, when we say that a man has been ‘dishonoured’ by a cowardly act, it’s not entirely clear whether we mean he has earned contempt, that he deserves it, or both. This becomes evident when we consider cases where the Code of Honour conflicts with morality. If, for instance, a man were socially ostracized for refusing a duel on religious grounds, some might say he was ‘dishonoured’ despite acting rightly, while others might argue that there’s no real dishonour in a virtuous act. A similar ambiguity exists in the concepts of ‘improper’ or ‘incorrect’ behavior. However, in all these cases, the confusion becomes clear upon reflection, and when recognized, it further highlights the distinction between the idea of ‘right conduct,’ ‘duty,’ and what we ‘ought’ or are under ‘moral obligation’ to do—when these terms are used in a strictly ethical sense—and conduct that merely aligns with the standards of current opinion.
There is, however, another way of interpreting ‘ought’ as connoting penalties, which is somewhat less easy to meet by a crucial psychological experiment. The moral imperative may be taken to be a law of God, to the breach of which Divine penalties are annexed; and these, no doubt, in a Christian society, are commonly conceived to be adequate and universally applicable. Still, it can hardly be said that this belief is shared by all the persons whose conduct is influenced by independent moral convictions, occasionally unsupported either by the law or the public opinion of their community. And even in the case of many of those who believe fully in the moral government of the world, the judgment “I ought to do this” cannot be identified with the judgment “God will punish me if I do not”; since the conviction that the former proposition is true is distinctly recognised as an important part of the grounds for believing the latter. Again, when Christians speak—as they commonly do—of the ‘justice’ (or other moral attributes) of God, as exhibited in punishing sinners and rewarding the righteous, they obviously imply not merely that God will thus punish and reward, but that it is ‘right’[31] for Him to do so: which, of course, cannot be taken to mean that He is ‘bound under penalties.’
There is, however, another way to interpret ‘ought’ as suggesting penalties, which is a bit harder to test with a key psychological experiment. The moral imperative might be considered a law of God, where breaking it comes with Divine penalties; and these, surely, in a Christian society, are typically viewed as sufficient and universally applicable. Still, it's not accurate to say that everyone whose actions are guided by independent moral beliefs shares this view, especially if those beliefs are sometimes not supported by the law or the prevailing opinion in their community. Even among many who fully believe in the moral governance of the world, the statement “I ought to do this” can’t be equated with “God will punish me if I don’t”; because the belief in the first statement is clearly seen as an essential reason for believing in the second. Furthermore, when Christians talk— as they often do—about the ‘justice’ (or other moral attributes) of God, as shown in punishing sinners and rewarding the righteous, they clearly mean not just that God will punish and reward, but that it's ‘right’[31] for Him to do so: which obviously doesn’t imply that He is ‘bound by penalties.’
§ 3. It seems then that the notion of ‘ought’ or ‘moral obligation’ as used in our common moral judgments, does not merely import (1) that there exists in the mind of the person judging a specific emotion (whether complicated or not by sympathetic representation of similar emotions in other minds);[32] nor (2) that certain rules of conduct are supported by penalties which will follow on their violation (whether such penalties result from the general liking or aversion felt for the conduct prescribed or forbidden, or from some other source). What then, it may be asked, does it import? What definition can we give of ‘ought,’ ‘right,’ and other terms expressing the same fundamental notion? To this I should answer that the notion which these terms have in common is too elementary to admit of any formal definition. In so saying, I do not mean to imply that it belongs to the “original constitution of the mind”; i.e. that its presence in consciousness is not the result of a process of development. I do not doubt that the whole fabric of human thought—including the conceptions that present themselves as most simple and elementary—has been developed, through a gradual process of psychical change, out of some lower life in which thought, properly speaking, had no place. But it is not therefore to be inferred, as regards this or any other notion, that it has not really the simplicity which it appears to have when we now reflect upon it. It is sometimes assumed that if we can show how thoughts have grown up—if we can point to the psychical antecedents of which they are the natural consequents—we may conclude that the thoughts in question are really compounds containing their antecedents as latent elements. But I know no justification for this transference of the conceptions of chemistry to psychology;[32] I know no reason for considering psychical antecedents as really constitutive of their psychical consequents, in spite of the apparent dissimilarity between the two. In default of such reasons, a psychologist must accept as elementary what introspection carefully performed declares to be so; and, using this criterion, I find that the notion we have been examining, as it now exists in our thought, cannot be resolved into any more[33] simple notions: it can only be made clearer by determining as precisely as possible its relation to other notions with which it is connected in ordinary thought, especially to those with which it is liable to be confounded.
§ 3. It seems that the idea of ‘ought’ or ‘moral obligation’ as used in our everyday moral judgments, doesn’t just imply (1) that there is a particular emotion in the mind of the person making the judgment (whether or not it’s complicated by a sympathetic understanding of similar feelings in others);[32] nor (2) that certain rules of behavior are backed by penalties that follow if they are broken (whether those penalties come from general liking or dislike for the prescribed or forbidden behavior, or from something else). So, what does it actually mean? How can we define ‘ought,’ ‘right,’ and other terms that express this same basic idea? I would say that the concept these terms share is too fundamental to have any formal definition. When I say this, I don’t mean to suggest that it’s part of the “original constitution of the mind”; i.e. that its presence in our awareness isn’t the result of a developmental process. I have no doubt that the entire structure of human thought—including the ideas that seem simplest and most fundamental—has evolved through a gradual shift in psychology from a lower form of existence where proper thought didn’t exist. But that doesn’t mean we should infer, regarding this or any other idea, that it doesn’t actually possess the simplicity it seems to have when we reflect on it now. It’s often assumed that if we can show how thoughts have evolved—if we can identify the psychological factors that led to them—we can conclude that those thoughts are really combinations that contain their antecedents as hidden elements. However, I find no justification for transferring concepts from chemistry to psychology;[32] there’s no reason to consider psychological antecedents as truly constitutive of their psychological consequences, despite the apparent differences between the two. Without such justification, a psychologist must accept as basic what careful introspection shows to be so; and, using this standard, I find that the idea we’ve been looking at, as it exists in our minds now, can’t be broken down into simpler ideas: it can only be clarified by precisely determining its relation to other ideas it’s connected with in everyday thinking, especially those it might be confused with.
In performing this process it is important to note and distinguish two different implications with which the word “ought” is used; in the narrowest ethical sense what we judge ‘ought to be’ done, is always thought capable of being brought about by the volition of any individual to whom the judgment applies. I cannot conceive that I ‘ought’ to do anything which at the same time I judge that I cannot do. In a wider sense, however,—which cannot conveniently be discarded—I sometimes judge that I ‘ought’ to know what a wiser man would know, or feel as a better man would feel, in my place, though I may know that I could not directly produce in myself such knowledge or feeling by any effort of will. In this case the word merely implies an ideal or pattern which I ‘ought’—in the stricter sense—to seek to imitate as far as possible. And this wider sense seems to be that in which the word is normally used in the precepts of Art generally, and in political judgments: when I judge that the laws and constitution of my country ‘ought to be’ other than they are, I do not of course imply that my own or any other individual’s single volition can directly bring about the change.[33] In either case, however, I imply that what ought to be is a possible object of knowledge: i.e. that what I judge ought to be must, unless I am in error, be similarly judged by all rational beings who judge truly of the matter.
In going through this process, it's important to recognize and distinguish two different meanings of the word "ought." In the strictest ethical sense, what we believe should be done is always assumed to be something that any individual can actually achieve. I can’t imagine that I “ought” to do something that I believe I can't do. In a broader sense, which we can’t conveniently ignore, I sometimes think that I “ought” to know what a wiser person would know, or feel what a better person would feel in my situation, even though I realize I couldn’t directly create that knowledge or feeling just by willing it. In this case, the word suggests an ideal or standard that I “ought”—in the stricter sense—to strive to emulate as much as possible. This broader sense seems to be how the word is typically used in the principles of Art and in political judgments: when I say that the laws and constitution of my country “ought to be” different from how they are, I’m not suggesting that my own or anyone else’s individual choice can directly make that change happen. In either case, though, I imply that what ought to be is something that can be known: that is, what I believe ought to be must, unless I’m mistaken, be recognized by all rational beings who thoughtfully consider the matter.
In referring such judgments to the ‘Reason,’ I do not mean here to prejudge the question whether valid moral judgments are normally attained by a process of reasoning from universal principles or axioms, or by direct intuition of the particular duties of individuals. It is not uncommonly held that the moral faculty deals primarily with individual cases as they arise, applying directly to each case the general notion of[34] duty, and deciding intuitively what ought to be done by this person in these particular circumstances. And I admit that on this view the apprehension of moral truth is more analogous to Sense-perception than to Rational Intuition (as commonly understood):[34] and hence the term Moral Sense might seem more appropriate. But the term Sense suggests a capacity for feelings which may vary from A to B without either being in error, rather than a faculty of cognition:[35] and it appears to me fundamentally important to avoid this suggestion. I have therefore thought it better to use the term Reason with the explanation above given, to denote the faculty of moral cognition:[36] adding, as a further justification of this use, that even when a moral judgment relates primarily to some particular action we commonly regard it as applicable to any other action belonging to a certain definable class: so that the moral truth apprehended is implicitly conceived to be intrinsically universal, though particular in our first apprehension of it.
In discussing such judgments in relation to ‘Reason,’ I’m not trying to decide whether valid moral judgments usually come from reasoning based on universal principles or axioms, or from directly sensing the specific duties of individuals. It's often believed that our moral intuition focuses mainly on individual cases as they come up, applying the general idea of duty directly to each situation, and intuitively figuring out what this person should do in these specific circumstances. I agree that, from this perspective, understanding moral truth is more similar to sense perception than to rational intuition (in the usual sense): and so the term Moral Sense might seem more fitting. However, the term Sense implies a capacity for feelings that can vary from A to B without either being incorrect, rather than a cognitive faculty: and I think it's essential to steer clear of this implication. Therefore, I’ve chosen to use the term Reason as explained above to refer to the faculty of moral understanding: adding, as further justification for this choice, that even when a moral judgment primarily concerns a specific action, we generally see it as relevant to any other action within a defined class: so the moral truth grasped is implicitly understood to be inherently universal, even though it may appear particular at first.
Further, when I speak of the cognition or judgment that ‘X ought to be done’—in the stricter ethical sense of the term ought[37]—as a ‘dictate’ or ‘precept’ of reason to the persons to whom it relates, I imply that in rational beings as such this cognition gives an impulse or motive to action: though in human beings, of course, this is only one motive among others which are liable to conflict with it, and is not always—perhaps not usually—a predominant motive. In fact, this possible conflict of motives seems to be connoted by the term ‘dictate’ or ‘imperative,’ which describes the relation of Reason to mere inclinations or non-rational impulses by comparing it to the[35] relation between the will of a superior and the wills of his subordinates. This conflict seems also to be implied in the terms ‘ought,’ ‘duty,’ ‘moral obligation,’ as used in ordinary moral discourse: and hence these terms cannot be applied to the actions of rational beings to whom we cannot attribute impulses conflicting with reason. We may, however, say of such beings that their actions are ‘reasonable,’ or (in an absolute sense) ‘right.’
Furthermore, when I talk about the understanding or judgment that ‘X should be done’—in the strict ethical sense of the term should[37]—as a ‘directive’ or ‘rule’ of reason for the people it concerns, I mean that in rational beings, this understanding motivates action. However, in humans, this is just one of many motives that can conflict with each other and is not always—perhaps not usually—the main motive. In fact, this potential conflict of motives seems to be suggested by the word ‘directive’ or ‘imperative,’ which describes the relationship of reason to mere desires or non-rational impulses by likening it to the[35] relationship between a superior's will and that of their subordinates. This conflict also seems to be reflected in the terms ‘should,’ ‘duty,’ ‘moral obligation,’ as used in everyday moral discussions: therefore, these terms cannot be applied to the actions of rational beings to whom we cannot assign conflicting impulses against reason. We can, however, say that their actions are ‘reasonable’ or (in an absolute sense) ‘right.’
§ 4. I am aware that some persons will be disposed to answer all the preceding argument by a simple denial that they can find in their consciousness any such unconditional or categorical imperative as I have been trying to exhibit. If this is really the final result of self-examination in any case, there is no more to be said. I, at least, do not know how to impart the notion of moral obligation to any one who is entirely devoid of it. I think, however, that many of those who give this denial only mean to deny that they have any consciousness of moral obligation to actions without reference to their consequences; and would not really deny that they recognise some universal end or ends—whether it be the general happiness, or well-being otherwise understood—as that at which it is ultimately reasonable to aim, subordinating to its attainment the gratification of any personal desires that may conflict with this aim. But in this view, as I have before said, the unconditional imperative plainly comes in as regards the end, which is—explicitly or implicitly—recognised as an end at which all men ‘ought’ to aim; and it can hardly be denied that the recognition of an end as ultimately reasonable involves the recognition of an obligation to do such acts as most conduce to the end. The obligation is not indeed “unconditional,” but it does not depend on the existence of any non-rational desires or aversions. And nothing that has been said in the preceding section is intended as an argument in favour of Intuitionism, as against Utilitarianism or any other method that treats moral rules as relative to General Good or Well-being. For instance, nothing that I have said is inconsistent with the view that Truthspeaking is only valuable as a means to the preservation of society: only if it be admitted that it is valuable on this ground I should say that it is implied that the preservation of society—or some further end to which this preservation, again,[36] is a means—must be valuable per se, and therefore something at which a rational being, as such, ought to aim. If it be granted that we need not look beyond the preservation of society, the primary ‘dictate of reason’ in this case would be ‘that society ought to be preserved’: but reason would also dictate that truth ought to be spoken, so far as truthspeaking is recognised as the indispensable or fittest means to this end: and the notion “ought” as used in either dictate is that which I have been trying to make clear.
§ 4. I know that some people may simply reject all the previous arguments by claiming they don't see any unconditional or categorical imperative in their consciousness, as I’ve been trying to describe. If that truly is the conclusion after self-reflection, then there’s nothing more to discuss. I, for one, don’t know how to explain the idea of moral obligation to someone who lacks it entirely. However, I believe many who deny this are really just saying they don’t feel a moral obligation to act without considering the consequences; they wouldn’t truly deny that they recognize some universal goal—whether that’s general happiness or well-being in another form—as something reasonable to strive for, putting the pursuit of that goal above personal desires that might conflict with it. But in this perspective, as I mentioned before, the unconditional imperative clearly comes into play regarding the end, which is—either explicitly or implicitly—recognized as an end that everyone "ought" to pursue. It’s hard to deny that recognizing an end as ultimately reasonable implies an obligation to engage in actions that best contribute to that end. The obligation isn’t truly “unconditional,” but it doesn’t hinge on any non-rational desires or aversions. Nothing I stated in the previous section is meant to argue in favor of Intuitionism over Utilitarianism or any other approach that sees moral rules as relative to General Good or Well-being. For example, nothing I’ve said contradicts the idea that telling the truth is only valuable as a means to maintain society: only if it’s accepted that it is valuable for this reason would I argue that the preservation of society—or some further goal for which this preservation again serves as a means—must have value in itself, and therefore be something a rational being should aim for. If we agree that we need not look beyond the preservation of society, the main "dictate of reason" in this case would be "that society ought to be preserved": but reason would also dictate that truth should be told, as far as truth-telling is recognized as the essential or best means to this end: and the notion of "ought" as used in either dictate is what I’ve been trying to clarify.
So again, even those who hold that moral rules are only obligatory because it is the individual’s interest to conform to them—thus regarding them as a particular species of prudential rules—do not thereby get rid of the ‘dictate of reason,’ so far as they recognise private interest or happiness as an end at which it is ultimately reasonable to aim. The conflict of Practical Reason with irrational desire remains an indubitable fact of our conscious experience, even if practical reason is interpreted to mean merely self-regarding Prudence. It is, indeed, maintained by Kant and others that it cannot properly be said to be a man’s duty to promote his own happiness; since “what every one inevitably wills cannot be brought under the notion of duty.” But even granting[38] it to be in some sense true that a man’s volition is always directed to the attainment of his own happiness, it does not follow that a man always does what he believes will be conducive to his own greatest happiness. As Butler urges, it is a matter of common experience that men indulge appetite or passion even when, in their own view, the indulgence is as clearly opposed to what they conceive to be their interest as it is to what they conceive to be their duty. Thus the notion ‘ought’—as expressing the relation of rational judgment to non-rational impulses—will find a place in the practical rules of any egoistic system, no less than in the rules of ordinary morality, understood as prescribing duty without reference to the agent’s interest.
So, even those who believe that moral rules only matter because it benefits individuals to follow them—viewing them as a specific type of practical rules—still acknowledge the 'dictate of reason' since they see personal interest or happiness as a goal that's ultimately reasonable to pursue. The clash between Practical Reason and irrational desire is a clear part of our conscious experience, even if we interpret practical reason as just self-focused Prudence. In fact, Kant and others argue that it isn't correct to say that someone has a duty to pursue their own happiness; since “what everyone inevitably wills cannot be considered a duty.” However, even if we accept it as somewhat true that a person’s intentions are always aimed at achieving their own happiness, it doesn’t mean they always act in ways they believe will lead to their own greatest happiness. As Butler points out, it’s common experience that people give in to desire or passion even when they think that giving in is clearly against their interests as much as it's against what they believe their duty is. Therefore, the idea of 'ought'—reflecting the relationship between rational judgment and non-rational impulses—fits into the practical rules of any self-centered system, just as much as it does in the rules of standard morality, which prescribes duty without considering the agent’s interests.
Here, however, it may be held that Egoism does not properly regard the agent’s own greatest happiness as what he “ought” to aim at: but only as the ultimate end for the realisation of which he has, on the whole, a predominant desire; which may be temporarily overcome by particular[37] passions and appetites, but ordinarily regains its predominance when these transient impulses have spent their force. I quite recognise that this is a view widely taken of egoistic action, and I propose to consider it in a subsequent chapter.[39] But even if we discard the belief, that any end of action is unconditionally or “categorically” prescribed by reason, the notion ‘ought’ as above explained is not thereby eliminated from our practical reasonings: it still remains in the “hypothetical imperative” which prescribes the fittest means to any end that we may have determined to aim at. When (e.g.) a physician says, “If you wish to be healthy you ought to rise early,” this is not the same thing as saying “early rising is an indispensable condition of the attainment of health.” This latter proposition expresses the relation of physiological facts on which the former is founded; but it is not merely this relation of facts that the word ‘ought’ imports: it also implies the unreasonableness of adopting an end and refusing to adopt the means indispensable to its attainment. It may perhaps be argued that this is not only unreasonable but impossible: since adoption of an end means the preponderance of a desire for it, and if aversion to the indispensable means causes them not to be adopted although recognised as indispensable, the desire for the end is not preponderant and it ceases to be adopted. But this view is due, in my opinion, to a defective psychological analysis. According to my observation of consciousness, the adoption of an end as paramount—either absolutely or within certain limits—is quite a distinct psychical phenomenon from desire: it is a kind of volition, though it is, of course, specifically different from a volition initiating a particular immediate action. As a species intermediate between the two, we may place resolutions to act in a certain way at some future time: we continually make such resolutions, and sometimes when the time comes for carrying them out, we do in fact act otherwise under the influence of passion or mere habit, without consciously cancelling our previous resolve. This inconsistency of will our practical reason condemns as irrational, even apart from any judgment of approbation or disapprobation on either volition considered by itself. There is a similar[38] inconsistency between the adoption of an end and a general refusal to take whatever means we may see to be indispensable to its attainment: and if, when the time comes, we do not take such means while yet we do not consciously retract our adoption of the end, it can hardly be denied that we ‘ought’ in consistency to act otherwise than we do. And such a contradiction as I have described, between a general resolution and a particular volition, is surely a matter of common experience.
Here, however, it can be argued that egoism does not truly regard the agent's own greatest happiness as what they "ought" to aim for; instead, it sees it as the ultimate goal for which they generally have a strong desire. This desire may be temporarily overshadowed by specific passions and urges, but it usually reasserts itself once these fleeting impulses have run their course. I completely acknowledge that this is a perspective commonly held about egoistic actions, and I plan to explore it further in a later chapter.[39] However, even if we reject the idea that any goal of action is unconditionally or "categorically" dictated by reason, the concept of 'ought' as explained above is still present in our practical reasoning: it remains in the "hypothetical imperative" which suggests the most suitable means to any objective we decide to pursue. When (e.g.) a doctor says, “If you want to be healthy, you ought to wake up early,” this does not mean that “waking up early is an essential condition for achieving health.” The latter statement expresses the relationship between the physiological facts that the former is based on; but the word 'ought' conveys more than just this factual relationship: it also suggests the unreasonableness of setting a goal while refusing to take the necessary steps to achieve it. It might be argued that this is not only unreasonable but impossible: since committing to a goal indicates a strong desire for it, and if a dislike for the necessary means prevents us from adopting them—even when recognized as necessary—then the desire for the goal is not truly dominant, and we stop pursuing it. But I believe this viewpoint stems from a flawed psychological analysis. From my observations of consciousness, the commitment to a goal—whether absolutely or within certain limits—is a distinct psychological phenomenon from desire: it is a type of will, although it is specifically different from a will that initiates immediate actions. As a middle category between the two, we can consider resolutions to act in a certain way at a future time: we regularly make such resolutions, and sometimes when the time comes to follow through, we act differently under the influence of passion or habit, without consciously canceling our previous commitment. Our practical reasoning deems this inconsistency in will as irrational, even aside from any judgment of approval or disapproval regarding either will on its own. There’s a similar inconsistency between committing to a goal and generally refusing to take any means we see as essential for achieving it: if, when the time arrives, we don't take those means while still not consciously retracting our commitment to the goal, it’s hard to deny that we 'ought' to act differently than we do. Such a contradiction, as I've described, between a general resolution and a specific will is certainly a common experience.
CHAPTER IV
Pleasure and desire
§ 1. In the preceding chapter I have left undetermined the emotional characteristics of the impulse that prompts us to obey the dictates of Reason. I have done so because these seem to be very different in different minds, and even to vary much and rapidly in the same mind, without any corresponding variation in the volitional direction of the impulse. For instance, in the mind of a rational Egoist the ruling impulse is generally what Butler and Hutcheson call a “calm” or “cool” self-love: whereas in the man who takes universal happiness as the end and standard of right conduct, the desire to do what is judged to be reasonable as such is commonly blended in varying degrees with sympathy and philanthropic enthusiasm. Again, if one conceives the dictating Reason—whatever its dictates may be—as external to oneself, the cognition of rightness is accompanied by a sentiment of Reverence for Authority; which may by some be conceived impersonally, but is more commonly regarded as the authority of a supreme Person, so that the sentiment blends with the affections normally excited by persons in different relations, and becomes Religious. This conception of Reason as an external authority, against which the self-will rebels, is often irresistibly forced on the reflective mind: at other times, however, the identity of Reason and Self presents itself as an immediate conviction, and then Reverence for Authority passes over into Self-respect; and the opposite and even more powerful sentiment of Freedom is called in, if we consider the rational Self as liable to be enslaved by the usurping force of[40] sensual impulses. Quite different again are the emotions of Aspiration or Admiration aroused by the conception of Virtue as an ideal of Moral Beauty.[40] Other phases of emotion might be mentioned, all having with these the common characteristic that they are inseparable from an apparent cognition—implicit or explicit, direct or indirect—of rightness in the conduct to which they prompt. There are, no doubt, important differences in the moral value and efficacy of these different emotions, to which I shall hereafter call attention; but their primary practical effect does not appear to vary so long as the cognition of rightness remains unchanged. It is then with these cognitions that Ethics, in my view, is primarily concerned: its object is to free them from doubt and error, and systematise them as far as possible.
§ 1. In the previous chapter, I left unclear the emotional traits of the drive that makes us follow the guidance of Reason. I did this because these traits seem to differ significantly across different minds, and even fluctuate greatly and quickly within the same mind, without any corresponding change in the will behind the impulse. For example, in the mind of a rational Egoist, the main impulse is usually what Butler and Hutcheson refer to as a “calm” or “cool” self-love; while in someone who sees universal happiness as the ultimate goal and standard for right conduct, the desire to act reasonably is often mixed with varying levels of sympathy and humanitarian enthusiasm. Furthermore, if one perceives dictating Reason—no matter what it dictates—as something external to oneself, the recognition of what is right comes with a feeling of Reverence for Authority; this authority can be seen impersonally by some but is more typically viewed as the authority of a supreme Person, resulting in the sentiment blending with the feelings typically stirred by people in various relationships, thus becoming Religious. This view of Reason as an external authority that self-will fights against is frequently imposed on the reflective mind; however, at other times, the identity of Reason and Self presents itself as an immediate conviction, leading Reverence for Authority to transform into Self-respect; and the contrasting, even stronger sentiment of Freedom arises when we consider the rational Self as vulnerable to be dominated by the overpowering force of sensual impulses. The emotions of Aspiration or Admiration triggered by the idea of Virtue as a standard of Moral Beauty are quite different still. Other emotional phases could be highlighted, all sharing the common trait that they are tied to an apparent recognition—whether implicit or explicit, direct or indirect—of rightness in the actions they lead us to take. There are certainly significant differences in the moral value and effectiveness of these various emotions, which I will discuss later; however, their primary practical impact seems to remain consistent as long as the recognition of rightness stays the same. Hence, I believe Ethics is primarily concerned with these recognitions: its goal is to eliminate doubt and error from them and to organize them as thoroughly as possible.
There is, however, one view of the feelings which prompt to voluntary action, which is sometimes thought to cut short all controversy as to the principles on which such action ought to be regulated. I mean the view that volition is always determined by pleasures or pains actual or prospective. This doctrine—which I may distinguish as Psychological Hedonism—is often connected and not seldom confounded with the method of Ethics which I have called Egoistic Hedonism; and no doubt it seems at first sight a natural inference that if one end of action—my own pleasure or absence of pain—is definitely determined for me by unvarying psychological laws, a different end cannot be prescribed for me by Reason.
There is, however, one perspective on the feelings that drive voluntary action, which is sometimes believed to settle any debate about how such actions should be guided. I’m referring to the idea that our choices are always influenced by either current or anticipated pleasures and pains. This theory—I'll call it Psychological Hedonism—is often associated with and sometimes confused with the ethical approach I've referred to as Egoistic Hedonism; and it certainly seems at first glance to be a straightforward conclusion that if one outcome of action—my own pleasure or freedom from pain—is clearly dictated by consistent psychological rules, then a different outcome cannot be dictated for me by Reason.
Reflection, however, shows that this inference involves the unwarranted assumption that a man’s pleasure and pain are determined independently of his moral judgments: whereas it is manifestly possible that our prospect of pleasure resulting from any course of conduct may largely depend on our conception of it as right or otherwise: and in fact the psychological theory above mentioned would require us to suppose that this is normally the case with conscientious persons, who habitually act in accordance with their moral convictions. The connexion of the expectation of pleasure from an act with the judgment that it is right may be different in different cases: we commonly conceive a truly moral man as one who finds pleasure[41] in doing what he judges to be right because he so judges it: but, even where moral sensibility is weak, expectation of pleasure from an act may be a necessary consequent of a judgment that it is right, through a belief in the moral government of the world somehow harmonising Virtue and Self-interest.
Reflection shows that this reasoning relies on the unjustified belief that a person's pleasure and pain are determined separately from their moral judgments. It’s clear that our expectation of pleasure from any action can largely depend on how we view it as right or wrong. In fact, the psychological theory mentioned earlier suggests that this is typically true for conscientious people who consistently act according to their moral beliefs. The link between expecting pleasure from an action and judging it as right can vary in different situations. We often see a truly moral person as someone who feels pleasure in doing what they believe is right simply because they believe it. However, even when moral sensitivity is low, the expectation of pleasure from an action can often follow from the judgment that it is right, supported by a belief in a moral order in the world that aligns virtue with self-interest.
I therefore conclude that there is no necessary connexion between the psychological proposition that pleasure or absence of pain to myself is always the actual ultimate end of my action, and the ethical proposition that my own greatest happiness or pleasure is for me the right ultimate end. It may, however, be replied that if the former proposition be accepted in the same quantitatively precise form as the latter—if it is admitted that I must by a law of my nature always aim at the greatest possible pleasure (or least pain) to myself—then at least I cannot conceive any aim conflicting with this to be prescribed by Reason. And this seems to me undeniable. If, as Bentham[41] affirms, “on the occasion of every act he exercises, every human being is” inevitably “led to pursue that line of conduct which, according to his view of the case, taken by him at the moment, will be in the highest degree contributory to his own greatest happiness,”[42] then, to any one who knows this, it must become inconceivable that Reason dictates to him to pursue any other line of conduct. But at the same time, as it seems to me, the proposition that he ‘ought’ to pursue that line of conduct becomes no less clearly incapable of being affirmed with any significance. For a psychological law invariably realised in my conduct does not admit of being conceived as ‘a precept’ or ‘dictate’ of reason: this latter must be a rule from which I am conscious that it is possible to deviate. I do not, however, think that the proposition quoted from Bentham would be affirmed without qualification by any of the writers who now maintain psychological Hedonism. They would admit, with J. S. Mill,[43] that men often, not from merely intellectual deficiencies, but from[42] “infirmity of character, make their election for the nearer good, though they know it to be less valuable: and this no less when the choice is between two bodily pleasures ... they pursue sensual indulgences to the injury of health, though perfectly aware that health is the greater good.”[44]
I conclude that there isn't a necessary connection between the idea that my ultimate goal in action is to seek pleasure or avoid pain, and the belief that my greatest happiness or pleasure is the right ultimate goal for me. However, one could argue that if we accept the first idea as precisely as the second—if we agree that I must, by my nature, always aim for the greatest possible pleasure (or the least pain) for myself—then I can't see how any other goal would be prescribed by reason. This seems undeniable. If, as Bentham states, “in every act he takes, every person is” inevitably “led to pursue the course of action that, based on their understanding at that moment, contributes most to their own happiness,” then it must seem unimaginable to anyone who understands this that reason would direct them to pursue another course of action. Yet, I believe the idea that someone ‘ought’ to pursue that course becomes equally hard to affirm meaningfully. A psychological law consistently reflected in my behavior can't be seen as ‘a directive’ or ‘rule’ of reason; the latter must be a guideline that I know I can deviate from. However, I don't think writers who advocate psychological Hedonism would fully endorse the statement from Bentham without exception. They would agree with J. S. Mill that people often choose the immediate good, not just due to lack of understanding, but from “weakness of character,” even when they know it’s less valuable: they pursue pleasures at the expense of their health, fully aware that health is the greater good.
This being so, Egoistic Hedonism becomes a possible ethical ideal to which psychological Hedonism seems to point. If it can be shown that the ultimate aim of each of us in acting is always solely some pleasure (or absence of pain) to himself, the demonstration certainly suggests that each ought to seek his own greatest pleasure.[45] As has been said, no cogent inference is possible from the psychological generalisation to the ethical principle: but the mind has a natural tendency to pass from the one position to the other: if the actual ultimate springs of our volition are always our own pleasures and pains, it seems prima facie reasonable to be moved by them in proportion to their pleasantness and painfulness, and therefore to choose the greatest pleasure or least pain on the whole. Further, this psychological doctrine seems to conflict with an ethical view widely held by persons whose moral consciousness is highly developed: viz. that an act, to be in the highest sense virtuous, must not be done solely for the sake of the attendant pleasure, even if that be the pleasure of the moral sense; so that if I do an act from the sole desire of obtaining the glow of moral self-approbation which I believe will attend its performance, the act will not be truly virtuous.
Given this, Egoistic Hedonism becomes a potential ethical ideal that psychological Hedonism seems to indicate. If it can be demonstrated that the ultimate goal of each of us in our actions is always just some pleasure (or avoidance of pain) for ourselves, then this suggests that each ought to pursue their own greatest pleasure.[45] As previously stated, a strong inference cannot be made from the psychological generalization to the ethical principle: however, the mind naturally tends to transition from one position to the other: if the true ultimate motivations behind our choices are always our own pleasures and pains, it seems prima facie reasonable to respond to them in relation to their pleasantness and painfulness, thus opting for the greatest pleasure or the least pain overall. Moreover, this psychological view appears to contradict a widely held ethical belief among those with a well-developed moral sense: namely, that for an act to be truly virtuous, it must not be done solely for the pleasure that comes with it, even if it's the pleasure of moral approval; therefore, if I perform an act purely out of the desire to feel the satisfaction of moral self-approval that I believe will result from it, then the act will not be genuinely virtuous.
It seems therefore important to subject psychological Hedonism, even in its more indefinite form, to a careful examination.
It seems important to closely examine psychological Hedonism, even in its less clear form.
§ 2. It will be well to begin by defining more precisely the question at issue. First, I will concede that pleasure is a kind of feeling which stimulates the will to actions tending to sustain or produce it,—to sustain it, if actually present, and to produce it, if it be only represented in idea—; and similarly pain is a kind of feeling which stimulates to actions[43] tending to remove or avert it.[46] It seems convenient to call the felt volitional stimulus in the two cases respectively Desire[47] and Aversion; though it should be observed that the former term is ordinarily restricted to the impulse felt when pleasure is not actually present, but only represented in idea. The question at issue, then, is not whether pleasure, present or represented, is normally accompanied by an impulse to prolong the actual or realise the represented feeling, and pain correspondingly by aversion: but whether there are no desires and aversions which have not pleasures and pains for their objects—no conscious impulses to produce or avert results other than the agent’s own feelings. In the treatise to which I have referred, Mill explains that “desiring a thing, and finding it pleasant, are, in the strictness of language, two modes of naming the same psychological fact.” If this be the case, it is hard to see how the proposition we are discussing requires to be determined by “practised self-consciousness and self-observation”; as the denial of it would involve a contradiction in terms. The truth is that an ambiguity in the word Pleasure has tended to confuse the discussion of[44] this question.[48] When we speak of a man doing something “at his pleasure,” or “as he pleases,” we usually signify the mere fact of voluntary choice: not necessarily that the result aimed at is some prospective feeling of the chooser. Now, if by “pleasant” we merely mean that which influences choice, exercises a certain attractive force on the will, it is an assertion incontrovertible because tautological, to say that we desire what is pleasant—or even that we desire a thing in proportion as it appears pleasant. But if we take “pleasure” to denote the kind of feelings, above defined, it becomes a really debateable question whether the end to which our desires are always consciously directed is the attainment by ourselves of such feelings. And this is what we must understand Mill to consider “so obvious, that it will hardly be disputed.”
§ 2. It’s a good idea to start by clarifying the main question. First, I’ll agree that pleasure is a type of feeling that encourages us to take actions that either maintain or create it—maintain it if it’s actually there, and create it if it’s just a mental image; similarly, pain is a type of feeling that drives us to take actions aimed at removing or avoiding it. It makes sense to label the feeling that motivates us in these two cases as Desire and Aversion; however, it’s important to note that the term “Desire” is typically used to describe the urge we feel when pleasure is only represented in our minds, not currently experienced. So, the real question isn’t whether pleasure, whether present or imagined, usually comes with an urge to extend or achieve that feeling, and pain with an urge to avoid it. Instead, it’s about whether there are desires and aversions that don’t rely on pleasures or pains as their goals—no conscious urges to create or avoid outcomes that are different from our own feelings. In the work I mentioned, Mill points out that “desiring something and finding it pleasant are, strictly speaking, two ways of referring to the same psychological fact.” If that’s true, it’s hard to see how the issue we’re discussing needs to be resolved through “careful self-awareness and self-observation,” since denying it would lead to a contradiction. The reality is that a misunderstanding of the word Pleasure has muddled this discussion. When we say someone is doing something “at their pleasure” or “as they please,” we usually refer to the simple act of making a choice, not necessarily that the outcome they aim for is some anticipated feeling. Now, if by “pleasant” we mean simply something that affects our choices and exerts a certain attraction on our will, it’s a statement that can’t be challenged because it’s redundant to say we desire what is pleasant—or even that we want something more as it seems more pleasant. But if we understand “pleasure” to mean the kind of feelings described above, it becomes a genuinely debatable question whether our desires are always consciously aimed at achieving such feelings for ourselves. And this is what we should understand Mill to believe is “so obvious, it’s hardly up for debate.”
It is rather curious to find that one of the best-known of English moralists regards the exact opposite of what Mill thinks so obvious, as being not merely a universal fact of our conscious experience, but even a necessary truth. Butler, as is well known, distinguishes self-love, or the impulse towards our own pleasure, from “particular movements towards particular external objects—honour, power, the harm or good of another”; the actions proceeding from which are “no otherwise interested than as every action of every creature must from the nature of the case be; for no one can act but from a desire, or choice, or preference of his own.” Such particular passions or appetites are, he goes on to say, “necessarily presupposed by the very idea of an interested pursuit; since the very idea of interest or happiness consists in this, that an appetite or affection enjoys its object.” We could not pursue pleasure at all, unless we had desires for something else than pleasure; for pleasure consists in the satisfaction of just these “disinterested” impulses.
It’s quite interesting to see that one of the most famous English moral philosophers views the exact opposite of what Mill insists is so clear, not only as a universal aspect of our conscious experience but even as a necessary truth. Butler, as we all know, differentiates self-love, or the drive for our own pleasure, from “specific movements toward particular external objects—honor, power, the well-being or detriment of others”; the actions that come from these are “no more interested than any action of any being must necessarily be; for no one can act without a desire, choice, or preference of their own.” He further explains that these specific passions or desires are “necessarily presupposed by the very idea of an interested pursuit; since the very idea of interest or happiness is based on the fact that a desire or affection finds satisfaction in its object.” We wouldn’t be able to pursue pleasure at all if we didn’t have desires for something other than pleasure; because pleasure itself lies in the fulfillment of these “disinterested” impulses.
Butler has certainly over-stated his case,[49] so far as my own[45] experience goes; for many pleasures,—especially those of sight, hearing and smell, together with many emotional pleasures,—occur to me without any perceptible relation to previous desires, and it seems quite conceivable that our primary desires might be entirely directed towards such pleasures as these. But as a matter of fact, it appears to me that throughout the whole scale of my impulses, sensual, emotional, and intellectual alike, I can distinguish desires of which the object is something other than my own pleasure.
Butler has definitely exaggerated his point,[49] based on my own[45] experiences; many pleasures—especially those related to sight, hearing, and smell, along with various emotional pleasures—come to me without any clear connection to prior desires. It seems quite possible that our fundamental desires could be entirely focused on these kinds of pleasures. However, I find that across all my impulses—sensual, emotional, and intellectual—I can identify desires where the goal is something other than my own pleasure.
I will begin by taking an illustration of this from the impulses commonly placed lowest in the scale. The appetite of hunger, so far as I can observe, is a direct impulse to the eating of food. Such eating is no doubt commonly attended with an agreeable feeling of more or less intensity; but it cannot, I think, be strictly said that this agreeable feeling is the object of hunger, and that it is the representation of this pleasure which stimulates the will of the hungry man as such. Of course, hunger is frequently and naturally accompanied with anticipation of the pleasure of eating: but careful introspection seems to show that the two are by no means inseparable. And even when they occur together the pleasure seems properly the object not of the primary appetite, but of a secondary desire which can be distinguished from the former; since the gourmand, in whom this secondary desire is strong, is often prompted by it to actions designed to stimulate hunger, and often, again, is led to control the primary impulse, in order to prolong and vary the process of satisfying it.
I’ll start with an example from the basic impulses. The urge of hunger, as far as I can tell, is a straight impulse to eat food. Eating, of course, usually comes with a pleasant feeling to varying degrees; however, I don't think it's accurate to say that this pleasant feeling is the goal of hunger, or that it's this pleasure that drives a hungry person’s will. Naturally, hunger often comes with thoughts of the joy of eating, but a closer look seems to reveal that the two aren’t always linked. Even when they happen together, it seems that pleasure is more an aim of a secondary desire rather than the basic urge itself. A gourmand, for instance, who has a strong secondary desire, is often motivated by it to do things that increase hunger, and often also learns to control the basic impulse to extend and enrich the experience of satisfying it.
Indeed it is so obvious that hunger is something different from the desire for anticipated pleasure, that some writers have regarded its volitional stimulus (and that of desire generally) as a case of aversion from present pain. This, however, seems to me a distinct mistake in psychological classification. No[46] doubt desire is a state of consciousness so far similar to pain, that in both we feel a stimulus prompting us to pass from the present state into a different one. But aversion from pain is an impulse to get out of the present state and pass into some other state which is only negatively represented as different from the present: whereas in desire as such, the primary impulse is towards the realisation of some positive future result. It is true that when a strong desire is, for any reason, baulked of its effect in causing action, it is generally painful in some degree: and so a secondary aversion to the state of desire is generated, which blends itself with the desire and may easily be confounded with it. But here, again, we may distinguish the two impulses by observing the different kinds of conduct to which they occasionally prompt: for the aversion to the pain of ungratified desire, though it may act as an additional stimulus towards the gratification of the desire, may also (and often does) prompt us to get rid of the pain by suppressing the desire.
It’s clear that hunger is totally different from wanting something pleasurable in the future, so much so that some writers have viewed its driving force (and desire in general) as a reaction to avoid current pain. However, I think that’s a mistake in understanding psychology. No[46] doubt desire is a state of mind similar to pain, since in both cases we feel a need to move from our current situation to a different one. But wanting to avoid pain is about escaping the present situation and entering another state that is only negatively defined as different from the current one; in contrast, desire itself is primarily about achieving some positive outcome in the future. It’s true that when a strong desire is blocked for any reason, it can become somewhat painful: this can create a secondary aversion to the feeling of desire itself, which mixes with the desire and can easily be mistaken for it. But we can differentiate between the two impulses by observing the different types of behavior they can lead to: the aversion to the discomfort of unfulfilled desire may push us to pursue what we want, but it can also (and often does) lead us to suppress the desire to relieve that discomfort.
The question whether all desire has in some degree the quality of pain, is one of psychological rather than ethical interest;[50] so long as it is admitted that it is often not painful in any degree comparable to its intensity as desire, so that its volitional impulse cannot be explained as a case of aversion to its own painfulness. At the same time, so far as my experience goes, I have no hesitation in answering the question in the negative. Consider again the case of hunger; I certainly do not find hunger as an element of my normal life at all a painful feeling: it only becomes painful when I am in ill health, or when the satisfaction of the appetite is abnormally delayed. And, generally speaking, any desire that is not felt to be thwarted in its primary impulse to actions tending to its satisfaction, is not only not itself a painful feeling—even when this attainment is still remote—but is often an element of a state of consciousness which as a whole is highly pleasurable. Indeed, the pleasures afforded by the consciousness of eager activity, in which desire is an essential element, constitute a considerable item in the total enjoyment of life. It is almost a commonplace to say that[47] such pleasures, which we may call generally the pleasures of Pursuit, are more important than the pleasures of Attainment: and in many cases it is the prospect of the former rather than of the latter that induces us to engage in a pursuit. In such cases it is peculiarly easy to distinguish the desire to attain the object pursued, from a desire of the pleasure of attainment: since the attainment only becomes pleasant in prospect because the pursuit itself stimulates a desire for what is pursued. Take, for example, the case of any game which involves—as most games do—a contest for victory. No ordinary player before entering on such a contest, has any desire for victory in it: indeed he often finds it difficult to imagine himself deriving gratification from such victory, before he has actually engaged in the competition. What he deliberately, before the game begins, desires is not victory, but the pleasant excitement of the struggle for it; only for the full development of this pleasure a transient desire to win the game is generally indispensable. This desire, which does not exist at first, is stimulated to considerable intensity by the competition itself: and in proportion as it is thus stimulated both the mere contest becomes more pleasurable, and the victory, which was originally indifferent, comes to afford a keen enjoyment.
The question of whether all desires have some level of pain associated with them is more of a psychological issue than an ethical one;[50] as long as we recognize that desire often isn't painful in a way that matches its intensity. Therefore, its driving force can't be explained as a reaction against its own painfulness. From my own experience, I can confidently say no, not all desires are painful. Take hunger, for example; I don’t find hunger, as a regular part of my life, to be painful at all: it only becomes uncomfortable when I'm unwell or when I'm unusually delayed in satisfying my appetite. Generally, any desire that isn’t blocked in its initial urge to act towards satisfaction isn’t painful—even if the goal is still far off—and often contributes to a state of mind that is very enjoyable. In fact, the pleasure that comes from being actively engaged, where desire plays a crucial role, is a significant part of the overall enjoyment of life. It’s often said that[47] these pleasures, which we can broadly label as the pleasures of Pursuit, are more significant than the pleasures of Achieving: many times, it’s the anticipation of the former that motivates us to pursue something. In such situations, it's easy to differentiate between the desire to achieve the goal and the desire for the joy that comes with achieving it: the satisfaction only seems enjoyable in hindsight because the pursuit itself sparks a desire for the goal. For example, in any game that involves a competition for victory—as most games do—most players don’t really desire victory before they start; in fact, they often struggle to envision enjoying a win until they’re actually in the game. What they truly want, before the game kicks off, is not victory but the thrilling excitement of the competition; yet, for this enjoyment to fully blossom, a temporary desire to win is usually necessary. This desire, which wasn’t there at the start, gets significantly intensified by the competition itself: as it grows stronger, the contest itself becomes more enjoyable, and the victory, which initially seemed neutral, starts to bring real satisfaction.
The same phenomenon is exhibited in the case of more important kinds of pursuit. Thus it often happens that a man, feeling his life languid and devoid of interests, begins to occupy himself in the prosecution of some scientific or socially useful work, for the sake not of the end but of the occupation. At first, very likely, the occupation is irksome: but soon, as he foresaw, a desire to attain the end at which he aims is stimulated, partly by sympathy with other workers, partly by his sustained exercise of voluntary effort directed towards it; so that his pursuit, becoming eager, becomes also a source of pleasure. Here, again, it is no doubt true that in proportion as his desire for the end grows strong, the attainment of it becomes pleasant in prospect: but it would be a palpable mistake to say that this prospective pleasure is the object of the desire that causes it.[51]
The same phenomenon can be seen with more significant pursuits. Often, a person, feeling unfulfilled and lacking interests, starts engaging in some scientific or socially beneficial work, not for the end result but for the activity itself. At first, this activity might be tedious, but soon, as he anticipated, a desire to achieve his goal is ignited, partly through connecting with other workers and partly from his continuous effort towards it; thus, his pursuit becomes enthusiastic and turns into a source of enjoyment. It is certainly true that as his desire for the goal intensifies, achieving it becomes an appealing prospect; however, it would be a clear mistake to claim that this anticipated pleasure is the objective of the desire that brings it about.[51]
When we compare these pleasures with those previously discussed, another important observation suggests itself. In the former case, though we could distinguish appetite, as it appears in consciousness, from the desire of the pleasure attending the satisfaction of appetite, there appeared to be no incompatibility between the two. The fact that a glutton is dominated by the desire of the pleasures of eating in no way impedes the development in him of the appetite which is a necessary condition of these pleasures. But when we turn to the pleasures of pursuit, we seem to perceive this incompatibility to a certain extent: a certain subordination of self-regard seems to be necessary in order to obtain full enjoyment. A man who maintains throughout an epicurean mood, keeping his main conscious aim perpetually fixed on his own pleasure, does not catch the full spirit of the chase; his eagerness never gets just the sharpness of edge which imparts to the pleasure its highest zest. Here comes into view what we may call the fundamental paradox of Hedonism, that the impulse towards pleasure, if too predominant, defeats its own aim. This effect is not visible, or at any rate is scarcely visible, in the case of passive sensual pleasures. But of our active enjoyments generally, whether the activities on which they attend are classed as ‘bodily’ or as ‘intellectual’ (as well as of many emotional[49] pleasures), it may certainly be said that we cannot attain them, at least in their highest degree, so long as we keep our main conscious aim concentrated upon them. It is not only that the exercise of our faculties is insufficiently stimulated by the mere desire of the pleasure attending it, and requires the presence of other more objective, ‘extra-regarding,’ impulses, in order to be fully developed: we may go further and say that these other impulses must be temporarily predominant and absorbing, if the exercise and its attendant gratification are to attain their full scope. Many middle-aged Englishmen would maintain the view that business is more agreeable than amusement; but they would hardly find it so if they transacted the business with a perpetual conscious aim at the attendant pleasure. Similarly, the pleasures of thought and study can only be enjoyed in the highest degree by those who have an ardour of curiosity which carries the mind temporarily away from self and its sensations. In all kinds of Art, again, the exercise of the creative faculty is attended by intense and exquisite pleasures: but it would seem that in order to get them, one must forget them: the genuine artist at work seems to have a predominant and temporarily absorbing desire for the realisation of his ideal of beauty.
When we compare these pleasures to the ones we discussed earlier, another important insight comes to mind. In the first case, while we can separate appetite, as it appears in our awareness, from the desire for the pleasure that comes with satisfying that appetite, there seems to be no conflict between the two. The fact that a glutton is driven by the desire for the pleasures of eating doesn’t stop the development of the appetite that is essential for those pleasures. However, when we look at the pleasures of pursuit, we notice some incompatibility: a kind of selflessness seems necessary to truly enjoy it. A person who stays in an indulgent mindset, constantly focused on their own pleasure, doesn't fully grasp the thrill of the chase; their enthusiasm lacks the sharpness that gives the pleasure its peak excitement. This highlights what we might call the fundamental paradox of Hedonism: if the drive for pleasure is too strong, it undermines itself. This effect isn't apparent, or at least barely noticeable, with passive sensual pleasures. But with our active pleasures, whether they involve physical or intellectual activities (and many emotional pleasures), we can say that we can't achieve them, at least not in their highest form, as long as we concentrate solely on them. It's not just that our abilities are not fully stimulated by the mere wish for the pleasure that comes with them; they also require the presence of other, more objective, ‘other-regarding’ impulses to develop fully. We can go further and say that these other impulses must take temporary precedence and be absorbing for the exercise and its rewards to reach their full potential. Many middle-aged Englishmen might argue that business is more enjoyable than leisure; however, they probably wouldn’t feel that way if they approached work with a constant focus on the pleasure it brings. Similarly, the pleasures of thinking and studying can only be maximally enjoyed by those who have a curiosity that briefly diverts their mind from themselves and their feelings. In all forms of art, the act of being creative is accompanied by profound and delicate pleasures, but it seems that to experience these, one must forget about them; the true artist at work appears to have a dominant and temporarily absorbing desire to realize their vision of beauty.
The important case of the benevolent affections is at first sight somewhat more doubtful. On the one hand it is of course true, that when those whom we love are pleased or pained, we ourselves feel sympathetic pleasure and pain: and further, that the flow of love or kindly feeling is itself highly pleasurable. So that it is at least plausible to interpret benevolent actions as aiming ultimately at the attainment of one or both of these two kinds of pleasures, or at the averting of sympathetic pain from the agent. But we may observe, first, that the impulse to beneficent action produced in us by sympathy is often so much out of proportion to any actual consciousness of sympathetic pleasure and pain in ourselves, that it would be paradoxical to regard this latter as its object. Often indeed we cannot but feel that a tale of actual suffering arouses in us an excitement on the whole more pleasurable than painful, like the excitement of witnessing a tragedy; and yet at the same time stirs in us an impulse to relieve it, even when the process of relieving is painful and laborious and involves various[50] sacrifices of our own pleasures. Again, we may often free ourselves from sympathetic pain most easily by merely turning our thoughts from the external suffering that causes it: and we sometimes feel an egoistic impulse to do this, which we can then distinguish clearly from the properly sympathetic impulse prompting us to relieve the original suffering. And finally, the much-commended pleasures of benevolence seem to require, in order to be felt in any considerable degree, the pre-existence of a desire to do good to others for their sake and not for our own. As Hutcheson explains, we may cultivate benevolent affection for the sake of the pleasures attending it (just as the glutton cultivates appetite), but we cannot produce it at will, however strong may be our desire of these pleasures: and when it exists, even though it may owe its origin to a purely egoistic impulse, it is still essentially a desire to do good to others for their sake and not for our own.
The important case of benevolent feelings is, at first glance, a bit more uncertain. On one hand, it's true that when the people we love are happy or hurt, we feel sympathetic pleasure and pain ourselves. Additionally, the experience of love or kindness is genuinely pleasurable. So, it makes sense to interpret benevolent actions as ultimately aimed at achieving one or both of these types of pleasure or at avoiding the sympathetic pain that the person acting might feel. However, we can observe that the urge to help others that arises from sympathy often feels much more intense than our actual awareness of sympathetic pleasure and pain in ourselves, making it strange to see the latter as the goal. Often, we sense that hearing a story of real suffering actually excites us in a way that's more pleasurable than painful, similar to the thrill of watching a tragedy, yet it still motivates us to want to alleviate that suffering, even if the act of helping is painful and difficult and requires sacrificing some of our own pleasures. Moreover, we can often escape from sympathetic pain most easily by simply diverting our thoughts away from the external suffering that causes it; and sometimes we feel a selfish impulse to do that, which we can clearly recognize as different from the genuinely sympathetic urge to help relieve the original suffering. Lastly, the much-praised joys of being benevolent seem to need, to be genuinely felt, a pre-existing desire to help others for their sake rather than for our own benefit. As Hutcheson explains, we might cultivate benevolent feelings for the sake of the pleasure they bring (just like a glutton cultivates their appetite), but we can't just create them at will, no matter how strongly we desire those pleasures: and when they do arise, even if they originate from a self-serving impulse, they remain fundamentally a desire to do good for others for their sake, not for ours.
It cannot perhaps be said that the self-abandonment and self-forgetfulness, which seemed an essential condition of the full development of the other elevated impulses before noticed, characterise benevolent affection normally and permanently; as love, when a powerful emotion, seems naturally to involve a desire for reciprocated love, strong in proportion to the intensity of the emotion; and thus the consciousness of self and of one’s own pleasures and pains seems often heightened by the very intensity of the affection that binds one to others. Still we may at least say that this self-suppression and absorption of consciousness in the thought of other human beings and their happiness is a common incident of all strong affections: and it is said that persons who love intensely sometimes feel a sense of antagonism between the egoistic and altruistic elements of their desire, and an impulse to suppress the former, which occasionally exhibits itself in acts of fantastic and extravagant self-sacrifice.
It can't really be said that the selflessness and self-forgetfulness, which seem essential for fully developing the other uplifting emotions mentioned earlier, characterize benevolent affection consistently and permanently. When love is a powerful emotion, it naturally seems to include a desire for love in return, which is strong in proportion to how intense the emotion is. Because of this, the awareness of oneself and one's own joys and sorrows often feels heightened by the very intensity of the affection that connects one to others. Still, we can at least say that this self-suppression and focus on the thoughts of other people and their happiness is a common aspect of all strong emotions. It's said that people who love deeply sometimes feel a conflict between their self-centered and selfless desires, leading to an urge to suppress the former, which can sometimes show up in acts of extreme and even outrageous self-sacrifice.
If then reflection on our moral consciousness seems to show that “the pleasure of virtue is one which can only be obtained on the express condition of its not being the object sought,”[52] we need not distrust this result of observation on account of the abnormal nature of the phenomenon. We have merely another illustration of a psychological law, which, as we have[51] seen, is exemplified throughout the whole range of our desires. In the promptings of Sense no less than in those of Intellect or Reason we find the phenomenon of strictly disinterested impulse: base and trivial external ends may excite desires of this kind, as well as the sublime and ideal: and there are pleasures of the merely animal life which can only be obtained on condition of not being directly sought, no less than the satisfactions of a good conscience.
If reflection on our moral awareness shows that “the pleasure of virtue is something that can only be achieved if it's not the goal we are pursuing,”[52] we shouldn’t doubt this observation just because the phenomenon seems unusual. This simply illustrates a psychological principle that, as we've[51] seen, is evident throughout all our desires. In both our senses and our intellect or reasoning, we come across the phenomenon of completely selfless motivation: both trivial external goals and noble, ideal ones can stir desires of this kind. Moreover, there are pleasures from basic animal life that can only be enjoyed if we don't pursue them directly, just like the satisfactions that come from having a clear conscience.
§ 3. So far I have been concerned to insist on the felt incompatibility of ‘self-regarding’ and ‘extra-regarding’ impulses only as a means of proving their essential distinctness. I do not wish to overstate this incompatibility: I believe that most commonly it is very transient, and often only momentary, and that our greatest happiness—if that be our deliberate aim—is generally attained by means of a sort of alternating rhythm of the two kinds of impulse in consciousness. A man’s conscious desire is, I think, more often than not chiefly extra-regarding; but where there is strong desire in any direction, there is commonly keen susceptibility to the corresponding pleasures; and the most devoted enthusiast is sustained in his work by the recurrent consciousness of such pleasures. But it is important to point out that the familiar and obvious instances of conflict between self-love and some extra-regarding impulse are not paradoxes and illusions to be explained away, but phenomena which the analysis of our consciousness in its normal state, when there is no such conflict, would lead us to expect. If we are continually acting from impulses whose immediate objects are something other than our own happiness, it is quite natural that we should occasionally yield to such impulses when they prompt us to an uncompensated sacrifice of pleasure. Thus a man of weak self-control, after fasting too long, may easily indulge his appetite for food to an extent which he knows to be unwholesome: and that not because the pleasure of eating appears to him, even in the moment of indulgence, at all worthy of consideration in comparison with the injury to health; but merely because he feels an impulse to eat food, which prevails over his prudential judgment. Thus, again, men have sacrificed all the enjoyments of life, and even life itself, to obtain posthumous fame: not from any illusory belief that they would be somehow capable of deriving pleasure from it, but from a direct[52] desire of the future admiration of others, and a preference of it to their own pleasure. And so, again, when the sacrifice is made for some ideal end, as Truth, or Freedom, or Religion: it may be a real sacrifice of the individual’s happiness, and not merely the preference of one highly refined pleasure (or of the absence of one special pain) to all the other elements of happiness. No doubt this preference is possible; a man may feel that the high and severe delight of serving his ideal is a “pearl of great price” outweighing in value all other pleasures. But he may also feel that the sacrifice will not repay him, and yet determine that it shall be made.
§ 3. Up to this point, I've focused on highlighting the clear difference between 'self-regarding' and 'extra-regarding' impulses to show they are fundamentally separate. I don’t want to exaggerate this difference: I think most of the time it’s very temporary and often just brief, and that our biggest happiness—if that's our goal—is usually achieved through a kind of alternating rhythm of both types of impulses in our awareness. A person's conscious desire is, I believe, usually more centered on others; however, when there’s a strong desire in any direction, there’s often a sharp awareness of the related pleasures, and even the most dedicated enthusiast finds motivation in the recurring awareness of such pleasures. But it’s crucial to emphasize that the well-known and obvious examples of conflict between self-interest and an outside impulse aren't just paradoxes or illusions to be dismissed; rather, they are phenomena we would expect to see when analyzing our consciousness in normal conditions, where there's no conflict. If we consistently act on impulses aimed at something other than our own happiness, it's completely understandable that we would occasionally give in to those impulses when they push us toward an uncompensated sacrifice of pleasure. For example, a person with weak self-control who has gone too long without food might easily indulge in a way that he knows is unhealthy, not because the pleasure of eating seems valuable enough compared to the harm to his health, but simply because he feels an impulse to eat that outweighs his judgment about what’s sensible. Similarly, some people have given up all of life's pleasures, and even life itself, to achieve posthumous fame—not because they mistakenly believe they could somehow enjoy it, but simply from a direct desire for future admiration from others, valuing that more than their own pleasure. Likewise, when the sacrifice is made for some ideal cause, like Truth, Freedom, or Religion, it can truly be a sacrifice of the individual’s happiness, not just a choice of one refined pleasure (or the absence of one specific pain) over other aspects of happiness. Certainly, this preference is possible; someone might feel that the profound joy of serving their ideal is a "pearl of great price" that surpasses all other pleasures. But they may also realize that the sacrifice won't benefit *them*, and still decide to go through with it.
To sum up: our conscious active impulses are so far from being always directed towards the attainment of pleasure or avoidance of pain for ourselves, that we can find everywhere in consciousness extra-regarding impulses, directed towards something that is not pleasure, nor relief from pain; and, indeed, a most important part of our pleasure depends upon the existence of such impulses: while on the other hand they are in many cases so far incompatible with the desire of our own pleasure that the two kinds of impulse do not easily coexist in the same moment of consciousness; and more occasionally (but by no means rarely) the two come into irreconcilable conflict, and prompt to opposite courses of action. And this incompatibility (though it is important to notice it in other instances) is no doubt specially prominent in the case of the impulse towards the end which most markedly competes in ethical controversy with pleasure: the love of virtue for its own sake, or desire to do what is right as such.
To sum up: our conscious, active impulses are often not aimed at seeking pleasure or avoiding pain for ourselves. Instead, we can find many impulses in our consciousness that focus on things that are neither pleasurable nor relieving pain. In fact, a significant part of our pleasure relies on these types of impulses. On the flip side, they often clash with our personal desire for pleasure, making it hard for both kinds of impulses to coexist at the same moment. Sometimes (although not rarely), these impulses conflict irreconcilably and push us toward opposing actions. This clash is especially noticeable when it comes to the impulse that most notably challenges pleasure in ethical debates: the love of virtue for its own sake or the desire to do what is right just for the sake of doing what is right.
§ 4. The psychological observations on which my argument is based will not perhaps be directly controverted, at least to such an extent as to involve my main conclusion: but there are two lines of reasoning by which it has been attempted to weaken the force of this conclusion without directly denying it. In the first place, it is urged that Pleasure, though not the only conscious aim of human action, is yet always the result to which it is unconsciously directed. The proposition would be difficult to disprove; since no one denies that pleasure in some degree normally accompanies the attainment of a desired end: and when once we go beyond the testimony of consciousness there seems to be no clear method of determining which among the[53] consequences of any action is the end at which it is aimed. For the same reason, however, the proposition is at any rate equally difficult to prove. But I should go further, and maintain that if we seriously set ourselves to consider human action on its unconscious side, we can only conceive it as a combination of movements of the parts of a material organism: and that if we try to ascertain what the ‘end’ in any case of such movements is, it is reasonable to conclude that it is some material result, some organic condition conducive to the preservation either of the individual organism or of the race to which it belongs. In fact, the doctrine that pleasure (or the absence of pain) is the end of all human action can neither be supported by the results of introspection, nor by the results of external observation and inference: it rather seems to be reached by an arbitrary and illegitimate combination of the two.
§ 4. The psychological observations that my argument is based on might not be directly challenged, at least not to the point of undermining my main conclusion. However, there are two arguments that have been used to try to weaken this conclusion without outright denying it. First, it’s claimed that pleasure, while not the only conscious goal of human actions, is something we unconsciously aim for. This idea is tough to disprove since no one argues that some level of pleasure typically comes with achieving a desired goal. Once we move past our conscious experiences, there doesn’t seem to be a clear way to figure out which of the consequences of any action is actually the goal being aimed for. For the same reason, this idea is equally hard to prove. But I would go further and argue that if we genuinely try to understand human actions on their unconscious side, we can only see it as a series of movements of a physical organism. And if we try to find what the 'goal' is in any case of these movements, it makes sense to conclude that it's some material outcome, some biological condition that helps preserve either the individual organism or the species it belongs to. In fact, the idea that pleasure (or the absence of pain) is the end of all human actions can’t be backed up by personal reflection or external observation and reasoning; it seems more like an arbitrary and questionable blend of the two.
But again, it is sometimes said that whatever be the case with our present adult consciousness, our original impulses were all directed towards pleasure[53] or from pain, and that any impulses otherwise directed are derived from these by “association of ideas.” I can find no evidence that even tends to prove this: so far as we can observe the consciousness of children, the two elements, extra-regarding impulse and desire for pleasure, seem to coexist in the same manner as they do in mature life. In so far as there is any difference, it seems to be in the opposite direction; as the actions of children, being more instinctive and less reflective, are more prompted by extra-regarding impulse, and less by conscious aim at pleasure. No doubt the two kinds of impulse, as we trace back the development of consciousness, gradually become indistinguishable: but this obviously does not justify us in identifying with either of the two the more indefinite impulse out of which both have been developed. But even supposing it were found that our earliest appetites were all merely appetites for pleasure, it[54] would have little bearing on the present question. What I am concerned to maintain is that men do not now normally desire pleasure alone, but to an important extent other things also: some in particular having impulses towards virtue, which may and do conflict with their conscious desire for their own pleasure. To say in answer to this that all men once desired pleasure is, from an ethical point of view, irrelevant: except on the assumption that there is an original type of man’s appetitive nature, to which, as such, it is right or best for him to conform. But probably no Hedonist would expressly maintain this; though such an assumption, no doubt, is frequently made by writers of the Intuitional school.
But again, people sometimes say that regardless of our current adult mindset, our original impulses were all aimed at pleasure or avoiding pain, and that any other impulses we have come from these through "association of ideas." I can't find any evidence to back this up. When we observe children's consciousness, it seems that the two elements—impulses that consider others and the desire for pleasure—exist together just like they do in adults. If there's any difference, it appears to be the other way around; children's actions, being more instinctive and less reflective, are driven more by impulses considering others than by a conscious pursuit of pleasure. No doubt, as we look back on the development of consciousness, the two types of impulses gradually blend together. However, that doesn't justify us in equating either of them with the more vague impulse from which both have evolved. Even if we found that our earliest desires were solely for pleasure, it wouldn't significantly impact the current issue. What I'm arguing is that people do not currently desire only pleasure, but also, to a significant degree, other things: some in particular have impulses toward virtue, which can and do conflict with their conscious desire for their own pleasure. Responding to this by saying that all humans once desired pleasure is ethically irrelevant, unless we assume there is an original type of man's appetitive nature that it is right or best for him to conform to. But probably no Hedonist would explicitly maintain this, although such an assumption is often made by writers from the Intuitional school.
Note.—Some psychologists regard Desire as essentially painful. This view seems to me erroneous, according to the ordinary use of the term: and though it does not necessarily involve the confusion—against which I am chiefly concerned to guard in the present chapter—between the volitional stimulus of desire itself and the volitional stimulus of aversion to desire as painful, it has some tendency to cause this confusion. It may therefore be worth while to point out that the difference of opinion between myself and the psychologists in question—of whom I select Dr. Bain as a leading example—depends largely, though not entirely, on a difference of definition. In chap. viii. of the second division of his book on The Emotions and the Will, Dr. Bain defines Desire as “that phase of volition where there is a motive and not ability to act on it,” and gives the following illustration:—
Note.—Some psychologists see Desire as fundamentally painful. I believe this perspective is incorrect based on the usual meaning of the term. While it doesn't necessarily create the confusion I'm mainly trying to avoid in this chapter—between the willful drive of desire itself and the willful drive of aversion to desire as painful—it can lead to this confusion. It might be useful to point out that the disagreement between me and these psychologists—Dr. Bain being a prominent example—largely stems from differing definitions. In chapter viii of the second part of his book The Emotions and the Will, Dr. Bain defines Desire as “that phase of volition where there is a motive and not the ability to act on it,” and offers the following illustration:—
“The inmate of a small gloomy chamber conceives to himself the pleasure of light and of an expanded prospect: the unsatisfying ideal urges the appropriate action for gaining the reality; he gets up and walks out. Suppose now that the same ideal delight comes into the mind of a prisoner. Unable to fulfil the prompting, he remains under the solicitation of the motive: and his state is denominated craving, longing, appetite, desire. If all motive impulses could be at once followed up, desire would have no place ... there is a bar in the way of acting which leads to the state of conflict and renders desire a more or less painful state of mind.”
“The person in a small, dim room imagines the joy of light and a wider view: this unachievable ideal pushes them to take action to make it real; they get up and leave. Now imagine that the same ideal joy enters the mind of a prisoner. Unable to act on the urge, they remain under the influence of the motivation: and their situation is called craving, longing, appetite, desire. If all motivational impulses could be instantly pursued, desire wouldn’t exist ... there’s an obstacle to acting that creates a state of conflict and makes desire a more or less painful state of mind.”
Now I agree that Desire is most frequently painful in some degree when the person desiring is inhibited from acting for the attainment of the desired object. I do not indeed think that even under these circumstances it is always painful, especially when it is accompanied with hope. Take the simple case of hunger. Ordinarily, when I am looking forward to dinner with a good appetite, I do not find hunger painful—unless I have fasted unusually long—although custom and a regard for my digestion prevent me from satisfying the appetite till the soup is served. Still I admit that when action tending to fruition is excluded, desire is very liable to be painful.
I agree that desire is often somewhat painful when the person wanting something can't act to get it. However, I don't think it's always painful, especially if there's hope involved. Take hunger, for example. Usually, when I’m anticipating a meal with a good appetite, I don’t find hunger painful—unless I’ve gone without food for a really long time—even though habits and concern for my digestion keep me from eating until the soup is served. Still, I acknowledge that when there's no possibility for action to achieve what you want, desire can definitely be painful.
But it is surely contrary to usage to restrict the term Desire to this case. Suppose Dr. Bain’s prisoner becomes possessed of a file, and sees his way to getting out of prison by a long process, which will involve, among other operations, the filing of certain bars. It would surely seem absurd to say that his desire finally ceases when the operation of filing begins. No doubt the concentration of attention on the complex activities necessary for the attainment of freedom is likely to cause the prisoner to be so absorbed by other ideas and feelings that the desire of freedom may temporarily cease to be present in his consciousness. But as the stimulus on which his whole activity ultimately depends is certainly derived from the unrealised idea of freedom, this idea, with the concomitant feeling of desire, will normally recur at brief intervals during the process. Similarly in other cases, while it is quite true that men often work for a desired end without consciously feeling desire for the end, it would be absurd to say that they never feel desire while so working: at any rate this restricted use of the term has never, I think, been adopted by ethical writers in treating of Desire. And in some passages Dr. Bain himself seems to adopt a wider meaning. He says, for instance, in the chapter from which I have quoted, that “we have a form of desire ... when we are working for distant ends.” If, then, it be allowed that the feeling of Desire is at any rate sometimes an element of consciousness coexisting with a process of activity directed to the attainment of the desired object, or intervening in the brief pauses of such a process, I venture to think that when the feeling is observed under these conditions, it will not be found in accordance with the common experience of mankind to describe it as essentially painful.
But it's definitely not common practice to limit the term Desire to this situation. Imagine if Dr. Bain's prisoner gets a file and sees a way to escape from prison through a lengthy process that includes filing down certain bars. It would be absurd to say that his desire completely disappears the moment he starts filing. While it's true he might be so focused on the various tasks needed to achieve freedom that the desire for it may not be consciously felt, the underlying motivation for everything he does comes from the unachieved idea of freedom. This idea, along with the feeling of desire, will typically pop back into his mind at short intervals throughout the process. Similarly, in other situations, while it's true that people often work toward a goal without actively feeling desire for it, it would be ridiculous to say they never experience desire while doing so. At the very least, this limited use of the term hasn't been adopted by ethical writers when discussing Desire. In fact, Dr. Bain himself seems to acknowledge a broader definition. He mentions, for example, in the chapter I've quoted from, that "we have a form of desire ... when we are working for distant ends." Therefore, if we accept that experiencing Desire can sometimes be a part of the conscious mind while engaged in activities aimed at achieving the desired outcome, or that it interrupts during brief pauses in such activities, I believe that when the feeling is observed in these circumstances, it won't align with the general human experience to label it as purely painful.
Take, as a simple instance, the case of a game involving bodily exercise and a contest of skill. Probably many persons who take part in such exercises for sanitary or social purposes begin without any perceptible desire to win the game: and probably as long as they remain thus indifferent the exercise is rather tedious. Usually, however, a conscious desire to win the game is excited, as a consequence of actions directed towards this end: and—in my experience at least—in proportion as the feeling grows strong, the whole process becomes more pleasurable. If this be admitted to be a normal experience, it must surely be also admitted that Desire in this case is a feeling in which introspection does not enable us to detect the slightest quality of pain.
Take, for example, a simple scenario of a game that involves physical activity and skill. Many people who join in such activities for health or social reasons likely start without any real desire to win the game, and as long as they remain indifferent, the exercise can feel rather boring. However, eventually, a conscious desire to win is sparked through actions aimed at that goal; and—in my experience at least—as this desire grows stronger, the whole experience becomes more enjoyable. If we accept this as a normal experience, we must also agree that in this case, desire is a feeling where introspection doesn’t reveal any hint of pain.
It would be easy to give an indefinite number of similar instances of energetic activity carried on for an end—whether in sport or in the serious business of life—where a keen desire for the attainment of the end in view is indispensable to a real enjoyment of the labour required to attain, and where at the same time we cannot detect any painfulness in the desire, however much we try to separate it in introspective analysis from its concomitant feeling.
It would be simple to provide countless examples of energetic activities pursued for a purpose—whether in sports or in the serious matters of life—where a strong desire to achieve the goal is essential for truly enjoying the effort needed to reach it, and where, despite our attempts to analyze it introspectively, we can't find any discomfort in the desire itself, no matter how much we try to separate it from the accompanying feelings.
The error that I am trying to remove seems to me partly due to overlooking these cases, and contemplating exclusively cases in which Desire is for some reason or other prevented from having its normal effect in stimulating activity directed to the attainment of the desired object. Partly, however, it seems to be due to the resemblance between Desire[56] and Pain, to which I have drawn attention in the text of this chapter, i.e. the unrestfulness which is undoubtedly a characteristic of the state of desire, and—ordinarily—of pain. For the characteristic of “unrestfulness” requires some care to distinguish it from “uneasiness,” in the sense in which this latter term signifies some degree of painfulness. The mistake is connected with the equally erroneous view—which Hobbes controverts in his usual forcible style—that “the Felicity of this life consisteth in the repose of a mind satisfied”; and it has also some affinity with the widespread view—which has left its mark on more than one European language—that labour, strenuous activity, is essentially painful. On both these points, it ought to be said, there is doubtless considerable divergence between the experiences of different individuals: but at any rate among Englishmen I conceive that a person who finds desire always painful—in the sense in which, as I have tried to show, the word is commonly used both by moralists and in ordinary discourse—is as exceptional a being as one who finds labour always painful.
The error I'm trying to address seems partly due to overlooking these cases and only focusing on situations where Desire is somehow blocked from having its usual effect in driving action towards achieving the desired goal. However, it also appears to be related to the similarity between Desire[56] and Pain, which I highlighted in this chapter. The state of desire is characterized by a sense of unrestfulness, which is usually associated with pain as well. It’s important to differentiate “unrestfulness” from “uneasiness,” the latter implying a degree of pain. This confusion relates to the flawed perspective—challenged by Hobbes in his typical forceful manner—that “the happiness of this life consists in a tranquil mind.” It also connects to the common belief—reflected in several European languages—that hard work is inherently painful. On both counts, there's likely significant variation in how different individuals experience these feelings. However, among English people, I believe that someone who finds desire to always be painful—in the sense that I’ve described, which is understood by both moralists and in everyday conversation—is as rare as someone who finds work to always be painful.
CHAPTER V
Free will
§ 1. In the preceding chapters I have treated first of rational, and secondly of disinterested action, without introducing the vexed question of the Freedom of the Will. The difficulties connected with this question have been proved by long dialectical experience to be so great, that I am anxious to confine them within as strict limits as I can, and keep as much of my subject as possible free from their perturbing influence. And it appears to me that we have no psychological warrant for identifying Disinterested with either “Free” or “Rational” action; while to identify Rational and Free action is at least misleading, and tends to obscure the real issue raised in the Free Will controversy. In the last chapter I have tried to show that action strictly disinterested, that is, disregardful of foreseen balance of pleasure to ourselves, is found in the most instinctive as well as in the most deliberate and self-conscious region of our volitional experience. And rational action, as I conceive it, remains rational, however completely the rationality of any individual’s conduct may be determined by causes antecedent or external to his own volition: so that the conception of acting rationally, as explained in the last chapter but one, is not bound up with the notion of acting ‘freely,’ as maintained by Libertarians generally against Determinists. I say “Libertarians generally,” because in the statements made by disciples of Kant as to the connexion of Freedom and Rationality, there appears to me to be a confusion between two meanings of the term Freedom, which require to be carefully distinguished in any[58] discussion of Free Will. When a disciple of Kant[54] says that a man “is a free agent in so far as he acts under the guidance of reason,” the statement easily wins assent from ordinary readers; since, as Whewell says, we ordinarily “consider our Reason as being ourselves rather than our desires and affections. We speak of Desire, Love, Anger, as mastering us, or of ourselves as controlling them. If we decide to prefer some remote and abstract good to immediate pleasures, or to conform to a rule which brings us present pain (which decision implies exercise of Reason), we more particularly consider such acts as our own acts.”[55] I do not, therefore, object on the score of usage to this application of the term “free” to denote voluntary actions in which the seductive solicitations of appetite or passion are successfully resisted: and I am sensible of the gain in effectiveness of moral persuasion which is obtained by thus enlisting the powerful sentiment of Liberty on the side of Reason and Morality. But it is clear that if we say that a man is a “free” agent in so far as he acts rationally, we cannot also say—in the same sense—that it is by his own “free” choice that he acts irrationally, when he does so act; and it is this latter proposition which Libertarians generally have been concerned to maintain. They have thought it of fundamental importance to show the ‘Freedom’ of the moral agent, on account of the connexion that they have held to exist between Freedom and Moral Responsibility: and it is obvious that the Freedom thus connected with Responsibility is not the Freedom that is only manifested or realised in rational action, but the Freedom to choose between right and wrong which is manifested or realised equally in either choice. Now it is implied in the[59] Christian consciousness of “wilful sin” that men do deliberately and knowingly choose to act irrationally. They do not merely prefer self-interest to duty (for here is rather a conflict of claims to rationality than clear irrationality); but (e.g.) sensual indulgence to health, revenge to reputation, etc., though they know that such preference is opposed to their true interests no less than to their duty.[56] Hence it does not really correspond to our experience as a whole to represent the conflict between Reason and passion as a conflict between ‘ourselves’ on the one hand and a force of nature on the other. We may say, if we like, that when we yield to passion, we become ‘the slaves of our desires and appetites’: but we must at the same time admit that our slavery is self-chosen. Can we say, then, of the wilful wrongdoer that his wrong choice was ‘free,’ in the sense that he might have chosen rightly, not merely if the antecedents of his volition, external and internal, had been different, but supposing these antecedents unchanged? This, I conceive, is the substantial issue raised in the Free Will controversy; which I now propose briefly to consider: since it is widely believed to be of great Ethical importance.
§ 1. In the previous chapters, I've first discussed rational action and then disinterested action, without getting into the complicated issue of Free Will. The challenges surrounding this issue have been shown through extensive debate to be quite significant, so I want to limit them as much as possible and keep the bulk of my topic free from their disruptive effects. It seems to me that we have no psychological basis for equating Disinterested action with either “Free” or “Rational” action; while equating Rational and Free action can be misleading and obscures the real issue in the Free Will debate. In the last chapter, I aimed to demonstrate that strictly disinterested action—meaning action that ignores the anticipated outcomes for ourselves—can be found in both our most instinctive and our most deliberate and self-aware experiences of will. I believe that rational action remains rational, even if the reasoning behind an individual's actions is completely shaped by causes that are external to their own will; thus, the idea of acting rationally, as explained in the chapter before last, is not necessarily linked to the concept of acting ‘freely,’ as commonly argued by Libertarians against Determinists. I say “Libertarians generally” because among followers of Kant, there appears to be confusion between two meanings of Freedom that need to be clearly distinguished in any discussion of Free Will. When a disciple of Kant states that a person “is a free agent as long as they act according to reason,” this claim easily gains agreement from most readers; since, as Whewell points out, we usually view our Reason as a part of ourselves rather than our desires and feelings. We talk about Desire, Love, Anger, as if they control us, or about ourselves as managing them. If we choose to value some distant and abstract good over immediate pleasures, or to adhere to a rule that causes us immediate pain (an act requiring the exercise of Reason), we typically regard such actions as our own choices. I do not object, therefore, to the use of the term “free” to describe voluntary actions where the tempting urges of desire or emotion are successfully resisted: and I recognize the effectiveness of moral persuasion gained by aligning the strong notion of Liberty with Reason and Morality. However, it is evident that if we say a person is a “free” agent to the extent that they act rationally, we cannot simultaneously claim—in the same way—that they are making a “free” choice when acting irrationally; and this latter assertion is what Libertarians generally focus on. They believe it is crucial to demonstrate the ‘Freedom’ of moral agents due to the link they see between Freedom and Moral Responsibility: and it’s clear that the Freedom associated with Responsibility is not the type that is only shown in rational actions, but the Freedom to choose between right and wrong, which is evident in either type of choice. Now, the Christian understanding of “willful sin” assumes that people do consciously and knowingly choose to act irrationally. They do not simply prefer self-interest over duty (as this represents a conflict of rational claims rather than clear irrationality); but for instance, they may choose indulgence over health or revenge over reputation, even while knowing that such choices contradict their true interests as much as their duties. Therefore, it doesn't accurately reflect our overall experience to frame the struggle between Reason and passion as a struggle between ‘ourselves’ and some natural force. We can say, if we wish, that when we give in to passion, we become ‘slaves to our desires and appetites’: but we must concurrently acknowledge that this slavery is self-inflicted. Can we then say about the willful wrongdoer that their wrong choice was ‘free,’ in the sense that they could have chosen correctly, not only if the prior influences on their will—both external and internal—had been different, but even if those influences remained the same? This, I believe, is the central issue raised in the Free Will debate, which I now plan to briefly discuss, as it is widely considered to have significant ethical implications.
§ 2. We may conveniently begin by defining more exactly the notion of Voluntary action, to which, according to all methods of Ethics alike, the predicates ‘right’ and ‘what ought to be done’—in the strictest ethical sense—are exclusively applicable. In the first place, Voluntary action is distinguished as ‘conscious’ from actions or movements of the human organism which are ‘unconscious’ or ‘mechanical.’ The person whose organism performs such movements only becomes aware of them, if at all, after they have been performed; accordingly they are not imputed to him as a person,[60] or judged to be morally wrong or imprudent; though they may sometimes be judged to be good or bad in respect of their consequences, with the implication that they ought to be encouraged or checked as far as this can be done indirectly by conscious effort.
§ 2. We can start by clearly defining the concept of Voluntary action, to which, according to all approaches to Ethics, the terms ‘right’ and ‘what ought to be done’—in the strictest ethical sense—are exclusively applicable. First of all, Voluntary action is defined as ‘conscious,’ distinguishing it from actions or movements of the human body that are ‘unconscious’ or ‘mechanical.’ A person whose body performs these movements only becomes aware of them, if at all, after they have happened; therefore, these actions are not attributed to them as a person,[60] nor judged to be morally wrong or careless; they may, however, be evaluated as good or bad based on their outcomes, suggesting that they should be encouraged or limited as much as possible through conscious effort.
So again, in the case of conscious actions, the agent is not regarded as morally culpable, except in an indirect way, for entirely unforeseen effects of his voluntary actions. No doubt when a man’s action has caused some unforeseen harm, the popular moral judgment often blames him for carelessness; but it would be generally admitted by reflective persons that in such cases strictly moral blame only attaches to the agent in an indirect way, in so far as his carelessness is the result of some wilful neglect of duty. Thus the proper immediate objects of moral approval or disapproval would seem to be always the results of a man’s volitions so far as they were intended—i.e. represented in thought as certain or probable[57] consequences of his volitions:—or, more strictly, the volitions themselves in which such results were so intended, since we do not consider that a man is relieved from moral blame because his wrong intention remains unrealised through external causes.
So once again, when it comes to conscious actions, the person is not seen as morally responsible, except in an indirect way, for completely unforeseen consequences of their voluntary actions. It's true that when someone's actions lead to unexpected harm, common moral judgment often faults them for being careless; however, it would generally be accepted by thoughtful individuals that in such instances, moral blame only applies to the person in an indirect manner, to the extent that their carelessness stems from a deliberate neglect of duty. Thus, the main immediate subjects of moral approval or disapproval seem to always be the outcomes of a person's intentions as far as they were meant—i.e. viewed in thought as certain or likely[57] consequences of their intentions:—or, more precisely, the intentions themselves in which such results were intended, since we do not consider that a person is exempt from moral blame just because their wrongful intention was not realized due to external factors.
This view seems at first sight to differ from the common opinion that the morality of acts depends on their ‘motives’; if by motives are understood the desires that we feel for some of the foreseen consequences of our acts. But I do not think that those who hold this opinion would deny that we are blameworthy for any prohibited result which we foresaw in willing, whether it was the object of desire or not. No doubt it is commonly held that acts, similar as regards their foreseen results, may be ‘better’ or ‘worse’[58] through the presence of certain desires or aversions. Still so far as these feelings[61] are not altogether under the control of the will, the judgment of ‘right’ and ‘wrong’—in the strictest sense of these terms—seems to be not properly applicable to the feelings themselves, but rather to the exertion or omission of voluntary effort to check bad motives and encourage good ones, or to the conscious adoption of an object of desire as an end to be aimed at—which is a species of volition.
This view initially appears to differ from the common belief that the morality of actions depends on their 'motives,' if we understand motives as the desires we have for the expected outcomes of our actions. However, I don't think those who hold this belief would argue that we aren’t blameworthy for any prohibited outcome we anticipated when acting, whether or not it was something we desired. It's widely accepted that actions that have similar expected results can be 'better' or 'worse' through the presence of certain desires or aversions. However, as long as these feelings are not entirely under our control, the concepts of 'right' and 'wrong'—in the strictest sense—don't really apply to the feelings themselves, but rather to the effort made or not made to curb negative motives and promote positive ones, or to the conscious choice to adopt a desired goal as an aim, which is a form of will.
We may conclude then that judgments of right and wrong relate properly to volitions accompanied with intention—whether the intended consequences be external, or some effects produced on the agent’s own feelings or character. This excludes from the scope of such judgments those conscious actions which are not intentional, strictly speaking; as when sudden strong feelings of pleasure and pain cause movements which we are aware of making, but which are not preceded by any representation in idea either of the movements themselves or of their effects. For such actions, sometimes distinguished as ‘instinctive,’ we are only held to be responsible indirectly so far as any bad consequences of them might have been prevented by voluntary efforts to form habits of more complete self-control.
We can conclude that judgments about right and wrong are really about actions that come from intentions—whether the intended results affect the outside world or impact the individual's own feelings or character. This means that actions that aren’t intentional in the strictest sense are excluded from these judgments; for example, when sudden strong feelings of pleasure or pain lead to movements that we know we’re making, but we haven't thought about the movements or their effects beforehand. For these types of actions, often called ‘instinctive,’ we are only seen as responsible indirectly, in the sense that any negative outcomes could have been avoided through our efforts to develop better self-control habits.
We have to observe further that our common moral judgments recognise an important distinction between impulsive and deliberate wrongdoing, condemning the latter more strongly than the former. The line between the two cannot be sharply drawn: but we may define ‘impulsive’ actions as those where the connexion between the feeling that prompts and the action prompted is so simple and immediate that, though intention is distinctly present, the consciousness of personal choice of the intended result is evanescent. In deliberate volitions there is always a conscious selection of the result as one of two or more practical alternatives.
We should also note that our shared moral beliefs recognize a significant difference between impulsive and deliberate wrongdoing, condemning the latter more forcefully than the former. The boundary between the two isn’t always clear-cut: but we can define ‘impulsive’ actions as those where the connection between the feeling that drives the action and the action itself is so straightforward and immediate that, while intention is clearly present, the awareness of personal choice regarding the intended outcome is fleeting. In deliberate decisions, there is always a conscious choice of the outcome as one of two or more practical options.
In the case, then, of such volitions as are pre-eminently the objects of moral condemnation and approbation, the psychical fact ‘volition’ seems to include—besides intention, or representation of the results of action—also the consciousness of self as choosing, resolving, determining these results. And the question which I understand to be at issue in the Free Will controversy may be stated thus: Is the self to which I refer my deliberate volitions a self of strictly determinate[62] moral qualities, a definite character partly inherited, partly formed by my past actions and feelings, and by any physical influences that it may have unconsciously received; so that my voluntary action, for good or for evil, is at any moment completely caused by the determinate qualities of this character, together with my circumstances, or the external influences acting on me at the moment—including under this latter term my present bodily conditions?—or is there always a possibility of my choosing to act in the manner that I now judge to be reasonable and right, whatever my previous actions and experiences may have been?
In the case of those choices that are clearly subject to moral judgment, the psychological fact of ‘choice’ seems to involve not just intention or the awareness of the outcomes of actions, but also the feeling of self as the one making, deciding, and determining these outcomes. The question at the heart of the Free Will debate can be stated like this: Is the self that I refer to when I make deliberate choices a self with clearly defined moral qualities, a specific character that is partly inherited and partly shaped by my past actions and feelings, along with any physical influences that I’ve unknowingly absorbed? Does this mean that my voluntary actions, whether good or bad, are entirely driven by the defined qualities of this character and my current circumstances, including my physical state at that moment? Or is there always a chance for me to choose to act in a way that I currently see as reasonable and right, regardless of my past actions and experiences?
In the above questions a materialist would substitute ‘brain and nervous system’ for ‘character,’ and thereby obtain a clearer notion; but I have avoided using terms which suggest materialistic assumptions, because Determinism by no means involves Materialism. For the present purpose the difference is unimportant. The substantial dispute relates to the completeness of the causal dependence of any volition upon the state of things at the preceding instant, whether we specify these as ‘character and circumstances,’ or ‘brain and environing forces.’[59]
In the questions above, a materialist would replace ‘character’ with ‘brain and nervous system’ to get a clearer idea; however, I've avoided using terms that imply materialistic views because Determinism doesn’t necessarily imply Materialism. For our current discussion, this difference doesn’t matter much. The main debate is about how completely any decision depends on the state of things at the moment before it happens, whether we refer to this as ‘character and circumstances’ or ‘brain and surrounding forces.’[59]
On the Determinist side there is a cumulative argument of great force. The belief that events are determinately related to the state of things immediately preceding them is now held by all competent thinkers in respect of all kinds of occurrences except human volitions. It has steadily grown both intensively and extensively, both in clearness and certainty of conviction and in universality of application, as the human mind has developed and human experience has been systematised and enlarged. Step by step in successive departments of fact conflicting modes of thought have receded and faded, until at length they have vanished everywhere,[63] except from this mysterious citadel of Will. Everywhere else the belief is so firmly established that some declare its opposite to be inconceivable: others even maintain that it always was so. Every scientific procedure assumes it: each success of science confirms it. And not only are we finding ever new proof that events are cognisably determined, but also that the different modes of determination of different kinds of events are fundamentally identical and mutually dependent: and naturally, with the increasing conviction of the essential unity of the cognisable universe, increases the indisposition to allow the exceptional character claimed by Libertarians for the department of human action.
On the Determinist side, there's a powerful cumulative argument. The belief that events are definitely connected to their prior conditions is now accepted by all knowledgeable thinkers regarding all types of occurrences, except for human choices. This belief has steadily increased, both deeply and broadly, in clarity, certainty of conviction, and in its application across different areas as the human mind has evolved and human experience has been organized and expanded. Gradually, conflicting ways of thinking have disappeared in various fields until they’ve ultimately vanished everywhere, [63] except in this mysterious stronghold of Will. Everywhere else, the belief is so firmly established that some argue its opposite is unimaginable; others even claim it has always been this way. Every scientific method relies on it, and each success in science reinforces it. Moreover, we're continuously discovering new evidence that events are knowably determined, and that the ways different types of events are determined are fundamentally the same and interconnected. Naturally, with the growing belief in the essential unity of the knowable universe, there’s a decreasing willingness to accept the unique status that Libertarians attribute to human actions.
Again, when we fix our attention on human action, we observe that the portion of it which is originated unconsciously is admittedly determined by physical causes: and we find that no clear line can be drawn between acts of this kind and those which are conscious and voluntary. Not only are many acts of the former class entirely similar to those of the latter, except in being unconscious: but we remark further that actions which we habitually perform continually pass from the conscious class into the—wholly or partly—unconscious: and the further we investigate, the more the conclusion is forced upon us, that there is no kind of action originated by conscious volition which cannot also, under certain circumstances, be originated unconsciously. Again, when we look closely at our conscious acts, we find that in respect of such of them as I have characterised as ‘impulsive’—acts done suddenly under the stimulus of a momentary sensation or emotion—our consciousness can hardly be said to suggest that they are not completely determined by the strength of the stimulus and the state of our previously determined temperament and character at the time of its operation: and here again, as was before observed, it is difficult to draw a line clearly separating these actions from those in which the apparent consciousness of ‘free choice’ becomes distinct.
Once again, when we focus on human actions, we see that the parts of it that happen unconsciously are clearly influenced by physical causes. We find that there's no clear boundary between these unconscious acts and those that are conscious and voluntary. Many of the former are almost identical to the latter, except for the fact that they occur unconsciously. Additionally, we notice that actions we usually perform can shift from the conscious category into—either fully or partially—unconscious ones. The more we look into it, the more we realize that there's no type of action that starts from conscious choice that couldn't also, in some cases, begin unconsciously. Moreover, when we examine our conscious actions, particularly those I've labeled as ‘impulsive’—actions that are taken suddenly in response to a momentary feeling or emotion—we find that our awareness doesn’t really suggest that they aren’t entirely shaped by the intensity of the stimulus and our mood and personality at that moment. Again, as mentioned earlier, it’s challenging to clearly separate these impulsive actions from those where the sense of ‘free choice’ is more apparent.
Further, we always explain[60] the voluntary action of all[64] men except ourselves on the principle of causation by character and circumstances. Indeed otherwise social life would be impossible: for the life of man in society involves daily a mass of minute forecasts of the actions of other men, founded on experience of mankind generally, or of particular classes of men, or of individuals; who are thus necessarily regarded as things having determinate properties, causes whose effects are calculable. We infer generally the future actions of those whom we know from their past actions; and if our forecast turns out in any case to be erroneous, we do not attribute the discrepancy to the disturbing influence of Free Will, but to our incomplete acquaintance with their character and motives. And passing from individuals to communities, whether we believe in a “social science” or not, we all admit and take part in discussions of social phenomena in which the same principle is assumed: and however we may differ as to particular theories, we never doubt the validity of the assumption: and if we find anything inexplicable in history, past or present, it never occurs to us to attribute it to an extensive exercise of free will in a particular direction. Nay, even as regards our own actions, however ‘free’ we feel ourselves at any moment, however unconstrained by present motives and circumstances and unfettered by the result of what we have previously been and felt, our volitional choice may appear: still, when it is once well past, and we survey it in the series of our actions, its relations of causation and resemblance to other parts of our life appear, and we naturally explain it as an effect of our nature, education, and circumstances. Nay we even apply the same conceptions to our future action, and the more, in proportion as our moral sentiments are developed: for with our sense of duty generally increases our sense of the duty of moral culture, and our desire of self-improvement: and the possibility of moral self-culture depends on the assumption that by a present volition we can determine to some extent our actions in the more or less remote future. No doubt we habitually take at the same time the opposite, Libertarian, view as to our future: we believe, for example, that we are perfectly able to resist henceforward temptations to which we have continually yielded in the past. But it should be observed that this belief is (as moralists of all[65] schools admit and even urge) at any rate to a great extent illusory and misleading. Though Libertarians contend that it is possible for us at any moment to act in a manner opposed to our acquired tendencies and previous customs,—still, they and Determinists alike teach that it is much less easy than men commonly imagine to break the subtle unfelt trammels of habit.
Further, we always explain[60] the voluntary actions of everyone else[64] on the basis of their character and circumstances. Otherwise, social life would be impossible: living among others requires us to constantly predict the actions of people around us, based on our experiences with humanity as a whole, specific groups, or individuals. We tend to think of them as having defined traits, as causes whose effects we can anticipate. We generally predict the future actions of those we know based on what they’ve done in the past. If our predictions turn out to be wrong, we don’t blame it on the interference of Free Will but rather on our limited understanding of their character and motivations. Moving from individuals to communities, whether we believe in a “social science” or not, we all engage in discussions about social phenomena that operate on the same principle: and while we may disagree on specific theories, we never question the validity of this assumption. When we encounter something puzzling in history, either past or present, we don't usually think of it as a result of extensive free will exercised in a specific direction. Even regarding our own actions, no matter how ‘free’ we feel at any moment, how unrestrained we are by present motivations and circumstances, or how unaffected we are by our previous experiences, our choices may seem apparent. Yet once those choices are made and we reflect on them in the context of our lives, we recognize their causal relationships and similarities to other parts of our life and naturally explain them as products of our nature, upbringing, and circumstances. We even apply the same concepts to our future actions, especially as our sense of morality develops: because with our sense of duty typically comes an increased desire for moral development and self-improvement. The potential for moral self-cultivation relies on the belief that our current choices can influence our actions in the more or less distant future. Of course, we often hold the opposite, Libertarian view about our future: for instance, we believe we can easily resist temptations we have frequently given in to before. However, it’s important to note that this belief is (as moralists from all[65] schools acknowledge and emphasize) mostly illusory and misleading. While Libertarians argue that it’s possible for us to act against our ingrained tendencies and past habits at any moment, both they and Determinists agree that it is far more challenging than most people think to break the subtle, unrecognized chains of habit.
§ 3. Against the formidable array of cumulative evidence offered for Determinism there is to be set the immediate affirmation of consciousness in the moment of deliberate action. Certainly when I have a distinct consciousness of choosing between alternatives of conduct, one of which I conceive as right or reasonable, I find it impossible not to think that I can now choose to do what I so conceive,—supposing that there is no obstacle to my doing it other than the condition of my desires and voluntary habits,—however strong may be my inclination to act unreasonably, and however uniformly I may have yielded to such inclinations in the past.[61] I recognise that each concession to vicious desire makes the difficulty of resisting it greater when the desire recurs: but the difficulty always seems to remain separated from impossibility by an impassable gulf. I do not deny that the experience of mankind includes cases in which certain impulses—such as aversion to death or extreme pain, or morbid appetite for alcohol or opium—have reached a point of intensity at which they have been felt as irresistibly overmastering voluntary choice. I think we commonly judge that when this point is reached the individual ceases to be morally responsible for the act done under such overmastering impulse: but at any rate the moral problem thus presented is very exceptional; in ordinary cases of yielding to temptation this consciousness of the irresistibility of impulse does not come in. Ordinarily, however strong may be the rush of appetite or anger that comes over me, it does not present itself as irresistible; and, if I deliberate at such a moment, I cannot regard the mere force of the impulse as a reason for doing what I otherwise judge to be unreasonable. I can suppose that my conviction of free choice may be illusory:[66] that if I knew my own nature I might see it to be predetermined that, being so constituted and in such circumstances, I should act on the occasion in question contrary to my rational judgment. But I cannot conceive myself seeing this, without at the same time conceiving my whole conception of what I now call “my” action fundamentally altered: I cannot conceive that if I contemplated the actions of my organism in this light I should refer them to my “self”—i.e. to the mind so contemplating—in the sense in which I now refer them. In this conflict of arguments, it is not surprising that the theoretical question as to the Freedom of the Will is still differently decided by thinkers of repute; and I do not myself wish at present to pronounce any decision on it. But I think it possible and useful to show that the ethical importance of deciding it one way or another is liable to be exaggerated; and that any one who will consider the matter soberly and carefully will find this importance to be of a strictly limited kind.
§ 3. Against the strong evidence supporting Determinism, we have the immediate awareness of consciousness during deliberate action. When I clearly feel that I am choosing between different options for action, one of which I believe to be right or reasonable, I find it impossible not to think that I can choose to do what I believe is right—assuming the only obstacles are my desires and habits—no matter how strong my tendency might be to act unreasonably or how often I’ve given in to those tendencies in the past.[61] I realize that each time I give in to a harmful desire, it makes resisting that desire even harder when it comes up again: but the difficulty always seems to be separate from impossibility by a wide gap. I don’t deny that human experience includes situations where certain impulses—like fear of death or extreme pain, or a strong craving for alcohol or opium—have become so intense that they feel like they overpower voluntary choice. We commonly believe that once this point is reached, the person is no longer morally responsible for actions taken under such overwhelming impulse: but at least the moral issues this raises are quite rare; in typical situations where people give in to temptation, this feeling of the impulse being irresistible doesn’t apply. Usually, no matter how intense my desire or anger may feel, it doesn't seem irresistible; and if I reflect on it at that moment, I can't see the mere strength of the impulse as a valid reason for doing something I otherwise consider unreasonable. I can imagine that my belief in free choice might be an illusion:[66] that if I fully understood my own nature, I could realize it’s predetermined that, given my makeup and circumstances, I would act against my rational judgment in that situation. But I can't imagine seeing it that way without also fundamentally changing my entire understanding of what I now consider “my” actions: I can't conceive that if I looked at my actions in that manner, I would refer to them as being from my “self”—i.e. from the mind that is contemplating them—in the same sense that I currently do. In this clash of arguments, it’s not surprising that the theoretical issue of the Freedom of the Will is still viewed differently by respected thinkers; and I don’t want to make any pronouncement on it right now. However, I think it’s possible and useful to point out that the ethical significance of deciding one way or another is often overstated; and anyone who approaches this issue thoughtfully and carefully will realize that its importance is quite limited.
It is chiefly on the Libertarian side that I find a tendency to the exaggeration of which I have just spoken. Some Libertarian writers maintain that the conception of the Freedom of the Will, alien as it may be to positive science, is yet quite indispensable to Ethics and Jurisprudence; since in judging that I “ought” to do anything I imply that I “can” do it, and similarly in praising or blaming the actions of others I imply that they “could” have acted otherwise. If a man’s actions are mere links in a chain of causation which, as we trace it back, ultimately carries us to events anterior to his personal existence, he cannot, it is said, really have either merit or demerit; and if he has not merit or demerit, it is repugnant to the common moral sense of mankind to reward or punish—even to praise or blame—him. In considering this argument, it will be convenient—for clearness of discussion—to assume in the first instance that there is no doubt or conflict in our view of what it is right to do, except such as may be caused by the present question. It will also be convenient to separate the discussion of the importance of Free Will in relation to moral action generally from the special question of its importance in relation to punishing and rewarding; since, in the latter species of action, what chiefly claims attention is[67] not the present Freedom of the agent, but the past Freedom of the person now acted on.
It’s mainly on the Libertarian side that I see the tendency to exaggerate that I just mentioned. Some Libertarian writers argue that the idea of Free Will, though it may not fit with positive science, is essential for Ethics and Law. When I say that I "ought" to do something, I imply that I "can" do it, and similarly, when I praise or blame someone's actions, I suggest that they "could" have acted differently. If a person's actions are simply links in a chain of causation that, when traced back, lead us to events before their existence, then, it is said, they can’t really possess either merit or demerit. If they have no merit or demerit, it goes against the common moral sense of humanity to reward or punish them—even to praise or blame them. While considering this argument, it will be helpful—for clarity in discussion—to first assume that there’s no disagreement or conflict about what we believe is right to do, except for what this current question raises. It will also be useful to separate the discussion of the relevance of Free Will to moral action in general from the specific issue of its relevance to punishing and rewarding, since, in the latter type of action, what mainly deserves attention is not the current Freedom of the agent, but the past Freedom of the person being acted upon.
As regards action generally, the Determinist allows that a man is only morally bound to do what is “in his power”; but he explains “in his power” to mean that the result in question will be produced if the man choose to produce it. And this is, I think, the sense in which the proposition “what I ought to do I can do” is commonly accepted: it means “can do if I choose,” not “can choose to do.” Still the question remains “Can I choose to do what in ordinary thought I judge to be right to do?” Here my own view is that—within the limits above explained—I inevitably conceive that I can choose; however, I can suppose myself to regard this conception as illusory, and to judge, inferring the future from the past, that I certainly shall not choose, and accordingly that such choice is not really possible to me. This being supposed, it seems to me undeniable that this judgment will exclude or weaken the operation of the moral motive in the case of the act contemplated: I either shall not judge it reasonable to choose to do what I should otherwise so judge, or if I do pass the judgment, I shall also judge the conception of duty applied in it to be illusory, no less than the conception of Freedom. So far I concede the Libertarian contention as to the demoralising effect of Determinism, if held with a real force of conviction. But I think the cases are rare in which it is even on Determinist principles legitimate to conclude it to be certain—and not merely highly probable—that I shall deliberately choose to do what I judge to be unwise.[62] Ordinarily the legitimate inference from a man’s past experience, and from his general knowledge of human nature, would not go beyond[68] a very strong probability that he would choose to do wrong: and a mere probability—however strong—that I shall not will to do right cannot be regarded by me in deliberation as a reason for not willing:[63] while it certainly supplies a rational ground for willing strongly—just as a strong probability of any other evil supplies a rational ground for special exertions to avoid it. Indeed, I do not see why a Libertarian should not—equally with a Determinist—accept as valid, and find it instructive to contemplate, the considerations that render it probable that he will not choose to do right in any particular circumstances. In all ordinary cases, therefore, it does not seem to me relevant to ethical deliberation to determine the metaphysical validity of my consciousness of freedom to choose whatever I may conclude to be reasonable, unless the affirmation or negation of the Freedom of the Will somehow modifies my view of what it would be reasonable to choose to do if I could so choose.
Regarding action in general, the Determinist agrees that a person is only morally obligated to do what is “within their power”; however, they clarify that “within their power” means that the desired outcome will occur if the person decides to make it happen. This aligns with the common understanding of the statement “what I ought to do I can do,” which is interpreted as “I can do it if I want to,” not “I can choose to do it.” Nonetheless, the question remains, “Can I choose to do what I think is right?” My perspective is that—within the previously explained limits—I firmly believe that I can choose; however, I can imagine considering this belief as an illusion and conclude, based on past experiences, that I definitely will not choose, thus making such a choice seem impossible to me. If I assume that, it seems undeniable that this belief will either diminish or eliminate the influence of moral motivation regarding the action in question: I will either not think it reasonable to choose to do what I would otherwise believe to be the right thing, or if I do think it is reasonable, I will also perceive the idea of duty applied in that context as illusory, much like the idea of Freedom. Up to this point, I concede the Libertarian argument about the demoralizing impact of Determinism when passionately believed. However, I think it’s rare for it to be justified, even on Determinist grounds, to conclude with certainty—and not just strong probability—that I will intentionally choose to do what I believe is unwise.[62] Generally, the right conclusion from a person’s past experiences and their broader understanding of human behavior should go no further than a very strong likelihood that they will choose to do something wrong: and just a probability—no matter how strong—that I will not want to do what’s right cannot be seen by me in decision-making as a reason against wanting to do it:[63] while it certainly provides a logical basis for wanting strongly—just as a strong likelihood of any negative outcome gives a logical basis for taking special actions to prevent it. In fact, I don’t see why a Libertarian shouldn't—just like a Determinist—recognize as valid and find it insightful to consider the factors that make it likely they will not choose to do what’s right in any given situation. Therefore, in all standard situations, it doesn’t seem relevant to ethical consideration to address the metaphysical validity of my awareness of freedom to choose whatever I deem reasonable, unless affirming or denying the Freedom of the Will somehow changes how I view what would be reasonable to choose if I had the option.
I do not think that any such modification of view can be maintained, as regards the ultimate ends of rational action which, in chap. i., I took as being commonly accepted. If Happiness, whether private or general, be taken as the ultimate end of action on a Libertarian view, the adoption of a Determinist view affords no ground for rejecting it: and if Excellence is in itself admirable and desirable, it surely remains equally so whether any individual’s approximation to it is entirely determined by inherited nature and external influences or not:—except so far as the notion of Excellence includes that of Free Will. Now Free Will is obviously not included in our common ideal of physical and intellectual perfection: and it seems to me also not to be included in the common notions of the excellences of character which we call virtues: the manifestations of courage, temperance, and justice do not become less admirable because we can trace their antecedents in a happy balance of inherited dispositions developed by a careful education.[64]
I don't think any such change in perspective can be upheld regarding the ultimate goals of rational action, which, in chapter 1, I considered to be widely accepted. If we take Happiness, whether personal or collective, as the ultimate goal of action from a Libertarian standpoint, then adopting a Determinist view doesn’t give us a reason to discard it. And if Excellence is inherently admirable and desirable, it clearly remains just as admirable whether someone’s approach to it is entirely shaped by their genetics and outside influences or not—unless we consider that the idea of Excellence includes Free Will. However, Free Will is clearly not part of our common understanding of physical and intellectual perfection, and it also seems to be absent from the usual ideas of character strengths we refer to as virtues: the expressions of courage, temperance, and justice don’t become any less admirable just because we can trace their origins to a fortunate mix of inherited traits enhanced by thoughtful education.[64]
Can, then, the affirmation or negation of Free Will affect our view of the fittest means for the attainment of either end? In considering this we have to distinguish between the case of a connexion between means and end believed to exist on empirical or other scientific grounds, and the case where the belief in such connexion is an inference from the belief in a moral government of the world. According to the received view of the moral government of the world, the performance of Duty is the best means of attaining the agent’s happiness largely through its expected consequences in another world, in which virtue will be rewarded and vice punished by God: if, then, the belief in the moral government of the world and a future life for men is held to depend on the assumption of Free Will, this latter becomes obviously of fundamental ethical importance: not, indeed, in determining a man’s Duty, but in reconciling it with his Interest. This, I think, is the main element of truth in the view that the denial of Free Will removes motives to the performance of Duty: and I admit the validity of the contention, so far as (1) the course of action conducive to an individual’s Interest would be thought to diverge from his Duty, apart from theological considerations, and (2) in the theological reasoning that removes this divergence Free Will is an indispensable assumption. The former point will be examined in a subsequent chapter;[65] the latter it hardly falls within the scope of this treatise to discuss.[66]
Can the acceptance or rejection of Free Will change our perspective on the best ways to achieve either goal? In considering this, we need to differentiate between the situation where a connection between means and ends is believed to exist based on empirical or scientific evidence, and the situation where such a belief is inferred from the idea of a moral order in the universe. According to the established view of moral governance, fulfilling Duty is the best way to achieve an individual's happiness, largely because of its expected outcomes in another realm, where virtue is rewarded and vice is punished by God: if the belief in this moral order and an afterlife depends on the assumption of Free Will, then it clearly holds significant ethical importance: not in determining what a person’s Duty is, but in aligning it with their Interests. I believe this reflects the core truth in the notion that denying Free Will removes the motivations to fulfill Duty: I acknowledge the validity of this argument, particularly concerning (1) the idea that the best course of action for an individual’s Interest might seem to conflict with their Duty, aside from theological issues, and (2) in the religious reasoning that addresses this conflict, Free Will is a crucial assumption. The first point will be explored in a later chapter;[65] the latter is not really something this treatise intends to cover.[66]
If we confine our attention to such connexion between means and ends as is scientifically cognisable, it does not appear that an act now deliberated on can be less or more a means to any ulterior end, because it is predetermined. It may, however, be urged that in considering how we ought to act in any case, we have to take into account the probable future actions of others, and also of ourselves; and that with regard to these it is necessary to decide the question of Free Will, in order that we may know whether the future is capable[70] of being predicted from the past. But here, again, it seems to me that no definite practical consequences would logically follow from this decision. For however far we may go in admitting Free Will as a cause, the actual operation of which may falsify the most scientific forecasts of human action, still since it is ex hypothesi an absolutely unknown cause, our recognition of it cannot lead us to modify any such forecasts: at most, it can only affect our reliance on them.
If we focus on the relationship between means and ends that can be scientifically observed, it doesn't seem that an act we're currently considering can be any less or more a means to a future end just because it’s predetermined. However, it could be argued that when we’re thinking about how to act in any situation, we need to consider the likely future actions of others and ourselves; and this involves addressing the question of Free Will, so we can determine if the future can be predicted from the past. Yet, again, it appears to me that no clear practical outcomes would logically arise from this decision. No matter how much we accept Free Will as a cause, which might contradict the most scientific predictions of human behavior, since it is hypothetically an entirely unknown cause, acknowledging it won't change those predictions; at best, it can only influence our confidence in them.
We may illustrate this by an imaginary extreme case. Suppose we were somehow convinced that all the planets were endowed with Free Will, and that they only maintained their periodic motions by the continual exercise of free choice, in resistance to strong centrifugal or centripetal inclinations. Our general confidence in the future of the solar system might reasonably be impaired, though it is not easy to say how much;[67] but the details of our astronomical calculations would be clearly unaffected: the free wills could in no way be taken as an element in the reckoning. And the case would be similar, I suppose, in the forecast of human conduct, if psychology and sociology should ever become exact sciences. At present, however, they are so far from being such that this additional element of uncertainty can hardly have even any emotional effect.
We can illustrate this with an imaginary extreme case. Imagine if we were somehow convinced that all the planets had Free Will, and that they only kept moving in their orbits by continuously choosing to do so, resisting strong centrifugal or centripetal forces. Our overall confidence in the future of the solar system might understandably be affected, though it’s hard to say by how much;[67] but the specifics of our astronomical calculations would clearly remain unchanged: free wills wouldn’t factor into the calculations at all. The situation would be similar, I think, if we could predict human behavior with precision, should psychology and sociology become exact sciences. Right now, however, they are so far from achieving that status that this extra element of uncertainty hardly has any emotional impact.
To sum up: we may say that, in so far as we reason to any definite conclusions as to what the future actions of ourselves or others will be, we must consider them as determined by unvarying laws: if they are not completely so determined our reasoning is pro tanto liable to error: but no other is open to us. While on the other hand, when we are endeavouring to ascertain (on any principles) what choice it is reasonable to make between two alternatives of present conduct, Determinist conceptions are as irrelevant as they are in the former case inevitable. And from neither point of view does it seem practically important, for the general regulation of conduct, to decide the metaphysical question at issue in the Free-will Controversy: unless—passing from Ethics into Theology—we rest the reconciliation of Duty and Interest on a theological argument that requires the assumption of Free Will.
To sum up: we can say that, to the extent we deduce any definite conclusions about what our future actions or those of others will be, we must view them as guided by unchanging laws. If they aren't completely determined by these laws, our reasoning is somewhat open to error, but this is the only option we have. On the other hand, when we try to figure out what choice is reasonable to make between two options for current behavior, Determinist ideas are just as irrelevant as they are unavoidable in the previous case. Moreover, from neither perspective does it seem practically significant, for guiding behavior, to settle the metaphysical questions involved in the Free Will debate: unless—shifting from Ethics to Theology—we base the reconciliation of Duty and Interest on a theological argument that relies on the assumption of Free Will.
§ 4. So far I have been arguing that the adoption of Determinism will not—except in certain exceptional circumstances or on certain theological assumptions—reasonably modify a man’s view of what it is right for him to do or his reasons for doing it. It may, however, be said that—granting the reasons for right action to remain unaltered—still the motives that prompt to it will be weakened; since a man will not feel remorse for his actions, if he regards them as necessary results of causes anterior to his personal existence. I admit that so far as the sentiment of remorse implies self-blame irremovably fixed on the self blamed, it must tend to vanish from the mind of a convinced Determinist. Still I do not see why the imagination of a Determinist should not be as vivid, his sympathy as keen, his love of goodness as strong as a Libertarian’s: and I therefore see no reason why dislike for his own shortcomings and for the mischievous qualities of his character which have caused bad actions in the past should not be as effective a spring of moral improvement as the sentiment of remorse would be. For it appears to me that men in general take at least as much pains to cure defects in their circumstances, organic defects, and defects of intellect—which cause them no remorse—as they do to cure moral defects; so far as they consider the former to be no less mischievous and no less removable than the latter.
§ 4. So far, I've argued that adopting Determinism won't—except in certain rare cases or based on specific theological beliefs—significantly change a person's view of what is right for them to do or their reasons for doing it. However, one might say that—assuming the reasons for right action stay the same—the motives that drive those actions will be lessened; since a person won't feel remorse for their actions if they see them as necessary outcomes of causes that existed before their own life. I accept that, to the extent that the feeling of remorse suggests self-blame that cannot be removed, it will likely fade from the mind of someone who fully believes in Determinism. Still, I don't see why a Determinist's imagination shouldn't be just as vivid, their sympathy just as strong, and their love for goodness just as intense as that of a Libertarian. Therefore, I don't see any reason why distaste for their own flaws and the harmful traits that have led to bad actions in the past can't be as effective a driver for moral improvement as the feeling of remorse would be. It seems to me that people, in general, put just as much effort into fixing issues in their circumstances, physical limitations, and intellectual shortcomings—which don’t cause them remorse—as they do into correcting moral failings; as long as they consider the former just as harmful and just as fixable as the latter.
This leads me to the consideration of the effect of Determinist doctrines on the allotment of punishment and reward. For it must be admitted, I think, that the common retributive view of punishment, and the ordinary notions of “merit,” “demerit,” and “responsibility,” also involve the assumption of Free Will: if the wrong act, and the bad qualities of character manifested in it, are conceived as the necessary effects of causes antecedent or external to the existence of the agent, the moral responsibility—in the ordinary sense—for the mischief caused by them can no longer rest on him. At the same time, the Determinist can give to the terms “ill-desert” and “responsibility” a signification which is not only clear and definite, but, from an utilitarian point of view, the only suitable meaning. In this view, if I affirm that A is responsible for a harmful act, I mean that it is right to punish him for it; primarily, in order that the fear of punish[72]ment may prevent him and others from committing similar acts in future. The difference between these two views of punishment is theoretically very wide. I shall, however, when I come to examine in detail the current conception of Justice,[68] endeavour to show that this admission can hardly have any practical effect; since it is practically impossible to be guided, either in remunerating services or in punishing mischievous acts, by any other considerations than those which the Determinist interpretation of desert would include. For instance, the treatment of legal punishment as deterrent and reformatory rather than retributive seems to be forced upon us by the practical exigences of social order and wellbeing—quite apart from any Determinist philosophy.[69] Moreover, as I shall hereafter show, if the retributive view of Punishment be strictly taken—abstracting completely from the preventive view—it brings our conception of Justice into conflict with Benevolence, as punishment presents itself as a purely useless evil. Similarly, as regards the sentiments which prompt to the expression of moral praise and blame—I admit that in the mind of a convinced Determinist, the desire to encourage good and prevent bad conduct must take the place of a desire to requite the one or the other: but again I see no reason why the Determinist species of moral sentiments should not be as effective in promoting virtue and social wellbeing as the Libertarian species.
This brings me to the impact of determinist ideas on how we assign punishment and reward. It should be acknowledged that the typical retributive perspective on punishment, along with common ideas of “merit,” “demerit,” and “responsibility,” relies on the assumption of free will. If a wrongful act and the negative character traits behind it are seen as the inevitable results of external causes, then true moral responsibility for the harm caused by these actions can no longer lie with the individual. However, determinists can define terms like “ill-desert” and “responsibility” in ways that are clear and specific, and from a utilitarian standpoint, they are the only appropriate definitions. In this sense, if I say that A is responsible for a harmful act, I mean that it’s justified to punish him for it; primarily, so that the fear of punishment discourages him and others from committing similar acts in the future. The gap between these two views of punishment is conceptually quite broad. Nevertheless, when I analyze the current understanding of Justice, I will argue that this acknowledgment is unlikely to have any practical impact. It is practically impossible to be guided in rewarding services or in punishing harmful actions by any factors other than those that the determinist view of desert would incorporate. For example, treating legal punishment as a deterrent and reformative rather than merely retributive seems necessary due to the practical demands of maintaining social order and wellbeing—completely independent of any determinist philosophy. Furthermore, as I will demonstrate later, if we strictly adhere to the retributive view of punishment—completely disregarding the preventive aspect—it puts our understanding of Justice in opposition to Benevolence, since punishment appears to be a completely unnecessary evil. Similarly, regarding the feelings that drive moral praise and blame, I concede that for a committed determinist, the desire to promote good behavior and prevent bad behavior must replace the wish to reward or punish either; but I see no reason why determinist-based moral sentiments should be any less effective in fostering virtue and social wellbeing than those based on libertarian views.
§ 5. It is, however, of obvious practical importance to ascertain how far the power of the will (whether metaphysically free or not) actually extends: for this defines the range within which ethical judgments are in the strictest sense applicable. This inquiry is quite independent of the question of metaphysical freedom; we might state it in Determinist terms as an inquiry into the range of effects which it would be possible to cause by human volition, provided that adequate motives are not wanting. These effects seem to be mainly of three kinds: first, changes in[73] the external world consequent upon muscular contractions; secondly, changes in the train of ideas and feelings that constitutes our conscious life; and thirdly, changes in the tendencies to act hereafter in certain ways under certain circumstances.
§ 5. It is clearly important to determine how far the power of the will (whether it's truly free or not) actually goes: because this defines the limits within which ethical judgments can be strictly applied. This investigation is completely separate from the question of metaphysical freedom; we could frame it in deterministic terms as an exploration of the range of effects that could be produced by human will, assuming that adequate motives are present. These effects seem to fall mainly into three categories: first, changes in[73] the external world as a result of muscle movements; second, changes in the flow of thoughts and feelings that make up our conscious experience; and third, changes in our future tendencies to act in specific ways under certain conditions.
I. The most obvious and prominent part of the sphere of volitional causation is constituted by such events as can be produced by muscular contractions. As regards these, it is sometimes said that it is properly the muscular contraction that we will, and not the more remote effects; for these require the concurrence of other causes, and therefore we can never be absolutely certain that they will follow. But no more is it certain, strictly speaking, that the muscular contraction will follow, since our limb may be paralysed, etc. The immediate consequent of the volition is some molecular change in the motor nerves. Since, however, we are not conscious in willing of our motor nerves and their changes,—nor indeed commonly of the muscular contractions that follow them,—it seems a misuse of terms to describe either as the normal ‘object’ of the mind in willing: since it is almost always some more remote effect which we consciously will and intend. Still of almost all effects of our will on the external world some contraction of our muscles is an indispensable antecedent; and when that is over our part in the causation is completed.
I. The most obvious and prominent part of the realm of willful causation consists of events that can be caused by muscle contractions. It's often said that it's actually the muscle contraction we intend, rather than the more distant effects, since those require the involvement of other factors, and we can never be completely sure they will happen. However, it’s also not certain that the muscle contraction will occur, since our limb could be paralyzed or other issues might prevent it. The immediate result of our will is a molecular change in the motor nerves. Yet, we are generally unaware of our motor nerves and their changes when we will – and often, we’re not even aware of the muscle contractions that follow – so it feels incorrect to label either as the normal 'object' of the mind when willing, as we typically focus on a more remote effect that we consciously will and intend. Still, for nearly all effects of our will on the outside world, some muscle contraction is a necessary precursor, and once that has occurred, our role in the causation is complete.
II. We can control to some extent our thoughts and feelings. It would seem, indeed, that an important part of what we commonly call ‘control of feeling’ comes under the head just discussed. Our control over our muscles enables us to keep down the expression of the feeling and to resist its promptings to action: and as the giving free vent to a feeling tends, generally speaking, to sustain and prolong it, this muscular control amounts to a certain power over the emotion. But there is not the same connexion between our muscular system and our thoughts: and yet experience shows that most men (though some, no doubt, much more than others) can voluntarily determine the direction of their thoughts, and pursue at will a given line of meditation. In such cases, what is effected by the effort of will seems to be the concentration of our consciousness on a part of its content, so that this part[74] grows more vivid and clear, while the rest tends to become obscure and ultimately to vanish. Frequently this voluntary exertion is only needed to initiate a train of ideas, which is afterwards continued without effort: as in recalling a series of past events or going through a familiar train of reasoning. By such concentration we can free ourselves of many thoughts and feelings upon which we do not wish to dwell: but our power to do this is very limited, and if the feeling be strong and its cause persistent, it requires a very unusual effort of will to banish it thus.
II. We can control our thoughts and feelings to some extent. In fact, a significant part of what we often refer to as ‘emotional control’ falls under this discussion. Our ability to control our muscles allows us to suppress the expression of our feelings and resist their urges to act. Since expressing a feeling usually tends to sustain and prolong it, this muscular control gives us a certain power over our emotions. However, there isn’t the same connection between our muscle system and our thoughts. Still, experience shows that most people (though some more than others) can choose which direction their thoughts go and follow a specific line of thinking at will. In these cases, what we achieve through willpower seems to be focusing our awareness on a part of our thoughts, making that part more vivid and clear, while the rest fades away and often disappears. Often, this deliberate effort is only needed to kickstart a flow of ideas, which continues effortlessly afterwards, like when recalling a series of past events or following a familiar line of reasoning. Through this concentration, we can shake off many thoughts and feelings we don’t want to dwell on. However, our ability to do this is quite limited, and if a feeling is strong and its cause persistent, it takes a very unusual effort of will to push it aside.
III. The effect of volition, however, to which I especially wish to direct the reader’s attention is the alteration in men’s tendencies to future action which must be assumed to be a consequence of general resolutions as to future conduct, so far as they are effective. Even a resolution to do a particular act—if it is worth while to make it, as experience shows it to be—must be supposed to produce a change of this kind in the person who makes it: it must somehow modify his present tendencies to act in a certain way on a foreseen future occasion. But it is in making general resolutions for future conduct that it is of most practical importance for us to know what is within the power of the will. Let us take an example. A man has been in the habit of drinking too much brandy nightly: one morning he resolves that he will do so no more. In making this resolve he acts under the belief that by a present volition he can so far alter his habitual tendency to indulgence in brandy, that some hours hence he will resist the full force of his habitual craving for the stimulant. Now whether this belief is well or ill founded is a different question from that usually discussed between Determinists and Libertarians: at the same time the two questions are liable to be confused. It is sometimes vaguely thought that a belief in Free Will requires us to maintain that at any moment we can alter our habits to any extent by a sufficiently strong exertion. And no doubt most commonly when we make such efforts, we believe at the moment that they will be completely effectual: we will to do something hours or days hence with the same confidence with which we will to do something immediately. But on reflection, no one, I think, will maintain that in such cases the future act appears[75] to be in his power in the same sense as a choice of alternatives that takes effect immediately. Not only does continual experience show us that such resolutions as to the future have a limited and too frequently an inadequate effect: but the common belief is really inconsistent with the very doctrine of Free Will that is thought to justify it: for if by a present volition I can fully determine an action that is to take place some hours hence, when the time comes to do that act I shall find myself no longer free. We must therefore accept the conclusion that each such resolve has only a limited effect: and that we cannot know when making it how far this effect will exhibit itself in the performance of the act resolved upon. At the same time it can hardly be denied that such resolves sometimes succeed in breaking old habits: and even when they fail to do this, they often substitute a painful struggle for smooth and easy indulgence. Hence it is reasonable to suppose that they always produce some effect in this direction; whether they operate by causing new motives to present themselves on the side of reason, when the time of inner conflict arrives; or whether they directly weaken the impulsive force of habit in the same manner as an actual breach of custom does, though in an inferior degree.[70]
III. The impact of willpower, which I want to highlight, is the change in people's tendencies for future actions that we assume results from general resolutions about what to do in the future, as long as they are effective. Even a resolution to perform a specific act—if it's worth making, as experience shows it is—should be believed to create a change in the person who makes it: it should somehow alter their current tendencies to act in a certain way at a predicted future moment. However, making general resolutions for future behavior is where it's most important for us to understand what we can do with our will. Let's consider an example. A man has been drinking too much brandy every night: one morning he decides he will stop. In making this decision, he believes that through his current willpower, he can change his usual tendency to indulge in brandy, so that hours later he will be able to resist his strong craving for it. Whether this belief is well-founded or not is a different matter from what is typically discussed between determinists and libertarians; however, the two issues can easily get mixed up. Sometimes people vaguely think that believing in free will means we have the power to change our habits to any degree with enough effort. And indeed, when we make such efforts, we usually believe in the moment that they will be completely effective: we intend to do something hours or days later with the same confidence with which we intend to do something right now. But on reflection, I think no one would claim that in such cases, the future action feels entirely under our control in the same way as a choice between immediate alternatives. Not only does ongoing experience show us that such future resolutions have a limited and often inadequate impact, but the common belief is truly inconsistent with the very doctrine of free will that is thought to support it: because if my current will can completely determine an action that will happen hours later, when the time comes to perform that action, I will find myself no longer free. We must, therefore, accept the conclusion that each resolution has only a limited effect: and we cannot know while making it how much that effect will influence the completion of the resolved action. At the same time, it’s hard to deny that such resolutions sometimes succeed in breaking old habits: and even when they don’t, they often create a difficult struggle instead of allowing smooth and easy indulgence. Therefore, it is reasonable to assume that they always have some effect in this direction; whether they work by bringing new motives to the forefront on the side of reason when the moment of internal conflict arises, or whether they directly weaken the impulsive force of habit in a way similar to an actual break from routine, though to a lesser degree.[70]
If this account of the range of volition be accepted, it will, I trust, dispel any lingering doubts which the argument of the preceding section, as to the practical unimportance of the Free Will controversy, may have left in the reader’s mind. For it may have been vaguely thought that while on the Determinist theory it would be wrong, in certain cases, to perform a single act of virtue if we had no ground for believing that we should hereafter duly follow it up; on the assumption of Freedom we should boldly do always what[76] would be best if consistently followed up, being conscious that such consistency is in our power. But the supposed difference vanishes, if it be admitted that by any effort of resolution at the present moment we can only produce a certain limited effect upon our tendencies to action at some future time, and that immediate consciousness cannot tell us that this effect will be adequate to the occasion, nor indeed how great it will really prove to be. For the most extreme Libertarian must then allow that before pledging ourselves to any future course of action we ought to estimate carefully, from our experience of ourselves and general knowledge of human nature, what the probability is of our keeping present resolutions in the circumstances in which we are likely to be placed. It is no doubt morally most important that we should not tranquilly acquiesce in any weakness or want of self-control: but the fact remains that such weakness is not curable by a single volition: and whatever we can do towards curing it by any effort of will at any moment, is as clearly enjoined by reason on the Determinist theory as it is on the Libertarian. On neither theory is it reasonable that we should deceive ourselves as to the extent of our weakness, or ignore it in the forecast of our conduct, or suppose it more easily remediable than it really is.
If we accept this explanation of the range of choice, I hope it will clear up any lingering doubts that the argument in the previous section about the practical unimportance of the Free Will debate may have left in your mind. You may have thought that according to the Determinist theory, it would be wrong in certain situations to perform a single act of virtue if we had no reason to believe we would follow it up appropriately in the future; whereas with the assumption of Freedom, we should always confidently do what would be best if we followed through on it, knowing that such consistency is within our control. However, this assumed difference disappears if we acknowledge that any effort we make right now can only have a limited impact on our tendencies to act in the future, and that our immediate awareness can’t tell us whether this impact will be sufficient for the situation or how significant it will actually be. Even the most committed Libertarian would have to agree that before committing to any future course of action, we should carefully evaluate, based on our self-experience and general understanding of human nature, the likelihood of us sticking to our current resolutions in the situations we’re likely to face. It is undoubtedly crucial that we don’t calmly accept any weakness or lack of self-control: but the truth is that such weakness cannot be fixed by a single act of choosing; and whatever we can do to address it with our willpower at any moment is just as clearly mandated by reason under the Determinist theory as it is under the Libertarian. Under neither theory is it reasonable for us to deceive ourselves about the extent of our weaknesses, ignore them when forecasting our behavior, or think they can be remedied more easily than they actually can.
CHAPTER VI
Ethical Guidelines and Approaches
§ 1. The results of the three preceding chapters may be briefly stated as follows:—
§ 1. The results of the three previous chapters can be summarized as follows:—
The aim of Ethics is to systematise and free from error the apparent cognitions that most men have of the rightness or reasonableness of conduct, whether the conduct be considered as right in itself, or as the means to some end commonly conceived as ultimately reasonable.[71] These cognitions are normally accompanied by emotions of various kinds, known as “moral sentiments”: but an ethical judgment cannot be explained as affirming merely the existence of such a sentiment: indeed it is an essential characteristic of a moral feeling that it is bound up with an apparent cognition of something more than mere feeling. Such cognitions, again, I have called ‘dictates,’ or ‘imperatives’; because, in so far as they relate to conduct on which any one is deliberating, they are accompanied by a certain impulse to do the acts recognised as right, which is liable to conflict with other impulses. Provided this impulse is effective in producing right volition, it is not of primary importance for ethical purposes to determine the exact characteristics of the emotional states that precede such volitions. And this remains true even if the[78] force actually operating on his will is mere desire for the pleasures that he foresees will attend right conduct, or aversion to the pains that will result from doing wrong: though we observe that in this case his action does not correspond to our common notion of strictly virtuous conduct; and though there seems to be no ground for regarding such desires and aversions as the sole, or even the normal, motives of human volitions. Nor, again, is it generally important to determine whether we are always, metaphysically speaking, ‘free’ to do what we clearly see to be right. What I ‘ought’ to do, in the strictest use of the word ‘ought,’ is always ‘in my power,’ in the sense that there is no obstacle to my doing it except absence of adequate motive; and it is ordinarily impossible for me, in deliberation, to regard such absence of motive as a reason for not doing what I otherwise judge to be reasonable.
The purpose of Ethics is to organize and clarify the common beliefs that most people have about what is right or reasonable behavior, whether that behavior is seen as inherently right or as a way to achieve a commonly agreed upon reasonable goal.[71] These beliefs usually come with various emotions, known as “moral sentiments.” However, an ethical judgment isn't just about expressing the existence of such a sentiment: a key aspect of a moral feeling is that it involves an awareness of something beyond just the feeling itself. I have referred to these beliefs as 'dictates' or 'imperatives,' because when they relate to actions someone is considering, they come with an urge to perform the acts identified as right, which can conflict with other urges. As long as this urge effectively leads to a right choice, it isn't crucial for ethical discussions to pinpoint exactly what the emotional states are that come before such choices. This holds true even if the actual influence on a person’s will is just a desire for the pleasures they expect will come from doing the right thing or a fear of the pains that will come from doing wrong. We notice that in such cases, their actions may not match our usual understanding of purely virtuous behavior; and there's no reason to consider those desires and fears as the only, or even the typical, motivations behind human choices. Also, it’s generally not essential to figure out whether we are always, in a metaphysical sense, 'free' to do what we clearly recognize as right. What I 'ought' to do, in the strictest sense, is always 'within my power,' in that the only barrier to doing it is the lack of a strong enough motive; and when I deliberate, I usually can’t see that lack of motive as a valid reason for not acting on what I believe is reasonable.
What then do we commonly regard as valid ultimate reasons for acting or abstaining? This, as was said, is the starting-point for the discussions of the present treatise: which is not primarily concerned with proving or disproving the validity of any such reasons, but rather with the critical exposition of the different ‘methods’—or rational procedures for determining right conduct in any particular case—which are logically connected with the different ultimate reasons widely accepted. In the first chapter we found that such reasons were supplied by the notions of Happiness and Excellence or Perfection (including Virtue or Moral Perfection as a prominent element), regarded as ultimate ends, and Duty as prescribed by unconditional rules. This threefold difference in the conception of the ultimate reason for conduct corresponds to what seem the most fundamental distinctions that we apply to human existence; the distinction between the conscious being and the stream of conscious experience, and the distinction (within this latter) of Action and Feeling. For Perfection is put forward as the ideal goal of the development of a human being, considered as a permanent entity; while by Duty, we mean the kind of Action that we think ought to be done; and similarly by Happiness or Pleasure we mean an ultimately desired or desirable kind of Feeling. It may seem, however, that these notions by no means exhaust the list of reasons which are widely accepted as ultimate[79] grounds of action. Many religious persons think that the highest reason for doing anything is that it is God’s Will: while to others ‘Self-realisation’ or ‘Self-development,’ and to others, again, ‘Life according to nature’ appear the really ultimate ends. And it is not hard to understand why conceptions such as these are regarded as supplying deeper and more completely satisfying answers to the fundamental question of Ethics, than those before named: since they do not merely represent ‘what ought to be,’ as such; they represent it in an apparently simple relation to what actually is. God, Nature, Self, are the fundamental facts of existence; the knowledge of what will accomplish God’s Will, what is, ‘according to Nature,’ what will realise the true Self in each of us, would seem to solve the deepest problems of Metaphysics as well as of Ethics. But just because these notions combine the ideal with the actual, their proper sphere belongs not to Ethics as I define it, but to Philosophy—the central and supreme study which is concerned with the relations of all objects of knowledge. The introduction of these notions into Ethics is liable to bring with it a fundamental confusion between “what is” and “what ought to be,” destructive of all clearness in ethical reasoning: and if this confusion is avoided, the strictly ethical import of such notions, when made explicit, appears always to lead us to one or other of the methods previously distinguished.
What do we usually see as valid ultimate reasons for acting or not acting? This, as mentioned earlier, is the starting point for the discussions in this treatise, which doesn't primarily aim to prove or disprove the validity of any such reasons. Instead, it critically examines the different 'methods'—or rational procedures—for determining the right conduct in particular cases that are logically connected with the various widely accepted ultimate reasons. In the first chapter, we found that these reasons are provided by the concepts of Happiness and Excellence or Perfection (including Virtue or Moral Perfection as a key element), viewed as ultimate ends, and Duty as dictated by unconditional rules. This threefold distinction in the understanding of the ultimate reason for behavior reflects what seem to be the most fundamental distinctions we make about human existence: the difference between the conscious being and the flow of conscious experience, and the distinction (within this flow) between Action and Feeling. Perfection is presented as the ideal goal for the development of a human being, viewed as a lasting entity; Duty refers to the types of Actions we believe should be performed; similarly, Happiness or Pleasure refers to a type of Feeling that is ultimately desired or desirable. However, it might seem that these concepts do not fully capture the range of reasons widely accepted as ultimate grounds for actions. Many religious individuals believe that the highest reason for doing anything is that it aligns with God’s Will; for others, ‘Self-realization’ or ‘Self-development’ matters, while for some, ‘Living according to nature’ appears to be the true ultimate ends. It’s not hard to see why notions like these are viewed as providing deeper and more satisfying answers to the fundamental questions of Ethics than those mentioned earlier, as they express not just 'what ought to be' but do so in a straightforward way connected to 'what actually is.' God, Nature, and Self are fundamental facts of existence; understanding what fulfills God’s Will, what is 'according to Nature,' and what realizes the true Self in each of us seems to address the deepest problems of both Metaphysics and Ethics. However, since these notions combine the ideal with the actual, their appropriate domain isn't Ethics as I define it, but Philosophy—the central study focused on the relationships of all knowledge objects. Bringing these notions into Ethics can lead to a fundamental confusion between “what is” and “what ought to be,” which muddles clear ethical reasoning. If we avoid this confusion, the strictly ethical implications of such notions, when clarified, tend to lead us back to one or another of the previously identified methods.
There is least danger of confusion in the case of the theological conception of ‘God’s Will’; since here the connexion between ‘what is’ and ‘what ought to be’ is perfectly clear and explicit. The content of God’s Will we conceive as presently existing, in idea: its actualisation is the end to be aimed at. There is indeed a difficulty in understanding how God’s Will can fail to be realised, whether we do right or wrong: or how, if it cannot fail to be realised in either case, its realisation can give the ultimate motive for doing right. But this difficulty it belongs to Theology rather than Ethics to solve. The practical question is, assuming that God wills in a special sense what we ought to do, how we are to ascertain this in any particular case. This must be either by Revelation or by Reason, or by both combined. If an external Revelation is proposed as the standard, we are obviously[80] carried beyond the range of our study; on the other hand, when we try to ascertain by reason the Divine Will, the conception seems to present itself as a common form under which a religious mind is disposed to regard whatever method of determining conduct it apprehends to be rational; since we cannot know any act to be in accordance with the Divine Will, which we do not also, by the same exercise of thought, know to be dictated by reason. Thus, commonly, it is either assumed that God desires the Happiness of men, in which case our efforts should be concentrated on its production: or that He desires their Perfection, and that that should be our end: or that whatever His end may be (into which perhaps we have no right to inquire) His Laws are immediately cognisable, being in fact the first principles of Intuitional Morality. Or perhaps it is explained that God’s Will is to be learnt by examining our own constitution or that of the world we are in: so that ‘Conformity to God’s Will’ seems to resolve itself into ‘Self-realisation,’ or ‘Life according to nature.’ In any case, this conception, however important it may be in supplying new motives for doing what we believe to be right, does not—apart from Revelation—suggest any special criterion of rightness.
There is the least chance of confusion when it comes to the theological idea of ‘God’s Will’; here, the connection between ‘what is’ and ‘what ought to be’ is very clear and straightforward. We understand the content of God’s Will as something that currently exists in our minds: its realization is the goal we should strive for. There is indeed a challenge in grasping how God’s Will can remain unfulfilled, regardless of whether we act rightly or wrongly; or how, if it cannot fail to be realized in either case, its realization can serve as the ultimate reason for doing what is right. However, this challenge is more for Theology to address than Ethics. The practical question is, assuming that God specifically wants us to do certain things, how can we determine what that is in any given situation? This must be done either through Revelation, Reason, or a combination of both. If we take an external Revelation as the basis, we clearly go beyond the scope of our study; on the other hand, when we attempt to discern the Divine Will through reason, the idea seems to emerge as a general framework under which a religious mindset tends to view any method of guiding behavior that it perceives as rational; since we cannot recognize any action as aligned with the Divine Will without simultaneously knowing, through the same reasoning, that it is guided by reason. Typically, it is either assumed that God wants the Happiness of people, in which case we should focus our efforts on achieving that; or that He desires their Perfection, and that should be our ultimate goal; or that whatever His ultimate intention may be (which perhaps we shouldn’t probe into), His Laws are immediately understandable and are, in fact, the foundational principles of Intuitional Morality. Alternatively, it might be suggested that God’s Will can be understood by reflecting on our own nature or that of the world we inhabit: so that ‘Conformity to God’s Will’ becomes synonymous with ‘Self-realization’ or ‘Living according to nature.’ In any event, this idea, no matter how significant it may be in providing new motivations to do what we believe is right, does not—aside from Revelation—offer any specific standard of what is right.
§ 2. Let us pass to consider the notions ‘Nature,’ ‘Natural,’ ‘Conformity to Nature.’ I assume—in order to obtain a principle distinct from ‘Self-realisation,’[72]—that the ‘Nature’ to which we are to conform is not each one’s own individual nature, but human nature generally, considered either apart from or in relation to its environment: that we are to find the standard of right conduct in a certain type of human existence which we can somehow abstract from observation of actual human life. Now in a certain sense every rational man must, of course, “conform to nature”; that is, in aiming at any ends, he must adapt his efforts to the particular conditions of his existence, physical and psychical. But if he is to go beyond this, and conform to ‘Nature’ in the adoption of an ultimate end or paramount standard[81] of right conduct, it must be on the basis—if not of strictly Theological assumptions, at any rate—of the more or less definite recognition of Design exhibited in the empirically known world. If we find no design in nature, if the complex processes of the world known to us through experience are conceived as an aimless though orderly drift of change, the knowledge of these processes and their laws may indeed limit the aims of rational beings, but I cannot conceive how it can determine the ends of their action, or be a source of unconditional rules of duty. And in fact those who use ‘natural’ as an ethical notion do commonly suppose that by contemplating the actual play of human impulses, or the physical constitution of man, or his social relations, we may find principles for determining positively and completely the kind of life he was designed to live. I think, however, that every attempt thus to derive ‘what ought to be’ from ‘what is’ palpably fails, the moment it is freed from fundamental confusions of thought. For instance, suppose we seek practical guidance in the conception of human nature regarded as a system of impulses and dispositions, we must obviously give a special precision to the meaning of “natural”; since in a sense, as Butler observes, any impulse is natural, but it is manifestly idle to bid us follow Nature in this sense: for the question of duty is never raised except when we are conscious of a conflict of impulses, and wish to know which to follow. Nor does it help us to say that the supremacy of Reason is Natural, as we have started by assuming that what Reason prescribes is conformity to Nature, and thus our line of thought would become circular: the Nature that we are to follow must be distinguished from our Practical Reason, if it is to become a guide to it. How then are we to distinguish ‘natural impulses’—in the sense in which they are to guide rational choice—from the unnatural? Those who have occupied themselves with this distinction seem generally to have interpreted the Natural to mean either the common as opposed to the rare and exceptional, or the original as opposed to what is later in development; or, negatively, what is not the effect of human volition. But I have never seen any ground for assuming broadly that Nature abhors the exceptional, or prefers the earlier in time to the later; and when we take a[82] retrospective view of the history of the human race, we find that some impulses which all admire, such as the love of knowledge and enthusiastic philanthropy, are both rarer and later in their appearance than others which all judge to be lower. Again, it is obviously unwarrantable to eschew as unnatural and opposed to the Divine design all such impulses as have been produced in us by the institutions of society, or our use of human arrangements and contrivances, or that result in any way from the deliberate action of our fellow-men: for this were arbitrarily to exclude society and human action from the scope of Nature’s purposes. And besides it is clear that many impulses so generated appear to be either moral or auxiliary to morality and in other ways beneficial: and though others no doubt are pernicious and misleading, it seems that we can only distinguish these latter from the former by taking note of their effects, and not by any precision that reflection can give to the notion of ‘natural.’ If, again, we fall back upon a more physical view of our nature and endeavour to ascertain for what end our corporeal frame was constructed, we find that such contemplation determines very little. We can infer from our nutritive system that we are intended to take food, and similarly that we are to exercise our various muscles in some way or other, and our brain and organs of sense. But this carries us a very trifling way, for the practical question almost always is, not whether we are to use our organs or leave them unused, but to what extent or in what manner we are to use them: and it does not appear that a definite answer to this question can ever be elicited, by a logical process of inference, from observations of the human organism, and the actual physical life of men.
§ 2. Let's consider the concepts of ‘Nature,’ ‘Natural,’ and ‘Conformity to Nature.’ I assume—so we can establish a principle separate from ‘Self-realization’—that the ‘Nature’ we should conform to is not each person's individual nature, but human nature in general, viewed either on its own or in relation to its surroundings: that we should find the standard for right conduct in a certain type of human existence that we can somehow extract from observing real human life. In a way, every rational person must, of course, “conform to nature”; that is, in pursuing any goals, they must adjust their efforts to the specific conditions of their physical and mental existences. However, if they are to go further and conform to ‘Nature’ when adopting an ultimate goal or top standard of right conduct, it must be based—if not on strictly theological assumptions, then at least on a somewhat clear recognition of Design displayed in the empirically known world. If we see no design in nature, if the complex processes of the world as we know it through experience are seen as an aimless but orderly flow of change, knowing these processes and their laws may indeed limit the objectives of rational beings, but I can't see how it can determine the goals of their actions or serve as a source of unconditional rules of duty. In fact, those who use ‘natural’ as an ethical concept generally believe that by examining the actual flow of human impulses, the physical make-up of humans, or their social relationships, we might uncover principles for definitively and completely determining the kind of life humans were meant to live. However, I believe that every attempt to derive ‘what ought to be’ from ‘what is’ clearly fails the moment it is freed from fundamental confusions of thought. For instance, if we seek practical guidance in the idea of human nature viewed as a system of impulses and tendencies, we must clearly provide an exact definition for “natural”; since, in a sense, as Butler observes, any impulse is natural, but it’s obviously pointless to tell us to follow Nature in that sense: for the question of duty only arises when we’re aware of a clash of impulses and wish to know which one to follow. Nor does it help to claim that the supremacy of Reason is Natural, as we've assumed that what Reason dictates is conformity to Nature, and thus our reasoning would become circular: the Nature we are to follow must be distinguished from our Practical Reason if it is to guide it. So how do we distinguish ‘natural impulses’—in the sense that they guide rational choice—from the unnatural? Those who have engaged with this distinction generally seem to interpret the Natural to mean either the common as opposed to the rare and exceptional, or the original as opposed to what is later in development; or, negatively, what is not the result of human choice. But I have never found any basis for assuming broadly that Nature dislikes the exceptional, or favors the earlier over the later; and when we look back at human history, we find that some impulses that everyone admires, like the love of knowledge and enthusiastic philanthropy, are both rarer and appear later than others that are widely deemed lower. Also, it’s clearly unreasonable to reject as unnatural and against the Divine design any impulses brought about by the structures of society, our use of human arrangements and tools, or those resulting from the intentional actions of others: doing so would arbitrarily exclude society and human actions from the scope of Nature’s purposes. Moreover, it’s evident that many impulses generated in this way appear to be either moral or supportive of morality and beneficial in other ways: although others are undoubtedly harmful and misleading, it seems that we can only distinguish these harmful ones from the beneficial by observing their effects, and not by any precise definition we can give to the concept of ‘natural.’ If we take a more biological perspective and try to determine what purpose our physical bodies were designed for, we find that such contemplation reveals very little. We can infer from our digestive system that we are meant to consume food, and similarly that we should exercise our various muscles in some fashion and engage our brain and sense organs. But this doesn't take us very far, since the practical question is almost always not whether we should use our organs or leave them unused, but to what extent or in what manner we should use them: and it doesn’t seem that a clear answer to this question can ever be reached through logical inference based on observations of the human body and the actual physical lives of people.
If, finally, we consider man in his social relations—as father, son, neighbour, citizen—and endeavour to determine the “natural” rights and obligations that attach to such relations, we find that the conception ‘natural’ presents a problem and not a solution. To an unreflective mind what is customary in social relations usually appears natural; but no reflective person is prepared to lay down “conformity to custom” as a fundamental moral principle: the problem, then, is to find in the rights and obligations established by custom in a particular society at a particular time an element[83] that has a binding force beyond what mere custom can give. And this problem can only be solved by reference to the ultimate good of social existence—whether conceived as happiness or as perfection—or by appealing to some intuitively known principle of social duty, other than the principle of aiming at the happiness or perfection of society.
If we finally look at people in their social relationships—as fathers, sons, neighbors, and citizens—and try to determine the “natural” rights and responsibilities that come with these relationships, we find that the idea of ‘natural’ is more of a problem than a solution. To someone who doesn’t think deeply, what’s customary in social relations often seems natural; however, no thoughtful person would suggest that "following customs" should be a fundamental moral principle. The challenge, then, is to identify in the rights and responsibilities established by customs in a specific society at a specific time an element[83] that has a stronger binding force than what mere customs can provide. This issue can only be resolved by referring to the ultimate good of social existence—whether viewed as happiness or perfection—or by appealing to some intuitively understood principle of social duty that goes beyond simply aiming for the happiness or perfection of society.
Nor, again, does it help us to adopt the more modern view of Nature, which regards the organic world as exhibiting, not an aggregate of fixed types, but a continuous and gradual process of changing life. For granting that this ‘evolution’—as the name implies—is not merely a process from old to new, but a progress from less to more of certain definite characteristics; it is surely absurd to maintain that we ought therefore to take these characteristics as Ultimate Good, and make it our whole endeavour to accelerate the arrival of an inevitable future. That whatever is to be will be better than what is, we all hope; but there seems to be no more reason for summarily identifying ‘what ought to be’ with ‘what certainly will be,’ than for finding it in ‘what commonly is,’ or ‘what originally was.’
Nor does it help us to adopt the more modern view of Nature, which sees the organic world as not just a collection of fixed types, but as a continuous and gradual process of changing life. Even if we accept that this ‘evolution’—as the term suggests—is not just a transition from old to new, but a progression from less to more of certain specific characteristics, it's clearly unreasonable to argue that we should therefore consider these characteristics as Ultimate Good and make it our entire goal to speed up the arrival of an inevitable future. While we all hope that what will be is better than what is, there seems to be no more reason to automatically equate ‘what ought to be’ with ‘what certainly will be’ than to find it in ‘what commonly is’ or ‘what originally was.’
On the whole, it appears to me that no definition that has ever been offered of the Natural exhibits this notion as really capable of furnishing an independent ethical first principle. And no one maintains that ‘natural’ like ‘beautiful’ is a notion that though indefinable is yet clear, being derived from a simple unanalysable impression. Hence I see no way of extracting from it a definite practical criterion of the rightness of actions.
Overall, it seems to me that no definition of the Natural has ever shown this idea as truly capable of providing an independent ethical first principle. And no one argues that 'natural,' like 'beautiful,' is a notion that, while impossible to define, is still clear, coming from a simple, unanalyzable impression. Therefore, I see no way to derive from it a specific practical standard for judging the rightness of actions.
§ 3. The discussion in the preceding section will have shown that not all the different views that are taken of the ultimate reason for doing what is concluded to be right lead to practically different methods of arriving at this conclusion. Indeed we find that almost any method may be connected with almost any ultimate reason by means of some—often plausible—assumption. Hence arises difficulty in the classification and comparison of ethical systems; since they often appear to have different affinities according as we consider Method or Ultimate Reason. In my treatment of the subject, difference of Method is taken as the paramount consideration: and it is on this account that I have treated the view in which Perfection is taken to be the Ultimate End as a variety of the Intuitionism[84] which determines right conduct by reference to axioms of duty intuitively known; while I have made as marked a separation as possible between Epicureanism or Egoistic Hedonism, and the Universalistic or Benthamite[73] Hedonism to which I propose to restrict the term Utilitarianism.
§ 3. The discussion in the previous section has shown that not all the different perspectives on the ultimate reason for doing what is considered right lead to significantly different methods for reaching that conclusion. In fact, we find that almost any method can be linked to almost any ultimate reason through some—often convincing—assumption. This creates challenges in classifying and comparing ethical systems; they often seem to have different relationships depending on whether we focus on Method or Ultimate Reason. In my analysis of the topic, the difference in Method is taken as the most important factor: that’s why I have discussed the view that considers Perfection as the Ultimate End as a type of Intuitionism[84] which determines right conduct based on intuitively known duties, while I have made as clear a distinction as possible between Epicureanism or Egoistic Hedonism, and the Universalistic or Benthamite[73] Hedonism, to which I intend to limit the term Utilitarianism.
I am aware that these two latter methods are commonly treated as closely connected: and it is not difficult to find reasons for this. In the first place, they agree in prescribing actions as means to an end distinct from, and lying outside the actions; so that they both lay down rules which are not absolute but relative, and only valid if they conduce to the end. Again, the ultimate end is according to both methods the same in quality, i.e. pleasure; or, more strictly, the maximum of pleasure attainable, pains being subtracted. Besides, it is of course to a great extent true that the conduct recommended by the one principle coincides with that inculcated by the other. Though it would seem to be only in an ideal polity that ‘self-interest well understood’ leads to the perfect discharge of all social duties, still, in a tolerably well-ordered community it prompts to the fulfilment of most of them, unless under very exceptional circumstances. And, on the other hand, a Universalistic Hedonist may reasonably hold that his own happiness is that portion of the universal happiness which it is most in his power to promote, and which therefore is most especially entrusted to his charge. And the practical blending of the two systems is sure to go beyond their theoretical coincidence. It is much easier for a man to move in a sort of diagonal between Egoistic and Universalistic Hedonism, than to be practically a consistent adherent of either. Few men are so completely selfish, whatever their theory of morals may be, as not occasionally to promote the happiness of others from natural sympathetic impulse unsupported by Epicurean calculation. And probably still fewer are so resolutely unselfish as never to find “all men’s good” in their own with rather too ready conviction.
I understand that these two methods are often viewed as closely related, and it’s easy to see why. First, both advocate for actions as a way to achieve an end that is separate from the actions themselves; thus, they establish guidelines that are not absolute but relative, only valid if they lead to the desired outcome. Additionally, the ultimate goal in both methods is the same in nature: pleasure, or more specifically, the highest amount of pleasure achievable after deducting pain. Moreover, it’s largely true that the behavior encouraged by one principle aligns with that promoted by the other. Although it seems that in an ideal society, "well-understood self-interest" would perfectly fulfill all social responsibilities, in a reasonably well-structured community, it motivates the fulfillment of most of them unless in very exceptional situations. Conversely, a Universalistic Hedonist can reasonably argue that their own happiness is the part of universal happiness they can most effectively promote, and thus is primarily their responsibility. The practical merging of these two approaches is likely to surpass their theoretical agreement. It’s much easier for someone to navigate a sort of mix between Egoistic and Universalistic Hedonism than to consistently adhere to either one. Few people are entirely selfish, regardless of their moral beliefs, as they often promote the happiness of others out of natural empathy rather than calculated selfishness. And probably even fewer are so entirely selfless that they never find their own happiness intertwined with the happiness of others, often with a bit too much certainty.
Further, from Bentham’s psychological doctrine, that every human being always does aim at his own greatest apparent happiness, it seems to follow that it is useless to point out to a man the conduct that would conduce to the general happiness,[85] unless you convince him at the same time that it would conduce to his own. Hence on this view, egoistic and universalistic considerations must necessarily be combined in any practical treatment of morality: and this being so, it was perhaps to be expected that Bentham[74] or his disciples would go further, and attempt to base on the Egoism which they accept as inevitable the Universalistic Hedonism which they approve and inculcate. And accordingly we find that J. S. Mill does try to establish a logical connexion between the psychological and ethical principles which he holds in common with Bentham, and to convince his readers that because each man naturally seeks his own happiness, therefore he ought to seek the happiness of other people.[75]
Furthermore, according to Bentham’s theory, which states that every person always aims for their own greatest apparent happiness, it seems pointless to tell someone about actions that would contribute to general happiness,[85] unless you also convince them that those actions would benefit their own happiness. Therefore, from this perspective, self-interested and universal considerations must be combined in any practical approach to morality. Given this, it was perhaps expected that Bentham[74] or his followers would go further and try to link the inevitable Egoism they accept with the Universalistic Hedonism they support and promote. Accordingly, we see that J. S. Mill attempts to establish a logical connection between the psychological and ethical principles he shares with Bentham and to persuade his readers that since each person naturally seeks their own happiness, they should also seek the happiness of others.[75]
Nevertheless, it seems to me undeniable that the practical affinity between Utilitarianism and Intuitionism is really much greater than that between the two forms of Hedonism. My grounds for holding this will be given at length in subsequent chapters. Here I will only observe that many moralists who have maintained as practically valid the judgments of right and wrong which the Common Sense of mankind seems intuitively to enunciate, have yet regarded General Happiness as an end to which the rules of morality are the best means, and have held that a knowledge of these rules was implanted by Nature or revealed by God for the attainment of this end. Such a belief implies that, though I am bound to take, as my ultimate standard in acting, conformity to a rule which is for me absolute, still the natural or Divine reason for the rule laid down is Utilitarian. On this view, the method of Utilitarianism is certainly rejected: the connexion between right action and happiness is not ascertained by a process of reasoning. But we can hardly say that the Utilitarian principle is altogether rejected: rather the limitations of the human reason are supposed to prevent it from apprehending adequately the real connexion between the true principle and the right rules of conduct. This connexion, however, has always been to a large extent recognised by all reflective persons. Indeed, so clear is it[86] that in most cases the observance of the commonly received moral rules tends to render human life tranquil and happy, that even moralists (as Whewell) who are most strongly opposed to Utilitarianism have, in attempting to exhibit the “necessity” of moral rules, been led to dwell on utilitarian considerations.
However, it’s clear to me that the practical connection between Utilitarianism and Intuitionism is actually much stronger than that between the two types of Hedonism. I’ll explain my reasons for this in more detail in later chapters. For now, I just want to point out that many moral thinkers who have argued for the validity of right and wrong judgments that seem intuitively obvious to common sense also view General Happiness as the ultimate goal, with moral rules serving as the best means to achieve it. They believe that either nature or God has instilled this knowledge of moral rules in us to reach this goal. This belief suggests that while I must follow a rule that I see as absolute, the underlying reason for this rule is Utilitarian. From this perspective, the approach of Utilitarianism is certainly not accepted: the link between right action and happiness isn’t determined through reasoning. However, we can't say that the Utilitarian principle is completely dismissed; instead, it’s thought that human reasoning’s limitations prevent it from fully understanding the true connection between the actual principle and the correct rules of conduct. This connection has always been largely acknowledged by all thoughtful people. In fact, it’s so obvious that, in many cases, following the commonly accepted moral rules helps make human life stable and happy, that even moralists like Whewell, who are very much against Utilitarianism, have found themselves highlighting utilitarian arguments when trying to justify the “necessity” of moral rules.
And during the first period of ethical controversy in modern England, after the audacious enunciation of Egoism by Hobbes had roused in real earnest the search for a philosophical basis of morality, Utilitarianism appears in friendly alliance with Intuitionism. It was not to supersede but to support the morality of Common Sense, against the dangerous innovations of Hobbes, that Cumberland declared “the common good[76] of all Rationals” to be the end to which moral rules were the means. We find him quoted with approval by Clarke, who is commonly taken to represent Intuitionism in an extreme form. Nor does Shaftesbury, in introducing the theory of a “moral sense,” seem to have dreamt that it could ever impel us to actions not clearly conducive to the Good[76] of the Whole: and his disciple Hutcheson expressly identified its promptings with those of Benevolence. Butler, I think, was our first influential writer who dwelt on the discrepancies between Virtue as commonly understood and “conduct likeliest to produce an overbalance of happiness.”[77] When Hume presented Utilitarianism as a mode of explaining current morality, it was seen or suspected to have a partially destructive tendency. But it was not till the time of Paley and Bentham that it was offered as a method for determining conduct, which was to overrule all traditional precepts and supersede all existing moral sentiments. And even this final antagonism relates rather to theory and method than to[87] practical results: practical conflict, in ordinary human minds, is mainly between Self-interest and Social Duty however determined. Indeed, from a practical point of view the principle of aiming at the “greatest happiness of the greatest number” is prima facie more definitely opposed to Egoism than the Common-Sense morality is. For this latter seems to leave a man free to pursue his own happiness under certain definite limits and conditions: whereas Utilitarianism seems to require a more comprehensive and unceasing subordination of self-interest to the common good. And thus, as Mill remarks, Utilitarianism is sometimes attacked from two precisely opposite sides: from a confusion with Egoistic Hedonism it is called base and grovelling; while at the same time it is more plausibly charged with setting up too high a standard of unselfishness and making exaggerated demands on human nature.
And during the first period of ethical controversy in modern England, after Hobbes boldly stated Egoism, which sparked a serious search for a philosophical foundation for morality, Utilitarianism emerged in a supportive partnership with Intuitionism. It wasn't meant to replace but to strengthen the morality of Common Sense against the risky innovations of Hobbes. Cumberland stated that “the common good of all Rationals” was the goal towards which moral rules served as the means. Clarke, who is often seen as a representative of Intuitionism in an extreme form, quoted him with approval. Shaftesbury, when introducing the idea of a “moral sense,” didn’t seem to think it could ever motivate us to act in ways that weren't clearly beneficial to the overall Good. His follower Hutcheson specifically associated its impulses with Benevolence. I believe Butler was the first influential writer to explore the differences between Virtue as it's generally understood and “actions likely to produce an overbalance of happiness.” When Hume put forward Utilitarianism as a way to explain current morality, it was perceived or suspected to have a somewhat destructive tendency. However, it wasn't until Paley and Bentham's time that it was presented as a method for determining behavior that would override all traditional teachings and replace all established moral feelings. This final opposition relates more to theory and methods than to practical outcomes. In everyday human minds, practical conflict mainly lies between Self-interest and Social Duty, however defined. In fact, from a practical standpoint, the principle of aiming for the “greatest happiness of the greatest number” is, at first glance, more clearly opposed to Egoism than Common-Sense morality is. The latter seems to allow a person the freedom to pursue their own happiness within certain limits and conditions, while Utilitarianism appears to demand a broader and continuous subordination of self-interest to the common good. Thus, as Mill notes, Utilitarianism is sometimes criticized from two completely opposite angles: it's labeled as base and low for being confused with Egoistic Hedonism, and at the same time, it's more credibly accused of setting an excessively high standard for unselfishness and making unrealistic demands on human nature.
A good deal remains to be said, in order to make the principle and method of Utilitarianism perfectly clear and explicit: but it seems best to defer this till we come to the investigation of its details. It will be convenient to take this as the final stage of our examination of methods. For on the one hand it is simpler that the discussion of Egoistic should precede that of Universalistic Hedonism; and on the other, it seems desirable that we should obtain in as exact a form as possible the enunciations of Intuitive Morality, before we compare these with the results of the more doubtful and difficult calculations of utilitarian consequences.
A lot more needs to be discussed to make the principle and method of Utilitarianism completely clear and straightforward. However, it seems best to wait until we dive into the specifics. It will be easier to consider this as the last part of our examination of methods. On one hand, it's simpler for the discussion of Egoistic to come before Universalistic Hedonism; on the other hand, it’s important to define Intuitive Morality as precisely as we can before we compare it with the more uncertain and complicated calculations of utilitarian outcomes.
In the remaining chapters of this Book I shall endeavour to remove certain ambiguities as to the general nature and relations of the other two methods, as designated respectively by the terms Egoism and Intuitionism, before proceeding to the fuller examination of them in Books ii. and iii.
In the following chapters of this book, I will work to clarify some uncertainties regarding the overall nature and connections of the other two methods, known as Egoism and Intuitionism, before moving on to a more in-depth analysis of them in Books ii. and iii.
Note.—I have called the ethical doctrine that takes universal happiness as the ultimate end and standard of right conduct by the name of Bentham, because the thinkers who have chiefly taught this doctrine in England during the present century have referred it to Bentham as their master. And it certainly seems to me clear—though Mr. Bain (cf. Mind, January 1883, p. 48) appears to doubt it—that Bentham adopted this doctrine explicitly, in its most comprehensive scope, at the earliest stage in the formation of his opinions; nor do I think that he ever consciously[88] abandoned or qualified it. We find him writing in his common-place book, in 1773-4 (cf. Works, Bowring’s edition, vol. x. p. 70), that Helvetius had “established a standard of rectitude for actions”;—the standard being that “a sort of action is a right one, when the tendency of it is to augment the mass of happiness in the community.” And we find him writing fifty years later (cf. Works, vol. x. p. 79) the following account of his earliest view, in a passage which contains no hint of later dissent from it:—“By an early pamphlet of Priestley’s ... light was added to the warmth. In the phrase ‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number,’ I then saw delineated, for the first time, a plain as well as a true standard for whatever is right or wrong ... in human conduct, whether in the field of morals or of politics.”
Note.—I refer to the ethical principle that considers universal happiness as the ultimate goal and benchmark for right behavior as the doctrine of Bentham. This is because the thinkers who have primarily advocated for this principle in England this century have looked to Bentham as their leader. It seems clear to me—although Mr. Bain (cf. Mind, January 1883, p. 48) seems to disagree—that Bentham explicitly embraced this principle, in its broadest sense, from the very beginning of his thought development; and I don't believe he ever consciously[88] abandoned or modified it. He recorded in his commonplace book between 1773 and 1774 (cf. Works, Bowring’s edition, vol. x. p. 70) that Helvetius had “established a standard of rectitude for actions”; the standard being that “an action is right when it tends to increase the happiness of the community.” And we also see him noting, fifty years later (cf. Works, vol. x. p. 79), his earliest perspective in a passage that shows no sign of later disagreement: “From an early pamphlet of Priestley’s ... light was added to the warmth. In the phrase ‘the greatest happiness of the greatest number,’ I then saw, for the first time, a clear and accurate standard for what is right or wrong ... in human conduct, whether in the field of morals or of politics.”
At the same time I must admit that in other passages Bentham seems no less explicitly to adopt Egoistic Hedonism as the method of ‘private Ethics,’ as distinct from legislation: and in his posthumous ‘Deontology’ the two principles appear to be reconciled by the doctrine, that it is always the individual’s true interest, even from a purely mundane point of view, to act in the manner most conducive to the general happiness. This latter proposition—which I regard as erroneous—is not, indeed, definitely put forward in any of the treatises published by Bentham in his lifetime, or completely prepared by him for publication: but it may be inferred from his common-place book that he held it (see his Works, vol. x. pp. 560, 561).
At the same time, I have to admit that in other parts, Bentham seems to clearly adopt Egoistic Hedonism as the approach to ‘private Ethics,’ separate from legislation. In his posthumous ‘Deontology,’ the two principles appear to be reconciled by the idea that it’s always in an individual’s best interest, even from a purely practical point of view, to act in ways that contribute to overall happiness. This latter statement—which I believe is incorrect—is not explicitly presented in any of the writings published by Bentham during his life, nor was it fully prepared by him for publication. However, it can be inferred from his commonplace book that he held this view (see his Works, vol. x. pp. 560, 561).
CHAPTER VII
Selfishness and Self-Love
§ 1. In the preceding chapters I have used the term “Egoism,” as it is most commonly used, to denote a system which prescribes actions as means to the end of the individual’s happiness or pleasure. The ruling motive in such a system is commonly said to be “self-love.” But both terms admit of other interpretations, which it will be well to distinguish and set aside before proceeding further.
§ 1. In the earlier chapters, I have used the term “Egoism” in its most common usage to refer to a system that advocates for actions aimed at achieving an individual’s happiness or pleasure. The main motivation in this system is often referred to as “self-love.” However, both terms can have different interpretations, and it’s important to clarify and exclude those before moving on.
For example, the term “egoistic” is ordinarily and not improperly applied to the basis on which Hobbes attempted to construct morality; and on which alone, as he held, the social order could firmly rest, and escape the storms and convulsions with which it seemed to be menaced from the vagaries of the unenlightened conscience. But it is not strictly the end of Egoism as I have defined it—greatest attainable pleasure for the individual—but rather “self-preservation,” which determines the first of those precepts of rational egoism which Hobbes calls “Laws of Nature,” viz., “Seek peace and ensue it.” And in the development of his system we often find that it is Preservation rather than Pleasure, or perhaps a compromise between the two,[78] that is taken as the ultimate end and standard of right conduct.
For instance, the term “egoistic” is commonly and rightly applied to the foundation on which Hobbes tried to build morality; and on which, as he believed, the social order could securely stand and avoid the upheavals and chaos it seemed to face from the unpredictable nature of an unenlightened conscience. However, it's not exactly the goal of Egoism as I’ve defined it—greatest achievable pleasure for the individual—but rather “self-preservation,” which defines the first of those principles of rational egoism that Hobbes refers to as “Laws of Nature,” namely, “Seek peace and pursue it.” In the development of his system, we often see that it is Preservation rather than Pleasure, or maybe a balance between the two,[78] that is regarded as the ultimate goal and standard of proper behavior.
Again, in Spinoza’s view the principle of rational action is necessarily egoistic, and is (as with Hobbes) the impulse of self-preservation. The individual mind, says Spinoza, like[90] everything else, strives so far as it is able to continue in its state of being: indeed this effort is its very essence. It is true that the object of this impulse cannot be separated from pleasure or joy; because pleasure or joy is “a passion in which the soul passes to higher perfection.” Still it is not at Pleasure that the impulse primarily aims, but at the mind’s Perfection or Reality: as we should now say, at Self-realisation or Self-development. Of this, according to Spinoza, the highest form consists in a clear comprehension of all things in their necessary order as modifications of the one Divine Being, and that willing acceptance of all which springs from this comprehension. In this state the mind is purely active, without any admixture of passion or passivity: and thus its essential nature is realised or actualised to the greatest possible degree.
In Spinoza’s view, the principle of rational action is inherently self-centered and is driven by the urge for self-preservation, similar to Hobbes. He states that the individual mind, like everything else, strives as much as it can to maintain its existence; in fact, this striving is its very essence. It is true that the goal of this urge is connected to pleasure or joy, as pleasure or joy is “a passion in which the soul advances to greater perfection.” However, the impulse primarily aims not at pleasure but at the mind’s perfection or reality: what we would now call self-realization or self-development. According to Spinoza, the highest form of this consists in a clear understanding of all things in their necessary order as variations of the one Divine Being, along with a willing acceptance of everything that arises from this understanding. In this state, the mind is entirely active, free from any blend of passion or passivity; thus, its essential nature is realized or actualized to the fullest extent possible.
We perceive that this is the notion of Self-realisation as defined not only by but for a philosopher: and that it would mean something quite different in the case of a man of action—such, for example, as the reflective dramatist of Germany introduces exclaiming:
We understand that this is the idea of self-realization, defined not only by a philosopher but also for one: and that it would signify something completely different for a man of action—like, for instance, the reflective dramatist from Germany who introduces the concept exclaiming:
Just like a word hero, a virtue blabber. Warm me with your will, and thoughts ...
If I no longer have an impact, I am finished.[79]
The artist, again, often contemplates his production of the beautiful as a realisation of self: and moralists of a certain turn of mind, in all ages, have similarly regarded the sacrifice of inclination to duty as the highest form of Self-development; and held that true self-love prompts us always to obey the commands issued by the governing principle—Reason or Conscience—within us, as in such obedience, however painful, we shall be realising our truest self.
The artist often thinks about creating beauty as a way to express himself. Similarly, moralists throughout history have viewed giving up personal desires for duty as the greatest form of self-development. They believe that true self-love urges us to follow the guidance of our inner authority—either Reason or Conscience—because, even if it’s difficult, obeying these commands helps us realize our most authentic selves.
We see, in short, that the term Egoism, so far as it merely implies that reference is made to self in laying down first principles of conduct, does not really indicate in any way the substance of such principles. For all our impulses, high and low, sensual and moral alike, are so far similarly related to self, that—except when two or more impulses come into conscious[91] conflict—we tend to identify ourselves with each as it arises. Thus self-consciousness may be prominent in yielding to any impulse: and egoism, in so far as it merely implies such prominence, is a common form applicable to all principles of action.
We can see, briefly, that the term Egoism, in as much as it refers to self when establishing basic principles of behavior, doesn’t really capture the essence of those principles. Our motivations, whether they're high or low, sensual or moral, are similarly connected to self, so that—unless there’s a conscious conflict between two or more impulses—we tend to associate ourselves with each one as it comes up. Therefore, self-awareness can play a significant role in giving in to any impulse: and egoism, as it simply denotes this awareness, applies to all action principles.
It may be said, however, that we do not, properly speaking, ‘develop’ or ‘realise’ self by yielding to the impulse which happens to be predominant in us; but by exercising, each in its due place and proper degree, all the different faculties, capacities, and propensities, of which our nature is made up. But here there is an important ambiguity. What do we mean by ‘due proportion and proper degree’? These terms may imply an ideal, into conformity with which the individual mind has to be trained, by restraining some of its natural impulses and strengthening others, and developing its higher faculties rather than its lower: or they may merely refer to the original combination and proportion of tendencies in the character with which each is born; to this, it may be meant, we ought to adapt as far as possible the circumstances in which we place ourselves and the functions which we choose to exercise, in order that we may “be ourselves,” “live our own life,” etc. According to the former interpretation rational Self-development is merely another term for the pursuit of Perfection for oneself: while in the latter sense it hardly appears that Self-development (when clearly distinguished) is really put forward as an absolute end, but rather as a means to happiness; for supposing a man to have inherited propensities clearly tending to his own unhappiness, no one would recommend him to develop these as fully as possible, instead of modifying or subduing them in some way. Whether actually the best way of seeking happiness is to give free play to one’s nature, we will hereafter consider in the course of our examination of Hedonism.
It can be argued that we don’t truly ‘develop’ or ‘realize’ ourselves by simply following the strongest impulse within us; rather, we grow by exercising all the various abilities and tendencies that make up our character, each in the right place and to the right extent. However, this raises an important question. What do we mean by ‘due proportion and proper degree’? These terms might suggest an ideal that the individual mind should strive for by holding back some natural impulses and strengthening others, while focusing on developing higher faculties instead of lower ones. Alternatively, they might refer to the original mix and balance of tendencies that each person is born with, indicating that we should adapt our circumstances and the roles we choose to align with our true selves and live our own lives. According to the first interpretation, rational self-development is just another way to describe the pursuit of personal perfection. In the latter sense, self-development doesn’t seem to be an ultimate goal in itself, but more of a pathway to happiness. For example, if someone has inherited tendencies that clearly lead to their own unhappiness, it wouldn’t be advisable for them to fully develop those tendencies instead of trying to modify or suppress them. We will explore whether allowing one’s nature to flourish is truly the best way to seek happiness as we delve deeper into our examination of Hedonism.
On the whole, then, I conclude that the notion of Self-realisation is to be avoided in a treatise on ethical method, on account of its indefiniteness: and for a similar reason we must discard a common account of Egoism which describes its ultimate end as the ‘good’ of the individual; for the term ‘good’ may cover all possible views of the ultimate end of rational conduct. Indeed it may be said that Egoism in this sense was assumed[92] in the whole ethical controversy of ancient Greece; that is, it was assumed on all sides that a rational individual[80] would make the pursuit of his own good his supreme aim: the controverted question was whether this Good was rightly conceived as Pleasure or Virtue, or any tertium quid. Nor is the ambiguity removed if we follow Aristotle in confining our attention to the Good attainable in human life, and call this Well-being (Εὐδαιμονία). For we may still argue with the Stoics, that virtuous or excellent activities and not pleasures are the elements of which true human Well-being is composed. Indeed Aristotle himself adopts this view, so far as to determine the details of Well-being accordingly: though he does not, with the Stoics, regard the pursuit of Virtue and that of Pleasure as competing alternatives, holding rather that the “best pleasure” is an inseparable concomitant of the most excellent action. Even the English term Happiness is not free from a similar ambiguity.[81] It seems, indeed, to be commonly used in Bentham’s way as convertible with Pleasure,—or rather as denoting that of which the constituents are pleasures;—and it is in this sense that I think it most convenient to use it. Sometimes, however, in ordinary discourse, the term is rather employed to denote a particular kind of agreeable consciousness, which is distinguished from and even contrasted with definite specific pleasures—such as the gratifications of sensual appetite or other keen and vehement desires—as being at once calmer and more indefinite: we may characterise it as the feeling which accompanies the normal activity of a “healthy mind in a healthy body,” and of which specific pleasures seem[93] to be rather stimulants than elements. Sometimes, again—though, I think, with a more manifest divergence from common usage—“happiness” or “true happiness” is understood in a definitely non-hedonistic sense, as denoting results other than agreeable feelings of any kind.[82]
On the whole, I conclude that the idea of self-realization should be avoided in discussions on ethical methods because it's too vague. For a similar reason, we should discard the common view of egoism that defines its ultimate goal as the "good" of the individual, since the term "good" can refer to all different perspectives on the ultimate aim of rational behavior. In fact, we could say that egoism in this context was taken for granted during the entire ethical debate in ancient Greece; it was assumed by everyone that a rational individual would make the pursuit of their own good their highest goal. The debated question was whether this good was correctly defined as pleasure, virtue, or something else entirely. The ambiguity doesn't disappear if we follow Aristotle and focus on the good achievable in human life, referring to it as well-being (Εὐδαιμονία). We can still argue with the Stoics that virtuous or excellent activities, rather than pleasures, are the building blocks of true human well-being. Indeed, Aristotle himself leans toward this view, determining the details of well-being accordingly; however, unlike the Stoics, he doesn’t see the pursuit of virtue and pleasure as competing options, rather believing that the "best pleasure" is an inherent part of the most excellent actions. Even the English term happiness isn't free from similar ambiguity. It is often used in the way Bentham described—synonymous with pleasure, or more accurately, as something made up of pleasures—and it is in this sense that I find it most useful to employ the term. Sometimes, however, in everyday conversation, the term is used to refer to a particular type of agreeable feeling that is set apart from and even contrasted with specific pleasures—like the satisfactions of physical desires or other intense cravings—characterized as calmer and more indefinite. We could describe it as the feeling accompanying the normal functioning of a "healthy mind in a healthy body," where specific pleasures seem more like stimulants than essential components. At other times—though I believe this diverges more from common usage—"happiness" or "true happiness" is understood in a distinctly non-hedonistic way, indicating outcomes other than pleasant feelings of any kind.
§ 2. To be clear, then, we must particularise as the object of Self-love, and End of the method which I have distinguished as Egoistic Hedonism, Pleasure, taken in its widest sense, as including every species of “delight,” “enjoyment,” or “satisfaction”; except so far as any particular species may be excluded by its incompatibility with some greater pleasures, or as necessarily involving concomitant or subsequent pains. It is thus that Self-love seems to be understood by Butler[83] and other English moralists after him; as a desire of one’s own pleasure generally, and of the greatest amount of it obtainable, from whatever source it may be obtained. In fact, it is upon this generality and comprehensiveness that the ‘authority’ and ‘reasonableness’ attributed to Self-love in Butler’s system are founded. For satisfaction or pleasure of some kind results from gratifying any impulse; thus when antagonistic impulses compete for the determination of the Will, we are prompted by the desire for pleasure in general to compare the pleasures which we foresee will respectively attend the gratification of either impulse, and when we have ascertained which set of[94] pleasures is the greatest, Self-love or the desire for pleasure in general reinforces the corresponding impulse. It is thus called into play whenever impulses conflict, and is therefore naturally regulative and directive (as Butler argues) of other springs of action. On this view, so far as Self-love operates, we merely consider the amount of pleasure or satisfaction: to use Bentham’s illustration, “quantity of pleasure being equal, push-pin is as good as poetry.”
§ 2. To be clear, we need to specify that the focus of Self-love—and the goal of the method I’ve labeled Egoistic Hedonism—is Pleasure, taken in the broadest sense. This includes all forms of “delight,” “enjoyment,” or “satisfaction,” except where a specific type of pleasure might be excluded because it conflicts with greater pleasures or is linked to unavoidable or subsequent pain. This understanding of Self-love is reflected in Butler[83] and other English moralists who followed him; it’s seen as a general desire for personal pleasure and the maximum amount achievable, from any source. In fact, it’s this broad and inclusive nature that underpins the ‘authority’ and ‘reasonableness’ associated with Self-love in Butler’s framework. When we act on any impulse, it brings some type of satisfaction or pleasure. Thus, when competing impulses vie for control of the Will, our general desire for pleasure motivates us to weigh the anticipated pleasures resulting from either impulse. After determining which set of[94] pleasures is greater, Self-love—or the desire for pleasure—strengthens the corresponding impulse. It comes into play whenever there’s a conflict between impulses, which is why it naturally regulates and guides other motivations, as Butler argues. From this perspective, as far as Self-love is concerned, we simply evaluate the amount of pleasure or satisfaction: to borrow Bentham’s example, “if the quantity of pleasure is the same, push-pin is just as good as poetry.”
This position, however, seems to many offensively paradoxical; and J. S. Mill[84] in his development of Bentham’s doctrine thought it desirable to abandon it and to take into account differences in quality among pleasures as well as differences in degree. Now here we may observe, first, that it is quite consistent with the view quoted as Bentham’s to describe some kinds of pleasure as inferior in quality to others, if by ‘a pleasure’ we mean (as is often meant) a whole state of consciousness which is only partly pleasurable; and still more if we take into view subsequent states. For many pleasures are not free from pain even while enjoyed; and many more have painful consequences. Such pleasures are, in Bentham’s phrase, “impure”: and as the pain has to be set off as a drawback in valuing the pleasure, it is in accordance with strictly quantitative measurement of pleasure to call them inferior in kind. And again, we must be careful not to confound intensity of pleasure with intensity of sensation: as a pleasant feeling may be strong and absorbing, and yet not so pleasant as another that is more subtle and delicate. With these explanations, it seems to me that in order to work out consistently the method that takes pleasure as the sole ultimate end of rational conduct, Bentham’s proposition must be accepted, and all qualitative comparison of pleasures must really resolve itself into quantitative. For all pleasures are understood to be so called because they have a common property of pleasantness, and may therefore be compared in respect of this common property. If, then, what we are seeking is pleasure as such, and pleasure alone, we must evidently always prefer the more pleasant pleasure to the less pleasant: no other choice seems reasonable, unless we are aiming at something besides pleasure. And often when we say[95] that one kind of pleasure is better than another—as (e.g.) that the pleasures of reciprocated affection are superior in quality to the pleasures of gratified appetite—we mean that they are more pleasant. No doubt we may mean something else: we may mean, for instance, that they are nobler and more elevated, although less pleasant. But then we are clearly introducing a non-hedonistic ground of preference: and if this is done, the method adopted is a perplexing mixture of Intuitionism and Hedonism.
This position, however, seems paradoxically offensive to many; and J. S. Mill[84] in his development of Bentham’s doctrine thought it best to abandon it and consider differences in quality among pleasures along with differences in degree. Now, we can first note that it's entirely consistent with the view attributed to Bentham to label some types of pleasure as lower in quality than others, if by ‘pleasure’ we mean (as is often the case) a complete state of consciousness that is only partially pleasurable; and even more so if we consider later states. Many pleasures come with pain even when they are being enjoyed; and many others have painful consequences. Such pleasures are, in Bentham’s words, “impure”: and since the pain needs to be factored in as a downside when valuing the pleasure, it aligns with a strictly quantitative assessment of pleasure to classify them as inferior in kind. Furthermore, we need to be careful not to confuse the intensity of pleasure with the intensity of sensation: a pleasant feeling can be strong and absorbing, yet still not as pleasant as another that is more subtle and refined. With these clarifications, I believe that to consistently develop the method that considers pleasure as the only ultimate goal of rational behavior, we must accept Bentham’s proposal, and all qualitative comparisons of pleasures must essentially break down into quantitative ones. All pleasures are considered such because they share a common quality of pleasantness, and can therefore be compared based on this shared quality. If what we’re pursuing is pleasure itself, and only pleasure, we must always prefer the more pleasant pleasure over the less pleasant one: no other choice seems reasonable unless we have goals beyond pleasure. And often when we claim that one kind of pleasure is better than another—like asserting that the pleasures of mutual affection are superior in quality to the pleasures of fulfilled desire—we mean that they are more pleasant. Of course, we might mean something different: for instance, we might argue that they are nobler and more elevated, even if they are less pleasant. But if we do this, we are clearly introducing a non-hedonistic basis for preference: and in doing so, the method chosen becomes a confusing blend of Intuitionism and Hedonism.
To sum up: Egoism, if we merely understand by it a method that aims at Self-realisation, seems to be a form into which almost any ethical system may be thrown, without modifying its essential characteristics. And even when further defined Egoistic Hedonism, it is still imperfectly distinguishable from Intuitionism if quality of pleasures is admitted as a consideration distinct from and overruling quantity. There remains then Pure or Quantitative Egoistic Hedonism, which, as a method essentially distinct from all others and widely maintained to be rational, seems to deserve a detailed examination. According to this the rational agent regards quantity of consequent pleasure and pain to himself as alone important in choosing between alternatives of action; and seeks always the greatest attainable surplus of pleasure over pain—which, without violation of usage, we may designate as his ‘greatest happiness.’ It seems to be this view and attitude of mind which is most commonly intended by the vaguer terms ‘egoism,’ ‘egoistic’: and therefore I shall allow myself to use these terms in this more precise signification.
To sum up: Egoism, if we understand it simply as a method focused on self-realization, can fit almost any ethical system without changing its essential features. Even when we define it more specifically as Egoistic Hedonism, it’s still not completely different from Intuitionism if we consider the quality of pleasures as an important factor that can override quantity. What remains is Pure or Quantitative Egoistic Hedonism, which, being a method distinct from all others and widely seen as rational, deserves a closer look. According to this view, a rational person considers the amount of pleasure and pain they experience as the most important factor when choosing between different actions, always aiming for the greatest possible difference between pleasure and pain—which, without changing common usage, we can call their ‘greatest happiness.’ This perspective seems to be what people generally mean when they use the broader terms ‘egoism’ and ‘egoistic,’ so I'll allow myself to use these terms in this more specific way.
CHAPTER VIII
Intuitionism
§ 1. I have used the term ‘Intuitional’ to denote the view of ethics which regards as the practically ultimate end of moral actions their conformity to certain rules or dictates[85] of Duty unconditionally prescribed. There is, however, considerable ambiguity as to the exact antithesis implied by the terms ‘intuition,’ ‘intuitive,’ and their congeners, as currently used in ethical discussion, which we must now endeavour to remove. Writers who maintain that we have ‘intuitive knowledge’ of the rightness of actions usually mean that this rightness is ascertained by simply “looking at” the actions themselves, without considering their ulterior consequences. This view, indeed, can hardly be extended to the whole range of duty; since no morality ever existed which did not consider ulterior consequences to some extent. Prudence or Forethought has commonly been reckoned a virtue: and all modern lists of Virtues have included Rational Benevolence, which aims at the happiness of other human beings generally, and therefore necessarily takes into consideration even remote effects of actions. It must be observed, too, that it is difficult to draw the line between an act and its consequences: as the effects consequent on each of our volitions form a continuous series of indefinite extension, and we seem to be conscious of causing all these effects, so far as at the moment of volition we foresee them to be probable. However, we find that in the common[97] notions of different kinds of actions, a line is actually drawn between the results included in the notion and regarded as forming part of the act, and those considered as its consequences. For example, in speaking truth to a jury, I may possibly foresee that my words, operating along with other statements and indications, will unavoidably lead them to a wrong conclusion as to the guilt or innocence of the accused, as certainly as I foresee that they will produce a right impression as to the particular matter of fact to which I am testifying: still, we should commonly consider the latter foresight or intention to determine the nature of the act as an act of veracity, while the former merely relates to a consequence. We must understand then that the disregard of consequences, which the Intuitional view is here taken to imply, only relates to certain determinate classes of action (such as Truth-speaking) where common usage of terms adequately defines what events are to be included in the general notions of the acts, and what regarded as their consequences.
§ 1. I have used the term ‘Intuitional’ to refer to the ethical perspective that sees the ultimate goal of moral actions as their alignment with certain rules or commands[85] of Duty that are prescribed without conditions. However, there’s quite a bit of uncertainty about the exact contrast suggested by the terms ‘intuition,’ ‘intuitive,’ and their related concepts as they are currently used in ethical discussions, which we need to clarify. Authors who argue that we have ‘intuitive knowledge’ of the rightness of actions typically mean that this rightness can be determined by simply “looking at” the actions themselves, without considering their broader consequences. This perspective can hardly be applied to the entire scope of duty since no morality has ever existed that doesn't take some consequences into account. Prudence or Forethought has typically been regarded as a virtue, and all modern lists of Virtues include Rational Benevolence, which focuses on the happiness of others and necessarily considers even the distant effects of actions. It’s also important to note that it’s challenging to separate an act from its consequences: the results of each of our decisions create an ongoing chain of indefinite length, and we seem to be aware that we are causing all these effects, as we foresee them to be likely at the moment of making a choice. However, we find that in common understanding of various types of actions, a distinction is indeed made between the outcomes that are viewed as part of the act and those that are seen as its consequences. For instance, when speaking truthfully to a jury, I might foresee that my words, combined with other statements and signals, will inevitably lead them to a false conclusion about the accused's guilt or innocence, just as surely as I foresee that they will create a correct impression regarding the specific fact I’m testifying about: still, we usually consider that the latter foresight or intention defines the act as one of veracity, while the former relates only to a consequence. Therefore, we must understand that the disregard for consequences, which the Intuitional view is taken to imply here, applies only to specific defined categories of action (like speaking the truth) where the common usage of terms clearly specifies what events fall under the general understanding of acts and what are considered their consequences.
But again: we have to observe that men may and do judge remote as well as immediate results to be in themselves good, and such as we ought to seek to realise, without considering them in relation to the feelings of sentient beings. I have already assumed this to be the view of those who adopt the general Perfection, as distinct from the Happiness, of human society as their ultimate end; and it would seem to be the view of many who concentrate their efforts on some more particular results, other than morality, such as the promotion of Art or Knowledge. Such a view, if expressly distinguished from Hedonism, might properly be classed as Intuitional, but in a sense wider than that defined in the preceding paragraph: i.e. it would be meant that the results in question are judged to be good immediately, and not by inference from experience of the pleasures which they produce. We have, therefore, to admit a wider use of ‘Intuition,’ as equivalent to ‘immediate judgment as to what ought to be done or aimed at.’ It should, however, be observed that the current contrast between ‘intuitive’ or ‘a priori’ and ‘inductive’ or ‘a posteriori’ morality commonly involves a certain confusion of thought. For what the ‘inductive’ moralist professes to know by induction, is commonly not the same thing as what the ‘intuitive’ moralist professes to[98] know by intuition. In the former case it is the conduciveness to pleasure of certain kinds of action that is methodically ascertained: in the latter case, their rightness: there is therefore no proper opposition. If Hedonism claims to give authoritative guidance, this can only be in virtue of the principle that pleasure is the only reasonable ultimate end of human action: and this principle cannot be known by induction from experience. Experience can at most tell us that all men always do seek pleasure as their ultimate end (that it does not support this conclusion I have already tried to show): it cannot tell us that any one ought so to seek it. If this latter proposition is legitimately affirmed in respect either of private or of general happiness, it must either be immediately known to be true,—and therefore, we may say, a moral intuition—or be inferred ultimately from premises which include at least one such moral intuition; hence either species of Hedonism, regarded from the point of view primarily[86] taken in this treatise, might be legitimately said to be in a certain sense ‘intuitional.’ It seems, however, to be the prevailing opinion of ordinary moral persons, and of most of the writers who have maintained the existence of moral intuitions, that certain kinds of actions are unconditionally prescribed without regard to ulterior consequences: and I have accordingly treated this doctrine as a distinguishing characteristic of the Intuitional method, during the main[87] part of the detailed examination of that method which I attempt in Book iii.
But again, we need to recognize that people can and do judge both long-term and short-term outcomes to be inherently good and worth pursuing, without considering how these outcomes affect the feelings of sentient beings. I've already taken this to be the perspective of those who see the overall perfection, rather than happiness, of human society as their ultimate goal; it also appears to be the perspective of many who focus their efforts on more specific outcomes, aside from morality, like promoting art or knowledge. This outlook, if clearly differentiated from Hedonism, could be classified as Intuitional, but in a broader sense than defined in the previous paragraph: that is, it suggests that the outcomes in question are considered good immediately, rather than inferred from the pleasures they generate. Therefore, we must accept a broader interpretation of ‘Intuition’ as equivalent to ‘immediate judgment about what should be done or aimed for.’ However, it should be noted that the current distinction between ‘intuitive’ or ‘a priori’ and ‘inductive’ or ‘a posteriori’ morality often involves some confusion. What the ‘inductive’ moralist claims to know through induction is not usually the same as what the ‘intuitive’ moralist claims to know through intuition. In the former case, it’s the effectiveness of certain actions in producing pleasure that is methodically determined; in the latter case, it’s their moral rightness; hence there’s no true opposition. If Hedonism asserts to provide authoritative guidance, it can only be based on the idea that pleasure is the only rational ultimate goal of human action, and this principle cannot be established through induction from experience. Experience can at most show us that all humans tend to seek pleasure as their ultimate goal (which I have previously argued does not support this conclusion); it cannot establish that anyone should seek pleasure in that way. If this latter statement is valid concerning either personal or collective happiness, it must either be immediately recognized as true — thus we may call it a moral intuition — or be ultimately inferred from premises that include at least one such moral intuition; thus, either form of Hedonism, viewed from the standpoint primarily taken in this treatise, could be legitimately described as ‘intuitional’ in a certain sense. However, it seems to be the common belief among everyday moral thinkers and most writers who have claimed the existence of moral intuitions that some types of actions are unconditionally required, regardless of their consequences: accordingly, I have treated this belief as a defining characteristic of the Intuitional method during the main part of the detailed examination of that method which I present in Book III.
§ 2. Further; the common antithesis between ‘intuitive’ and ‘inductive’ morality is misleading in another way: since a moralist may hold the rightness of actions to be cognisable apart from the pleasure produced by them, while yet his method may be properly called Inductive. For he may hold that, just as the generalisations of physical science rest on particular observations, so in ethics general truths can only be reached by induction from judgments or perceptions relating to the rightness or wrongness of particular acts.
§ 2. Furthermore, the common contrast between 'intuitive' and 'inductive' morality is misleading in another way: a moralist might believe that the rightness of actions can be recognized independently of the pleasure they produce, while still using a method that is rightly termed Inductive. They may argue that, just as the generalizations in physical science are based on specific observations, ethical general truths can only be derived by induction from judgments or perceptions about the rightness or wrongness of specific actions.
For example, when Socrates is said by Aristotle to have[99] applied inductive reasoning to ethical questions, it is this kind of induction which is meant.[88] He discovered, as we are told, the latent ignorance of himself and other men: that is, that they used general terms confidently, without being able, when called upon, to explain the meaning of those terms. His plan for remedying this ignorance was to work towards the true definition of each term, by examining and comparing different instances of its application. Thus the definition of Justice would be sought by comparing different actions commonly judged to be just, and framing a general proposition that would harmonise with all these particular judgments.
For example, when Aristotle mentions that Socrates used inductive reasoning to tackle ethical questions, he refers to this specific kind of induction.[99] He realized, as we are told, the hidden ignorance of himself and others: they confidently used general terms but couldn't explain what those terms meant when asked. His strategy for overcoming this ignorance was to aim for a true definition of each term by looking at and comparing different examples of how it was applied. So, to understand Justice, he would compare various actions commonly seen as just and create a general statement that would align with all these particular judgments.
So again, in the popular view of Conscience it seems to be often implied that particular judgments are the most trustworthy. ‘Conscience’ is the accepted popular term for the faculty of moral judgment, as applied to the acts and motives of the person judging; and we most commonly think of the dictates of conscience as relating to particular actions. Thus when a man is bidden, in any particular case, to ‘trust to his conscience,’ it commonly seems to be meant that he should exercise a faculty of judging morally this particular case without reference to general rules, and even in opposition to conclusions obtained by systematic deduction from such rules. And it is on this view of Conscience that the contempt often expressed for ‘Casuistry’ may be most easily justified: for if the particular case can be satisfactorily settled by conscience without reference to general rules, ‘Casuistry,’ which consists in the application of general rules to particular cases, is at best superfluous. But then, on this view, we shall have no practical need of any such general rules, or of scientific Ethics at all. We may of course form general propositions by induction from these particular conscientious judgments, and arrange them systematically: but any interest which such a system may have will be purely speculative. And this accounts, perhaps, for the indifference or hostility to systematic morality shown by some conscientious persons. For they feel that they can at any rate do without it: and they fear that the cultivation of it may place the mind in a wrong[100] attitude in relation to practice, and prove rather unfavourable than otherwise to the proper development of the practically important faculty manifested or exercised in particular moral judgments.
So again, in how people generally view Conscience, it often seems to imply that specific judgments are the most reliable. ‘Conscience’ is the common term for the ability to make moral judgments, as it applies to the actions and motives of the person making the judgment; we mostly think of the demands of conscience as related to specific actions. So, when someone is advised, in a particular situation, to ‘trust his conscience,’ it seems to mean that he should use his moral judgment on this specific case without considering general rules, and even against conclusions drawn from those rules. It’s on this understanding of Conscience that the disdain often shown for ‘Casuistry’ can be easily justified: if a particular case can be satisfactorily resolved by conscience without resorting to general rules, then ‘Casuistry,’ which applies general rules to specific cases, is at best unnecessary. But with this perspective, we won’t have any practical need for such general rules or scientific Ethics at all. We can certainly create general statements by observing these specific conscientious judgments and organize them systematically: but any interest such a system might have will be purely theoretical. And this may explain, perhaps, the indifference or hostility toward systematic morality shown by some conscientious people. They feel they can do without it: and they worry that developing it might lead the mind to a wrong attitude regarding practice and could actually hinder the proper development of the important ability displayed or exercised in particular moral judgments.
The view above described may be called, in a sense, ‘ultra-intuitional,’ since, in its most extreme form, it recognises simple immediate intuitions alone and discards as superfluous all modes of reasoning to moral conclusions: and we may find in it one phase or variety of the Intuitional method,—if we may extend the term ‘method’ to include a procedure that is completed in a single judgment.
The view described above can be considered, in a way, 'ultra-intuitional,' since, in its most extreme form, it acknowledges only simple, immediate intuitions and dismisses all forms of reasoning toward moral conclusions as unnecessary. We can see this as one aspect or variety of the Intuitional method—if we can broaden the term 'method' to include a process that is completed in a single judgment.
§ 3. But though probably all moral agents have experience of such particular intuitions, and though they constitute a great part of the moral phenomena of most minds, comparatively few are so thoroughly satisfied with them, as not to feel a need of some further moral knowledge even from a strictly practical point of view. For these particular intuitions do not, to reflective persons, present themselves as quite indubitable and irrefragable: nor do they always find when they have put an ethical question to themselves with all sincerity, that they are conscious of clear immediate insight in respect of it. Again, when a man compares the utterances of his conscience at different times, he often finds it difficult to make them altogether consistent: the same conduct will wear a different moral aspect at one time from that which it wore at another, although our knowledge of its circumstances and conditions is not materially changed. Further, we become aware that the moral perceptions of different minds, to all appearance equally competent to judge, frequently conflict: one condemns what another approves. In this way serious doubts are aroused as to the validity of each man’s particular moral judgments: and we are led to endeavour to set these doubts at rest by appealing to general rules, more firmly established on a basis of common consent.
§ 3. While it's likely that all moral agents have experienced specific intuitions, and although these intuitions make up a significant part of the moral experiences of many people, only a few are completely satisfied with them and don't feel the need for additional moral knowledge from a practical standpoint. For those who reflect, these specific intuitions don't always seem completely certain and indisputable. They don't always find that when they honestly analyze an ethical question, they have clear immediate insight about it. Additionally, when someone compares their conscience at different times, they often struggle to find consistency: the same action can appear morally different at one moment compared to another, even when their understanding of the circumstances hasn’t significantly changed. Moreover, we notice that the moral judgments of different people, who seem equally capable of judging, frequently conflict: one person condemns what another person approves. This leads to serious doubts about the validity of each individual's moral judgments, prompting us to seek resolution by referring to general rules that are more solidly grounded in shared agreement.
And in fact, though the view of conscience above discussed is one which much popular language seems to suggest, it is not that which Christian and other moralists have usually given. They have rather represented the process of conscience as analogous to one of jural reasoning, such as is conducted in a Court of Law. Here we have always a system of universal[101] rules given, and any particular action has to be brought under one of these rules before it can be pronounced lawful or unlawful. Now the rules of positive law are usually not discoverable by the individual’s reason: this may teach him that law ought to be obeyed, but what law is must, in the main, be communicated to him from some external authority. And this is not unfrequently the case with the conscientious reasoning of ordinary persons when any dispute or difficulty forces them to reason: they have a genuine impulse to conform to the right rules of conduct, but they are not conscious, in difficult or doubtful cases, of seeing for themselves what these are: they have to inquire of their priest, or their sacred books, or perhaps the common opinion of the society to which they belong. In so far as this is the case we cannot strictly call their method Intuitional. They follow rules generally received, not intuitively apprehended. Other persons, however (or perhaps all to some extent), do seem to see for themselves the truth[89] and bindingness of all or most of these current rules. They may still put forward ‘common consent’ as an argument for the validity of these rules: but only as supporting the individual’s intuition, not as a substitute for it or as superseding it.
And in fact, even though the view of conscience discussed above is one that much of popular language seems to suggest, it's not the one that Christian and other moralists typically present. They generally portray the process of conscience as similar to legal reasoning that takes place in a courtroom. In this context, there is always a system of universal rules in place, and any specific action must align with one of these rules before it can be deemed lawful or unlawful. The rules of positive law are usually not discoverable by an individual’s reasoning ability: this may teach them that the law should be obeyed, but what the law actually is generally needs to be communicated by some external authority. Similarly, this often happens with the conscientious reasoning of ordinary people when any dispute or difficulty compels them to think things through: they genuinely want to follow the right rules of conduct but don't fully understand what those rules are in tough or uncertain situations; they have to consult their priest, sacred texts, or maybe the common beliefs of their community. To the extent this is true, we can't accurately call their approach Intuitional. They adhere to generally accepted rules, not intuitively understood ones. However, some people (or maybe everyone to some degree) seem to recognize for themselves the truth and binding nature of most of these existing rules. They might still reference ‘common consent’ as a rationale for the validity of these rules, but only to support the individual’s intuition, not as a replacement for it or as something that overrides it.
Here then we have a second Intuitional Method: of which the fundamental assumption is that we can discern certain general rules with really clear and finally valid intuition. It is held that such general rules are implicit in the moral reasoning of ordinary men, who apprehend them adequately for most practical purposes, and are able to enunciate them roughly; but that to state them with proper precision requires a special habit of contemplating clearly and steadily abstract moral notions. It is held that the moralist’s function then is to perform this process of abstract contemplation, to arrange the results as systematically as possible, and by proper definitions and explanations to remove vagueness and prevent conflict. It is such a system as this which seems to be generally intended when Intuitive or a priori morality is mentioned, and which will chiefly occupy us in Book iii.
Here we have a second Intuitional Method, which assumes that we can identify certain general rules through clear and ultimately valid intuition. It’s believed that these general rules are inherent in the moral reasoning of everyday people, who understand them well enough for most practical situations and can express them in rough terms. However, stating them with proper precision requires a special ability to think clearly and consistently about abstract moral ideas. The moralist's role, then, is to engage in this process of abstract contemplation, to organize the findings as systematically as possible, and to clarify definitions and explanations in order to eliminate vagueness and avoid conflicts. This kind of system seems to be what is generally referred to when discussing Intuitive or a priori morality, and it will primarily be the focus in Book iii.
§ 4. By philosophic minds, however, the ‘Morality of[102] Common Sense’ (as I have ventured to call it), even when made as precise and orderly as possible, is often found unsatisfactory as a system, although they have no disposition to question its general authority. It is found difficult to accept as scientific first principles the moral generalities that we obtain by reflection on the ordinary thought of mankind, even though we share this thought. Even granting that these rules can be so defined as perfectly to fit together and cover the whole field of human conduct, without coming into conflict and without leaving any practical questions unanswered,—still the resulting code seems an accidental aggregate of precepts, which stands in need of some rational synthesis. In short, without being disposed to deny that conduct commonly judged to be right is so, we may yet require some deeper explanation why it is so. From this demand springs a third species or phase of Intuitionism, which, while accepting the morality of common sense as in the main sound, still attempts to find for it a philosophic basis which it does not itself offer: to get one or more principles more absolutely and undeniably true and evident, from which the current rules might be deduced, either just as they are commonly received or with slight modifications and rectifications.[90]
§ 4. However, philosophical thinkers often find the ‘Morality of[102] Common Sense’ (as I’ve chosen to call it) unsatisfactory as a system, even when it’s made as precise and organized as possible, though they don’t question its overall authority. It’s challenging to accept the moral generalizations we derive from reflecting on everyday human thoughts as scientific first principles, even when we agree with this thinking. Even if we assume these rules can be perfectly defined to match together and cover every aspect of human behavior without conflict or leaving any practical questions unanswered—still, the resulting code appears to be a random collection of guidelines that needs some rational synthesis. In short, while we might not deny that actions generally seen as right actually are, we still want a deeper explanation for why that is. This need leads to a third type or phase of Intuitionism, which, while accepting the morality of common sense as mostly valid, still seeks a philosophical foundation that it doesn’t provide itself: to uncover one or more principles that are more fundamentally and undeniably true and clear from which the current rules might be derived, either as they are typically understood or with minor adjustments and corrections.[90]
The three phases of Intuitionism just described may be treated as three stages in the formal development of Intuitive Morality: we may term them respectively Perceptional, Dogmatic, and Philosophical. The last-mentioned I have only defined in the vaguest way: in fact, as yet I have presented it only as a problem, of which it is impossible to foresee how many solutions may be attempted: but it does not seem desirable to investigate it further at present, as it will be more satisfactorily studied after examining in detail the Morality of Common Sense.
The three phases of Intuitionism that I've just described can be seen as three stages in the formal development of Intuitive Morality: we can refer to them as Perceptual, Dogmatic, and Philosophical. I've only defined the last one in the broadest terms; in fact, so far, I’ve presented it merely as a problem, and it’s hard to predict how many solutions might be explored. However, it doesn’t seem wise to look into it any further right now, as it will be better understood after we take a detailed look at Common Sense Morality.
It must not be thought that these three phases are sharply distinguished in the moral reasoning of ordinary men: but then no more is Intuitionism of any sort sharply distinguished from either species of Hedonism. A loose combination or confusion of methods is the most common type of actual moral reasoning. Probably most moral men believe that their moral sense or[103] instinct in any case will guide them fairly right, but also that there are general rules for determining right action in different departments of conduct: and that for these again it is possible to find a philosophical explanation, by which they may be deduced from a smaller number of fundamental principles. Still for systematic direction of conduct, we require to know on what judgments we are to rely as ultimately valid.
It's important to understand that these three phases aren't clearly separated in the moral reasoning of everyday people. Similarly, no type of Intuitionism is distinctly separated from either form of Hedonism. A loose mix or overlap of methods is the most common form of actual moral reasoning. Most moral individuals probably believe that their moral sense or[103] instinct will generally lead them in the right direction, but they also think there are general rules for determining right action in different areas of behavior. Moreover, they believe it's possible to find a philosophical explanation for these rules, deriving them from a smaller number of fundamental principles. Still, for a consistent approach to conduct, we need to know which judgments we should ultimately trust as valid.
So far I have been mainly concerned with differences in intuitional method due to difference of generality in the intuitive beliefs recognised as ultimately valid. There is, however, another class of differences arising from a variation of view as to the precise quality immediately apprehended in the moral intuition. These are peculiarly subtle and difficult to fix in clear and precise language, and I therefore reserve them for a separate chapter.
So far, I've mostly focused on the differences in intuitive methods caused by the varying levels of generality in the intuitive beliefs considered ultimately valid. However, there's another set of differences that come from differing perspectives on the specific qualities immediately perceived in moral intuition. These differences are particularly subtle and hard to express in clear and precise language, so I'll save them for a separate chapter.
Note.—Intuitional moralists have not always taken sufficient care in expounding their system to make clear whether they regard as ultimately valid, moral judgments on single acts, or general rules prescribing particular kinds of acts, or more universal and fundamental principles. For example, Dugald Stewart uses the term “perception” to denote the immediate operation of the moral faculty; at the same time, in describing what is thus perceived, he always seems to have in view general rules.
Note.—Intuitional moralists haven't always been clear in explaining their system about whether they believe moral judgments about individual actions, general rules for specific types of actions, or more universal and fundamental principles are ultimately valid. For example, Dugald Stewart uses the term “perception” to refer to the direct function of the moral faculty; however, when he describes what is perceived, he always seems to focus on general rules.
Still we can tolerably well distinguish among English ethical writers those who have confined themselves mainly to the definition and arrangement of the Morality of Common Sense, from those who have aimed at a more philosophical treatment of the content of moral intuition. And we find that the distinction corresponds in the main to a difference of periods: and that—what perhaps we should hardly have expected—the more philosophical school is the earlier. The explanation of this may be partly found by referring to the doctrines in antagonism to which, in the respective periods, the Intuitional method asserted and developed itself. In the first period all orthodox moralists were occupied in refuting Hobbism. But this system, though based on Materialism and Egoism, was yet intended as ethically constructive. Accepting in the main the commonly received rules of social morality, it explained them as the conditions of peaceful existence which enlightened self-interest directed each individual to obey; provided only the social order to which they belonged was not merely ideal, but made actual by a strong government. Now no doubt this view renders the theoretical basis of duty seriously unstable; still, assuming a decently good government, Hobbism may claim to at once explain and establish, instead of undermining, the morality of Common Sense. And therefore, though some of Hobbes’ antagonists (as Cudworth) contented themselves with simply reaffirming[104] the absoluteness of morality, the more thoughtful felt that system must be met by system and explanation by explanation, and that they must penetrate beyond the dogmas of common sense to some more irrefragable certainty. And so, while Cumberland found this deeper basis in the notion of “the common good of all Rationals” as an ultimate end, Clarke sought to exhibit the more fundamental of the received rules as axioms of perfect self-evidence, necessarily forced upon the mind in contemplating human beings and their relations. Clarke’s results, however, were not found satisfactory: and by degrees the attempt to exhibit morality as a body of scientific truth fell into discredit, and the disposition to dwell on the emotional side of the moral consciousness became prevalent. But when ethical discussion thus passed over into psychological analysis and classification, the conception of the objectivity of duty, on which the authority of moral sentiment depends, fell gradually out of view: for example, we find Hutcheson asking why the moral sense should not vary in different human beings, as the palate does, without dreaming that there is any peril to morality in admitting such variations as legitimate. When, however, the new doctrine was endorsed by the dreaded name of Hume, its dangerous nature, and the need of bringing again into prominence the cognitive element of moral consciousness, were clearly seen: and this work was undertaken as a part of the general philosophic protest of the Scottish School against the Empiricism that had culminated in Hume. But this school claimed as its characteristic merit that it met Empiricism on its own ground, and showed among the facts of psychological experience which the Empiricist professed to observe, the assumptions which he repudiated. And thus in Ethics it was led rather to expound and reaffirm the morality of Common Sense, than to offer any profounder principles which could not be so easily supported by an appeal to common experience.
We can pretty clearly distinguish between English ethical writers who have focused mainly on defining and organizing the Morality of Common Sense and those who have aimed for a more philosophical exploration of moral intuition. Interestingly, this distinction aligns mostly with different time periods, and unexpectedly, the more philosophical thinkers came first. This can partially be explained by the opposing doctrines that the Intuitional method responded to in their respective periods. In the first period, all mainstream moralists were busy refuting Hobbes' ideas. Despite being grounded in Materialism and Egoism, Hobbes' system was still meant to be ethically constructive. It primarily accepted the widely recognized rules of social morality, explaining them as necessary for peaceful coexistence that enlightened self-interest encouraged individuals to follow—provided that the social order was not just an ideal but was backed by a strong government. While this perspective makes the theoretical foundation for duty quite unstable, it still claims to explain and reinforce the morality of Common Sense, rather than undermine it, assuming there's a reasonably good government in place. Though some of Hobbes' critics, like Cudworth, were satisfied with just reaffirming the absoluteness of morality, more thoughtful individuals realized that this opposing system had to be met with another system and that explanations needed to go deeper than common sense dogmas to find something more solid. As a result, while Cumberland identified this deeper basis in the idea of “the common good of all rational beings” as an ultimate goal, Clarke tried to present the more fundamental accepted rules as self-evident axioms that naturally arose when considering humans and their relationships. However, Clarke's conclusions didn’t satisfy everyone, and over time, the attempt to depict morality as a system of scientific truth lost credibility, leading to a growing focus on the emotional aspects of moral consciousness. But as ethical discussions shifted toward psychological analysis and classification, the idea of the objectivity of duty—on which the authority of moral sentiment relies—gradually faded from view. For instance, Hutcheson questioned why moral sense shouldn’t vary among individuals like taste does, without realizing that accepting such variations could threaten morality. However, once this new doctrine was associated with the controversial name of Hume, its risky implications became clear, highlighting the need to re-emphasize the cognitive aspect of moral awareness. This task was taken on as part of the Scottish School’s broader philosophical challenge against the Empiricism that peaked with Hume. This school argued that a key strength lay in confronting Empiricism directly and revealing the assumptions it dismissed among the psychological experiences it claimed to observe. Therefore, in Ethics, it tended to reaffirm the morality of Common Sense rather than propose deeper principles that couldn't be easily justified by common experiences.
CHAPTER IX
Great
§ 1. We have hitherto spoken of the quality of conduct discerned by our moral faculty as ‘rightness,’ which is the term commonly used by English moralists. We have regarded this term, and its equivalents in ordinary use, as implying the existence of a dictate or imperative of reason, which prescribes certain actions either unconditionally, or with reference to some ulterior end.
§ 1. Until now, we've talked about the quality of behavior recognized by our moral sense as 'rightness,' which is the term typically used by English moralists. We've seen this term, along with its common alternatives, as suggesting the presence of a command or rule of reason that dictates certain actions either without conditions or in relation to some ultimate goal.
It is, however, possible to take a view of virtuous action in which, though the validity of moral intuitions is not disputed, this notion of rule or dictate is at any rate only latent or implicit, the moral ideal being presented as attractive rather than imperative. Such a view seems to be taken when the action to which we are morally prompted, or the quality of character manifested in it, is judged to be ‘good’ in itself (and not merely as a means to some ulterior Good). This, as was before noticed, was the fundamental ethical conception in the Greek schools of Moral Philosophy generally; including even the Stoics, though their system, from the prominence that it gives to the conception of Natural Law, forms a transitional link between ancient and modern ethics. And this historical illustration may serve to exhibit one important result of substituting the idea of ‘goodness’ for that of ‘rightness’ of conduct, which at first sight might be thought a merely verbal change. For the chief characteristics of ancient ethical controversy as distinguished from modern may be traced to the employment of a generic notion instead of a specific one in expressing the common moral judgments on actions. Virtue[106] or Right action is commonly regarded as only a species of the Good: and so, on this view of the moral intuition, the first question that offers itself, when we endeavour to systematise conduct, is how to determine the relation of this species of good to the rest of the genus. It was on this question that the Greek thinkers argued, from first to last. Their speculations can scarcely be understood by us unless with a certain effort we throw the quasi-jural notions of modern ethics aside, and ask (as they did) not “What is Duty and what is its ground?” but “Which of the objects that men think good is truly Good or the Highest Good?” or, in the more specialised form of the question which the moral intuition introduces, “What is the relation of the kind of Good we call Virtue, the qualities of conduct and character which men commend and admire, to other good things?”
It is possible to look at virtuous action in a way where, although we do not question the validity of moral intuitions, the idea of rules or dictates is only somewhat present, with the moral ideal being seen as appealing rather than obligatory. This perspective seems to come into play when the action we feel morally compelled to take, or the character traits shown in it, are considered 'good' in itself (and not just as a means to achieve some greater Good). This was, as noted before, a core ethical concept in the Greek schools of Moral Philosophy in general, including even the Stoics, although their focus on Natural Law connects ancient and modern ethics. This historical example illustrates an important outcome of replacing the idea of 'goodness' with that of 'rightness' in conduct—a change that might initially seem purely verbal. The main differences between ancient ethical debates and modern ones can be linked to using a broad concept rather than a specific one when discussing shared moral judgments about actions. Virtue or Right action is commonly seen as one type of the Good. So, when considering this view of moral intuition, the first question that arises when we try to systematize conduct is how to define the relationship between this type of good and the rest of the category. This was the primary issue that Greek thinkers debated from start to finish. We can hardly understand their ideas unless we make an effort to set aside the somewhat legalistic concepts of modern ethics and instead ask, as they did, not “What is Duty and what is its foundation?” but “Which of the things that people believe are good is truly Good or the Highest Good?” or, in the more specific manner the moral intuition introduces, “What is the relationship of the kind of Good we call Virtue, the traits of conduct and character that people praise and admire, to other good things?”
This, then, is the first difference to be noticed between the two forms of the intuitive judgment. In the recognition of conduct as ‘right’ is involved an authoritative prescription to do it: but when we have judged conduct to be good, it is not yet clear that we ought to prefer this kind of good to all other good things: some standard for estimating the relative values of different ‘goods’ has still to be sought.
This is the first difference to note between the two types of intuitive judgment. Recognizing an action as 'right' includes a clear directive to follow it. However, when we consider an action to be good, it doesn't automatically mean we should choose this type of good over all other good things. We still need to find some standard for evaluating the relative values of different 'goods.'
I propose, then, to examine the import of the notion ‘Good’ in the whole range of its application;—premising that, as it is for the constituents of Ultimate Good that we require a standard of comparison, we are not directly concerned with anything that is clearly only good as a means to the attainment of some ulterior end. If, indeed, we had only this latter case to consider, it would be plausible to interpret ‘good’ without reference to human desire or choice, as meaning merely ‘fit’ or ‘adapted’ for the production of certain effects—a good horse for riding, a good gun for shooting, etc. But as we apply the notion also to ultimate ends, we must seek a meaning for it which will cover both applications.
I propose to explore the meaning of the concept 'Good' in all its contexts, starting with the understanding that we need a benchmark for comparing the elements of Ultimate Good. We won’t focus on things that are only considered good as a means to achieve some other goal. If that were the only situation we had to look at, it would make sense to define 'good' without considering human desires or choices, simply as something that is 'suitable' or 'effective' for producing specific outcomes—a good horse for riding, a good gun for shooting, and so on. However, since we also apply this concept to ultimate goals, we need to find a definition that encompasses both uses.
§ 2. There is, however, a simple interpretation of the term—which is widely maintained to be the true one—according to which everything which we judge to be good is implicitly conceived as a means to the end of pleasure, even when we do not make in our judgment any explicit reference to this or any other ulterior end. On this view, any compari[107]son of things in respect of their ‘goodness’ would seem to be really a comparison of them as sources of pleasure; so that any attempt to systematise our intuitions of goodness, whether in conduct and character or in other things, must reasonably lead us straight to Hedonism. And no doubt, if we consider the application of the term, outside the sphere of character and conduct, to things that are not definitely regarded as means to the attainment of some ulterior object of desire, we find a close correspondence between our apprehension of pleasure derived from an object, and our recognition that the object is in itself ‘good.’ The good things of life are things which give pleasure, whether sensual or emotional: as good dinners, wines, poems, pictures, music: and this gives a prima facie support to the interpretation of ‘good’ as equivalent to ‘pleasant.’ I think, however, that if we reflect on the application of the term to the cases most analogous to that of conduct—i.e. to what we may call ‘objects of taste’—we shall find that this interpretation of it has not clearly the support of common sense. In the first place, allowing that the judgment that any object is good of its kind is closely connected with the apprehension of pleasure derived from it, we must observe that it is generally to a specific kind of pleasure that the affirmation of goodness corresponds; and that if the object happens to give us pleasure of a different kind, we do not therefore call it good—at least without qualification. For instance, we should not call a wine good solely because it was very wholesome; nor a poem on account of its moral lessons. And hence when we come to consider the meaning of the term ‘good’ as applied to conduct, there is no reason, so far, to suppose that it has any reference or correspondence to all the pleasures that may result from the conduct. Rather the perception of goodness or virtue in actions would seem to be analogous to the perception of beauty[91] in material things:[108] which is normally accompanied with a specific pleasure which we call ‘æsthetic,’ but has often no discoverable relation to the general usefulness or agreeableness of the thing discerned to be beautiful: indeed, we often recognise this kind of excellence in things hurtful and dangerous.
§ 2. However, there’s a straightforward interpretation of the term—often considered the accurate one—where everything we see as good is understood as a means to the end of pleasure, even when we don’t explicitly reference this or any other ultimate goal in our judgment. From this perspective, any comparison of things regarding their 'goodness' would actually be a comparison of them as sources of pleasure; therefore, any attempt to systematize our intuitions about goodness, whether in behavior and character or other things, will likely lead us directly to Hedonism. Indeed, if we look at the use of the term beyond character and conduct, towards things that aren't necessarily seen as means to achieving some other desire, we notice a strong link between our sense of pleasure from an object and our acknowledgment that the object is inherently 'good.' The good things in life are those that provide pleasure, whether physical or emotional: like great dinners, wines, poems, pictures, music; and this lends preliminary support to the idea of 'good' being equal to 'pleasant.' However, I believe that if we reflect on how the term applies to cases most similar to behavior—i.e., what we might call 'objects of taste'—we'll find that this interpretation isn’t clearly supported by common sense. First of all, while it's true that judging an object as good is closely linked to the pleasure we get from it, we must note that it usually corresponds to a specific type of pleasure; and if an object gives us a different kind of pleasure, we wouldn’t call it good—at least not without some qualifications. For example, we wouldn’t label a wine as good just because it’s very healthy; nor would we praise a poem solely for its moral messages. So when we consider the term 'good' as applied to conduct, there’s no reason to think it relates to all the pleasures that may come from that conduct. Instead, the sense of goodness or virtue in actions seems to be similar to the sense of beauty in material things: which is usually linked to a specific pleasure we call 'aesthetic,' but often has no identifiable relationship to the general usefulness or pleasantness of the thing we recognize as beautiful: in fact, we frequently spot this kind of excellence in things that are harmful and dangerous.
But further: as regards æsthetic pleasures, and the sources of such pleasures that we commonly judge to be good, it is the received opinion that some persons have more and others less ‘good taste’: and it is only the judgment of persons of good taste that we recognise as valid in respect of the real goodness of the things enjoyed. We think that of his own pleasure each individual is the final judge, and there is no appeal from his decision,—at least so far as he is comparing pleasures within his actual experience; but the affirmation of goodness in any object involves the assumption of a universally valid standard, which, as we believe, the judgment of persons to whom we attribute good taste approximately represents. And it seems clear that the term ‘good’ as applied to ‘taste’ does not mean ‘pleasant’; it merely imports the conformity of the æsthetic judgment so characterised to the supposed ideal, deviation from which implies error and defect. Nor does it appear to be always the person of best taste who derives the greatest enjoyment from any kind of good and pleasant things. We are familiar with the fact that connoisseurs of wines, pictures, etc., often retain their intellectual faculty of appraising the merits of the objects which they criticise, and deciding on their respective places in the scale of excellence, even when their susceptibilities to pleasure from these objects are comparatively blunted and exhausted. And more generally we see that freshness and fulness of feeling by no means go along with taste and judgment: and that a person who possesses the[109] former may derive more pleasure from inferior objects than another may from the best.
But further: when it comes to aesthetic pleasures and the sources of those pleasures that we generally consider good, it's a common belief that some people have better "taste" than others. We only recognize the judgments of those with good taste as valid regarding the true quality of the things they enjoy. We think that when it comes to personal pleasure, each person is the ultimate judge, and there's no appeal from their decision—at least when comparing pleasures from their own experiences. However, declaring something as good implies the existence of a universally valid standard, which we believe the judgment of those with good taste roughly reflects. It's also clear that when we say "good" in relation to "taste," we don't mean "pleasant"; we simply mean that the aesthetic judgment aligns with an expected ideal, and straying from that ideal indicates error and flaws. Additionally, it's not always the person with the best taste who enjoys good and pleasant things the most. We're aware that connoisseurs of wine, art, etc., often retain their ability to assess the merits of the items they critique and rank them for excellence, even when their appreciation for pleasure from these objects is somewhat dulled or exhausted. More generally, we see that freshness and fullness of feeling don't necessarily accompany taste and judgment, and a person with the former may find more joy in inferior objects than someone else finds in the best.
To sum up: the general admission that things which are called ‘good’ are productive of pleasure, and that the former quality is inseparable in thought from the latter, does not involve the inference that the common estimates of the goodness of conduct may be fairly taken as estimates of the amount of pleasure resulting from it. For (1) analogy would lead us to conclude that the attribution of goodness, in the case of conduct as of objects of taste generally, may correspond not to all the pleasure that is caused by the conduct, but to a specific pleasure, in this case the contemplative satisfaction which the conduct causes to a disinterested spectator: and (2) it may not excite even this specific pleasure generally in proportion to its goodness, but only (at most) in persons of good moral taste: and even in their case we can distinguish the intellectual apprehension of goodness—which involves the conception of an ideal objective standard—from the pleasurable emotion which commonly accompanies it; and may suppose the latter element of consciousness diminished almost indefinitely.
To sum up: the general agreement that things labeled as 'good' tend to produce pleasure, and that the former quality is closely linked to the latter, does not mean that common views on the goodness of actions can be seen as accurate measures of the pleasure they generate. For (1) by analogy, we might conclude that when we claim something is good in terms of actions, similar to objects of taste, it may not relate to all the pleasure caused by the action, but rather to a specific type of pleasure—here, the appreciation a neutral observer feels for the action; and (2) this specific pleasure may not be experienced in proportion to how good the action is, but only (at most) by those with a refined moral sense: even then, we can differentiate between the understanding of goodness—which includes the idea of an ideal standard—and the pleasurable feeling that usually comes with it; and we could assume that the latter part of our awareness could be significantly reduced.
Finally, when we pass from the adjective to the substantive ‘good,’ it is at once evident that this latter cannot be understood as equivalent to ‘pleasure’ or ‘happiness’ by any persons who affirm—as a significant proposition and not as a mere tautology—that the Pleasure or Happiness of human beings is their Good or Ultimate Good. Such affirmation, which would, I think, be ordinarily made by Hedonists, obviously implies that the meaning of the two terms is different, however closely their denotation may coincide. And it does not seem that any fundamental difference of meaning is implied by the grammatical variation from adjective to substantive.
Finally, when we move from the adjective to the noun ‘good,’ it becomes clear that this latter cannot be understood as the same as ‘pleasure’ or ‘happiness’ by anyone who claims—as a meaningful statement and not just a simple repetition—that the Pleasure or Happiness of human beings is their Good or Ultimate Good. This claim, which I believe would typically be made by Hedonists, clearly suggests that the meaning of the two terms is different, even if their denotation may be very similar. Additionally, it doesn't seem that any fundamental difference in meaning is suggested by the grammatical shift from adjective to noun.
§ 3. What then can we state as the general meaning of the term ‘good’? Shall we say—with Hobbes, and many since Hobbes—that ‘whatsoever is the object of any man’s Desire, that it is which he for his part calleth Good, and the object of his aversion, Evil’? To simplify the discussion, we will consider only what a man desires for itself—not as a means to an ulterior result,—and for himself—not benevolently for others: his own Good[92] and ultimate Good. We have first to meet the[110] obvious objection that a man often desires what he knows is on the whole bad for him: the pleasure of drinking champagne which is sure to disagree with him, the gratification of revenge when he knows that his true interest lies in reconciliation. The answer is that in such cases the desired result is accompanied or followed by other effects which when they come excite aversion stronger than the desire for the desired effect: but that these bad effects, though fore-seen are not fore-felt: the representation of them does not adequately modify the predominant direction of desire as a present fact. But, granting this, and fixing attention solely on the result desired, apart from its concomitants and consequences—it would still seem that what is desired at any time is, as such, merely apparent Good, which may not be found good when fruition comes, or at any rate not so good as it appeared. It may turn out a ‘Dead Sea apple,’ mere dust and ashes in the eating: more often, fruition will partly correspond to expectation, but may still fall short of it in a marked degree. And sometimes—even while yielding to the desire—we are aware of the illusoriness of this expectation of ‘good’ which the desire carries with it. I conclude, therefore, that if we are to conceive of the elements of ultimate Good as capable of quantitative comparison—as we do when we speak of preferring a ‘greater’ good to a ‘lesser,’—we cannot identify the object of desire with ‘good’ simply, or ‘true good,’ but only with ‘apparent good.’
§ 3. What can we say about the general meaning of the term ‘good’? Should we agree with Hobbes, and many others after him, that ‘whatever a person desires, that is what he calls Good, and what he dislikes, Evil’? To simplify the discussion, we’ll focus only on what someone desires for its own sake—not as a means to something else—and for themselves—not in a selfless way for others: their own Good and ultimate Good. We must first address the obvious objection that a person often desires what they know is generally bad for them: the enjoyment of drinking champagne that will upset their stomach, or the satisfaction of revenge when they realize that their true interest would be in reconciling. The answer is that in these cases, the desired result is followed by other effects that create a stronger aversion than the desire for that initial effect: but these negative effects, though anticipated, are not truly felt; the idea of them doesn’t adequately change the main focus of desire as it stands in the present. However, if we set aside these side effects and concentrate solely on what is desired, it still seems that what someone wants at any moment is, in itself, only a seeming Good, which may not actually be good once it is obtained, or at least not as good as it seemed. It may end up being like a ‘Dead Sea apple,’ just dust and ashes when consumed: more often, the result will somewhat match expectations, but it can still fall short in a significant way. And sometimes—even while giving in to the desire—we realize how illusory this expectation of ‘good’ is that comes with the desire. Therefore, I conclude that if we consider the components of ultimate Good as something that can be quantitatively compared—as we do when we talk about preferring a ‘greater’ good over a ‘lesser’—we cannot define the object of desire just as ‘good’ or ‘true good,’ but only as ‘apparent good.’
But further: a prudent man is accustomed to suppress, with more or less success, desires for what he regards as out of his power to attain by voluntary action—as fine weather, perfect health, great wealth or fame, etc.; but any success he may have in diminishing the actual intensity of such desires has no effect in leading him to judge the objects desired less ‘good.’
But more importantly, a sensible person tends to control, with varying degrees of success, their desires for things they believe are beyond their ability to achieve through their own efforts—like nice weather, perfect health, immense wealth, or fame, etc.; however, any success they have in reducing the actual intensity of those desires doesn’t change their belief that the things they want are still 'good.'
It would seem then, that if we interpret the notion ‘good’ in relation to ‘desire,’ we must identify it not with the actually[111] desired, but rather with the desirable:—meaning by ‘desirable’ not necessarily ‘what ought to be desired’ but what would be desired, with strength proportioned to the degree of desirability, if it were judged attainable by voluntary action, supposing the desirer to possess a perfect forecast, emotional as well as intellectual, of the state of attainment or fruition.
It seems that if we think about the idea of ‘good’ in relation to ‘desire,’ we should connect it not with what is actually [111] desired, but instead with what is desirable:—by ‘desirable,’ I mean not necessarily ‘what ought to be desired’ but what would actually be desired, with the intensity reflecting how desirable it is, if it were seen as achievable through voluntary action, assuming the person desiring has a perfect understanding, both emotional and intellectual, of the outcome or fulfillment.
It still remains possible that the choice of any particular good, thus defined as an object of pursuit, may be on the whole bad, on account of its concomitants and consequences; even though the particular result when attained is not found other than it was imagined in the condition of previous desire. If, therefore, in seeking a definition of ‘ultimate Good’ we mean ‘good on the whole,’ we have—following the line of thought of the preceding paragraph—to express its relation to Desire differently. In the first place we have to limit our view to desire which becomes practical in volition; as I may still regard as desirable results which I judge it on the whole imprudent to aim at. But, even with this limitation, the relation of my ‘good on the whole’ to my desire is very complicated. For it is not even sufficient to say that my Good on the whole is what I should actually desire and seek if all the consequences of seeking it could be foreknown and adequately realised by me in imagination at the time of making my choice. No doubt an equal regard for all the moments of our conscious experience—so far, at least, as the mere difference of their position in time is concerned—is an essential characteristic of rational conduct. But the mere fact, that a man does not afterwards feel for the consequences of an action aversion strong enough to cause him to regret it, cannot be accepted as a complete proof that he has acted for his ‘good on the whole.’ Indeed, we commonly reckon it among the worst consequences of some kinds of conduct that they alter men’s tendencies to desire, and make them desire their lesser good more than their greater: and we think it all the worse for a man—even in this world—if he is never roused out of such a condition and lives till death the life of a contented pig, when he might have been something better. To avoid this objection, it would have to be said that a man’s future good on the whole is what he would now desire and seek on the whole if all the consequences of all the different lines[112] of conduct open to him were accurately foreseen and adequately realised in imagination at the present point of time.
It’s still possible that choosing any specific good, as something to pursue, might actually be bad overall due to its accompanying factors and outcomes; even if the particular result, once achieved, is exactly what was imagined when the desire first arose. Therefore, if by defining ‘ultimate Good’ we mean ‘good overall,’ we need to express its relationship with Desire differently, following the line of thought from the previous paragraph. First, we need to focus on desire that translates into action; while I might still see certain results as desirable, I judge it overall unwise to pursue them. But even with this limitation, my ‘good overall’ is a complex relationship with my desires. It’s not enough to say that my overall Good is what I would actually want and strive for if I could foresee all the consequences of pursuing it and fully understand them in my imagination at the time of making my choice. Certainly, giving equal weight to all moments of our conscious experience—at least regarding their order in time—is an essential part of rational behavior. However, just because someone doesn’t later feel strong enough aversion to the consequences of an action to regret it, doesn’t prove that they acted for their ‘good overall.’ In fact, we often consider it one of the worst outcomes of certain behaviors that they change people’s desires, making them want lesser goods more than greater ones: and we think even worse of a person—at least in this life—if they are never stirred from such a state and live until death like a contented pig, when they could have been something better. To counter this objection, we would need to say that a person’s future good overall is what they would now desire and pursue overall if all the consequences of all the different paths available to them were accurately foreseen and fully realized in their imagination at this moment.
This hypothetical composition of impulsive forces involves so elaborate and complex a conception, that it is somewhat paradoxical to say that this is what we commonly mean when we talk of a man’s ‘good on the whole.’ Still, I cannot deny that this hypothetical object of a resultant desire supplies an intelligible and admissible interpretation of the terms ‘good’ (substantive) and ‘desirable,’ as giving philosophical precision to the vaguer meaning with which they are used in ordinary discourse: and it would seem that a calm comprehensive desire for ‘good’ conceived somewhat in this way, though more vaguely, is normally produced by intellectual comparison and experience in a reflective mind. The notion of ‘Good’ thus attained has an ideal element: it is something that is not always actually desired and aimed at by human beings: but the ideal element is entirely interpretable in terms of fact, actual or hypothetical, and does not introduce any judgment of value, fundamentally distinct from judgments relating to existence;—still less any ‘dictate of Reason.’[93]
This imagined mix of impulsive forces is so detailed and complicated that it seems a bit contradictory to say this is what we usually mean when we discuss a man's 'good on the whole.' Still, I can’t deny that this imagined object of a resulting desire offers a clear and acceptable explanation of the terms ‘good’ (as a noun) and ‘desirable,’ providing philosophical clarity to the more vague meanings they have in everyday conversation. It appears that a calm, comprehensive desire for 'good,' thought of somewhat like this, although more loosely, is usually created by intellectual comparison and experience in someone who reflects. The idea of ‘Good’ reached in this way includes an ideal aspect: it’s something that is not always actually desired or pursued by people. But this ideal aspect can be completely explained in terms of fact, whether real or imagined, and does not add any value judgment that is fundamentally different from judgments about existence—much less any ‘dictate of Reason.’[93]
It seems to me, however, more in accordance with common sense to recognise—as Butler does—that the calm desire for my ‘good on the whole’ is authoritative; and therefore carries with it implicitly a rational dictate to aim at this end, if in any case a conflicting desire urges the will in an opposite direction. Still we may keep the notion of ‘dictate’ or ‘imperative’ merely implicit and latent,—as it seems to be in ordinary judgments as to ‘my good’ and its opposite—by interpreting ‘ultimate good on the whole for me’ to mean what I should practically desire if my desires were in harmony with reason, assuming my own existence alone to be considered. On this view, “ultimate good on the whole,” unqualified by reference to a particular subject, must be taken to mean what as a rational being I should desire and seek to realise, assuming myself to have an equal concern for all existence. When conduct is judged to be ‘good’ or ‘desirable’ in itself,[113] independently of its consequences, it is, I conceive, this latter point of view that is taken. Such a judgment differs, as I have said, from the judgment that conduct is ‘right,’ in so far as it does not involve a definite precept to perform it; since it still leaves it an open question whether this particular kind of good is the greatest good that we can under the circumstances obtain. It differs further, as we may now observe, in so far as good or excellent actions are not implied to be in our power in the same strict sense as ‘right’ actions—any more than any other good things: and in fact there are many excellences of behaviour which we cannot attain by any effort of will, at least directly and at the moment: hence we often feel that the recognition of goodness in the conduct of others does not carry with it a clear precept to do likewise, but rather
It seems to me, however, that it makes more sense to acknowledge—as Butler does—that the calm desire for my “overall good” is authoritative; and therefore it implicitly entails a rational directive to pursue this goal, especially if there's a conflicting desire pushing me in the opposite direction. Still, we can keep the idea of ‘directive’ or ‘imperative’ mostly implicit and hidden, as it appears to be in everyday judgments about ‘my good’ and its opposite—by interpreting ‘ultimate good overall for me’ to mean what I would practically desire if my desires were aligned with reason, considering only my own existence. According to this view, “ultimate good overall,” without reference to a specific subject, should be understood as what I, as a rational being, would desire and strive to achieve, assuming I have equal concern for all existence. When actions are judged to be ‘good’ or ‘desirable’ in themselves,[113] regardless of their outcomes, I believe this is the perspective being considered. This kind of judgment is different, as I mentioned, from judging conduct as ‘right,’ since it doesn't include a clear rule to follow; it still leaves an open question about whether this specific type of good is the greatest good we can achieve under the circumstances. Additionally, it differs in that good or excellent actions are not implied to be within our control in the same strict way as ‘right’ actions—just like any other good things: in fact, there are many admirable behaviors that we can’t attain through any effort of will, at least not directly and immediately. That’s why we often feel that recognizing goodness in others’ actions doesn’t come with a straightforward command to do the same but rather
In so far as this is the case Goodness of Conduct becomes an ulterior end, the attainment of which lies outside and beyond the range of immediate volition.
As far as this is the case, Goodness of Conduct becomes a secondary goal, the achievement of which is not within the scope of immediate choice.
§ 4. It remains to consider by what standard the value of conduct or character,[94] thus intuitively judged to be good in itself, is to be co-ordinated and compared with that of other good things. I shall not now attempt to establish such a standard; but a little reflection may enable us to limit considerably the range of comparison for which it is required. For I think that if we consider carefully such permanent results as are commonly judged to be good, other than qualities of human beings, we can find nothing that, on reflection, appears to possess this quality of goodness out of relation to human existence, or at least to some consciousness or feeling.[95]
§ 4. We still need to think about what standard we use to evaluate conduct or character,[94] which we intuitively recognize as good in itself, and how it compares to other good things. I won’t try to set a standard right now; however, some thought might help us narrow down the range of comparisons needed. I believe that if we carefully consider lasting results that are generally seen as good, apart from human qualities, we’ll find nothing that, upon reflection, seems to have this quality of goodness independent of human existence, or at least of some consciousness or feeling.[95]
For example, we commonly judge some inanimate objects, scenes, etc. to be good as possessing beauty, and others bad from ugliness: still no one would consider it rational to aim at the production of beauty in external nature, apart from any possible contemplation of it by human beings. In fact when beauty is maintained to be objective, it is not commonly meant that it exists as beauty out of relation to any mind whatsoever: but only that there is some standard of beauty valid for all minds.
For example, we often judge some inanimate objects, scenes, etc. to be good because they have beauty, and others to be bad due to ugliness. Still, no one would think it's sensible to aim for the creation of beauty in the natural world without considering how humans might appreciate it. In fact, when beauty is described as objective, it usually doesn't mean that it exists as beauty independent of any mind; rather, it means there's some standard of beauty that's valid for everyone.
It may, however, be said that beauty and other results commonly judged to be good, though we do not conceive them to exist out of relation to human beings (or at least minds of some kind), are yet so far separable as ends from the human beings on whom their existence depends, that their realisation may conceivably come into competition with the perfection or happiness of these beings. Thus, though beautiful things cannot be thought worth producing except as possible objects of contemplation, still a man may devote himself to their production without any consideration of the persons who are to contemplate them. Similarly knowledge is a good which cannot exist except in minds; and yet one may be more interested in the development of knowledge than in its possession by any particular minds; and may take the former as an ultimate end without regarding the latter.
However, it can be argued that beauty and other results often seen as good, even though we don’t think they exist independently of human beings (or at least some kind of minds), can still be seen as separate ends from the people whose existence they rely on. This means that achieving them might compete with the perfection or happiness of those individuals. So, while beautiful things are only considered worth creating if they can be contemplated, a person might dedicate themselves to creating them without thinking about who will actually enjoy them. Similarly, knowledge is a good that can only exist in minds; however, one might be more focused on advancing knowledge rather than who specifically possesses it. A person might treat the advancement of knowledge as an ultimate goal, disregarding its ownership by any particular individuals.
Still, as soon as the alternatives are clearly apprehended, it will, I think, be generally held that beauty, knowledge, and other ideal goods, as well as all external material things, are only reasonably to be sought by men in so far as they conduce either (1) to Happiness or (2) to the Perfection or Excellence of human existence. I say “human,” for though most utilitarians consider the pleasure (and freedom from pain) of the inferior animals to be included in the Happiness which they take as the right and proper end of conduct, no one seems to contend that we ought to aim at perfecting brutes, except as a means to our ends, or at least as objects of scientific or[115] æsthetic contemplation for us. Nor, again, can we include, as a practical end, the existence of beings above the human. We certainly apply the idea of Good to the Divine Existence, just as we do to His work, and indeed in a pre-eminent manner: and when it is said that “we should do all things to the glory of God,” it may seem to be implied that the existence of God is made better by our glorifying Him. Still this inference when explicitly drawn appears somewhat impious; and theologians generally recoil from it, and refrain from using the notion of a possible addition to the Goodness of the Divine Existence as a ground of human duty. Nor can the influence of our actions on other extra-human intelligences besides the Divine be at present made matter of scientific discussion.
Still, once the options are clearly understood, I believe it will generally be accepted that beauty, knowledge, and other ideal goods, as well as all external material things, should only be pursued by people if they contribute either (1) to Happiness or (2) to the Perfection or Excellence of human existence. I say "human" because, even though most utilitarians consider the pleasure (and absence of pain) of lower animals to be part of the Happiness that they view as the right and proper goal of behavior, no one seems to argue that we should try to perfect animals—except as a means to our own ends, or at least as subjects of scientific or [115] aesthetic contemplation. Similarly, we cannot include the existence of beings above humans as a practical goal. We certainly apply the idea of Good to Divine Existence, just as we do to His creations, and in fact, in an even more significant way: when it's said that "we should do all things to the glory of God," it might imply that God’s existence is enhanced by our glorifying Him. However, when this conclusion is explicitly stated, it seems a bit disrespectful; and theologians generally shy away from it, avoiding the idea that our ability to add to the Goodness of Divine Existence serves as a basis for human duty. Furthermore, the impact of our actions on other non-human intelligences, apart from the Divine, cannot currently be discussed scientifically.
I shall therefore confidently lay down, that if there be any Good other than Happiness to be sought by man, as an ultimate practical end, it can only be the Goodness, Perfection, or Excellence of Human Existence. How far this notion includes more than Virtue, what its precise relation to Pleasure is, and to what method we shall be logically led if we accept it as fundamental, are questions which we shall more conveniently discuss after the detailed examination of these two other notions, Pleasure and Virtue, in which we shall be engaged in the two following Books.
I will confidently state that if there is any good aside from happiness that people should seek as their ultimate goal, it can only be the goodness, perfection, or excellence of human existence. The extent to which this idea encompasses more than just virtue, how it relates to pleasure, and what logical conclusions we will reach if we accept it as a foundational concept are questions we'll discuss more conveniently after we thoroughly examine the two other concepts, pleasure and virtue, which we will explore in the next two books.
BOOK II
Selfish pleasure-seeking
CHAPTER I
THE PRINCIPLE AND METHOD OF EGOISM
§ 1. The object of the present Book is to examine the method of determining reasonable conduct which has been already defined in outline under the name of Egoism: taking this term as equivalent to Egoistic Hedonism, and as implying the adoption of his own greatest happiness as the ultimate end of each individual’s actions. It may be doubted whether this ought to be included among received “methods of Ethics”; since there are strong grounds for holding that a system of morality, satisfactory to the moral consciousness of mankind in general, cannot be constructed on the basis of simple Egoism. In subsequent chapters[96] I shall carefully discuss these reasons: at present it seems sufficient to point to the wide acceptance of the principle that it is reasonable for a man to act in the manner most conducive to his own happiness. We find it expressly admitted by leading representatives both of Intuitionism and of that Universalistic Hedonism to which I propose to restrict the name of Utilitarianism. I have already noticed that Bentham, although he puts forward the greatest happiness of the greatest number as the “true standard of right and wrong,” yet regards it as “right and proper” that each individual should aim at his own greatest happiness. And Butler is equally prepared to grant “that our ideas of happiness and misery are of all our ideas the nearest and most important to us ... that, though virtue or moral rectitude does indeed[120] consist in affection to and pursuit of what is right and good as such; yet, when we sit down in a cool hour, we can neither justify to ourselves this or any other pursuit till we are convinced that it will be for our happiness, or at least not contrary to it.”[97]
§ 1. The purpose of this Book is to explore the way of figuring out reasonable behavior, which has briefly been described as Egoism: using this term to mean Egoistic Hedonism, which implies that each individual's ultimate goal is to achieve their own greatest happiness. Some might question whether this should be considered among accepted “methods of Ethics”; because there are strong reasons to believe that a moral system that truly satisfies the moral consciousness of humanity cannot be based solely on simple Egoism. In the upcoming chapters[96] I will thoroughly discuss these reasons: for now, it seems enough to highlight the common belief that it makes sense for a person to act in ways that most promote their own happiness. This idea is openly acknowledged by key figures in both Intuitionism and that Universalistic Hedonism which I will restrict to the name of Utilitarianism. I have already pointed out that Bentham, even though he proposes the greatest happiness of the greatest number as the “true standard of right and wrong,” still considers it “right and proper” for each person to pursue their own greatest happiness. Similarly, Butler is willing to agree that “our ideas of happiness and misery are among our most personal and significant ideas ... that, although virtue or moral integrity does indeed[120] consist in loving and pursuing what is right and good in itself; yet, when we take time to reflect calmly, we cannot justify this or any other pursuit to ourselves until we are convinced that it will lead to our happiness, or at least not go against it.”[97]
And even Clarke[98]—notwithstanding the emphatic terms in which he has maintained that “Virtue truly deserves to be chosen for its own sake and Vice to be avoided”—yet admits that it is “not truly reasonable that men by adhering to Virtue should part with their lives, if thereby they eternally deprived themselves of all possibility of receiving any advantage from that adherence.”
And even Clarke[98]—despite his strong statements about how “Virtue should be chosen for its own sake and Vice should be avoided”—still acknowledges that it’s “not really reasonable for people to stick to Virtue if it means giving up their lives and losing any chance of benefiting from that commitment.”
And, generally, in the ages of Christian faith, it has been obvious and natural to hold that the realisation of virtue is essentially an enlightened and far-seeing pursuit of Happiness for the agent. Nor has this doctrine been held only by persons of a cold and calculating turn of mind: we find it urged with emphasis by so chivalrous and high-minded a preacher as Bishop Berkeley. No doubt this is only one side or element of the Christian view: the opposite doctrine, that an action done from motives of self-interest is not properly virtuous, has continually asserted itself as either openly conflicting or in some manner reconciled with the former. Still the former, though less refined and elevated, seems to have been the commoner view. Indeed, it is hardly going too far to say that common sense assumes that ‘interested’ actions, tending to promote the agent’s happiness, are prima facie reasonable: and that the onus probandi lies with those who maintain that disinterested conduct, as such, is reasonable.
In general, throughout the ages of Christian faith, it has been clear and natural to believe that achieving virtue is fundamentally an enlightened and forward-thinking pursuit of happiness for the individual. This belief hasn't only been advocated by people who are cold and calculating; we see it strongly supported by a noble and high-minded preacher like Bishop Berkeley. No doubt, this is just one aspect of the Christian perspective: the opposing belief that an action motivated by self-interest is not truly virtuous has consistently emerged, often in open conflict or somehow reconciled with the former view. Still, the latter perspective, while less sophisticated and elevated, seems to have been the more common stance. In fact, it's not too much to say that common sense assumes that "interested" actions, which aim to promote the individual's happiness, are prima facie reasonable: and that the onus probandi rests with those who argue that disinterested conduct, in itself, is reasonable.
But, as has been before said, in the common notions of ‘interest,’ ‘happiness,’ etc., there is a certain amount of vagueness and ambiguity: so that in order to fit these terms for the purposes of scientific discussion, we must, while retaining the main part of their signification, endeavour to make it more precise. In my judgment this result is attained if by ‘greatest possible Happiness’ we understand the greatest attainable surplus of pleasure over pain; the two terms being used, with equally comprehensive meanings, to include respectively all[121] kinds of agreeable and disagreeable feelings. Further, if this quantitative definition of the end be accepted, consistency requires that pleasures should be sought in proportion to their pleasantness; and therefore the less pleasant consciousness must not be preferred to the more pleasant, on the ground of any other qualities that it may possess. The distinctions of quality that Mill and others urge may still be admitted as grounds of preference, but only in so far as they can be resolved into distinctions of quantity. This is the type to which the practical reasoning that is commonly called ‘Egoistic’ tends to conform, when we rigorously exclude all ambiguities and inconsistencies: and it is only in this more precise form that it seems worth while to subject such reasoning to a detailed examination. We must therefore understand by an Egoist a man who when two or more courses of action are open to him, ascertains as accurately as he can the amounts of pleasure and pain that are likely to result from each, and chooses the one which he thinks will yield him the greatest surplus of pleasure over pain.
But, as mentioned before, the common ideas of ‘interest,’ ‘happiness,’ etc., have a certain level of vagueness and ambiguity. To make these terms suitable for scientific discussion, we need to clarify them while keeping their main meanings intact. In my opinion, we achieve this by defining ‘greatest possible Happiness’ as the highest achievable excess of pleasure over pain; the two terms being used with equally broad meanings to cover all[121] types of pleasant and unpleasant feelings. Furthermore, if we accept this quantitative definition of the goal, we must consistently seek pleasures according to how pleasurable they are; thus, less pleasant experiences shouldn't be preferred over more pleasant ones for any other qualities they might have. The qualitative distinctions that Mill and others promote can still be considered as reasons for preference, but only to the extent that they can be broken down into distinctions of quantity. This aligns with the practical reasoning typically described as ‘Egoistic’ when we eliminate all ambiguities and inconsistencies. It is only in this clearer form that it makes sense to analyze such reasoning in detail. Therefore, we should understand an Egoist as someone who, when faced with two or more options, carefully assesses the potential pleasure and pain from each and chooses the one they believe will provide the greatest surplus of pleasure over pain.
§ 2. It must, however, be pointed out that the adoption of the fundamental principle of Egoism, as just explained, by no means necessarily implies the ordinary empirical method of seeking one’s own pleasure or happiness. A man may aim at the greatest happiness within his reach, and yet not attempt to ascertain empirically what amount of pleasure and pain is likely to attend any given course of action; believing that he has some surer, deductive method for determining the conduct which will make him most happy in the long-run. He may believe this on grounds of Positive Religion, because God has promised happiness as a reward for obedience to certain definite commands: or on grounds of Natural Religion, because God being just and benevolent must have so ordered the world that Happiness will in the long-run be distributed in proportion to Virtue. It is (e.g.) by a combination of both these arguments that Paley connects the Universalistic Hedonism that he adopts as a method for determining duties, with the Egoism which seems to him self-evident as a fundamental principle of rational conduct. Or again, a man may connect virtue with happiness by a process of a priori reasoning, purely ethical; as Aristotle seems to do by the assumption that the ‘best’ activity will be always[122] attended by the greatest pleasure as its inseparable concomitant; ‘best’ being determined by a reference to moral intuition, or to the common moral opinions of men generally, or of well-bred and well-educated men. Or the deduction by which Maximum Pleasure is inferred to be the result of a particular kind of action may be psychological or physiological: we may have some general theory as to the connexion of pleasure with some other physical or psychical fact, according to which we can deduce the amount of pleasure that will attend any particular kind of behaviour: as (e.g.) it is widely held that a perfectly healthy and harmonious exercise of our different bodily and mental functions is the course of life most conducive to pleasure in the long-run. In this latter case, though accepting unreservedly the Hedonistic principle, we shall not be called upon to estimate and compare particular pleasures, but rather to define the notions of ‘perfect health’ and ‘harmony of functions’ and consider how these ends may be attained. Still those who advocate such deductive methods commonly appeal to ordinary experience, at least as supplying confirmation or verification; and admit that the pleasantness and painfulness of pleasures and pains are only directly known to the individual who experiences them. It would seem, therefore, that—at any rate—the obvious method of Egoistic Hedonism is that which we may call Empirical-reflective: and it is this I conceive that is commonly used in egoistic deliberation. It will be well, therefore, to examine this method in the first instance; to ascertain clearly the assumptions which it involves, and estimate the exactness of its results.
§ 2. However, it should be emphasized that adopting the basic principle of Egoism, as explained earlier, doesn’t necessarily mean using the typical empirical approach to seek one’s own pleasure or happiness. A person might strive for the greatest happiness they can achieve without trying to empirically measure the pleasure and pain associated with any specific action; they might believe they have a more reliable, deductive way to figure out what will ultimately make them happiest in the long run. They might hold this belief based on Positive Religion, believing that God has promised happiness as a reward for following certain specific commands; or based on Natural Religion, assuming that because God is just and benevolent, the world is organized so that happiness will ultimately be distributed in line with virtue. For example, Paley connects the Universalistic Hedonism he adopts as a method for determining duties with the Egoism he considers an obvious fundamental principle of rational behavior through a mix of both arguments. Alternatively, someone might link virtue and happiness through purely ethical reasoning or a priori logic; Aristotle seems to do this by suggesting that the ‘best’ activity will always be accompanied by the greatest pleasure, which is defined by moral intuition or the general moral views of people, particularly those who are well-mannered and well-educated. The reasoning that concludes that Maximum Pleasure results from a specific type of action might be psychological or physiological: we might have a general theory about the connection between pleasure and other physical or mental facts, which allows us to infer the amount of pleasure likely to result from a particular behavior. For instance, it’s commonly believed that a perfectly healthy and balanced engagement of our various physical and mental functions is the lifestyle most conducive to long-term pleasure. In this latter instance, even while fully accepting the Hedonistic principle, we wouldn’t need to measure or compare specific pleasures but rather define what ‘perfect health’ and ‘harmony of functions’ mean and consider how to achieve those goals. Still, those who support such deductive methods often refer to everyday experience as providing confirmation or validation; they agree that the pleasantness and unpleasantness of pleasures and pains can only be directly understood by the individual experiencing them. Therefore, it seems that—at least—the straightforward method of Egoistic Hedonism might be called Empirical-reflective, and this is what I believe is typically used in egoistic decision-making. It would be beneficial, then, to first examine this method, clearly identify the assumptions it entails, and assess the accuracy of its outcomes.
CHAPTER II
Empirical pleasure-seeking
§ 1. The first and most fundamental assumption, involved not only in the empirical method of Egoistic Hedonism, but in the very conception of ‘Greatest Happiness’ as an end of action, is the commensurability of Pleasures and Pains. By this I mean that we must assume the pleasures sought and the pains shunned to have determinate quantitative relations to each other; for otherwise they cannot be conceived as possible elements of a total which we are to seek to make as great as possible. It is not absolutely necessary to exclude the supposition that there are some kinds of pleasure so much more pleasant than others, that the smallest conceivable amount of the former would outweigh the greatest conceivable amount of the latter; since, if this were ascertained to be the case, the only result would be that any hedonistic calculation involving pleasures of the former class might be simplified by treating those of the latter class as practically non-existent.[99] I think,[124] however, that in all ordinary prudential reasoning, at any rate, the assumption is implicitly made that all the pleasures and pains that man can experience bear a finite ratio to each other in respect of pleasantness and its opposite. So far as this ratio can be made definite the Intensity of a pleasure (or pain) can be balanced against its Duration:[100] for if we conceive one pleasure (or pain), finite in duration, to be intensively greater than another in some definite ratio, it seems to be implied in this conception that the latter if continuously increased in extent—without change in its intensity—would at a certain point just balance the former in amount.
§ 1. The first and most basic assumption, involved not only in the empirical method of Egoistic Hedonism but also in the very idea of ‘Greatest Happiness’ as a goal of action, is that Pleasures and Pains can be compared. I mean that we have to assume the pleasures we seek and the pains we avoid have clear quantitative relationships to each other; otherwise, they can't be seen as elements of a total that we want to maximize. It's not strictly necessary to rule out the idea that some types of pleasure are so much better than others that even the smallest amount of the former would outweigh the biggest amount of the latter; if this were proven true, the result would simply be that any hedonistic calculations involving pleasures from the latter group could be simplified by considering those from the former group as practically non-existent.[99] I think,[124] however, that in all common sense reasoning about prudence, at least, it is generally assumed that all the pleasures and pains a person can experience are related to each other in terms of pleasantness and its opposite. To the extent that this relationship can be specified, the Intensity of a pleasure (or pain) can be compared to its Duration:[100] because if we consider one pleasure (or pain), which is finite in duration, to be significantly greater than another by a specific ratio, it seems implied in this conception that the latter, if continually increased in extent—without changing its intensity—would eventually balance out the former in total amount.
If pleasures, then, can be arranged in a scale, as greater or less in some finite degree; we are led to the assumption of a hedonistic zero, or perfectly neutral feeling, as a point from which the positive quantity of pleasures may be measured. And this latter assumption emerges still more clearly when we consider the comparison and balancing of pleasures with pains, which Hedonism necessarily involves. For pain must be reckoned as the negative quantity of pleasure, to be balanced against and subtracted from the positive in estimating happiness on the whole; we must therefore conceive, as at least ideally possible, a point of transition in consciousness at which we pass from the positive to the negative. It is not absolutely necessary to assume that this strictly indifferent or neutral feeling ever actually occurs. Still experience seems to show that a state at any rate very nearly approximating to it is even common: and we certainly experience continual transi[125]tions from pleasure to pain and vice versa, and thus (unless we conceive all such transitions to be abrupt) we must exist at least momentarily in this neutral state.
If pleasures can be ranked on a scale, as greater or lesser to some extent, we can infer the idea of a hedonistic zero, or a completely neutral feeling, as a baseline from which the positive amount of pleasure can be measured. This idea becomes clearer when we look at how pleasures and pains are compared and balanced, which is a fundamental aspect of Hedonism. Pain needs to be considered as the negative side of pleasure, to be weighed against and subtracted from the positive when we assess overall happiness; therefore, we should at least theoretically consider a transition point in awareness where we shift from positive to negative feelings. It's not strictly necessary to claim that this indifferent or neutral feeling ever actually happens. However, experience suggests that a state very close to it is quite common: we definitely go through constant shifts from pleasure to pain and back again, and unless we think of all these shifts as sudden, we must exist, at least for a moment, in this neutral state.
In what I have just said, I have by implication denied the paradox of Epicurus[101] that the state of painlessness is equivalent to the highest possible pleasure; so that if we can obtain absolute freedom from pain, the goal of Hedonism is reached, after which we may vary, but cannot increase, our pleasure. This doctrine is opposed to common sense and common experience. But it would, I think, be equally erroneous, on the other hand, to regard this neutral feeling—hedonistic zero, as I have called it—as the normal condition of our consciousness, out of which we occasionally sink into pain, and occasionally rise into pleasure. Nature has not been so niggardly to man as this: so long as health is retained, and pain and irksome toil banished, the mere performance of the ordinary habitual functions of life is, according to my experience, a frequent source of moderate pleasures, alternating rapidly with states nearly or quite indifferent. Thus we may venture to say that the ‘apathy’ which so large a proportion of Greek moralists in the post-Aristotelian period regarded as the ideal state of existence, was not really conceived by them as “without one pleasure and without one pain”; but rather as a state of placid intellectual contemplation, which in philosophic minds might easily reach a high degree of pleasure.
In what I just mentioned, I have implied that I disagree with Epicurus's paradox that a state free from pain equals the highest possible pleasure. Therefore, if we can achieve complete freedom from pain, we have reached the goal of Hedonism, after which we can change our pleasures, but not increase them. This idea contradicts common sense and everyday experience. However, I think it would also be wrong to see this neutral feeling—what I've called hedonistic zero—as the normal state of our awareness, from which we occasionally dip into pain and occasionally rise into pleasure. Nature hasn't been that stingy with humans: as long as we maintain our health and remove pain and exhausting work, just going about our regular daily activities is, in my experience, often a source of moderate pleasures that quickly alternate with feelings that are nearly or completely indifferent. So we can confidently say that the 'apathy' which many post-Aristotelian Greek moralists considered the ideal state of existence was not truly thought of by them as being "without any pleasure or pain," but rather as a state of calm intellectual contemplation, which for philosophical minds could easily lead to a high level of pleasure.
§ 2. We have yet to give to the notions of pleasure and pain the precision required for quantitative comparison. In dealing with this point, and in the rest of the hedonistic discussion, it will be convenient for the most part to speak of pleasure only, assuming that pain may be regarded as the negative quantity of pleasure, and that accordingly any statements made with respect to pleasure may be at once applied, by obvious changes of phrase, to pain.
§ 2. We still need to give the ideas of pleasure and pain the accuracy needed for quantitative comparison. When discussing this point and throughout the hedonistic discussion, it will be most practical to focus on pleasure alone, assuming that pain can be seen as the absence of pleasure. Therefore, any statements made about pleasure can easily be adapted to apply to pain with some simple changes in wording.
The equivalent phrase for Pleasure, according to Mr. Spencer,[102] is “a feeling which we seek to bring into consciousness and retain there”; and similarly, Mr. Bain says that “pleasure and pain, in the actual or real experience, are to be held as identical with motive power.” But—granting that[126] pleasures normally excite desire—it still does not seem to me that I judge pleasures to be greater and less exactly in proportion as they stimulate the will to actions tending to sustain them. Of course neither Mr. Bain nor Mr. Spencer must be understood to lay down that all pleasures when actually felt actually stimulate to exertion of some kind; since this is obviously not true of the pleasures of repose, a warm bath, etc. The stimulus must in such cases be understood to be latent and potential; only becoming actual when action is required to prevent the cessation or diminution of the pleasure. Thus a man enjoying rest after fatigue is vaguely conscious of a strong clinging to his actual condition, and of a latent readiness to resist any impulse to change it. Further, the stimulus of moderate pleasures and pains may become unfelt through habitual repression. For instance, in a habitually temperate man the stimulus to prolong the pleasure of eating or drinking usually ceases before the pleasure ceases: it is only occasionally that he feels the need of controlling an impulse to eat or drink up to the point of satiety. So again, a protracted pain of moderate intensity and free from alarm—such as a dull prolonged toothache—seems sometimes to lose its felt stimulus to action without losing its character as pain. Here again the stimulus may be properly conceived as latent: since if asked whether we should like to get rid of even a mild toothache, we should certainly answer yes.
The equivalent phrase for Pleasure, according to Mr. Spencer,[102] is “a feeling we try to bring to mind and hold onto”; and similarly, Mr. Bain says that “pleasure and pain, in real experience, are to be seen as identical with motivation.” But—while it’s clear that pleasures typically trigger desire—it doesn't seem to me that I only judge pleasures as greater or lesser based on how much they motivate me to take actions that maintain them. Of course, neither Mr. Bain nor Mr. Spencer means to imply that all pleasures, when genuinely experienced, actually motivate some form of effort; this is clearly not true for pleasures of rest, like soaking in a warm bath, etc. In such cases, the motivation must be understood as hidden and potential; it only becomes real when action is needed to prevent the pleasure from stopping or decreasing. So a person enjoying rest after being tired is vaguely aware of a strong attachment to their current state and a latent willingness to resist any urge to change it. Additionally, the motivation from moderate pleasures and pains may become unrecognized due to habitual suppression. For example, in someone who is usually moderate, the urge to extend the pleasure of eating or drinking often disappears before the pleasure itself does: they may only occasionally feel the need to control the urge to eat or drink until they’re full. Similarly, a prolonged pain of moderate intensity that isn’t alarming—like a dull, persistent toothache—sometimes seems to lose its felt motivation for action without losing its essence as pain. Here again, we can think of the motivation as latent: because if asked whether we want to be rid of even a mild toothache, we would definitely say yes.
But even if we confine our attention to cases where the stimulus is palpable and strong, Mr. Bain’s identification of “pleasure and pain” with motive power does not appear to me to accord exactly with our common empirical judgments. He himself contrasts the “disproportionate strain of active powers in one direction,” to which “any sudden and great delight may give rise,” with the “proper frame of mind under delight,” which is “to inspire no endeavours except what the charm of the moment justifies.”[103] And he elsewhere explains that “our pleasurable emotions are all liable to detain the mind unduly,” through the “atmosphere of excitement” with which they are surrounded, carrying the mind “beyond the estimate of pleasure and pain, to the state named ‘passion,’” in which a man is not “moved solely by the strict[127] value of the pleasure,” but also by “the engrossing power of the excitement.”[104] It is true that in such cases Mr. Bain seems to hold that these “disturbances and anomalies of the will scarcely begin to tell in the actual feeling,”[105] but it seems to me clear that exciting pleasures are liable to exercise, even when actually felt, a volitional stimulus out of proportion to their intensity as pleasures; and Mr. Bain himself seems to recognise this in a passage where he says that “acute pleasures and pains stimulate the will perhaps more strongly than an equivalent stimulation of the massive kind.”[106] I also find that some feelings which stimulate strongly to their own removal are either not painful at all or only slightly painful:—e.g. ordinarily the sensation of being tickled. If this be so, it is obviously inexact to define pleasure, for purposes of measurement, as the kind of feeling that we seek to retain in consciousness. Shall we then say that there is a measurable quality of feeling expressed by the word “pleasure,” which is independent of its relation to volition, and strictly undefinable from its simplicity?—like the quality of feeling expressed by “sweet,” of which also we are conscious in varying degrees of intensity. This seems to be the view of some writers: but, for my own part, when I reflect on the notion of pleasure,—using the term in the comprehensive sense which I have adopted, to include the most refined and subtle intellectual and emotional gratifications, no less than the coarser and more definite sensual enjoyments,—the only common quality that I can find in the feelings so designated seems to be that relation to desire and volition expressed by the general term “desirable,” in the sense previously explained. I propose therefore to define Pleasure—when we are considering its “strict value” for purposes of quantitative comparison—as a feeling which, when experienced by intelligent beings, is at least implicitly apprehended as desirable or—in cases of comparison—preferable.
But even if we focus on situations where the stimulus is clear and strong, Mr. Bain’s linking of “pleasure and pain” with motivation doesn’t quite match our everyday experiences. He himself compares the “excessive strain of active powers in one direction,” which “any sudden and intense joy may trigger,” with the “right mindset under joy,” which is “to inspire no actions except what the moment’s appeal allows.”[103] And he also notes that “our pleasurable emotions tend to distract the mind excessively,” due to the “exciting atmosphere” surrounding them, leading the mind “beyond the assessment of pleasure and pain, into a state called ‘passion,’” where a person is not “driven solely by the strict value of the pleasure,” but also by “the captivating power of the excitement.”[104] It's true that in such cases Mr. Bain seems to suggest that these “disturbances and anomalies of the will barely start to affect the actual feeling,”[105] but it seems clear to me that exhilarating pleasures can exert, even when genuinely experienced, a motivating push that is disproportionate to their strength as pleasures; and Mr. Bain himself seems to acknowledge this when he states that “intense pleasures and pains stimulate the will perhaps more strongly than an equivalent stimulation of the large kind.”[106] I also notice that some feelings that strongly motivate their own alleviation are either not painful at all or only slightly painful—for example, the sensation of being tickled. If that’s the case, it’s evidently inaccurate to define pleasure, for measurement purposes, as the type of feeling we want to keep in our consciousness. Should we then assert that there’s a measurable quality of feeling indicated by the term “pleasure,” which is independent of its connection to motivation, and strictly undefinable due to its simplicity?—like the quality of feeling expressed by “sweet,” which we also experience in varying degrees of intensity. This seems to be the perspective of some writers: but for my part, when I think about the concept of pleasure—using the term in the broad sense I’ve chosen, to include both the most refined and delicate intellectual and emotional gratifications, as well as the coarser and more distinct sensual enjoyments—the only common quality I find in the feelings described seems to be that connection to desire and motivation expressed by the general term “desirable,” in the previously explained sense. Therefore, I propose to define Pleasure—when we’re examining its “strict value” for quantitative comparison—as a feeling which, when experienced by intelligent beings, is at least implicitly understood as desirable or—in cases of comparison—preferable.
Here, however, a new question comes into view. When I stated in the preceding chapter, as a fundamental assumption of Hedonism, that it is reasonable to prefer pleasures in proportion to their intensity, and not to allow this ground of preference[128] to be outweighed by any merely qualitative difference, I implied that the preference of pleasures on grounds of quality as opposed to quantity—as ‘higher’ or ‘nobler’—is actually possible: and indeed such non-hedonistic preference is commonly thought to be of frequent occurrence. But if we take the definition of pleasure just given—that it is the kind of feeling which we apprehend to be desirable or preferable—it seems to be a contradiction in terms to say that the less pleasant feeling can ever be thought preferable to the more pleasant.
Here, however, a new question emerges. When I mentioned in the previous chapter, as a basic idea of Hedonism, that it's reasonable to prefer pleasures based on their intensity and not let any simple quality difference outweigh that, I was suggesting that it’s actually possible to prefer pleasures based on quality versus quantity—describing them as ‘higher’ or ‘nobler.’ Indeed, this non-hedonistic preference is often seen as quite common. But if we accept the definition of pleasure just provided—that it's the kind of feeling we believe to be desirable or preferable—it seems contradictory to say that a less pleasant feeling could ever be considered better than a more pleasant one.
This contradiction may be avoided as follows. It will be generally admitted that the pleasantness of a feeling is only directly cognisable by the individual who feels it at the time of feeling it. Thus, though (as I shall presently argue), in so far as any estimate of pleasantness involves comparison with feelings only represented in idea, it is liable to be erroneous through imperfections in the representation—still, no one is in a position to controvert the preference of the sentient individual, so far as the quality of the present feeling alone is concerned. When, however, we judge of the preferable quality (as ‘elevation’ or ‘refinement’) of a state of consciousness as distinct from its pleasantness,[107] we seem to appeal to some common standard which others can apply as well as the sentient individual. Hence I should conclude that when one kind of pleasure is judged to be qualitatively superior to another, although less pleasant, it is not really the feeling itself that is preferred, but something in the mental or physical conditions or relations under which it arises, regarded as cognisable objects of our common thought. For certainly if I in thought distinguish any feeling from all its conditions and concomitants—and also from all its effects on the subsequent feelings of the same individual or of others—and contemplate it merely as the transient feeling of a single subject; it seems to me impossible to find in it any other preferable quality than that which we call its pleasantness, the degree of which is only cognisable directly by the sentient individual.
This contradiction can be resolved as follows. It’s generally accepted that the pleasantness of a feeling is something only the person experiencing it can recognize at that moment. So, even though (as I will soon argue) any assessment of pleasantness that involves comparison with feelings only represented in thought can be misleading due to flaws in that representation, nobody can challenge the preference of the person experiencing it when it comes to the quality of the feeling itself. However, when we evaluate the preferable quality (like ‘elevation’ or ‘refinement’) of a state of consciousness separately from its pleasantness,[107] it seems like we’re relying on a common standard that others can apply just like the individual experiencing the feeling. Therefore, I would conclude that when one type of pleasure is seen as qualitatively better than another, even if it's less pleasant, it's not really the feeling itself that's preferred, but rather something about the mental or physical circumstances under which it occurs, viewed as recognizable subjects of our shared understanding. For if I mentally separate a feeling from all its circumstances and effects on future feelings, whether for that person or others, and look at it simply as the fleeting feeling of one individual, I find it impossible to identify any other preferable quality than what we refer to as its pleasantness, the level of which can only be directly recognized by the person experiencing it.
It should be observed that if this definition of pleasure be accepted, and if, as before proposed, ‘Ultimate Good’ be taken as equivalent to ‘what is ultimately desirable,’ the fundamental proposition of ethical Hedonism has chiefly a negative significance; for the statement that ‘Pleasure is the Ultimate Good’ will only mean that nothing is ultimately desirable except desirable feeling, apprehended as desirable by the sentient individual at the time of feeling it. This being so, it may be urged against the definition that it could not be accepted by a moralist of stoical turn, who while recognising pleasure as a fact refused to recognise it as in any degree ultimately desirable. But I think such a moralist ought to admit an implied judgment that a feeling is per se desirable to be inseparably connected with its recognition as pleasure; while holding that sound philosophy shows the illusoriness of such judgments. This, in fact, seems to have been substantially the view of the Stoic school.
It should be noted that if we accept this definition of pleasure, and if, as previously suggested, we consider 'Ultimate Good' to mean 'what is ultimately desirable,' the main idea of ethical Hedonism mainly carries a negative connotation; because the statement 'Pleasure is the Ultimate Good' will only imply that nothing is ultimately desirable except for desirable feelings, as recognized as desirable by the individual experiencing them at the moment. Given this, one could argue against the definition, stating that it could not be embraced by a moralist of a stoic nature, who, while acknowledging pleasure as a fact, would not view it as ultimately desirable. However, I believe such a moralist should accept that the idea of a feeling being per se desirable is inherently linked to its recognition as pleasure, while also believing that sound philosophy reveals the misleading nature of such judgments. In fact, this aligns closely with the perspective of the Stoic school.
However this may be, I conceive that the preference which pure Hedonism regards as ultimately rational, should be defined as the preference of feeling valued merely as feeling, according to the estimate implicitly or explicitly made by the sentient individual at the time of feeling it; without any regard to the conditions and relations under which it arises. Accordingly we may state as the fundamental assumption of what I have called Quantitative Hedonism,—implied in the adoption of “greatest surplus of pleasure over pain” as the ultimate end,—that all pleasures and pains, estimated merely as feelings, have for the sentient individual cognisable degrees of desirability, positive or negative; observing further, that the empirical method of Hedonism can only be applied so far as we assume that these degrees of desirability are definitely given in experience.
However this may be, I believe that the preference which pure Hedonism considers ultimately rational should be defined as the preference for feeling valued only for the sake of feeling, based on the judgment made by the person experiencing it at that moment; without consideration for the circumstances and relationships under which it occurs. Thus, we can state as the fundamental assumption of what I have called Quantitative Hedonism—implied in adopting "greatest surplus of pleasure over pain" as the ultimate goal—that all pleasures and pains, viewed merely as feelings, have recognizable levels of desirability, positive or negative, for the person experiencing them; further noting that the empirical method of Hedonism can only be applied as far as we assume these levels of desirability are clearly identifiable in experience.
There is one more assumption of a fundamental kind, which is not perhaps involved in the acceptance of the Hedonistic calculus considered as purely theoretical, but is certainly implied if it be put forward as a practical method for determining right conduct: the assumption, namely, that we can by foresight and calculation increase our pleasures and decrease our pains. It may perhaps be thought pedantic to state it formally: and in fact no one will deny that the conditions upon which our[130] pleasures and pains depend are to some extent cognisable by us and within our own control. But, as we shall see, it has been maintained that the practice of Hedonistic observation and calculation has an inevitable tendency to decrease our pleasures generally, or the most important of them: so that it becomes a question whether we can gain our greatest happiness by seeking it, or at any rate by trying to seek it with scientific exactness.
There’s one more fundamental assumption that might not be necessary for accepting the Hedonistic calculus in a purely theoretical sense, but is definitely implied if it’s presented as a practical method for determining right conduct: the assumption that we can, through foresight and calculation, increase our pleasures and reduce our pains. It may seem overly formal to put this in writing, and indeed, no one will argue that the factors affecting our pleasures and pains are somewhat recognizable to us and within our control. However, as we will explore, it has been argued that practicing Hedonistic observation and calculation tends to decrease our overall pleasures, especially the most significant ones. This raises the question of whether we can truly achieve our greatest happiness by actively pursuing it, or at least by trying to pursue it with scientific precision.
Note.—It is sometimes thought to be a necessary assumption of Hedonists that a surplus of pleasure over pain is actually attainable by human beings: a proposition which an extreme pessimist would deny. But the conclusion that life is always on the whole painful would not prove it to be unreasonable for a man to aim ultimately at minimising pain, if this is still admitted to be possible; though it would, no doubt, render immediate suicide, by some painless process, the only reasonable course for a perfect egoist—unless he looked forward to another life.
Note.—Some people believe that Hedonists assume that humans can actually achieve a greater amount of pleasure than pain: a point an extreme pessimist would argue against. However, just because life is generally painful doesn’t mean it’s unreasonable for someone to aim to reduce pain, if that’s still considered possible; though, it might make choosing to end one’s life through a painless method the only logical option for a complete egoist—unless they anticipate another existence.
CHAPTER III
Empirical Hedonism—Continued
§ 1. Let, then, pleasure be defined as feeling which the sentient individual at the time of feeling it implicitly or explicitly apprehends to be desirable;—desirable, that is, when considered merely as feeling, and not in respect of its objective conditions or consequences, or of any facts that come directly within the cognisance and judgment of others besides the sentient individual. And let it be provisionally assumed that feelings generally can be compared from this point of view, with sufficient definiteness for practical purposes, and empirically known to be more or less pleasant in some definite degree. Then the empirical-reflective method of Egoistic Hedonism will be, to represent beforehand the different series of feelings that our knowledge of physical and psychical causes leads us to expect from the different lines of conduct that lie open to us; judge which series, as thus represented, appears on the whole preferable, taking all probabilities into account; and adopt the corresponding line of conduct. It may be objected that the calculation is too complex for practice; since any complete forecast of the future would involve a vast number of contingencies of varying degrees of probability, and to calculate the Hedonistic value of each of these chances of feeling would be interminable. Still we may perhaps reduce the calculation within manageable limits, without serious loss of accuracy, by discarding all manifestly imprudent conduct, and neglecting the less probable and less important contingencies; as we do in some of the arts that have more definite ends, such as strategy and medicine. For if the general in ordering a march, or the[132] physician in recommending a change of abode, took into consideration all the circumstances that were at all relevant to the end sought, their calculations would become impracticable; accordingly they confine themselves to the most important; and we may deal similarly with the Hedonistic art of life.
§ 1. Let's define pleasure as a feeling that the person experiencing it perceives, either knowingly or unknowingly, to be desirable—desirable, that is, when viewed just as a feeling, without considering its external conditions or consequences, or any facts that others besides the individual can directly observe and judge. For now, let's assume we can compare feelings from this perspective with enough clarity for practical use, and that we can empirically determine them to be more or less pleasant to some degree. The empirical-reflective approach of Egoistic Hedonism will be to anticipate the various series of feelings that our understanding of physical and psychological causes suggests we might experience from the different choices available to us; to assess which series, as outlined, seems generally preferable when factoring in all possibilities; and to choose the corresponding course of action. It might be argued that this calculation is too complicated for real-life application; since any thorough prediction of the future would involve countless possibilities with varying degrees of likelihood, and calculating the Hedonistic value of each potential feeling can become endless. However, we might simplify the calculation to more manageable levels, without losing significant accuracy, by dismissing all clearly unwise actions and overlooking the less probable and less impactful possibilities; similar to how we approach certain arts with clear goals, like strategy and medicine. If a general planning a march, or a physician advising a move, were to consider all factors related to their objectives, their calculations would become unfeasible; thus, they focus on the most critical aspects; and we can approach the Hedonistic art of living in the same way.
There are, however, objections urged against the Hedonistic method which go much deeper; and by some writers are pressed to the extreme of rejecting the method altogether. A careful examination of these objections seems to be the most convenient way of obtaining a clear view, both of the method itself and of the results that may reasonably be expected from it.
There are, however, objections raised against the Hedonistic method that go much deeper; and some writers push these objections to the point of rejecting the method entirely. A thorough examination of these objections appears to be the most effective way to gain a clear understanding of both the method itself and the outcomes that can reasonably be expected from it.
I should, however, point out that we are now only concerned with what may be called intrinsic objections to Egoistic Hedonism; arguments, that is, against the possibility of obtaining by it the results at which it aims. We are not now to consider whether it is reasonable for an individual to take his own happiness as his ultimate end; or how far the rules of action deduced from the adoption of this end, and from the actual conditions of the individual’s existence, will coincide with current opinions as to what is right. These questions, according to the plan of my work, are postponed for future consideration:[108] our sole concern at present is with objections tending to show the intrinsic impracticability of Hedonism as a rational method.
I should, however, point out that we are now only focused on what we can call intrinsic objections to Egoistic Hedonism; arguments that challenge the possibility of achieving the results it aims for. We are not going to consider whether it makes sense for someone to view their own happiness as their ultimate goal, or to what extent the rules of action derived from adopting this goal, and from the actual conditions of the individual's life, align with current views on what is right. These questions, according to my plan, will be addressed later: [108] our main focus right now is on objections that aim to demonstrate the intrinsic impracticality of Hedonism as a rational approach.
We are met, in the first place, by an objection which, if valid at all, must be admitted to be decisive. It has been affirmed[109] by Green that “pleasure as feeling, in distinction from its conditions that are not feelings, cannot be conceived.” If so, Rational Hedonism would certainly be impossible: but the proposition seems equally opposed to common sense, and to the universal assumption of empirical psychologists; who, in investigating elaborately and systematically the conditions, mental and physical, of pleasure and pain, necessarily assume that these feelings can be distinguished in thought from their “conditions which are not[133] feelings.” I also find that the writer himself from whom I have quoted, in a later treatise,[110] conducts long arguments respecting pleasure which are only intelligible if the distinction between pleasure and its conditions is thoroughly grasped and steadily contemplated. Indeed he carries a distinction of this kind to an extreme point of subtlety; as he requires us to distinguish the “self-satisfaction sought in all desire that amounts to will” from the “pleasure” that “there is in all self-satisfaction if attained”: whereas other moralists regard self-satisfaction as a species of pleasure.[111] To maintain that we can distinguish pleasure from self-satisfaction, and cannot distinguish it from its conditions, seems to me too violent a paradox to need refutation. It is possible that Green may only mean that pleasure cannot be thought to exist apart from conditions which are not feelings, and that it necessarily varies with any variation in its conditions. The statement thus interpreted I do not deny: but it is quite irrelevant to the question whether pleasure can be estimated separately from its conditions, or whether pleasures received under different conditions can be quantitatively compared. I cannot have the pleasure of witnessing a tragedy or the pleasure of witnessing a farce, without having along with either a complex of innumerable thoughts and images, very diverse in quality in the two cases: but this does not prevent me from deciding confidently whether the tragedy or the farce will afford me most pleasure on the whole.
We first encounter an objection that, if it’s valid at all, must be considered conclusive. Green has claimed[109] that “pleasure as a feeling, distinct from its non-feeling conditions, cannot be conceived.” If that’s the case, Rational Hedonism would definitely be impossible; however, this proposition seems equally contrary to common sense and the general assumption of empirical psychologists. These psychologists, in their detailed and systematic investigation of the mental and physical conditions of pleasure and pain, necessarily assume that these feelings can be thought of separately from their “conditions which are not[133] feelings.” I also notice that the writer from whom I quoted, in a later work,[110] engages in lengthy discussions about pleasure that are only clear if the distinction between pleasure and its conditions is fully understood and consistently considered. In fact, he takes this distinction to an extreme level of nuance, as he asks us to distinguish the “self-satisfaction sought in all desire that amounts to will” from the “pleasure” that “exists in all self-satisfaction if attained,” while other moralists consider self-satisfaction to be a type of pleasure.[111] To argue that we can distinguish pleasure from self-satisfaction but cannot separate it from its conditions seems to me too extreme a contradiction to require rebuttal. It’s possible that Green only intends to suggest that pleasure cannot be thought of as existing apart from non-feeling conditions, and that it inevitably changes with any change in those conditions. I don't deny this interpretation of the statement; however, it’s completely irrelevant to the question of whether pleasure can be estimated separately from its conditions, or whether pleasures experienced under different conditions can be quantitatively compared. I cannot experience the pleasure of watching a tragedy or the pleasure of watching a farce without also having along with either a mixture of countless thoughts and images, very different in quality in the two cases; but this does not stop me from confidently deciding whether the tragedy or the farce will provide me with the most pleasure overall.
I pass to another objection made by the same writer to the Hedonistic conception of the supreme end of action as “the greatest possible sum of pleasures.” (It should be “the greatest possible surplus of pleasure over pain”: but the difference is unimportant for the present argument.) The phrase, he says, is “intrinsically unmeaning”: but his justification for this statement appears to be different in different treatises. At first he boldly affirmed that “pleasant feelings are not quantities that can be added,”[112] apparently because “each is over before the other begins.” The latter statement,[134] however, is equally true of the parts of time: but it would be obviously absurd to say that hours, days, years are “not quantities that can be added.” Possibly this consideration occurred to Green before writing the Prolegomena to Ethics: at any rate in the latter treatise he admits that states “of pleasant feeling” can be added together in “thought,” only denying that they can be added “in enjoyment or imagination of enjoyment.”[113] But this concedes all that is required for the Hedonistic valuation of future feelings; no Hedonist ever supposed that the happiness he aims at making as great as possible was something to be enjoyed all at once, or ever wanted to imagine it as so enjoyed. And unless the transiency of pleasure diminishes its pleasantness—a point which I will presently consider—I cannot see that the possibility of realising the Hedonistic end is at all affected by the necessity of realising it in successive parts. Green, in another passage,[114] appears to lay down that “an end” which is “to serve the purpose of a criterion” must “enable us to distinguish actions that bring men nearer to it from those which do not.” This, however, would only be the case if by an “end” is necessarily meant a goal or consummation, which, after gradually drawing nearer to it, we reach all at once: but this is not, I conceive, the sense in which the word is ordinarily understood by ethical writers: and certainly all that I mean by it is an object of rational aim—whether attained in successive parts or not—which is not sought as a means to the attainment of any ulterior object, but for itself. And so long as any one’s prospective balance of pleasure over pain admits of being made greater or less by immediate action in one way or another,[115] there seems no reason why ‘Maximum Happiness’ should not provide as serviceable a criterion of conduct as any ‘chief good’ capable of being possessed all at once, or in some way independent of the condition of time.
I’ll move on to another objection made by the same author regarding the Hedonistic view of the ultimate goal of action as “the greatest possible sum of pleasures.” (It should be “the greatest possible surplus of pleasure over pain,” but the distinction isn't crucial for this argument.) He claims that the phrase is “intrinsically meaningless,” but his reasoning for this seems to vary across different writings. Initially, he confidently stated that “pleasant feelings are not quantities that can be added,” apparently because “each is over before the other begins.” However, this statement is also true for units of time, yet it would be absurd to argue that hours, days, or years are “not quantities that can be added.” It’s possible that Green realized this before writing the Prolegomena to Ethics: in that work, he acknowledges that states of “pleasant feeling” can be combined in “thought,” but he denies that they can be combined “in enjoyment or imagination of enjoyment.” But this allows for everything needed to support the Hedonistic assessment of future emotions; no Hedonist ever thought that the happiness they seek to maximize was something to be experienced all at once, or ever wanted to picture it that way. And unless the fleeting nature of pleasure reduces its enjoyment—a point I will address shortly—I don't see how the feasibility of achieving the Hedonistic goal is impacted by the need to experience it in separate moments. In another section, Green seems to state that “an end” which is “to serve the purpose of a criterion” must “help us distinguish actions that bring people closer to it from those that do not.” However, this would only hold true if by “end” we must mean a goal or completion that we reach all at once after gradually getting closer: but I don’t believe this is how ethical writers generally interpret the term; and certainly, what I mean by it is a rational objective—regardless of whether it's achieved in separate parts—that is not pursued as a means to any further goal, but for its own sake. As long as anyone's potential balance of pleasure over pain can be adjusted through immediate actions in one way or another, there seems to be no reason why ‘Maximum Happiness’ shouldn't serve as a useful criterion for conduct just as much as any ‘chief good’ that can be possessed all at once or in some way independent of the passage of time.
§ 2. If, however, it be maintained, that the consciousness[135] of the transiency of pleasure either makes it less pleasant at the time or causes a subsequent pain, and that the deliberate and systematic pursuit of pleasure tends to intensify this consciousness; the proposition, if borne out by experience, would certainly constitute a relevant objection to the method of Egoistic Hedonism. And this view would seem to be in the mind of the writer above quoted (though it is nowhere clearly put forward): since he affirms that it is “impossible that self-satisfaction should be found in any succession of pleasures”;[116] as self-satisfaction being “satisfaction for a self that abides and contemplates itself as abiding” must be at least relatively permanent:[117] and it is, I suppose, implied that the disappointment of the Hedonist, who fails to find self-satisfaction where he seeks for it, is attended with pain or loss of pleasure.[118] If this be so, and if the self-satisfaction thus missed can be obtained by the resolute adoption of some other principle of action, it would certainly seem that the systematic pursuit of pleasure is in some danger of defeating itself: it is therefore important to consider carefully how far this is really the case.
§ 2. If it is argued that being aware of how fleeting pleasure is makes it less enjoyable in the moment or leads to pain later on, and that the intentional and methodical pursuit of pleasure tends to heighten this awareness, then this idea, if supported by experience, would definitely be a valid criticism of the approach known as Egoistic Hedonism. This perspective seems to be reflected in the thoughts of the writer mentioned earlier (though it's not explicitly stated): since he claims that “it is impossible for self-satisfaction to be found in any series of pleasures”; as self-satisfaction being “satisfaction for a self that endures and reflects on its endurance” must be at least somewhat enduring; and it's implied that the disappointment of the Hedonist, who fails to find self-satisfaction where they expect it, comes with pain or a decrease in pleasure. If this is true, and if the self-satisfaction that is missed can be achieved by firmly adopting some other guiding principle, it would certainly seem that the systematic pursuit of pleasure risks undermining itself: thus, it’s essential to carefully consider how true this really is.
So far as my own experience goes, it does not appear to me that the mere transiency of pleasures is a serious source of discontent, so long as one has a fair prospect of having as valuable pleasures in the future as in the past—or even so long as the life before one has any substantial amount of pleasure to offer. But I do not doubt that an important element of happiness, for all or most men, is derived from the consciousness of possessing “relatively permanent” sources of pleasure—whether external, as wealth, social position, family, friends; or internal, as knowledge, culture, strong and lively interest in the wellbeing of fairly prosperous persons or institutions. This, however, does not, in my opinion, constitute an objection to Hedonism: it rather seems obvious, from the hedonistic point of view, that “as soon as intelligence discovers that there are fixed objects, permanent sources of pleasure, and large groups of enduring interests, which yield a variety of recurring enjoyments, the rational will, preferring the greater to the less, will unfailingly devote[136] its energies to the pursuit of these.”[119] It may be replied that if these permanent sources of pleasure are consciously sought merely as a means to the hedonistic end, they will not afford the happiness for which they are sought. With this I to some extent agree; but I think that if the normal complexity of our impulses be duly taken into account, this statement will be found not to militate against the adoption of Hedonism, but merely to signalise a danger against which the Hedonist has to guard. In a previous chapter[120] I have, after Butler, laid stress on the difference between impulses that are, strictly speaking, directed towards pleasure, and ‘extra-regarding’ impulses which do not aim at pleasure,—though much, perhaps most, of our pleasure consists in the gratification of these latter, and therefore depends upon their existence. I there argued that in many cases the two kinds of impulse are so far incompatible that they do not easily coexist in the same moment of consciousness. I added, however, that in the ordinary condition of our activity the incompatibility is only momentary, and does not prevent a real harmony from being attained by a sort of alternating rhythm of the two impulses in consciousness. Still it seems undeniable that this harmony is liable to be disturbed; and that while on the one hand individuals may and do sacrifice their greatest apparent happiness to the gratification of some imperious particular desire, so, on the other hand, self-love is liable to engross the mind to a degree incompatible with a healthy and vigorous outflow of those ‘disinterested’ impulses towards particular objects, the pre-existence of which is necessary to the attainment, in any high degree, of the happiness at which self-love aims. I should not, however, infer from this that the pursuit of pleasure is necessarily self-defeating and futile; but merely that the principle of Egoistic Hedonism, when applied with a due knowledge of the laws of human nature, is practically self-limiting; i.e. that a rational method of attaining the end at which it aims requires that we should to some extent put it out of sight and not directly aim at it. I have before spoken of this conclusion as the ‘Fundamental Paradox of Egoistic Hedonism’; but though it presents itself as a paradox, there does not seem to be any difficulty in its practical realisation, when once the danger indicated is clearly[137] seen. For it is an experience only too common among men, in whatever pursuit they may be engaged, that they let the original object and goal of their efforts pass out of view, and come to regard the means to this end as ends in themselves: so that they at last even sacrifice the original end to the attainment of what is only secondarily and derivatively desirable. And if it be thus easy and common to forget the end in the means overmuch, there seems no reason why it should be difficult to do it to the extent that Rational Egoism prescribes: and, in fact, it seems to be continually done by ordinary persons in the case of amusements and pastimes of all kinds.
Based on my experience, the temporary nature of pleasures doesn’t seem to be a major cause of dissatisfaction, as long as there’s a good chance of enjoying equally valuable pleasures in the future as well as in the past—or even as long as life ahead offers a decent amount of pleasure. However, I believe that a significant part of happiness, for many people, comes from knowing they have “relatively permanent” sources of pleasure—whether external, like wealth, social status, family, and friends; or internal, like knowledge, culture, and a strong interest in the wellbeing of fairly successful individuals or institutions. This, in my view, does not oppose Hedonism: it seems clear from a hedonistic perspective that “once intelligence realizes there are fixed objects, permanent sources of pleasure, and large groups of lasting interests that provide a variety of recurring joys, the rational will, preferring the greater over the lesser, will inevitably focus its efforts on pursuing these.” It could be argued that if these permanent sources of pleasure are deliberately sought only as a means to the hedonistic goal, they won’t provide the happiness they are intended to deliver. I somewhat agree with this, but I believe that if we take into account the usual complexity of our impulses, this assertion doesn’t contradict the adoption of Hedonism; it merely highlights a risk that the Hedonist must be wary of. In a previous chapter, I emphasized, following Butler, the difference between impulses that are strictly aimed at pleasure and ‘extra-regarding’ impulses that don’t seek pleasure—though a large portion, perhaps most, of our pleasure comes from satisfying these latter impulses, making their existence crucial. I argued that in many instances, the two types of impulses are so incompatible that they cannot easily coexist in the same moment of awareness. However, I also mentioned that under normal circumstances, this incompatibility is only temporary and does not stop a genuine harmony from being achieved through a sort of alternating rhythm of the two impulses in consciousness. Still, it’s undeniable that this harmony is susceptible to disruption; individuals may and do sacrifice their greatest apparent happiness to satisfy some intense specific desire, and on the flip side, self-love can consume the mind to such a degree that it hinders a healthy and energetic outpouring of those ‘disinterested’ impulses towards specific objects, the prior existence of which is essential for achieving, to any significant degree, the happiness that self-love seeks. However, I would not conclude that the pursuit of pleasure is inherently self-defeating and pointless; instead, I suggest that the principle of Egoistic Hedonism, when applied with an adequate understanding of human nature's laws, is practically self-limiting; meaning that a rational approach to achieving its intended goal requires us to somewhat overlook it and not pursue it directly. I have referred to this conclusion as the ‘Fundamental Paradox of Egoistic Hedonism’; although it seems paradoxical, there appears to be no difficulty in its practical realization once the indicated risk is clearly understood. It is a common experience for people, in whatever pursuits they engage, to lose sight of the original object and goal of their efforts, eventually viewing the means to this end as ends in themselves: ultimately sacrificing the original goal to attain what is only secondarily and derivatively desirable. If it is so easy and common to lose sight of the end by focusing too much on the means, there seems to be no reason why it should be hard to do this to the extent that Rational Egoism advises; in fact, ordinary people seem to repeatedly do this concerning various entertainments and pastimes.
It is true that, as our desires cannot ordinarily be produced by an effort of will—though they can to some extent be repressed by it—if we started with no impulse except the desire of pleasure, it might seem difficult to execute the practical paradox of attaining pleasure by aiming at something else. Yet even in this hypothetical case the difficulty is less than it appears. For the reaction of our activities upon our emotional nature is such that we may commonly bring ourselves to take an interest in any end by concentrating our efforts upon its attainment. So that, even supposing a man to begin with absolute indifference to everything except his own pleasure, it does not follow that if he were convinced that the possession of other desires and impulses were necessary to the attainment of the greatest possible pleasure, he could not succeed in producing these. But this supposition is never actually realised. Every man, when he commences the task of systematising his conduct, whether on egoistic principles or any other, is conscious of a number of different impulses and tendencies within him, other than the mere desire for pleasure, which urge his will in particular directions, to the attainment of particular results: so that he has only to place himself under certain external influences, and these desires and impulses will begin to operate without any effort of will.
It's true that our desires usually can't be created just by willpower—though we can somewhat suppress them with it. If we only started with the desire for pleasure, it might seem challenging to achieve the paradox of gaining pleasure by focusing on something else. However, even in this hypothetical situation, the difficulty is less than it seems. Our actions often affect our emotions in such a way that we can typically come to care about any goal by concentrating our efforts on achieving it. So, even if someone starts with no interest in anything but their own pleasure, it doesn't mean that if they realize that having other desires and impulses is essential for maximizing their pleasure, they couldn't develop those. But this scenario never actually happens. Every person, when they begin trying to organize their behavior—whether out of self-interest or for other reasons—recognizes various impulses and tendencies inside them, beyond just the desire for pleasure, which push their will in specific directions toward particular outcomes. Therefore, they just need to expose themselves to certain external influences, and those desires and impulses will start to work without any effort from their will.
It is sometimes thought, however, that there is an important class of refined and elevated impulses with which the supremacy of self-love is in a peculiar way incompatible, such as the love of virtue, or personal affection, or the religious impulse to love and obey God. But at any rate in the common view of these impulses, this difficulty does not seem to be recognised. None[138] of the school of moralists that followed Shaftesbury in contending that it is a man’s true interest to foster in himself strictly disinterested social affections, has noted any inherent incompatibility between the existence of these affections and the supremacy of rational self-love. And similarly Christian preachers who have commended the religious life as really the happiest, have not thought genuine religion irreconcilable with the conviction that each man’s own happiness is his most near and intimate concern.
It’s often believed that there’s a crucial category of refined and elevated feelings that clash with the dominance of self-love, like the love of virtue, personal affection, or the religious drive to love and obey God. However, in the general viewpoint of these feelings, this conflict doesn’t seem to be acknowledged. None of the moral philosophers who followed Shaftesbury in arguing that it’s truly in a person’s best interest to cultivate genuinely selfless social feelings have pointed out any fundamental incompatibility between these feelings and the dominance of rational self-love. Similarly, Christian preachers who have praised the religious life as being the happiest haven’t considered true religion to be incompatible with the belief that each person's own happiness is their most immediate and personal concern.[138]
Other persons, however, seem to carry the religious consciousness and the feeling of human affection to a higher stage of refinement, at which a stricter disinterestedness is exacted. They maintain that the essence of either feeling, in its best form, is absolute self-renunciation and self-sacrifice. And certainly these seem incompatible with self-love, however cautiously self-limiting. A man cannot both wish to secure his own happiness and be willing to lose it. And yet how if willingness to lose it is the true means of securing it? Can self-love not merely reduce indirectly its prominence in consciousness, but directly and unreservedly annihilate itself?
Other people, however, seem to elevate religious awareness and the feeling of human connection to a higher level of refinement, where a stricter selflessness is required. They argue that the essence of both feelings, in their best forms, is total self-renunciation and self-sacrifice. And indeed, these seem to clash with self-love, no matter how cautiously limited it may be. A person can’t both want to ensure their own happiness and be ready to give it up. But what if being willing to give it up is the actual way to secure it? Can self-love not only lessen its prominence in our awareness but also completely and unconditionally eliminate itself?
This emotional feat does not seem to me possible: and therefore I must admit that a man who embraces the principle of Rational Egoism cuts himself off from the special pleasure that attends this absolute sacrifice and abnegation of self. But however exquisite this may be, the pitch of emotional exaltation and refinement necessary to attain it is comparatively so rare, that it is scarcely included in men’s common estimate of happiness. I do not therefore think that an important objection to Rational Egoism can be based upon its incompatibility with this particular consciousness: nor that the common experience of mankind really sustains the view that the desire of one’s own happiness, if accepted as supreme and regulative, inevitably defeats its own aim through the consequent diminution and desiccation of the impulses and emotional capacities necessary to the attainment of happiness in a high degree; though it certainly shows a serious and subtle danger in this direction.
This emotional achievement doesn’t seem possible to me; therefore, I have to acknowledge that someone who embraces the idea of Rational Egoism misses out on the unique pleasure that comes from completely sacrificing and renouncing oneself. However beautiful this may be, the level of emotional intensity and refinement needed to achieve it is so rare that it’s hardly considered in most people’s understanding of happiness. Thus, I don’t believe that a significant objection to Rational Egoism can be based on its conflict with this specific awareness, nor do I think that common human experience supports the idea that prioritizing one’s own happiness as the highest goal will inevitably undermine that goal by diminishing the motivations and emotional capacities needed to achieve a greater level of happiness, although it does highlight a serious and subtle risk in that direction.
§ 3. There is, however, another way in which the habit of mind necessarily resulting from the continual practice of hedonistic comparison is sometimes thought to be unfavourable to[139] the attainment of the hedonistic end: from a supposed incompatibility between the habit of reflectively observing and examining pleasure, and the capacity for experiencing pleasure in normal fulness and intensity. And it certainly seems important to consider what effect the continual attention to our pleasures, in order to observe their different degrees, is likely to have on these feelings themselves. The inquiry at first sight seems to lead to irreconcilable contradiction in our view of pleasure. For if pleasure only exists as it is felt, the more conscious we are of it, the more pleasure we have: and it would seem that the more our attention is directed towards it, the more fully we shall be conscious of it. On the other hand Hamilton’s statement that “knowledge and feeling” (cognition and pleasure or pain) are always “in a certain inverse proportion to each other,” corresponds prima facie to our common experience: for the purely cognitive element of consciousness seems to be neither pleasurable nor painful, so that the more our consciousness is occupied with cognition, the less room there seems to be for feeling.
§ 3. However, there's another way that the mindset formed by constantly comparing pleasures is sometimes seen as a barrier to reaching the hedonistic goal: this idea comes from a supposed conflict between the habit of thoughtfully observing and analyzing pleasure, and the ability to fully experience pleasure in its normal richness and intensity. It's definitely worth considering how constantly focusing on our pleasures, to examine their different levels, might impact those feelings themselves. At first glance, this inquiry seems to lead to a fundamental contradiction in our understanding of pleasure. If pleasure only exists as it is felt, then the more aware we are of it, the more pleasure we experience; it suggests that the more attention we give to it, the more completely we will feel it. On the flip side, Hamilton’s claim that “knowledge and feeling” (cognition and pleasure or pain) are always “in a certain inverse proportion to each other” seems to align with our common experience: because the purely cognitive aspect of consciousness doesn’t seem to provide pleasure or pain, the more our consciousness is focused on cognition, the less space there appears to be for feeling.
This view, however, rests on the assumption that the total intensity of our consciousness is a constant quantity; so that when one element of it positively increases, the rest must positively—as well as relatively—diminish. And it does not appear to me that experience gives us any valid ground for making this general assumption: it rather seems that at certain times in our life intellect and feeling are simultaneously feeble; so that the same mental excitement may intensify both simultaneously.
This view, however, is based on the assumption that the total intensity of our consciousness is a constant amount; so when one part increases, the others must decrease both absolutely and relatively. I don't think experience provides any solid basis for this general assumption; it seems that at certain times in our lives, both intellect and feelings can be weak at the same time, allowing the same mental excitement to heighten both together.
Still it seems to be a fact that any very powerful feeling, reaching to the full intensity of which our consciousness is normally capable, is commonly diminished by a contemporaneous stroke of cognitive effort: hence it is a general difficulty in the way of exact observation of our emotions that the object cognised seems to shrink and dwindle in proportion as the cognitive regard grows keen and eager. How then are we to reconcile this with the proposition first laid down, that pleasure only exists as we are conscious of it? The answer seems to be that the mere consciousness of a present feeling—apart from any distinct representative elements—cannot diminish the feeling of which it is an indispensable and inseparable condition:[140] but in introspective cognition we go beyond the present feeling, comparing and classifying it with remembered or imagined feelings; and the effort of representing and comparing these other feelings tends to decrease the mere presentative consciousness of the actual pleasure.
Still, it seems to be a fact that any very strong feeling, reaching the full intensity that our consciousness can normally handle, is often lessened by a simultaneous mental effort: as a result, a common challenge in accurately observing our emotions is that the object we recognize seems to shrink as our cognitive focus becomes sharper and more intense. So, how do we reconcile this with the idea initially stated, that pleasure only exists as we are aware of it? The answer seems to be that simply being aware of a current feeling—apart from any specific elements we can represent—cannot diminish the feeling of which it is an essential and inseparable condition: [140] but in self-reflective thought, we go beyond the current feeling, comparing and categorizing it with remembered or imagined feelings; and the effort to represent and compare these other feelings tends to lessen the actual awareness of the present pleasure.
I conclude, then, that there is a real danger of diminishing pleasure by the attempt to observe and estimate it. But the danger seems only to arise in the case of very intense pleasures, and only if the attempt is made at the moment of actual enjoyment; and since the most delightful periods of life have frequently recurring intervals of nearly neutral feeling, in which the pleasures immediately past may be compared and estimated without any such detriment, I do not regard the objection founded on this danger as particularly important.
I conclude that trying to observe and assess pleasure can actually reduce it. However, this risk mainly comes into play with very intense pleasures and only if you try to analyze them while you're experiencing them. Since the most enjoyable times in life often have moments of nearly neutral feelings, where you can reflect on and compare past pleasures without any negative effects, I don’t think the concern about this risk is very significant.
§ 4. More serious, in my opinion, are the objections urged against the possibility of performing, with definite and trustworthy results, the comprehensive and methodical comparison of pleasures and pains which the adoption of the Hedonistic standard involves. I cannot indeed doubt that men habitually compare pleasures and pains in respect of their intensity: that (e.g.) when we pass from one state of consciousness to another, or when in any way we are led to recall a state long past, we often unhesitatingly declare the present state to be more or less pleasant than the past: or that we declare some pleasant experiences to have been ‘worth,’ and others ‘not worth,’ the trouble it took to obtain them, or the pain that followed them. But, granting this, it may still be maintained (1) that this comparison as ordinarily made is both occasional and very rough, and that it can never be extended as systematic Hedonism requires, nor applied, with any accuracy, to all possible states however differing in quality; and (2) that as commonly practised it is liable to illusion, of which we can never measure the precise amount, while we are continually forced to recognise its existence. This illusion was even urged by Plato as a ground for distrusting the apparent affirmation of consciousness in respect of present pleasure. Plato thought that the apparent intensity of the coarser bodily pleasures was illusory; because these states of consciousness, being preceded by pain, were really only states of relief from pain, and so properly neutral, neither pleasant nor painful—examples of what I have called[141] the hedonistic zero—only appearing pleasant from contrast with the preceding pain.
§ 4. I think the objections raised against the possibility of reliably and thoroughly comparing pleasures and pains, which is necessary for adopting the Hedonistic standard, are more serious. I have no doubt that people usually compare pleasures and pains based on their intensity: that (for example) when we transition from one state of consciousness to another, or when we recall a past state, we often readily state that the current state is more or less pleasant than the past one. We also say some pleasant experiences were ‘worth’ the effort it took to achieve them, while others were ‘not worth’ it due to the pain that followed. However, even if we accept this, we can still argue that (1) this comparison is typically inconsistent and very rough, and it can never be applied systematically as Hedonism demands, nor accurately to all potential states regardless of their quality; and (2) that the way this is usually done is prone to illusions, which we can never measure precisely, even though we're always aware of its existence. This illusion was even pointed out by Plato as a reason to doubt the apparent affirmation of consciousness regarding present pleasure. Plato believed that the apparent intensity of more basic bodily pleasures is illusory because these states of consciousness follow pain and are really just states of relief from pain, thus neutral—neither pleasant nor painful—examples of what I've referred to as[141] the hedonistic zero—only appearing pleasant when contrasted with the preceding pain.
To this, however, it has been answered, that in estimating pleasure there is no conceivable appeal from the immediate decision of consciousness: that here the Phenomenal is the Real—there is no other real that we can distinguish from it. And this seems to me true, in so far as we are concerned only with the present state. But then—apart from the difficulty just noticed of observing a pleasure while it is felt without thereby diminishing it—it is obvious that in any estimate of its intensity we are necessarily comparing it with some other state. And this latter must generally be a representation, not an actual feeling: for though we can sometimes experience two or perhaps more pleasures at once, we are rarely in such cases able to compare them satisfactorily: for either the causes of the two mutually interfere, so that neither reaches its normal degree of intensity; or, more often, the two blend into one state of pleasant consciousness the elements of which we cannot estimate separately. But if it is therefore inevitable that one term at least in our comparison should be an imagined pleasure, we see that there is a possibility of error in any such comparison; for the imagined feeling may not adequately represent the pleasantness of the corresponding actual feeling. And in the egoistic comparison, the validity of which we are now discussing, the objects primarily to be compared are all represented elements of consciousness: for we are desiring to choose between two or more possible courses of conduct, and therefore to forecast future feelings.
To this, however, it's been responded that when we evaluate pleasure, we can't appeal beyond our immediate awareness: here, the Phenomenal is the Real—there's no other reality we can differentiate from it. I believe this is true as far as we're focusing only on the present moment. But then—aside from the challenge of trying to observe a pleasure while experiencing it without reducing it—it's clear that in any assessment of its intensity, we are inevitably comparing it with another state. This other state is usually a representation, not a current feeling: because while we can sometimes feel two or more pleasures at the same time, we rarely manage to compare them effectively: either the causes of the two interfere with each other, preventing either from reaching its full intensity; or, more commonly, they merge into a single state of pleasant awareness, making it impossible to evaluate the separate components. But since it's unavoidable that at least one element in our comparison will be an imagined pleasure, there's room for error in any such comparison; the imagined feeling might not accurately reflect the pleasantness of the actual feeling. And in the self-centered comparison we're discussing, the things we're primarily comparing are all represented elements of consciousness: because we want to choose between two or more possible actions, and therefore to predict future feelings.
Let us then examine more closely the manner in which this comparison is ordinarily performed, that we may see what positive grounds we have for mistrusting it.
Let’s take a closer look at how this comparison is usually made so we can understand why we might have reasons to doubt it.
In estimating for practical purposes the value of different pleasures open to us, we commonly trust most to our prospective imagination: we project ourselves into the future, and imagine what such and such a pleasure will amount to under hypothetical conditions. This imagination, so far as it involves conscious inference, seems to be chiefly determined by our own experience of past pleasures, which are usually recalled generically, or in large aggregates, though sometimes particular instances of important single pleasures occur to us as definitely remembered:[142] but partly, too, we are influenced by the experience of others sympathetically appropriated: and here again we sometimes definitely refer to particular experiences which have been communicated to us by individuals, and sometimes to the traditional generalisations which are thought to represent the common experience of mankind.
When we evaluate the value of different pleasures available to us, we often rely mostly on our imagination about the future: we picture ourselves in future scenarios and think about what a certain pleasure would be like under hypothetical circumstances. This imaginative process, especially when it involves conscious reasoning, seems primarily shaped by our own memories of past pleasures, which we usually remember in broad strokes or large groups, although sometimes specific instances of significant pleasures come to mind as clearly remembered:[142] but we are also influenced by the experiences of others that we sympathetically relate to: here, we may specifically recall experiences shared with us by individuals or refer to traditional ideas believed to reflect the shared experiences of humanity.
Now it does not seem that such a process as this is likely to be free from error: and, indeed, no one pretends that it is. In fact there is scarcely any point upon which moralisers have dwelt with more emphasis than this, that man’s forecast of pleasure is continually erroneous. Each of us frequently recognises his own mistakes: and each still more often attributes to others errors unseen by themselves, arising either from misinterpretation of their own experience, or from ignorance or neglect of that of others.
Now it doesn’t seem like a process like this can be completely error-free, and, in fact, no one claims that it is. There’s hardly any topic that moralists emphasize more than the idea that people’s predictions about pleasure are often wrong. Each of us frequently acknowledges our own mistakes, and we even more often point out errors in others that they don’t see themselves, which come from misreading their own experiences or from not knowing or ignoring the experiences of others.
How then are these errors to be eliminated? The obvious answer is that we must substitute for the instinctive, largely implicit, inference just described a more scientific process of reasoning: by deducing the probable degree of our future pleasure or pain in any given circumstances from inductive generalisations based on a sufficient number of careful observations of our own and others’ experience. We have then to ask, first, how far can each of us estimate accurately his own past experience of pleasures and pains? secondly, how far can this knowledge of the past enable him to forecast, with any certainty, the greatest happiness within his reach in the future? thirdly, how far can he appropriate, for the purposes of such forecasts, the past experience of others?
How can we eliminate these errors? The clear answer is that we need to replace the instinctive, mostly implicit reasoning just described with a more scientific approach: by figuring out the likely amount of pleasure or pain we might experience in any situation based on inductive generalizations from enough careful observations of both our own and others' experiences. We need to ask, first, how accurately can each of us evaluate our own past experiences of pleasure and pain? Secondly, how can this understanding of the past help us predict, with any certainty, the greatest happiness we can achieve in the future? Thirdly, how can we use the past experiences of others for these predictions?
As regards the first of these questions, it must be remembered that it is not sufficient to know generally that we derive pleasures and pains from such and such sources; we require to know approximately the positive or negative degree of each feeling; unless we can form some quantitative estimate of them, it is futile to try to attain our greatest possible happiness—at least by an empirical method. We have therefore to compare quantitatively each pleasure as it occurs, or as recalled in imagination, with other imagined pleasures: and the question is, how far such comparisons can be regarded as trustworthy.
Regarding the first of these questions, it's important to remember that it's not enough to just know in general that we get pleasures and pains from certain sources; we need to understand approximately how strong each feeling is, whether positive or negative. If we can't create some kind of numerical estimate of them, it's pointless to try to achieve our greatest possible happiness—at least through an empirical approach. Therefore, we need to compare each pleasure quantitatively as it happens or as we remember it, with other imagined pleasures; the question is how reliable those comparisons can be.
Now for my own part, when I reflect on my pleasures and pains, and endeavour to compare them in respect of intensity,[143] it is only to a very limited extent that I can obtain clear and definite results from such comparisons, even taking each separately in its simplest form:—whether the comparison is made at the moment of experiencing one of the pleasures, or between two states of consciousness recalled in imagination. This is true even when I compare feelings of the same kind: and the vagueness and uncertainty increases, in proportion as the feelings differ in kind. Let us begin with sensual gratifications, which are thought to be especially definite and palpable. Suppose I am enjoying a good dinner: if I ask myself whether one kind of dish or wine gives me more pleasure than another, sometimes I can decide, but very often not. So if I reflect upon two modes of bodily exercise that I may have taken: if one has been in a marked degree agreeable or tedious, I take note of it naturally; but it is not natural to me to go further than this in judging of their pleasurableness or painfulness, and the attempt to do so does not seem to lead to any clear affirmation. And similarly of intellectual exercises and states of consciousness predominantly emotional: even when the causes and quality of the feelings compared are similar, it is only when the differences in pleasantness are great, that hedonistic comparison seems to yield any definite result. But when I try to arrange in a scale pleasures differing in kind; to compare (e.g.) labour with rest, excitement with tranquillity, intellectual exercise with emotional effusion, the pleasure of scientific apprehension with that of beneficent action, the delight of social expansion with the delight of æsthetic reception; my judgment wavers and fluctuates far more, and in the majority of cases I cannot give any confident decision. And if this is the case with what Bentham calls ‘pure’—i.e. painless—pleasures, it is still more true of those even commoner states of consciousness, where a certain amount of pain or discomfort is mixed with pleasure, although the latter preponderates. If it is hard to say which of two different states of contentment was the greater pleasure, it seems still harder to compare a state of placid satisfaction with one of eager but hopeful suspense, or with triumphant conquest of painful obstacles. And perhaps it is still more difficult to compare pure pleasures with pure pains, and to say how much of the one kind of feeling we consider to be exactly balanced by a given amount of the other when they[144] do not occur simultaneously: while an estimate of simultaneous feelings is, as we have seen, generally unsatisfactory from the mutual interference of their respective causes.
Now, when I think about my pleasures and pains and try to compare them based on how intense they are,[143] I find that I can only get clear and definite results to a very limited extent, even when looking at each feeling in its simplest form—whether I'm comparing them while experiencing a pleasure or recalling two different states of consciousness. This holds true even for feelings of the same type, and my uncertainty grows as the feelings differ more. Let's start with physical pleasures, which seem straightforward and clear. Imagine I'm having a nice dinner: if I ask myself whether one dish or wine gives me more pleasure than another, I can sometimes decide, but often I can't. The same goes for different forms of physical exercise; if one is particularly enjoyable or boring, I naturally take note of that, but I don't typically go beyond that in judging their pleasure or pain levels, and trying to do so rarely leads to clear answers. The same applies to intellectual activities and emotional states; even when the causes and qualities of the feelings are similar, I only get definite results from hedonistic comparisons when the differences in how pleasant they are are substantial. But when I try to rank different types of pleasure—like comparing work to rest, excitement to calmness, intellectual stimulation to emotional outpouring, the joy of understanding science against the joy of helping others, or the pleasure of social interaction to the enjoyment of art—my judgments become much less stable, and in most cases, I struggle to make a confident decision. If this is true for what Bentham calls 'pure'—or painless—pleasures, it's even more accurate when it comes to those everyday states of consciousness where pain or discomfort is mixed with pleasure, even if the pleasure outweighs the pain. If it's hard to determine which of two different feelings of contentment was a greater pleasure, it seems even harder to compare a calm satisfaction with the excitement of hopeful anticipation or the joy of overcoming painful challenges. It may be even more challenging to compare pure pleasures to pure pains and decide how much of one kind of feeling balances out a specific quantity of the other, especially when they[144] don't occur at the same time. Additionally, estimating feelings that happen simultaneously is, as we've noted, usually unsatisfactory due to the overlapping causes of each.
§ 5. But again, if these judgments are not clear and definite, still less are they consistent. I do not now mean that one man’s estimate of the value of any kind of pleasures differs from another’s: for we have assumed each sentient individual to be the final judge of the pleasantness and painfulness of his own feelings, and therefore this kind of discrepancy does not affect the validity of the judgments, and creates no difficulty until any one tries to appropriate the experience of others. But I mean that each individual’s judgment of the comparative value of his own pleasures is apt to be different at different times, though it relates to the same past experiences; and that this variation is a legitimate ground for distrusting the validity of any particular comparison.
§ 5. However, if these judgments aren’t clear and precise, they’re even less consistent. I don’t mean that one person’s opinion on the value of different pleasures differs from another’s; we’ve assumed that each person is the final judge of their own feelings of pleasure and pain, so this type of discrepancy doesn’t affect the validity of the judgments and doesn’t create any issues unless someone tries to take on the experiences of others. What I mean is that a person’s judgment of the relative value of their own pleasures can vary at different times, even when referring to the same past experiences, and this variation is a valid reason to question the reliability of any specific comparison.
The causes of this variation seem to be partly due to the nature of the represented feeling, and partly to the general state of the mind at the time of making the representation. To begin with the former: we find that different kinds of past pleasures and pains do not equally admit of being revived in imagination. Thus, generally speaking, our more emotional and more representative pains are more easily revived than the more sensational and presentative: for example, it is at this moment much more easy for me to imagine the discomfort of expectancy which preceded a past sea-sickness than the pain of the actual nausea: although I infer—from the recollection of judgments passed at the time—that the former pain was trifling compared with the latter. To this cause it seems due that past hardships, toils, and anxieties often appear pleasurable when we look back upon them, after some interval; for the excitement, the heightened sense of life that accompanied the painful struggle, would have been pleasurable if taken by itself; and it is this that we recall rather than the pain. In estimating pleasures the other cause of variation is more conspicuous; we are conscious of changes occasional or periodic in our estimate of them, depending upon changes in our mental or bodily condition. E.g. it is a matter of common remark with respect to the gratifications of appetite that we cannot estimate them adequately in the state of satiety, and[145] that we are apt to exaggerate them in the state of desire. (I do not deny that intensity of antecedent desire intensifies the pleasure of fruition; so that this pleasure not only appears, as Plato thought, but actually is greater owing to the strength of the desire that has preceded. Still it is a matter of common experience that pleasures which have been intensely desired are often found to disappoint expectation.)
The reasons for this variation seem to stem partly from the nature of the feelings being represented and partly from the overall state of mind when the representation is created. Starting with the first point: we notice that different types of past pleasures and pains don’t all revive equally in our imagination. Generally, our more emotional and representative pains are easier to recall than the more sensational and immediate ones. For example, right now, it’s much easier for me to imagine the discomfort of waiting for past seasickness than the pain of the actual nausea, even though I remember—based on judgments I made at the time—that the former pain was minor compared to the latter. This explains why past struggles, efforts, and worries often seem more enjoyable in hindsight; the excitement and heightened sense of life that accompanied the painful experience could be pleasurable on their own, and that’s what we tend to remember instead of the pain. When it comes to evaluating pleasures, the other cause of variation is clearer; we notice occasional or periodic changes in our assessment of them, based on shifts in our mental or physical state. For instance, it's commonly noted that we can’t fully appreciate the gratifications of appetite when we’re feeling full, and that we tend to exaggerate them when we’re craving them. (I don't deny that the intensity of prior desire enhances the pleasure of satisfaction, so this pleasure not only *seems* greater, as Plato believed, but actually is due to the strength of the preceding desire. Still, it’s a common experience that pleasures we’ve intensely desired often end up disappointing our expectations.)
There seem to be no special states of aversion, determined by bodily causes, and related to certain pains as our appetites to their correspondent pleasures; but most persons are liable to be thrown by the prospect of certain pains into the state of passionate aversion which we call fear, and to be thereby led to estimate such pains as worse than they would be judged to be in a calmer mood.
There don't appear to be any specific feelings of aversion caused by physical factors, similar to how our desires relate to corresponding pleasures; however, many people can be thrown into a state of intense aversion, which we refer to as fear, at the thought of certain pains. This can lead them to view these pains as worse than they would if they were in a calmer state of mind.
Further, when feeling any kind of pain or uneasiness we seem liable to underrate pain of a very dissimilar kind: thus in danger we value repose, overlooking its ennui, while the tedium of security makes us imagine the mingled excitement of past danger as almost purely pleasurable. And again when we are absorbed in any particular pleasant activity, the pleasures attending dissimilar activities are apt to be contemned: they appear coarse or thin, as the case may be: and this constitutes a fundamental objection to noting the exact degree of a pleasure at the time of experiencing it. The eager desire, which often seems an indispensable element of the whole state of pleasurable activity, generally involves a similar bias: indeed any strong excitement, in which our thought is concentrated on a single result or group of results—whether it be the excitement of aversion, fear, hope, or suspense—tends to make us inappreciative of alien pleasures and pains alike. And, speaking more generally, we cannot imagine as very intense a pleasure of a kind that at the time of imagining it we are incapable of experiencing: as (e.g.) the pleasures of intellectual or bodily exercise at the close of a wearying day; or any emotional pleasure when our susceptibility to the special emotion is temporarily exhausted. On the other hand, it is not easy to guard against error, as philosophers have often thought, by making our estimate in a cool and passionless state. For there are many pleasures which require precedent desire, and even enthusiasm and highly wrought excitement, in order to be expe[146]rienced in their full intensity; and it is not likely that we should appreciate these adequately in a state of perfect tranquillity.
Additionally, when we feel any kind of pain or discomfort, we tend to underestimate pain of a different sort: when we are in danger, we value rest, ignoring its boredom, while the monotony of safety leads us to think that the mixed excitement of past dangers is mostly enjoyable. Likewise, when we are engaged in a particular enjoyable activity, we tend to belittle the pleasures that come from different activities: they seem lacking or unfulfilling, depending on the situation. This presents a key problem in trying to pinpoint the exact level of pleasure while we’re experiencing it. The intense desire that often seems essential to the entire pleasurable state usually shows a similar bias: in fact, any strong excitement—whether it’s from aversion, fear, hope, or suspense—tends to make us unappreciative of other pleasures and pains. More generally, we can’t imagine a pleasure being very intense if, at the moment we are imagining it, we can't actually experience it; for example, the pleasures of mental or physical activity at the end of a tiring day, or any emotional pleasure when we’re temporarily exhausted from feeling that specific emotion. On the other hand, it's also difficult to guard against mistakes, as philosophers have often believed, by trying to estimate in a calm and passionless state. Many pleasures actually require prior desire, enthusiasm, and heightened excitement to be fully experienced; it’s unlikely we would truly appreciate them in a state of complete calmness.
§ 6. These considerations make clearer the extent of the assumptions of Empirical Quantitative Hedonism, stated in the preceding chapter: viz. (1) that our pleasures and pains have each a definite degree, and (2) that this degree is empirically cognisable. Firstly, if pleasure only exists as it is felt, the belief that every pleasure and pain has a definite intensive quantity or degree must remain an a priori assumption, incapable of positive empirical verification. For the pleasure can only have the degree as compared with other feelings, of the same or some different kind; but, generally speaking, since this comparison can only be made in imagination, it can only yield the hypothetical result that if certain feelings could be felt together, precisely as they have been felt separately, one would be found more desirable than the other in some definite ratio. If, then, we are asked what ground we have for regarding this imaginary result as a valid representation of reality, we cannot say more than that the belief in its general validity is irresistibly suggested in reflection on experience, and remains at any rate uncontradicted by experience.
§ 6. These points clarify the foundations of Empirical Quantitative Hedonism, as stated in the previous chapter: (1) that our pleasures and pains each have a specific degree, and (2) that this degree can be observed empirically. First, if pleasure only exists as it is experienced, the belief that each pleasure and pain has a specific intensity or degree must remain an a priori assumption, one that cannot be positively verified through empirical means. This is because the degree of pleasure can only be understood in comparison to other feelings, whether similar or different; however, generally, since this comparison can only be made in our imagination, it leads to a hypothetical conclusion that if certain feelings could be felt together, just as they have been experienced separately, one would be found more desirable than the other in some specific ratio. Therefore, if we're asked what basis we have for seeing this imagined outcome as a true reflection of reality, we can only say that the belief in its overall validity is strongly suggested by reflecting on our experiences, and at the very least, it is not contradicted by those experiences.
But secondly, granting that each of our pleasures and pains has really a definite degree of pleasantness or painfulness, the question still remains whether we have any means of accurately measuring these degrees. Is there any reason to suppose that the mind is ever in such a state as to be a perfectly neutral and colourless medium for imagining all kinds of pleasures? Experience certainly shows us the frequent occurrence of moods in which we have an apparent bias for or against a particular kind of feeling. Is it not probable that there is always some bias of this kind? that we are always more in tune for some pleasures, more sensitive to some pains, than we are to others? It must, I think, be admitted that the exact cognition of the place of each kind of feeling in a scale of desirability, measured positively and negatively from a zero of perfect indifference, is at best an ideal to which we can never tell how closely we approximate. Still in the variations of our judgment and the disappointment of our expectations we have experience of errors of which we can trace the causes and allow for them, at least roughly; correcting in[147] thought the defects of imagination. And since what we require for practical guidance is to estimate not individual past experiences, but the value of a kind of pleasure or pain, as obtained under certain circumstances or conditions; we can to some extent diminish the chance of error in this estimate by making a number of observations and imaginative comparisons, at different times and in different moods. In so far as these agree we may legitimately feel an increased confidence in the result: and in so far as they differ, we can at least reduce our possible error by striking an average of the different estimates. It will be evident, however, that such a method as this cannot be expected to yield more than a rough approximation to the supposed truth.
But secondly, even if we accept that each of our pleasures and pains has a specific level of pleasantness or painfulness, the question still remains whether we can accurately measure these levels. Is there any reason to think that the mind can be perfectly neutral and objective when imagining all kinds of pleasures? Experience shows us that we often have moods that cause us to favor or dislike certain feelings. Isn’t it likely that there is always some kind of bias? That we are more tuned into certain pleasures and more sensitive to certain pains than we are to others? It must be acknowledged that accurately identifying where each type of feeling falls on a scale of desirability — measured positively and negatively from a baseline of perfect indifference — is at best an ideal we can never really know how close we get to. Still, through the variations in our judgment and the disappointment of our expectations, we experience errors whose causes we can identify and roughly account for; we correct for the flaws of our imagination in our thoughts. And since what we need for practical guidance is to assess not individual past experiences, but the value of a type of pleasure or pain under specific circumstances or conditions, we can somewhat reduce the chance of error in this assessment by making multiple observations and imaginative comparisons at different times and in different moods. To the extent that these findings align, we can justifiably feel more confident in the result; and to the extent that they differ, we can at least decrease our potential error by averaging the different estimates. However, it will be clear that this method is unlikely to yield anything more than a rough approximation of the supposed truth.
§ 7. We must conclude then that our estimate of the hedonistic value of any past pleasure or pain, is liable to an amount of error which we cannot calculate exactly; because the represented pleasantness of different feelings fluctuates and varies indefinitely with changes in the actual condition of the representing mind. We have now to observe that, for similar reasons, even supposing we could adequately allow for, and so exclude, this source of error in our comparison of past pleasures, it is liable to intrude again in arguing from the past to the future. For our capacity for particular pleasures may be about to change, or may have actually changed since the experiences that form the data of our calculation. We may have reached the point of satiety in respect of some of our past pleasures, or otherwise lost our susceptibility to them, owing to latent changes in our constitution: or we may have increased our susceptibility to pains inevitably connected with them: or altered conditions of life may have generated in us new desires and aversions, and given relative importance to new sources of happiness. Or any or all of these changes may be expected to occur, before the completion of the course of conduct upon which we are now deciding. The most careful estimate of a girl’s pleasures (supposing a girl gifted with the abnormal habit of reflection that would be necessary) would not much profit a young woman: and the hedonistic calculations of youth require modification as we advance in years.
§ 7. We must conclude that our assessment of the pleasure or pain from past experiences is prone to an error we can't pinpoint exactly; because how pleasant different feelings seem can fluctuate and change endlessly based on the actual state of our minds. Now, we should note that, for similar reasons, even if we could adequately account for and eliminate this source of error when comparing past pleasures, it could still emerge when we try to predict the future based on the past. Our ability to enjoy specific pleasures might change, or may have already changed since we had the experiences that inform our calculations. We might have reached a point of being overly satisfied with some past pleasures or lost interest in them due to hidden shifts in our nature: or we might have become more sensitive to the pains that come with them; or changes in our lives might have led to new desires and dislikes, giving new sources of happiness different significance. Any or all of these changes could happen before we finish making the decision about our current course of action. The most careful assessment of a girl’s pleasures (assuming she has the unusual tendency to reflect deeply) wouldn’t be that helpful for a young woman; and the calculations of pleasure in youth need to be adjusted as we get older.
It may be said, however, that no one, in making such a forecast, can or does rely entirely on his own experience: when[148] endeavouring to estimate the probable effect upon his happiness of new circumstances and influences, untried rules of conduct and fashions of life, he always argues partly from the experience of others. This is, I think, generally true: but by including inferences from other men’s experience we inevitably introduce a new possibility of error; for such inference proceeds on the assumption of a similarity of nature among human beings, which is never exactly true, while we can never exactly know how much it falls short of the truth; though we have sufficient evidence of the striking differences between the feelings produced in different men by similar causes, to convince us that the assumption would in many cases be wholly misleading. On this ground Plato’s reason for claiming that the life of the Philosopher has more pleasure than that of the Sensualist is palpably inadequate. The philosopher, he argues, has tried both kinds of pleasure, sensual as well as intellectual, and prefers the delights of philosophic life; the sensualist ought therefore to trust his decision and follow his example. But who can tell that the philosopher’s constitution is not such as to render the enjoyments of the senses, in his case, comparatively feeble? while on the other hand the sensualist’s mind may not be able to attain more than a thin shadow of the philosopher’s delight. And so, generally speaking, if we are to be guided by another’s experience, we require to be convinced not only that he is generally accurate in observing, analysing, and comparing his sensations, but also that his relative susceptibility to the different kinds of pleasure and pain in question coincides with our own. If he is unpractised in introspective observation, it is possible that he may mistake even the external conditions of his own happiness; and so the communication of his experience may be altogether misleading. But however accurately he has analysed and determined the causes of his feelings, that similar causes would produce similar effects in us must always be uncertain. And the uncertainty is increased indefinitely if our adviser has to recall in memory out of a distant past some of the pleasures or pains to be compared. Thus in the ever-renewed controversy between Age and Youth, wisdom is not after all so clearly on the side of maturer counsels as it seems to be at first sight. When a youth is warned by his senior to abstain from some pleasure, on the ground of prudence, because[149] it is not worth the possible pleasures that must be sacrificed for it and the future pains that it will entail; it is difficult for him to know how far the elder man can recall—even if he could once feel—the full rapture of the delight that he is asking the younger to renounce.
It can be said, however, that when making such predictions, no one can fully rely on their own experience. When trying to assess how new circumstances and influences will affect their happiness, along with untested rules of conduct and lifestyle trends, they always draw partly from the experiences of others. I believe this is generally true: but by using inferences from other people's experiences, we inevitably introduce a new possibility of error; because such inferences assume that people are fundamentally similar, which is never exactly the case, and we can never truly know how much it falls short of reality; although we have enough evidence of the significant differences in how different people react to similar situations to convince us that this assumption can often be completely misleading. For this reason, Plato's argument that the life of the philosopher is more pleasurable than that of the sensualist is clearly insufficient. He argues that the philosopher has experienced both types of pleasure—sensual and intellectual—and prefers the joys of philosophical life; therefore, the sensualist should trust his judgment and follow his example. But who can say that the philosopher’s makeup doesn’t make sensory pleasures relatively weak for him? On the flip side, the sensualist might not be able to even grasp a fraction of the philosopher’s joy. So, generally speaking, if we are to be guided by someone else’s experience, we need to be convinced not only that they accurately observe, analyze, and compare their feelings, but also that their sensitivity to different types of pleasure and pain matches our own. If they lack experience in self-reflection, they might even misinterpret the external factors influencing their happiness; and as such, sharing their experiences could be entirely misleading. But even if they have analyzed and identified the causes of their feelings accurately, we can never be certain that similar causes would have similar effects on us. The uncertainty increases dramatically if our advisor has to dig into distant memories of some pleasures or pains for comparison. Thus, in the ongoing debate between age and youth, wisdom isn't as clearly on the side of older advice as it seems at first glance. When a young person is cautioned by an older individual to avoid certain pleasures for the sake of prudence—because the potential pleasures sacrificed aren't worth it, along with the future pains that will follow—it’s hard for the young person to discern how well the elder can recall—even if he once felt—the full intensity of the enjoyment he’s asking the younger person to give up.
And further, this source of error besets us in a more extended and more subtle manner than has yet been noticed. For our sympathetic apprehension of alien experiences of pleasure and pain has been so continually exercised, in so many ways, during the whole of our life, both by actual observation and oral communication with other human beings, and through books and other modes of symbolic suggestion; that it is impossible to say how far it has unconsciously blended with our own experience, so as to colour and modify it when represented in memory. Thus we may easily overlook the discrepancy between our own experience and that of others, in respect of the importance of certain sources of pleasure and pain, if no sudden and striking disappointment of expectations forces it on our notice. Only with considerable care and attention can sympathetic persons separate their own real likes and dislikes from those of their associates: and we can never tell whether this separation has been completely effected.
Moreover, this source of error affects us in a broader and more subtle way than has been noted before. Our ability to empathize with other people's experiences of pleasure and pain has been constantly exercised throughout our lives, through actual observation, conversations with others, and through books and other forms of symbolic communication. Because of this, it’s impossible to determine how much this has unconsciously mixed with our own experiences, influencing how we remember them. As a result, we might easily miss the differences between our own experiences and those of others regarding the significance of certain sources of pleasure and pain, unless a sudden and striking disappointment brings it to our attention. Only with careful consideration can empathetic people distinguish their own true preferences from those of their friends, and we can never know for sure if this distinction has been fully achieved.
But again: the practical inference from the past to the future is further complicated by the fact that we can alter ourselves. For it may be that our past experience has been greatly affected by our being not properly attuned to certain pleasures, as (e.g.) those of art, or study, or muscular exercise, or society, or beneficent action; or not duly hardened against certain sources of pain, such as toil, or anxiety, or abstinence from luxuries: and there may be within our power some process of training or hardening ourselves which may profoundly modify our susceptibilities. And this consideration is especially important,—and at the same time especially difficult to deal with,—when we attempt to appropriate the experience of another. For we may find that he estimates highly pleasures which we not only have never experienced at all, but cannot possibly experience without a considerable alteration of our nature. For example, the pleasures of the religious life, the raptures of prayer and praise and the devotion of the soul to God, are commonly thought to require Conversion[150] or complete change of nature before they can be experienced. And in the same way the sacrifice of sensual inclination to duty is disagreeable to the non-moral man when he at first attempts it, but affords to the truly virtuous man a deep and strong delight. And similarly almost all the more refined intellectual and emotional pleasures require training and culture in order to be enjoyed; and since this training does not always succeed in producing any considerable degree of susceptibility, it may always be a matter of doubt for one from whom it would require the sacrifice of other pleasures, whether such sacrifice is worth making.
But once again, the practical conclusion we draw from the past to the future is made more complex by the fact that we can change ourselves. It’s possible that our past experiences have been significantly influenced by our inability to appreciate certain joys, like those found in art, studying, physical activity, socializing, or doing good deeds; or by not being tough enough against certain sources of pain, such as hard work, stress, or giving up luxuries. There might be a way for us to train or toughen ourselves that could significantly change how we react to these experiences. This idea is particularly important—and at the same time particularly challenging—when we try to understand someone else's experiences. We might discover that they highly value pleasures that we haven’t experienced at all and that we can't experience without a significant change in who we are. For example, the joys of a religious life, including the ecstasy of prayer, worship, and a soul devoted to God, are often thought to require a conversion or a complete transformation in nature before one can truly experience them. Similarly, the sacrifice of physical desires for a sense of duty might seem unpleasant to someone who isn’t moral at first, but it brings deep joy to someone who is truly virtuous. Almost all the more refined intellectual and emotional pleasures require training and personal development to be appreciated; and since this training doesn’t always lead to a significant level of appreciation, it can be uncertain for someone who would have to give up other pleasures whether that sacrifice is worthwhile.
The foregoing considerations must, I think, seriously reduce our confidence in what I have called the Empirical-reflective method of Egoistic Hedonism. I do not conclude that we should reject it altogether: I am conscious that, in spite of all the difficulties that I have urged, I continue to make comparisons between pleasures and pains with practical reliance on their results. But I conclude that it would be at least highly desirable, with a view to the systematic direction of conduct, to control and supplement the results of such comparisons by the assistance of some other method: if we can find any on which we see reason to rely.
The points I've mentioned should, I believe, significantly decrease our confidence in what I refer to as the Empirical-reflective method of Egoistic Hedonism. I don't suggest we completely dismiss it; I recognize that despite all the challenges I’ve pointed out, I still compare pleasures and pains with a practical trust in their outcomes. However, I conclude that it would be very beneficial, for the purpose of systematically guiding our actions, to regulate and enhance the results of such comparisons with the help of another method, if we can identify one that we can depend on.
CHAPTER IV
Objective Hedonism and Common Sense
§ 1. Before we examine those methods of seeking one’s own happiness which are more remote from the empirical, it will be well to consider how far we may reasonably avoid the difficulties and uncertainties of the method of reflective comparison, by relying on the current opinions and accepted estimates of the value of different objects commonly sought as sources of pleasure.
§ 1. Before we look into ways of finding our own happiness that are less grounded in experience, it’s a good idea to think about how much we can realistically sidestep the challenges and uncertainties of reflective comparison by depending on popular beliefs and standard evaluations of the value of various things people generally pursue for pleasure.
It certainly seems more natural to men, at least in the main plan and ordering of their lives, to seek and consciously estimate the objective conditions and sources of happiness, rather than happiness itself; and it may plausibly be said that by relying on such estimates of objects we avoid the difficulties that beset the introspective method of comparing feelings: and that the common opinions as to the value of different sources of pleasure express the net result of the combined experience of mankind from generation to generation: in which the divergences due to the limitations of each individual’s experience, and to the differently tinged moods in which different estimates have been taken, have balanced and neutralised each other and so disappeared.
It definitely seems more natural for men, at least in how they plan and organize their lives, to look for and evaluate the actual conditions and sources of happiness rather than happiness itself. It can be argued that by depending on these evaluations of objects, we sidestep the challenges that come with the introspective method of comparing feelings. The common views on the value of different sources of pleasure reflect the collective experience of humanity over generations, where the differences caused by the limits of each person’s experiences and the various moods in which these evaluations have been made have balanced each other out and thus disappeared.
I do not wish to undervalue the guidance of common sense in our pursuit of happiness. I think, however, that when we consider these common opinions as premises for the deductions of systematic egoism, they must be admitted to be open to the following grave objections.
I don't want to downplay the role of common sense in our search for happiness. However, I believe that when we treat these common beliefs as the basis for the conclusions of systematic self-interest, we have to acknowledge that they are subject to some serious criticisms.
In the first place, Common Sense gives us only, at the best, an estimate true for an average or typical human being: and,[152] as we have already seen, it is probable that any particular individual will be more or less divergent from this type. In any case, therefore, each person will have to correct the estimate of common opinion by the results of his own experience in order to obtain from it trustworthy guidance for his own conduct: and this process of correction, it would seem, must be involved in all the difficulties from which we are trying to escape. But, secondly, the experience of the mass of mankind is confined within limits too narrow for its results to be of much avail in the present inquiry. The majority of human beings spend most of their time in labouring to avert starvation and severe bodily discomfort: and the brief leisure that remains to them, after supplying the bodily needs of food, sleep, etc., is spent in ways determined rather by impulse, routine, and habit, than by a deliberate estimate of probable pleasure. It would seem, then, that the common sense to which we have here to refer can only be that of a minority of comparatively rich and leisured persons.
First of all, Common Sense gives us only, at best, an estimate that's true for an average or typical person: and,[152] as we've already seen, it's likely that any specific individual will differ from this type in one way or another. Therefore, each person will need to adjust the common opinion based on their own experiences to get reliable guidance for their actions: and this process of adjustment seems to be tied to all the challenges we're trying to avoid. Secondly, the experiences of most people are limited, making their insights not very useful for our current inquiry. Most people spend most of their time working to avoid hunger and extreme discomfort: and the little free time they have, after meeting basic needs for food, sleep, and so on, is spent based more on impulse, routine, and habit rather than a thoughtful assessment of likely enjoyment. So, it seems that the common sense we’re referring to can only belong to a minority of relatively wealthy and leisurely individuals.
But again, we cannot tell that the mass of mankind, or any section of the mass, is not generally and normally under the influence of some of the causes of mal-observation previously noticed. We avoid the “idols of the cave” by trusting Common Sense, but what is to guard us against the “idols of the tribe”? Moreover, the common estimate of different sources of happiness seems to involve all the confusion of ideas and points of view, which in defining the empirical method of Hedonism we have taken some pains to eliminate. In the first place it does not distinguish between objects of natural desire and sources of experienced pleasure. Now we have seen (Book i. chap. iv.) that these two are not exactly coincident—indeed we find numerous examples of men who continue not only to feel but to indulge desires, the gratification of which they know by ample experience to be attended with more pain than pleasure. And therefore the current estimate of the desirability of objects of pursuit cannot be taken to express simply men’s experience of pleasure and pain: for men are apt to think desirable what they strongly desire, whether or not they have found it conducive to happiness on the whole: and so the common opinion will tend to represent a compromise between the average force of desires and the average experience of the consequences of gratifying them.
But again, we can't say that the general population, or any part of it, isn't usually influenced by some of the causes of misperception we've mentioned before. We avoid the “idols of the cave” by relying on Common Sense, but what protects us from the “idols of the tribe”? Also, the way people evaluate different sources of happiness seems to mix up the ideas and perspectives that we've tried to clarify while defining the empirical method of Hedonism. First, it doesn't differentiate between things we naturally desire and sources of actual pleasure. As we've seen (Book i. chap. iv.), these two don't exactly match—indeed, there are many examples of people who continue to feel and pursue desires, even though they know from experience that fulfilling them often brings more pain than pleasure. Therefore, the common perception of the desirability of what people chase can't just reflect their experience of pleasure and pain: people tend to find attractive what they strongly desire, whether or not it has actually contributed to their overall happiness. As a result, the general opinion is likely to represent a compromise between the average strength of desires and the average experience of the outcomes of fulfilling them.
We must allow again for the intermingling of moral with purely hedonistic preferences in the estimate of common sense. For even when men definitely expect greater happiness from the course of conduct which they choose than from any other, it is often because they think it the right, or more excellent, or more noble course; making, more or less unconsciously, the assumption (which we shall presently have to consider) that the morally best action will prove to be also the most conducive to the agent’s happiness. And a similar assumption seems to be made—without adequate warrant—as regards merely æsthetic preferences.
We need to recognize again how moral preferences mix with purely hedonistic ones in our understanding of common sense. Even when people clearly expect to achieve greater happiness from their chosen actions than from any other options, it’s often because they believe those actions are right, better, or more noble. They are making, somewhat unconsciously, the assumption (which we will discuss shortly) that the morally best action will also lead to the greatest happiness for the person acting. A similar assumption seems to be made—without enough justification—when it comes to purely aesthetic preferences.
Again, the introduction of the moral and æsthetic points of view suggests the following doubt:—Are we to be guided by the preferences which men avow, or by those which their actions would lead us to infer? On the one hand, we cannot doubt that men often, from weakness of character, fail to seek what they sincerely believe will give them most pleasure in the long-run: on the other hand, as a genuine preference for virtuous or refined pleasure is a mark of genuine virtue or refined taste, men who do not really feel such preference are unconsciously or consciously influenced by a desire to gain credit for it, and their express estimate of pleasures is thus modified and coloured.
Once again, the introduction of moral and aesthetic viewpoints raises the following question: Should we rely on the preferences people openly express, or on those we can infer from their actions? On one hand, it's clear that individuals often fail to pursue what they truly believe will bring them the most long-term happiness due to a lack of character. On the other hand, a true preference for virtuous or refined pleasures indicates real virtue or good taste. People who don't genuinely feel this preference may be unconsciously or consciously motivated by a desire to gain approval for it, which skews their expressed views on pleasure.
§ 2. But, even if we had no doubt on general grounds that Common Sense would prove our best guide in the pursuit of happiness, we should still be perplexed by finding its utterances on this topic very deficient in clearness and consistency. I do not merely mean that they are different in different ages and countries—that we might explain as due to variations in the general conditions of human life—: but that serious conflicts and ambiguities are found if we consider only the current common sense of our own age and country. We can make a list of sources of happiness apparently recommended by an overwhelming consensus of current opinion: as health, wealth, friendship and family affections, fame and social position, power, interesting and congenial occupation and amusement,—including the gratification, in some form, of the love of knowledge, and of those refined, partly sensual, partly emotional, susceptibilities which we call æsthetic.[121] But if we[154] inquire into the relative value of these objects of common pursuit, we seem to get no clear answer from Common Sense—unless, perhaps, it would be generally agreed that health ought to be paramount to all other secondary ends: though even on this point we could not infer general agreement from observation of the actual conduct of mankind. Nay, even as regards the positive estimate of these sources of happiness, we find on closer examination that the supposed consensus is much less clear than it seemed at first. Not only are there numerous and important bodies of dissidents from the current opinions: but the very same majority, the same Common Sense of Mankind that maintains these opinions, is found in a singular and unexpected manner to welcome and approve the paradoxes of these dissidents. Men show a really startling readiness to admit that the estimates of happiness which guide them in their ordinary habits and pursuits are erroneous and illusory; and that from time to time the veil is, as it were, lifted, and the error and illusion made manifest.
§ 2. However, even if we had no doubts that Common Sense would be our best guide in the search for happiness, we would still be confused by how unclear and inconsistent its statements on this topic are. I don’t just mean that they differ across different times and places—that could be explained by changes in the general conditions of human life—but that serious conflicts and ambiguities come up even when we look only at the current common sense of our own time and place. We can list sources of happiness that seem to be overwhelmingly endorsed by current opinion: like health, wealth, friendship and family, fame and social status, power, engaging and enjoyable work and leisure—and this includes some form of satisfaction from our love of knowledge and those refined, somewhat sensual, somewhat emotional sensitivities we call aesthetic.[121] But if we[154] examine the relative value of these commonly pursued objects, we don’t seem to get a clear answer from Common Sense—unless it’s generally agreed that health should take precedence over all other secondary goals: though even on this point we couldn’t infer widespread agreement by observing how people actually behave. In fact, when we take a closer look at the positive evaluation of these sources of happiness, we find that the supposed consensus is much less clear than it first appeared. Not only are there many significant groups who disagree with current opinions, but the very same majority, the same Common Sense of Mankind that holds these views, surprisingly seems to welcome and approve the contradictions posed by these dissenters. People surprisingly readily admit that the ideas about happiness that influence their everyday habits and pursuits are mistaken and deceptive; and that from time to time, the veil is, so to speak, lifted, and the error and illusion become clear.
For, first, men seem to attach great value to the ample gratification of bodily appetites and needs: the wealthier part of mankind spend a considerable amount of money and forethought upon the means of satisfying these in a luxurious manner: and though they do not often deliberately sacrifice health to this gratification—common sense condemns that as irrational—still one may say that they are habitually courageous in pressing forward to the very verge of this imprudence.
Because, first, people seem to place a high value on satisfying their physical desires and needs: the wealthier segments of society spend a significant amount of money and effort on ways to do this in a luxurious way; and while they don’t usually choose to sacrifice their health for this gratification—common sense sees that as unreasonable—one could argue that they are consistently bold in pushing the limits of this recklessness.
And yet the same people are fond of saying that “hunger is the best sauce,” and that “temperance and labour will make plain food more delightful than the most exquisite products of the culinary art.” And they often argue with perfect sincerity that the rich have really no advantage, or scarcely any advantage, over the comparatively poor, in respect of these pleasures; for habit soon renders the more luxurious provision for the satisfaction of their acquired needs no more pleasant to the rich than the appeasing of his more primitive appetites is to the poor man. And the same argument is often extended to all the material comforts that wealth can purchase. It is often contended that habit at once renders us indifferent to these while they are enjoyed, and yet unable to dispense with them without annoyance: so that the pleasures of the[155] merely animal life are no greater to the rich than to the poor, but only more insecure. And from this there is but a short step to the conclusion, that wealth, in the pursuit of which most men agree in concentrating their efforts, and on the attainment of which all congratulate each other,—wealth, for which so many risk their health, shorten their lives, reduce their enjoyments of domestic life, and sacrifice the more refined pleasures of curiosity and art,—is really a very doubtful gain, in the majority of cases; because the cares and anxieties which it entails balance, for most men, the slight advantage of the luxuries which it purchases.[122]
And yet the same people like to say that “hunger is the best sauce,” and that “self-control and hard work will make simple food more enjoyable than the most beautiful dishes.” They often argue sincerely that the wealthy have little to no advantage over the relatively poor when it comes to these pleasures; because habits quickly make the more luxurious options no more enjoyable to the rich than satisfying basic cravings is to the poor. This argument often extends to all the material comforts that money can buy. It is frequently argued that habit makes us indifferent to these comforts while enjoying them, yet unable to give them up without feeling annoyed: so that the pleasures of basic life are just as significant to the rich as to the poor, but far less secure. From this, it's a small step to conclude that wealth, which most people agree to pursue and for which everyone congratulates each other upon acquiring—wealth, for which so many risk their health, shorten their lives, diminish their enjoyment of home life, and sacrifice the deeper pleasures of curiosity and art—is really a questionable benefit, for most people. This is because the worries and stresses that come with wealth often outweigh the slight advantages of the luxuries it can buy.[122]
And similarly, although social rank and status is, in England, an object of passionate pursuit, yet it is continually said, with general approval, that it is of no intrinsic value as a means of happiness; that though the process of ascending from a lower grade to a higher is perhaps generally agreeable, and the process of descending from a higher to a lower certainly painful, yet permanent existence on the loftier level is no more pleasant than on the humbler; that happiness is to be found as easily in a cottage as in a palace (if not, indeed, more easily in the cottage): and so forth.
And similarly, even though social rank and status are passionately sought after in England, it's commonly agreed that they have no real value when it comes to happiness. While moving up from a lower status to a higher one is usually seen as enjoyable, and moving down from a higher status to a lower one is definitely painful, living permanently at a higher status isn’t any more pleasant than living at a lower one. Happiness can be found just as easily in a cottage as in a palace (if not even more easily in a cottage), and so on.
Still more trite are the commonplaces as to the emptiness and vanity of the satisfaction to be derived from Fame and Reputation. The case of posthumous fame, indeed, is a striking instance of the general proposition before laid down, that the commonly accepted ends of action are determined partly by the average force of desires that are not directed towards pleasure, nor conformed to experiences of pleasure. For posthumous fame seems to rank pretty high among the objects that common opinion regards as good or desirable for the individual: and the pursuit of it is not ordinarily stigmatised as contrary to prudence, even if it leads a man to sacrifice other important sources of happiness to a result of which he never expects to be actually conscious. Yet the slightest reflection[156] shows such a pursuit to be prima facie irrational,[123] from an egoistic point of view; and every moraliser has found this an obvious and popular topic. The actual consciousness of present fame is no doubt very delightful to most persons: still the moraliser does not find it difficult to maintain that even this is attended with such counterbalancing disadvantages as render its hedonistic value very doubtful.
Even more cliche are the common ideas about the emptiness and vanity of the satisfaction that comes from fame and reputation. The situation of posthumous fame is a clear example of the general point that the commonly accepted goals of action are shaped partly by the average strength of desires that aren't focused on pleasure nor aligned with experiences of pleasure. Posthumous fame appears to be highly valued by common opinion as a good or desirable objective for individuals, and chasing it is usually not seen as unwise, even if it leads someone to give up other significant sources of happiness for something they will never actually experience. However, just a bit of thought shows that this pursuit is obviously irrational from a self-centered perspective, and every moralist has found this to be an obvious and popular subject. The actual enjoyment of present fame is certainly very pleasing to most people, yet the moralist can easily argue that even this comes with enough drawbacks that its overall pleasure value is quite questionable.
Again, the current estimate of the desirability of Power is tolerably high, and perhaps the more closely and analytically we examine the actual motives of men, the more widespread and predominant its pursuit will appear: for many men seem to seek wealth, knowledge, even reputation, as a means to the attainment of power, rather than for their own sakes or with a view to other pleasures. And yet men assent willingly when they are told that the pursuit of power, as of fame, is prompted by a vain ambition, never satisfied, but only rendered more uneasy by such success as is possible for it: that the anxieties which attend not only the pursuit but the possession of power, and the jealousies and dangers inseparable from the latter, far outweigh its pleasures.
Again, the current perception of the desirability of power is quite high, and the more we closely and analytically examine the true motives behind people's actions, the more common and significant its pursuit seems to be. Many individuals appear to chase wealth, knowledge, and even reputation as a means to gain power, rather than for their own sake or for other pleasures. Yet, people readily agree when they hear that the pursuit of power, like the pursuit of fame, is driven by a fruitless ambition that is never truly satisfied but only makes one more anxious with any success that is achieved. The worries that come not only with seeking but also with having power, along with the jealousies and dangers that are inseparable from it, far outweigh its pleasures.
Society of some sort no one can deny to be necessary to human happiness: but still the kind and degree of social intercourse which is actually sought by the more wealthy and leisured portion of the community, with no little expenditure of time, trouble, and means, is often declared to yield a most thin and meagre result of pleasure.
Nobody can deny that some form of society is essential for human happiness. However, the type and level of social interaction that the wealthier and more leisure-oriented segments of the community actively pursue—investing substantial time, effort, and resources—often results in a rather shallow and meager sense of pleasure.
We find, no doubt, great agreement among modern moralisers as to the importance of the exercise of the domestic affections as a means of happiness: and this certainly seems to have a prominent place in the plan of life of the majority of mankind. And yet it may fairly be doubted whether men in general do value domestic life very highly, apart from the gratification of sexual passion. Certainly whenever any part of civilised society is in such a state that men can freely indulge this passion and at the same time avoid the burden of[157] a family, without any serious fear of social disapprobation, celibacy tends to become common: it has even become so common as to excite the grave anxiety of legislators. And though such conduct has always been disapproved by common sense, it seems to be rather condemned as anti-social than as imprudent.
There’s definitely a strong consensus among modern thinkers about the importance of nurturing family bonds as a source of happiness, and this clearly plays a major role in the lifestyles of most people. However, it’s reasonable to question whether most men actually value domestic life very much, aside from the pleasure derived from sexual relationships. Whenever a segment of civilized society reaches a point where men can freely enjoy this desire while also sidestepping the responsibilities of family life, without significant fear of social judgment, celibacy tends to become prevalent. It has even become so widespread that it raises serious concerns among lawmakers. While such behavior has always been frowned upon by common sense, it seems to be seen more as anti-social than just unwise.
Thus our examination shows great instability and uncertainty in the most decisive judgments of common sense; since, as I have said, bodily comfort and luxury, wealth, fame, power, society are the objects which common opinion seems most clearly and confidently to recommend as sources of pleasure. For though the pleasures derived from Art and the contemplation of the beautiful in Nature, and those of curiosity and the exercise of the intellect generally, are highly praised, it is difficult to formulate a “common opinion” in respect of them, since the high estimates often set upon them seem to express the real experience of only small minorities. And though these have persuaded the mass of mankind, or that portion of it which is possessed of leisure, to let Culture be regarded as an important source of happiness; they can scarcely be said to have produced any generally accepted opinion as to its importance in comparison with the other sources before mentioned, the pleasures of which are more genuinely appreciated by the majority; still less as to the relative value of different elements of this culture.
Our examination reveals considerable instability and uncertainty in what common sense decisively judges; as I mentioned, physical comfort, luxury, wealth, fame, power, and social status are things that common opinion confidently endorses as sources of pleasure. Even though the joys that come from art, the appreciation of beauty in nature, curiosity, and intellectual pursuits are highly regarded, it's challenging to establish a “common opinion” about them, as the high regard often shown seems to reflect the true experiences of only small minorities. While these influences have convinced many people, particularly those with free time, to view culture as an important source of happiness, they have hardly created a widely accepted perspective on its significance compared to the other sources mentioned, which the majority genuinely appreciate; even less so regarding the relative value of different aspects of this culture.
But even supposing the consensus, in respect of sources of happiness, were far more complete and clear than impartial reflection seems to show, its value would still be considerably impaired by the dissent of important minorities, which we have not yet noticed. For example, many religious persons regard all mundane pleasures as mean and trifling; so full of vanity and emptiness that the eager pursuit of them is only possible through ever-renewed illusion, leading to ever-repeated disappointment. And this view is shared by not a few reflective persons who have no religious bias: as is evident from the numerous adherents that Pessimism has won in recent times. Indeed a somewhat similar judgment, on the value of the ordinary objects of human pursuit, has been passed by many philosophers who have not been pessimists: and when we consider that it is the philosopher’s especial business to reflect with[158] care and precision on the facts of consciousness, we shall hesitate, in any dispute between philosophers and the mass of mankind, to let our conclusion be determined by merely counting heads. On the other hand, as has been already observed, the philosopher’s susceptibilities and capacities of feeling do not fairly represent those of humanity in general: and hence if he ventures to erect the results of his individual experience into a universal standard, he is likely to overrate some pleasures and underrate others. Perhaps the most convincing illustrations of this are furnished by thinkers not of the idealist or transcendental type, but professed Hedonists, such as Epicurus and Hobbes. We cannot accept as fair expressions of the ordinary experience of the human race either Epicurus’s identification of painlessness with the highest degree of pleasure, or Hobbes’s asseveration that the gratifications of curiosity “far exceed in intensity all carnal delights.” Thus we seem to be in this dilemma: the mass of mankind, to whose common opinion we are naturally referred for catholically authoritative beliefs respecting the conditions of happiness, are deficient in the faculty or the habit of observing and recording their experience: and usually, in proportion as a man is, by nature and practice, a better observer, the phenomena that he has to observe are more and more divergent from the ordinary type.
But even if the consensus about sources of happiness were much more complete and clear than what impartial reflection suggests, its value would still be significantly diminished by the disagreement of important minorities that we haven't yet discussed. For instance, many religious people see all worldly pleasures as low and trivial; so full of vanity and emptiness that the passionate pursuit of them is only possible through a constant cycle of illusion, leading to repeated disappointment. This view is also shared by many thoughtful individuals who aren't religious, as shown by the numerous followers of Pessimism in recent times. In fact, a similar judgment about the value of ordinary human pursuits has been made by many philosophers who aren't pessimists: and when we consider that it's the philosopher’s job to reflect carefully and precisely on the facts of consciousness, we should hesitate to let our conclusions be shaped simply by counting how many people agree. On the other hand, as we've already noted, a philosopher's feelings and emotional capacities don't accurately represent those of humanity as a whole: and so if they try to turn the results of their personal experiences into a universal standard, they might overestimate some pleasures and underestimate others. Perhaps the most convincing examples of this come from thinkers who aren't idealists or transcendentalists, but rather explicit Hedonists, like Epicurus and Hobbes. We can't accept either Epicurus’s idea that painlessness equals the highest pleasure or Hobbes’s claim that the pleasures of curiosity “far exceed in intensity all carnal delights” as fair representations of ordinary human experience. Thus, we seem to be in a dilemma: the majority of people, whose common opinions we naturally refer to for broadly accepted beliefs about happiness, lack the ability or the habit of observing and recording their experiences; and generally, as a person becomes a better observer by nature and practice, the phenomena they observe become increasingly different from the ordinary type.
§ 3. On the whole, it must, I think, be admitted that the Hedonistic method cannot be freed from inexactness and uncertainty by appealing to the judgments of common sense respecting the sources of happiness. At the same time I would not exaggerate the difficulty of combining these into a tolerably coherent body of probable doctrine, not useless for practical guidance. For first, it must be observed, that it is only occasionally and to a limited extent that these commonly commended sources of happiness come into competition with one another and are presented as alternatives. For example, the pursuit of wealth often leads also to power (besides the power that lies in wealth) and to reputation: and again, these objects of desire can usually be best attained—as far as it is in our power to attain them at all—by employment which in itself gives the pleasure that normally attends energetic exercise of one’s best faculties: and this congenial employment is not[159] incompatible with adequate exercise of the affections, social and domestic; nor with cultivated amusement (which must always be carefully limited in amount if it is to be really amusing). And no one doubts that to carry either employment or amusement to a degree that injures health involves generally a sacrifice of happiness, no less than over-indulgence in sensual gratifications.
§ 3. Overall, I think we have to admit that the Hedonistic method isn't without inaccuracies and uncertainties, even when we consider common sense judgments about what sources of happiness exist. At the same time, I wouldn’t overstate the challenge of bringing these into a reasonably coherent framework of probable ideas that are still useful for practical guidance. First, it should be noted that it's only occasionally and to a limited extent that these commonly praised sources of happiness compete with each other and are offered as alternatives. For instance, the pursuit of wealth often also leads to power (in addition to the power that comes from wealth) and to reputation. Moreover, these desired goals can generally be best achieved—as much as we are able to achieve them—through work that itself provides the pleasure that usually comes with energetically using our best abilities. This satisfying work is not incompatible with sufficiently engaging our feelings, both socially and at home; nor is it at odds with enjoyable activities (which should always be carefully limited in amount to remain truly enjoyable). And no one doubts that taking either work or leisure to a level that harms health generally results in a loss of happiness, just like excessive indulgence in sensory pleasures does.
And as for the philosophical or quasi-philosophical paradoxes as to the illusoriness of sensual enjoyments, wealth, power, fame, etc., we may explain the widespread acceptance which these find by admitting a certain general tendency to exaggeration in the common estimates of such objects of desire, which from time to time causes a reaction and an equally excessive temporary depreciation of them. As we saw (chap. iii.) it is natural for men to value too highly the absent pleasures for which they hope and long: power and fame, for example, are certainly attended with anxieties and disgusts which are not foreseen when they are represented in longing imagination: yet it may still be true that they bring to most men a clear balance of happiness on the whole. It seems clear, again, that luxury adds less to the ordinary enjoyment of life than most men struggling with penury suppose: there are special delights attending the hard-earned meal, and the rarely-recurring amusement, which must be weighed against the profuser pleasures that the rich can command: so that we may fairly conclude that increase of happiness is very far from keeping pace with increase of wealth. On the other hand, when we take into account all the pleasures of Culture, Power, Fame, and Beneficence, and still more the security that wealth gives against the pains of privation and the anxieties of penury—for the owner himself and those whom he loves—we can hardly doubt that increase of wealth brings on the average some increase of happiness: at least until a man reaches an income beyond that of the great majority in any actual community. Thus on the whole it would seem to be a reasonable conclusion that, while it is extravagant to affirm that happiness is “equally distributed through all ranks and callings,” it is yet more equally distributed than the aspect of men’s external circumstances would lead us to infer: especially considering the importance of the pleasures that attend the exercise of the[160] affections. Again, common sense is quite prepared to recognise that there are persons of peculiar temperament to whom the ordinary pleasures of life are really quite trifling in comparison with more refined enjoyments: and also that men generally are liable to fall, for certain periods, under the sway of absorbing impulses, which take them out of the range within which the judgments of common sense are even broadly and generally valid. No one (e.g.) expects a lover to care much for anything except the enjoyments of love; nor considers that an enthusiast sacrifices happiness in making everything give way to his hobby.
And when it comes to the philosophical or almost philosophical paradoxes about the falseness of sensual pleasures, wealth, power, fame, etc., we can understand why these ideas are widely accepted by recognizing a general tendency to exaggerate how we value these desires, which occasionally leads to a strong reaction and an equally excessive temporary depreciation of them. As we saw (chap. iii.), it’s natural for people to overvalue pleasures that are out of reach, like power and fame. These come with anxieties and disappointments that we don’t see when we imagine them longingly; however, it might still be true that they provide most people a net positive experience overall. It’s also pretty clear that luxury contributes less to daily enjoyment than most people struggling with poverty believe: there are unique joys in a hard-earned meal and infrequent entertainment, which should be weighed against the more abundant pleasures the wealthy can afford. Therefore, we can reasonably conclude that the increase in happiness doesn’t keep up with the increase in wealth. On the flip side, considering all the pleasures of culture, power, fame, and benevolence, and even more the security that wealth offers against the pains of deprivation and the worries of poverty—for the owner and their loved ones—it’s hard to doubt that greater wealth usually brings some increase in happiness, at least until a person reaches an income level above most in any community. So, overall, it seems like a reasonable conclusion that, while it’s excessive to say that happiness is “evenly distributed across all social classes and professions,” it is still more evenly distributed than the surface-level view of people's external circumstances might suggest, especially when we consider how crucial the joys associated with relationships are. Additionally, common sense clearly acknowledges that some individuals have a unique temperament that makes ordinary pleasures in life feel quite minor compared to more refined joys. Also, people are generally susceptible to falling under the spell of overpowering impulses, which can displace the context in which common sense judgments hold true. No one (e.g.) expects a lover to care much for anything other than the pleasures of love; nor does anyone think that an enthusiast sacrifices happiness by prioritizing their hobby above everything else.
In fact we may say that common sense scarcely claims to provide more than rather indefinite general rules, which no prudent man should neglect without giving himself a reason for doing so. Such reasons may either be drawn from one’s knowledge of some peculiarities in one’s nature, or from the experience of others whom one has ground for believing to be more like oneself than the average of mankind are. Still, as we saw, there is considerable risk of error in thus appropriating the special experience of other individuals: and, in short, it does not appear that by any process of this kind,—either by appealing to the common opinion of the many, or to that of cultivated persons, or to that of those whom we judge most to resemble ourselves,—we can hope to solve with precision or certainty the problems of egoistic conduct.
In fact, we can say that common sense hardly manages to provide more than vague general rules, which no sensible person should ignore without having a good reason for doing so. Those reasons might come from one's understanding of specific traits in their nature, or from the experiences of others who seem to be more similar to them than the average person. However, as we discussed, there is a significant risk of making mistakes when borrowing the unique experiences of others. In short, it doesn't seem like any method of this kind—whether it's relying on the general opinion of the majority, the views of well-educated individuals, or those we believe resemble us the most—can lead us to solve the challenges of self-centered behavior with precision or certainty.
The question then remains, whether any general theory can be attained of the causes of pleasure and pain so certain and practically applicable that we may by its aid rise above the ambiguities and inconsistencies of common or sectarian opinion, no less than the shortcomings of the empirical-reflective method, and establish the Hedonistic art of life on a thoroughly scientific basis. To the consideration of this question I shall proceed in the last chapter of this book: but before entering upon it, I wish to examine carefully a common belief as to the means of attaining happiness which—though it hardly claims to rest upon a scientific basis—is yet generally conceived by those who hold it to have a higher degree of certainty than most of the current opinions that we have been examining. This is the belief that a man will attain the greatest happiness open to him by the performance of his[161] Duty as commonly recognised and prescribed—except so far as he may deviate from this standard in obedience to a truer conception of the conduct by which universal good is to be realised or promoted.[124] The special importance of this opinion to a writer on Morals renders it desirable to reserve our discussion of it for a separate chapter.
The question then remains whether we can develop a general theory of the causes of pleasure and pain that is certain and practical enough to help us move beyond the ambiguities and inconsistencies of common or sectarian beliefs, as well as the shortcomings of the empirical-reflective method, and to establish the Hedonistic art of living on a solid scientific foundation. I will address this question in the last chapter of this book: but before doing so, I want to carefully examine a widely held belief about the means of achieving happiness which, although it doesn’t claim to be based on scientific principles, is still generally viewed by its supporters as having a higher degree of certainty than most of the current opinions we have been looking at. This belief is that a person will achieve the greatest happiness available to him by fulfilling his[161] Duty as it is commonly recognized and prescribed—unless he strays from this standard in accordance with a deeper understanding of the actions that contribute to universal good.[124] The particular importance of this belief for a writer on Morals makes it worthwhile to discuss it in a separate chapter.
CHAPTER V
Happiness and Responsibility
§ 1. The belief in the connexion of Happiness with Duty is one to which we find a general tendency among civilised men, at least after a certain stage in civilisation has been reached. But it is doubtful whether it would be affirmed, among ourselves, as a generalisation from experience, and not rather as a matter of direct Divine Revelation, or an inevitable inference from the belief that the world is governed by a perfectly Good and Omnipotent Being. To examine thoroughly the validity of the latter belief is one of the most important tasks that human reason can attempt: but involving as it does an exhaustive inquiry into the evidences of Natural and Revealed Religion, it could hardly be included within the scope of the present treatise.[125] Here, then, I shall only consider the coincidence of Duty and Happiness in so far as it is maintained by arguments drawn from experience and supposed to be realised in our present earthly life. Perhaps, as so restricted, the coincidence can hardly be said to be “currently believed”: indeed it may be suggested that the opposite belief is implied in the general admission of the necessity of rewards and punishments in a future state, in order to exhibit and realise completely the moral government of the world. But reflection will show that this implication is not necessary; for it is possible to hold that even here virtue is always rewarded and vice punished, so far as to make the virtuous course of action always the most prudent; while yet the rewards[163] and punishments are not sufficient to satisfy our sense of justice. Admitting that the virtuous man is often placed on earth in circumstances so adverse that his life is not as happy as that of many less virtuous; it is still possible to maintain that by virtue he will gain the maximum of happiness that can be gained under these circumstances, all appearances to the contrary notwithstanding. And this view has certainly been held by moralists of reputation on grounds drawn from actual experience of human life; and seems often to be confidently put forward on similar grounds by popular preachers and moralisers. It appears therefore desirable to subject this opinion to a careful and impartial examination. In conducting this examination, at the present stage of our inquiry, we shall have to use the received notions of Duty without further definition or analysis: but it is commonly assumed by those whose view we are to examine that these conceptions—as they are found in the moral consciousness of ordinary well-meaning persons—are at least approximately valid and trustworthy; and the preceding chapters will have fully shown that the generalisations of Hedonism must be established, if at all, by large considerations and decisive preponderances, and that it would be idle in considering a question of this kind to take account of slight differences, and to pretend to weigh in our mental scales comparatively small portions of happiness.[126]
§ 1. The belief that Happiness is connected to Duty is something we see as a general tendency among civilized people, at least after a certain level of civilization has been reached. However, it’s uncertain whether we would claim this as a general conclusion based on experience, rather than as a direct Divine Revelation or an unavoidable conclusion derived from the belief that the world is governed by a perfectly Good and Omnipotent Being. To properly examine the validity of that latter belief is one of the most crucial tasks human reason can undertake; but since it involves a thorough investigation into the evidence of Natural and Revealed Religion, it likely cannot be included in the present discussion.[125] Here, I will only look at the connection between Duty and Happiness as it is argued from experience and thought to be realized in our current earthly life. Perhaps, as I limit this, the connection can hardly be seen as “currently believed”: in fact, one could argue that the opposite belief is implied in the general acceptance of the need for rewards and punishments in a future state, to fully demonstrate and fulfill the moral governance of the world. However, upon reflection, it becomes clear that this implication isn’t necessary; it is possible to believe that even here, virtue is always rewarded and vice punished enough that acting virtuously is always the most sensible choice, while still acknowledging that the rewards[163] and punishments don’t fully meet our sense of justice. While it is true that virtuous individuals often find themselves in circumstances so unfortunate that their lives are not as happy as those of many less virtuous individuals, it is still possible to argue that by being virtuous, they will achieve the greatest happiness possible under those circumstances, despite any appearances to the contrary. This perspective has certainly been held by respected moral thinkers based on their actual experiences of human life, and it is often confidently promoted on similar grounds by popular preachers and moralists. Therefore, it seems necessary to subject this opinion to a careful and impartial examination. In carrying out this examination, at this point in our inquiry, we will use the accepted notions of Duty without further definition or analysis: however, it is commonly assumed by those whose view we are analyzing that these concepts—as found in the moral consciousness of ordinary well-meaning individuals—are at least somewhat valid and trustworthy; and the previous chapters will have clearly shown that the generalizations of Hedonism must be established, if at all, by broad considerations and clear preponderances, and that it would be pointless to take into account minor differences in weighing relatively small amounts of happiness.[126]
§ 2. Accepting, then, the common division[127] of duties into self-regarding and social, it may be conceded that as far as the first are concerned the view that we are examining is not likely to provoke any controversy: for by ‘duties towards oneself’ are commonly meant acts that tend directly or indirectly to promote one’s happiness. We may therefore confine our attention to the social department of Duty, and consider whether by observing the moral rules that prescribe certain modes of behaviour towards others we shall always tend to secure the greatest balance of happiness to ourselves.
§ 2. Accepting the common division[127] of duties into self-regarding and social, it's clear that regarding the first category, the perspective we're exploring isn't likely to spark any debate: because "duties towards oneself" usually refer to actions that directly or indirectly promote one’s happiness. Therefore, we can focus on the social aspect of Duty and examine whether following the moral rules that outline specific ways of behaving towards others will always lead to the greatest overall happiness for ourselves.
Here it will be convenient to adopt with some modification the terminology of Bentham; and to regard the pleasures consequent on conformity to moral rules, and the pains consequent on their violation, as the ‘sanctions’ of these rules. These ‘sanctions’ we may classify as External and Internal. The former class will include both ‘Legal Sanctions,’ or penalties inflicted by the authority, direct or indirect, of the sovereign; and ‘Social Sanctions,’ which are either the pleasures that may be expected from the approval and goodwill of our fellow-men generally, and the services that they will be prompted to render both by this goodwill and by their appreciation of the usefulness of good conduct, or the annoyance and losses that are to be feared from their distrust and dislike. The internal sanctions of duty—so far as it diverges from the conduct which self-interest apart from morality would dictate—will lie in the pleasurable emotion attending virtuous action, or in the absence of remorse, or will result more indirectly from some effect on the mental constitution of the agent produced by the maintenance of virtuous dispositions and habits. This classification is important for our present purpose, chiefly because the systems of rules to which these different sanctions are respectively attached may be mutually conflicting. The Positive Morality of any community undergoes development, and is thus subject to changes which affect the consciences of the few before they are accepted by the many; so that the rules at any time sustained by the strongest social sanctions may not only fall short of, but even clash with, the intuitions of those members of the community who have most moral insight. For similar reasons Law and Positive Morality may be at variance, in details. For though a law could not long exist, which it was universally thought wrong to obey; there may easily be laws commanding conduct that is considered immoral by some more or less enlightened fraction of the community, especially by some sect or party that has a public opinion of its own: and any individual may be so much more closely connected with this fraction than with the rest of the community, that the social sanction may in his case practically operate against the legal.
Here, it will be helpful to adopt, with some adjustments, the terminology of Bentham and see the pleasures that come from following moral rules and the pains from breaking them as the 'sanctions' of these rules. We can classify these 'sanctions' as External and Internal. The former category includes both 'Legal Sanctions,' which are penalties imposed by the authority of the state, either directly or indirectly, and 'Social Sanctions,' which consist of the pleasures expected from the approval and goodwill of others, as well as the help they may offer due to this goodwill and their appreciation of good behavior, or the annoyances and losses that could arise from their distrust and disapproval. The internal sanctions of duty—where it differs from actions dictated by self-interest alone—will involve the positive emotions associated with virtuous actions, the absence of guilt, or may indirectly arise from the effects on the person's mindset produced by maintaining virtuous habits and dispositions. This classification is important for our current purposes mainly because the systems of rules that these different sanctions are tied to can conflict with each other. The Positive Morality of any community evolves and is thus subject to changes that impact the views of a few before being accepted by the majority, so the rules supported by the strongest social sanctions at any given time may not only fall short but could even contradict the intuitions of those community members who have greater moral insight. For similar reasons, Law and Positive Morality can differ in specifics. While a law cannot last long if it is universally seen as wrong to follow, there can easily be laws that demand behaviors considered immoral by some more enlightened segment of the community, particularly by a group that holds its own public opinion: any individual may be so closely connected to this group that the social sanction effectively works against the legal one.
This conflict of sanctions is of great importance in considering whether these sanctions, as at present capable[165] of being foreseen, are sufficient in all cases to determine a rational egoist to the performance of social duty: for the more stress we lay on either the legal or the social sanctions of moral conduct, the greater difficulty we shall have in proving the coincidence of duty and self-interest in the exceptional cases in which we find these sanctions arrayed against what we conceive to be duty.
This conflict of sanctions is really important when we think about whether these sanctions, as they currently stand[165] and can be anticipated, are enough to motivate a rational egoist to fulfill their social responsibilities. The more emphasis we place on either the legal or social sanctions of moral behavior, the harder it will be for us to demonstrate that duty and self-interest align in those exceptional cases where we see these sanctions opposing what we believe to be our duty.
But even if we put these cases out of sight, it still seems clear that the external sanctions of morality alone are not always sufficient to render immoral conduct also imprudent. We must indeed admit that in an even tolerably well-ordered society—i.e. in an ordinary civilised community in its normal condition—all serious open violation of law is contrary to prudence, unless it is an incident in a successful process of violent revolution: and further, that violent revolutions would very rarely—perhaps never—be made by a combination of persons, all perfectly under the control of enlightened self-love; on account of the general and widespread destruction of security and of other means of happiness which such disturbances inevitably involve. Still, so long as actual human beings are not all rational egoists, such times of disorder will be liable to occur: and we cannot say that under existing circumstances it is a clear universal precept of Rational Self-love that a man should “seek peace and ensue it”; since the disturbance of political order may offer to a cool and skilful person, who has the art of fishing in troubled waters, opportunities of gaining wealth, fame, and power, far beyond what he could hope for in peaceful times. In short, though we may admit that a society composed entirely of rational egoists would, when once organised, tend to remain in a stable and orderly condition, it does not follow that any individual rational egoist will always be on the side of order in any existing community.[128]
But even if we set those cases aside, it still seems clear that the external pressures of morality alone aren’t always enough to make immoral actions also imprudent. We must acknowledge that in a reasonably well-ordered society—that is, in a typical civilized community in its normal state—any serious and open breaking of the law is against prudence, unless it’s part of a successful violent revolution. Moreover, it’s likely that violent revolutions would rarely—if ever—be carried out by a group of people all fully guided by enlightened self-interest, due to the widespread destruction of safety and other sources of happiness that such upheavals inevitably cause. Nevertheless, as long as actual human beings aren’t all rational egoists, these periods of disorder can happen. We can’t claim that under current conditions it’s a clear universal rule of Rational Self-love for a person to “seek peace and pursue it,” since the disruption of political order may provide a calm and skilled individual, who knows how to take advantage of chaos, with chances to gain wealth, fame, and power far beyond what they could expect in peaceful times. In summary, while we might agree that a society made up entirely of rational egoists would, once organized, tend to stay in a stable and orderly state, it doesn’t mean that any individual rational egoist will always favor order in any existing community.[128]
But at any rate, in the most orderly societies with which we are acquainted, the administration of law and justice is never in so perfect a state as to render secret crimes always[166] acts of folly, on the score of the legal penalties attached to them. For however much these may outweigh the advantages of crime, cases must inevitably occur in which the risk of discovery is so small, that on a sober calculation the almost certain gain will more than compensate for the slight chance of the penalty. And finally, in no community is the law actually in so perfect a state that there are not certain kinds of flagrantly anti-social conduct which slip through its meshes and escape legal penalties altogether, or incur only such legal penalties as are outweighed by the profit of law-breaking.
But in any case, even in the most organized societies we know, the legal system and the administration of justice are never so perfect that secret crimes are always seen as foolish due to the legal consequences they carry. No matter how much the penalties might outweigh the benefits of committing a crime, there will always be situations where the risk of getting caught is so low that, after careful consideration, the almost guaranteed gain will more than make up for the slight chance of facing punishment. Lastly, in no community is the law so flawless that certain types of blatantly anti-social behavior don’t slip through the cracks, escaping legal consequences entirely, or only facing penalties that are overshadowed by the profits of breaking the law.
§ 3. Let us proceed, then, to consider how far the social sanction in such cases supplies the defects of the legal. No doubt the hope of praise and liking and services from one’s fellow-men, and the fear of forfeiting these and incurring instead aversion, refusal of aid, and social exclusion, are considerations often important enough to determine the rational egoist to law-observance, even in default of adequate legal penalties. Still these sanctions are liable to fail just where the legal penalties are defective; social no less than legal penalties are evaded by secret crimes; and in cases of criminal revolutionary violence, the efficacy of the social sanction is apt to be seriously impaired by the party spirit enlisted on the side of the criminal. For it has to be observed that the force of the social sanction diminishes very rapidly, in proportion to the number of dissidents from the common opinion that awards it. Disapprobation that is at once intense and quite universal would be so severe a penalty as perhaps to outweigh any imaginable advantages; since it seems impossible for a human being to live happily, whatever other goods he may enjoy, without the kindly regards of some of his fellows: and so, in contemplating the conventional portrait of the tyrant, who is represented as necessarily suspicious of those nearest him, even of the members of his own family, we feel prepared to admit that such a life must involve the extreme of unhappiness. But when we turn to contemplate the actual tyrannical usurpers, wicked statesmen, successful leaders of unwarranted rebellion, and, speaking generally, the great criminals whose position raises them out of the reach of legal penalties, it does not appear that the moral odium under which they lie must necessarily count for much in an egoistic calculation of the gain and loss resulting from their conduct. For[167] this disesteem is only expressed by a portion of the community: and its utterance is often drowned in the loud-voiced applause of the multitude whose admiration is largely independent of moral considerations. Nor are there wanting philosophers and historians whose judgment manifests a similar independence.
§ 3. Let’s move on to consider how much social pressure in these cases makes up for the shortcomings of the law. Clearly, the desire for approval and support from others, along with the fear of losing that support and facing rejection, are factors that can strongly encourage someone to follow the law, even if the legal penalties are lacking. However, these social pressures can fail just like weak legal penalties do; both social and legal repercussions can be avoided when people commit secret crimes, and in cases of violent rebellion, social pressure can be seriously weakened by partisanship in favor of the criminals. It’s important to note that the impact of social pressure quickly decreases as more people disagree with the common opinion that upholds it. Intense and widespread disapproval would create such a heavy penalty that it might outweigh any benefits, as it seems impossible for anyone to be truly happy, regardless of their other possessions, without the goodwill of some of their peers. Thus, when we imagine the stereotypical tyrant, portrayed as constantly suspicious of those closest to him, even family members, we can accept that this kind of life must be extremely unhappy. But when we consider actual tyrants, corrupt politicians, successful rebels, and generally, the major wrongdoers who are beyond the reach of legal consequences, it becomes clear that the moral condemnation they face may not weigh heavily in their self-serving evaluations of the risks and rewards of their actions. This disapproval is only voiced by a part of the community and often gets drowned out by the loud cheers of the crowd, whose admiration largely ignores moral concerns. There are also philosophers and historians whose judgments show a similar lack of concern for morality.
It seems, then, impossible to affirm that the external sanctions of men’s legal duties will always be sufficient to identify duty with interest. And a corresponding assertion would be still more unwarranted in respect of moral duties not included within the sphere of Law. In saying this, I am fully sensible of the force of what may be called the Principle of Reciprocity, by which certain utilitarians have endeavoured to prove the coincidence of any individual’s interest with his social duties. Virtues (they say) are qualities either useful or directly agreeable to others: thus they either increase the market value of the virtuous man’s services, and cause others to purchase them at a higher rate and to allot to him more dignified and interesting functions; or they dispose men to please him, both out of gratitude and in order to enjoy the pleasures of his society in return: and again—since man is an imitative animal—the exhibition of these qualities is naturally rewarded by a reciprocal manifestation of them on the part of others, through the mere influence of example. I do not doubt that the prospect of these advantages is an adequate motive for cultivating many virtues and avoiding much vice. Thus on such grounds a rational egoist will generally be strict and punctual in the fulfilment of all his engagements, and truthful in his assertions, in order to win the confidence of other men; and he will be zealous and industrious in his work, in order to obtain gradually more important and therefore more honourable and lucrative employment; and he will control such of his passions and appetites as are likely to interfere with his efficiency; and will not exhibit violent anger or use unnecessary harshness even towards servants and subordinates; and towards his equals and superiors in rank he will be generally polite and complaisant and good-humoured, and prompt to show them all such kindness as costs but little in proportion to the pleasure it gives. Still, reflection seems to show that the conduct recommended by this line of reasoning does not really coincide with moral duty. For, first, what one requires for social success is[168] that one should appear, rather than be, useful to others: and hence this motive will not restrain one from doing secret harm to others, or even from acting openly in a way that is really harmful, though not perceived to be so. And again, a man is not useful to others by his virtue only, but sometimes rather by his vice; or more often by a certain admixture of unscrupulousness with his good and useful qualities. And further, morality prescribes the performance of duties equally towards all, and that we should abstain as far as possible from harming any: but on the principle of Reciprocity we should exhibit our useful qualities chiefly towards the rich and powerful, and abstain from injuring those who can retaliate; while we may reasonably omit our duties to the poor and feeble, if we find a material advantage in so doing, unless they are able to excite the sympathy of persons who can harm us. Moreover, some vices (as for example, many kinds of sensuality and extravagant luxury) do not inflict any immediate or obvious injury on any individual, though they tend in the long-run to impair the general happiness: hence few persons find themselves strongly moved to check or punish this kind of mischief.
It seems impossible to say that external pressures related to legal obligations will always be enough to connect duty with self-interest. This claim is even more questionable when it comes to moral duties that aren’t included within the scope of the Law. I recognize the strength of what can be called the Principle of Reciprocity, which some utilitarians have used to demonstrate that an individual’s interests align with their social responsibilities. They argue that virtues are qualities that are either useful or directly enjoyable for others: they either increase the market value of a virtuous person’s contributions, leading others to pay more for their services and assigning them more esteemed and engaging roles; or they encourage people to seek their approval, both out of gratitude and to enjoy the benefits of their company in return. Moreover, since humans tend to imitate others, showing these qualities tends to bring out similar behaviors from those around them simply through the power of example. I believe that the expectation of these benefits is a strong motivator for developing many virtues and steering clear of a lot of vices. Thus, on this basis, a rational egoist will typically be strict and reliable in fulfilling all their commitments and honest in their statements to gain others' trust; they will work hard and diligently to gradually obtain more significant and therefore more respected and well-paying positions; they will manage their passions and desires that might hinder their effectiveness; they will avoid showing violent anger or using unnecessary harshness toward even their lowest subordinates; and towards their equals and superiors, they will generally be polite, agreeable, and good-natured, eager to offer small gestures of kindness that cost little in comparison to the joy they provide. Still, reflecting on this shows that the behavior suggested by this reasoning doesn’t truly align with moral duty. First, what’s needed for social success is that someone should appear, rather than be, useful to others; thus, this motivation won’t prevent one from secretly harming others or openly acting in ways that are genuinely harmful, even if those actions are not recognized as such. Additionally, a person isn’t only beneficial to others through their virtues; sometimes it’s through their vices or a mix of unscrupulousness combined with good and useful traits. Moreover, morality requires us to fulfill our duties equally towards everyone and to avoid causing harm whenever possible; yet according to the Principle of Reciprocity, we should showcase our beneficial qualities mainly towards the wealthy and powerful, while avoiding harm to those who can retaliate; meanwhile, we might neglect our responsibilities toward the poor and vulnerable if we see a material gain in doing so, unless they can evoke sympathy from those who can threaten us. Furthermore, some vices (like certain forms of indulgence and excessive luxury) don’t cause immediate or obvious harm to anyone, even though they tend to undermine overall happiness in the long term; thus, few people feel a strong urge to prevent or punish this kind of wrongdoing.
Doubtless in the last-mentioned cases the mere disrepute inevitably attaching to open immorality is an important consideration. But I do not think that this will be seriously maintained to be sufficient always to turn the scales of prudence against vice—at least by any one who has duly analysed the turbid and fluctuating streams of social opinion upon which the good or ill repute of individuals mainly depends, and considered the conflicting and divergent elements that they contain. Many moralists have noticed the discrepancy in modern Europe between the Law of Honour (or the more important rules maintained by the social sanction of polite persons) and the morality professed in society at large. This is, however, by no means the only instance of a special code, divergent in certain points from the moral rules generally accepted in the community where it exists. Most religious sects and parties, and probably the majority of trades and professions, exhibit this phenomenon in some degree. I do not mean merely that special rules of behaviour are imposed upon members of each profession, corresponding to their special social functions and relations: I mean that a peculiar moral opinion[169] is apt to grow up, conflicting to a certain extent with the opinion of the general public. The most striking part of this divergence consists generally in the approval or excusal of practices disapproved by the current morality: as (e.g.) licence among soldiers, bribery among politicians in certain ages and countries, unveracity of various degrees among priests and advocates, fraud in different forms among tradesmen. In such cases there are generally strong natural inducements to disobey the stricter rule (in fact it would seem to be to the continual pressure of these inducements that the relaxation of the rule has been due): while at the same time the social sanction is weakened to such an extent that it is sometimes hard to say whether it outweighs a similar force on the other side. For a man who, under these circumstances, conforms to the stricter rule, if he does not actually meet with contempt and aversion from those of his calling, is at least liable to be called eccentric and fantastic: and this is still more the case if by such conformity he foregoes advantages not only to himself but to his relatives or friends or party. Very often this professional or sectarian excusal of immorality of which we are speaking is not so clear and explicit as to amount to the establishment of a rule, conflicting with the generally received rule: but is still sufficient to weaken indefinitely the social sanction in favour of the latter. And, apart from these special divergences, we may say generally that in most civilised societies there are two different degrees of positive morality, both maintained in some sort by common consent; a stricter code being publicly taught and avowed, while a laxer set of rules is privately admitted as the only code which can be supported by social sanctions of any great force. By refusing to conform to the stricter code a man is often not liable to incur exclusion from social intercourse, or any material hindrance to professional advancement, or even serious dislike on the part of any of the persons whose society he will most naturally seek; and under such circumstances the mere loss of a certain amount of reputation is not likely to be felt as a very grave evil, except by persons peculiarly sensitive to the pleasures and pains of reputation. And there would seem to be many men whose happiness does not depend on the approbation or disapprobation of the moralist—and of mankind in general in so far as they support the moralist—to such an extent as to[170] make it prudent for them to purchase this praise by any great sacrifice of other goods.
Surely in the situations mentioned, the bad reputation that comes with open immorality is an important factor. However, I don't believe that this is enough to consistently tip the balance of caution against wrongdoing—at least not for anyone who has thoroughly examined the murky and shifting currents of social opinion that largely determine the reputation of individuals and considered the conflicting and different elements involved. Many moralists have pointed out the gap in modern Europe between the Code of Honor (or the more significant rules held by the social approval of polite society) and the morality recognized in society as a whole. However, this is far from the only example of a specific code that diverges in certain ways from the moral standards generally accepted in the community where it exists. Most religious sects and groups, and likely most trades and professions, show this phenomenon to some extent. I don't just mean that unique behavior rules are enforced upon members of each profession, reflecting their specific social roles and relationships: I mean that a unique moral viewpoint is likely to develop, somewhat conflicting with the general public’s view. The most notable part of this divergence usually lies in the acceptance or justification of practices condemned by prevailing morality: for instance, leniency among soldiers, bribery among politicians in certain times and places, varying degrees of dishonesty among priests and lawyers, deceit in various forms among merchants. In these cases, there are often strong natural incentives to break the stricter rule (in fact, it seems that the ongoing pressure from these incentives has led to the relaxation of the rule): while at the same time, the social approval has weakened to such an extent that it can sometimes be hard to determine whether it outweighs a similar force on the opposite side. For a person who, in these situations, adheres to the stricter rule, if they don't actually face contempt or disdain from their peers, they are at least likely to be labeled as eccentric or odd: and this is even more true if by such adherence, they sacrifice benefits not only for themselves but for their relatives or friends or group. Very often, this professional or sectarian mitigation of immorality that we’re discussing is not so clear and explicit as to create a rule that truly conflicts with the broadly accepted norm: but it is still enough to indefinitely weaken the social approval supporting the latter. Moreover, apart from these specific divergences, we can generally say that in most civilized societies, there are two different levels of positive morality, both supported to some extent by common agreement; a stricter code is publicly taught and accepted, while a looser set of rules is privately acknowledged as the only code that can be effectively upheld by strong social sanctions. By choosing not to follow the stricter code, a person often doesn’t risk being excluded from social interaction, facing significant obstacles to professional growth, or even incurring strong dislike from those whose company they will most naturally seek; and under these circumstances, the mere loss of a certain degree of reputation is unlikely to be seen as a severe issue, except by those particularly sensitive to reputation's ups and downs. It appears there are many individuals whose happiness doesn’t depend on the approval or disapproval of the moralist—and of society in general as they align with the moralist—to such an extent that it would be wise for them to sacrifice much of anything else just to gain this praise.
§ 4. We must conclude, then, that if the conduct prescribed to the individual by the avowedly accepted morality of the community of which he is a member, can be shown to coincide with that to which Rational Self-love would prompt, it must be, in many cases, solely or chiefly on the score of the internal sanctions. In considering the force of these sanctions, I shall eliminate those pleasures and pains which lie in the anticipation of rewards and punishments in a future life: for as we are now supposing the calculations of Rational Egoism to be performed without taking into account any feelings that are beyond the range of experience, it will be more consistent to exclude also the pleasurable or painful anticipations of such feelings.
§ 4. We must conclude that if the behavior expected of an individual by the clearly accepted morals of their community aligns with what Rational Self-love would encourage, it is often primarily due to the internal motivations. When looking at the strength of these motivations, I will ignore the pleasures and pains that come from expecting rewards and punishments in an afterlife: since we are assuming that the calculations of Rational Egoism are made without considering any feelings outside of our experience, it makes sense to also exclude the pleasurable or painful anticipations of those feelings.
Let us, then, contemplate by itself the satisfaction that attends the performance of duty as such (without taking into consideration any ulterior consequences), and the pain that follows on its violation. After the discussions of the two preceding chapters I shall not of course attempt to weigh exactly these pleasures and pains against others; but I see no empirical grounds for believing that such feelings are always sufficiently intense to turn the balance of prospective happiness in favour of morality. This will hardly be denied if the question is raised in respect of isolated acts of duty. Let us take an extreme case, which is yet quite within the limits of experience. The call of duty has often impelled a soldier or other public servant, or the adherent of a persecuted religion, to face certain and painful death, under circumstances where it might be avoided with little or no loss even of reputation. To prove such conduct always reasonable from an egoistic point of view, we have to assume that, in all cases where such a duty could exist and be recognised, the mere pain[129] that would follow on[171] evasion of duty would be so great as to render the whole remainder of life hedonistically worthless. Surely such an assumption would be paradoxical and extravagant. Nothing that we know of the majority of persons in any society would lead us to conclude that their moral feelings taken alone form so preponderant an element of their happiness. And a similar conclusion seems irresistible even in more ordinary cases, where a man is called on to give up, for virtue’s sake, not life, but a considerable share of the ordinary sources of human happiness. Can we say that all, or even most, men are so constituted that the satisfactions of a good conscience are certain to repay them for such sacrifices, or that the pain and loss involved in them would certainly be outweighed by the remorse that would follow the refusal to make them?[130]
Let’s think about the satisfaction that comes from doing one’s duty on its own (without considering any other consequences), and the distress that follows when that duty is neglected. After the discussions in the previous two chapters, I won't try to measure these feelings against others; however, I see no evidence that such emotions are always strong enough to tip the scale of future happiness in favor of morality. This is unlikely to be disputed when considering isolated acts of duty. Take an extreme example that is still within the realm of experience. The call of duty has often driven a soldier, a public servant, or a follower of a persecuted religion to confront certain and painful death, in situations where they could have avoided it with little or no loss of reputation. To argue that such behavior is always reasonable from a self-centered perspective, we would need to assume that in every case where such a duty exists and is recognized, the mere pain that would follow from avoiding that duty would be so severe that the remainder of life would be deemed hedonistically worthless. Surely this assumption would be both paradoxical and outrageous. Nothing we know about most people in any society suggests that their moral feelings alone constitute such a dominant aspect of their happiness. A similar conclusion seems unavoidable even in more ordinary scenarios, where a person is asked to give up, for the sake of virtue, not their life, but a significant portion of the typical sources of happiness. Can we truly say that all, or even most, people are structured in such a way that the satisfaction of a clear conscience will surely compensate them for these sacrifices, or that the pain and loss they endure would definitely be outweighed by the guilt that would follow if they chose not to make those sacrifices?
Perhaps, however, so much as this has scarcely ever been expressly maintained. What Plato in his Republic and other writers on the same side have rather tried to prove, is not that at any particular moment duty will be, to every one on whom it may devolve, productive of more happiness than any other course of conduct; but rather that it is every one’s interest on the whole to choose the life of the virtuous man. But even this it is very difficult even to render probable: as will appear, I think, if we examine the lines of reasoning by which it is commonly supported.
However, it’s rarely been explicitly stated that this is the case. What Plato argues in his Republic and other similar writers have tried to show is not that following one’s duty will always lead to more happiness than any other option for everyone at any given time; rather, it’s that, overall, it’s in everyone’s best interest to choose the life of a virtuous person. Even this idea is quite hard to support convincingly, as will become clear if we look at the typical reasoning behind it.
To begin with Plato’s argument. He represents the soul of the virtuous man as a well-ordered polity of impulses, in which every passion and appetite is duly obedient to the rightful sovereignty of reason, and operates only within the limits laid down by the latter. He then contrasts the tranquil peace[172] of such a mind with the disorder of one where a succession of baser impulses, or some ruling passion, lords it over reason: and asks which is the happiest, even apart from external rewards and punishments. But we may grant all that Plato claims, and yet be no further advanced towards the solution of the question before us. For here the issue does not lie between Reason and Passion, but rather—in Butler’s language—between Rational Self-love and Conscience. We are supposing the Egoist to have all his impulses under control, and are only asking how this control is to be exercised. Now we have seen that the regulation and organisation of life best calculated to attain the end of self-interest appears prima facie divergent at certain points from that to which men in general are prompted by a sense of duty. In order to maintain Plato’s position it has to be shown that this appearance is false; and that a system of self-government, which under certain circumstances leads us to pain, loss, and death, is still that which self-interest requires. It can scarcely be said that our nature is such that only this anti-egoistic kind of regulation is possible; that the choice lies between this and none at all. It is easy to imagine a rational egoist, strictly controlling each of his passions and impulses—including his social sentiments—within such limits that its indulgence should not involve the sacrifice of some greater gratification: and experience seems to show us many examples of persons who at least approximate as closely to this type as any one else does to the ideal of the orthodox moralist. Hence if the regulation of Conscience be demonstrably the best means to the individual’s happiness, it must be because the order kept by Self-love involves a sacrifice of pleasure on the whole, as compared with the order kept by Conscience. And if this is the case, it would seem that it can only be on account of the special emotional pleasure attending the satisfaction of the moral sentiments, or special pain or loss of happiness consequent on their repression and violation.
To start with Plato’s argument, he describes the soul of a virtuous person as a well-organized mix of impulses, where every passion and desire obeys the rightful authority of reason and only acts within the boundaries set by reason. He then compares the calm peace of such a mind with the chaos of one where a series of lesser impulses or a dominant passion take control over reason, and he questions which state is happier, even ignoring external rewards and punishments. However, we can accept everything Plato says and still not be any closer to solving the question we face. The issue here isn’t really between Reason and Passion, but more accurately—using Butler’s wording—between Rational Self-love and Conscience. We assume the Egoist has all his impulses under control and are only questioning how this control is exercised. We have seen that the way to regulate and organize life for the purpose of self-interest seems, at first glance, to diverge from what people are generally motivated to do by a sense of duty. To uphold Plato’s view, it needs to be shown that this appearance is misleading; that a system of self-governance that, in certain situations, leads us to pain, loss, and death, is still what self-interest requires. It can hardly be said that our nature is such that only this anti-egoistic type of regulation is possible; the choice is not limited to this or nothing at all. It’s easy to picture a rational egoist who strictly manages each of his passions and impulses—including his social feelings—within limits that allow indulgence without sacrificing greater satisfaction: and experience seems to provide many examples of people who come close to this type, just as anyone else does to the ideal of the traditional moralist. Therefore, if regulating Conscience clearly proves to be the best way to an individual’s happiness, it must be because the order maintained by Self-love involves an overall sacrifice of pleasure compared to the order maintained by Conscience. If this is true, it appears to be due to the unique emotional pleasure that comes from satisfying moral sentiments, or the specific pain or loss of happiness that follows from repressing and violating them.
Before, however, we proceed further, a fundamental difficulty must be removed which has probably some time since suggested itself to the reader. If a man thinks it reasonable to seek his own interest, it is clear that he cannot himself disapprove of any conduct that comes under this principle or approve of the opposite. And hence it may appear that the pleasures and[173] pains of conscience cannot enter into the calculation whether a certain course of conduct is or is not in accordance with Rational Egoism, because they cannot attach themselves in the egoist’s mind to any modes of action which have not been already decided, on other grounds, to be reasonable or the reverse. And this is to a certain extent true; but we must here recur to the distinction (indicated in Book i. chap. iii. § 1) between the general impulse to do what we believe to be reasonable, and special sentiments of liking or aversion for special kinds of conduct, independent of their reasonableness. In the moral sentiments as they exist in ordinary men, these two kinds of feeling are indistinguishably blended; because it is commonly believed that the rules of conduct to which the common moral sentiments are attached are in some way or other reasonable. We can, however, conceive the two separated: and in fact, as was before said, we have experience of such separation whenever a man is led by a process of thought to adopt a different view of morality from that in which he has been trained; for in such a case there will always remain in his mind some quasi-moral likings and aversions, no longer sustained by his deliberate judgment of right and wrong. And thus there is every reason to believe that most men, however firmly they might adopt the principles of Egoistic Hedonism, would still feel sentiments prompting to the performance of social duty, as commonly recognised in their society, independently of any conclusion that the actions prompted by such sentiments were reasonable and right. For such sentiments would always be powerfully supported by the sympathy of others, and their expressions of praise and blame, liking and aversion: and since it is agreed that the conduct commonly recognised as virtuous is generally coincident with that which enlightened self-love would dictate, a rational egoist’s habits of conduct will be such as naturally to foster these (for him) ‘quasi-moral’ feelings. The question therefore arises—not whether the egoist should cherish and indulge these sentiments up to a certain point, which all would admit—but whether he can consistently encourage them to grow to such a pitch that they will always prevail over the strongest opposing considerations; or, to put it otherwise, whether prudence requires him to give them the rein and let them carry him whither they will. We have already seen[174] ground for believing that Rational Self-love will best attain its end by limiting its conscious operation and allowing free play to disinterested impulses: can we accept the further paradox that it is reasonable for it to abdicate altogether its supremacy over some of these impulses?
Before we move on, we need to clear up a basic issue that may have come to your mind. If a person believes it makes sense to pursue their own interests, it’s clear that they can’t disapprove of any behavior that falls under this principle or approve of the opposite. This might suggest that the feelings of pleasure and pain related to conscience don’t factor into whether a certain action aligns with Rational Egoism because they can’t be attached to any actions that have not already been determined, for other reasons, to be reasonable or not. While there’s some truth to this, we must return to the distinction (noted in Book i. chap. iii. § 1) between the general drive to do what we believe is reasonable and the specific feelings of like or dislike for certain actions, regardless of their reasonableness. In the moral sentiments experienced by average people, these two feelings are blended together indistinguishably, as it is commonly assumed that the rules of conduct tied to general moral sentiments are somehow reasonable. However, we can imagine these two separated: in fact, as mentioned earlier, we see this separation whenever someone, through reflection, adopts a different moral perspective from what they were taught; in those cases, they will still have some quasi-moral likes and dislikes not supported by their considered judgment of right and wrong. Thus, it’s reasonable to think that most people, even if they firmly embrace the principles of Egoistic Hedonism, would still feel impulses to fulfill social duties as recognized in their society, regardless of whether those actions are considered reasonable and right. Such feelings would always have strong support from others through their expressions of praise and blame, like and dislike: since it is generally accepted that behaviors seen as virtuous usually align with what enlightened self-interest would suggest, a rational egoist’s habits are likely to nurture these (for them) ‘quasi-moral’ feelings. The question then arises—not whether the egoist should value and indulge these feelings to a certain extent, which everyone would agree on—but whether they can consistently encourage them to grow strong enough to overcome the strongest opposing arguments; or, to state it differently, whether it is wise for them to give in to these feelings and let them guide their actions. We have already found support for the idea that Rational Self-love achieves its goals best by limiting its conscious influences and allowing altruistic impulses to flourish: can we accept the further paradox that it is rational to completely relinquish control over some of these impulses?
On a careful consideration of the matter, it will appear, I think, that this abdication of self-love is not really a possible occurrence in the mind of a sane person, who still regards his own interest as the reasonable ultimate end of his actions. Such a man may, no doubt, resolve that he will devote himself unreservedly to the practice of virtue, without any particular consideration of what appears to him to be his interest: he may perform a series of acts in accordance with this resolution, and these may gradually form in him strong habitual tendencies to acts of a similar kind. But it does not seem that these habits of virtue can ever become so strong as to gain irresistible control over a sane and reasonable will. When the occasion comes on which virtue demands from such a man an extreme sacrifice—the imprudence of which must force itself upon his notice, however little he may be in the habit of weighing his own pleasures and pains—he must always be able to deliberate afresh, and to act (as far as the control of his will extends) without reference to his past actions. It may, however, be said that, though an egoist retaining his belief in rational egoism cannot thus abandon his will to the sway of moral enthusiasm, still, supposing it possible for him to change his conviction and prefer duty to interest,—or supposing we compare him with another man who makes this choice,—we shall find that a gain in happiness on the whole results from this preference. It may be held that the pleasurable emotions attendant upon such virtuous or quasi-virtuous habits as are compatible with adhesion to egoistic principles are so inferior to the raptures that attend the unreserved and passionate surrender of the soul to virtue, that it is really a man’s interest—even with a view to the present life only—to obtain, if he can, the convictions that render this surrender possible; although under certain circumstances it must necessarily lead him to act in a manner which, considered by itself, would be undoubtedly imprudent. This is certainly a tenable proposition, and I am quite disposed to think it true of persons[175] with specially refined moral sensibilities. But—though from the imperfections of the hedonistic calculus the proposition cannot in any case be conclusively disproved—it seems, as I have said, to be opposed to the broad results of experience, so far as the great majority of mankind are concerned. Observation would lead me to suppose that most men are so constituted as to feel far more keenly pleasures (and pains) arising from some other source than the conscience; either from the gratifications of sense, or from the possession of power and fame, or from strong human affections, or from the pursuit of science, art, etc.; so that in many cases perhaps not even early training could have succeeded in giving to the moral feelings the requisite predominance: and certainly where this training has been wanting, it seems highly improbable that a mere change of ethical conviction could develop their moral susceptibilities so far as to make it clearly their earthly interest to resolve on facing all sacrifices for the fulfilment of duty.
After careful consideration, I think it’s clear that completely giving up self-love isn’t something a sane person can truly do. A sane person will still consider their own interests as the reasonable ultimate goal of their actions. Such a person might decide to fully dedicate themselves to practicing virtue, without specifically focusing on their personal interests. They might perform various actions in line with this decision, and over time, these actions could create strong habitual tendencies toward similar acts. However, it seems unlikely that these virtuous habits could become so powerful that they control a rational will completely. When faced with a situation where virtue requires this person to make a significant sacrifice—something they can’t ignore, regardless of how little they usually weigh their own pleasures and pains—they must always be able to think things over again and act (as far as their will allows) without considering their past choices. It could be argued that although an egoist who believes in rational self-interest cannot simply submit their will to moral enthusiasm, if they could somehow change their beliefs and choose duty over personal interest—or if we compare them to another person who makes this choice—we might find that preferring duty results in overall greater happiness. It could be said that the pleasurable feelings associated with virtuous or semi-virtuous habits tied to egoistic principles are so much lesser than the bliss that comes from fully and passionately surrendering oneself to virtue, that it’s actually in a person’s best interest—even just for this life—to adopt beliefs that make such surrender possible; even if, under certain conditions, this may lead them to act in ways that would generally be considered unwise. This is certainly a plausible view, and I tend to believe it holds true for individuals with particularly refined moral sensibilities. However—while the imperfections in hedonistic calculations mean this viewpoint can’t be definitively disproven—it seems to contradict the general outcomes of experience for the vast majority of people. My observations suggest that most individuals are much more sensitive to pleasures (and pains) from sources other than their conscience; whether those are sensory gratifications or the pursuit of power and fame, or from deep human connections, or from exploring science, art, etc. In many cases, even early training may not have been enough to instill a strong moral sense; and certainly, where such training has been lacking, it seems quite unlikely that simply changing one’s ethical beliefs could enhance their moral sensitivity enough to make it clearly in their self-interest to face whatever sacrifices are needed to fulfill their duties.
To sum up: although the performance of duties towards others and the exercise of social virtue seem to be generally the best means to the attainment of the individual’s happiness, and it is easy to exhibit this coincidence between Virtue and Happiness rhetorically and popularly; still, when we carefully analyse and estimate the consequences of Virtue to the virtuous agent, it appears improbable that this coincidence is complete and universal. We may conceive the coincidence becoming perfect in a Utopia where men were as much in accord on moral as they are now on mathematical questions, where Law was in perfect harmony with Moral Opinion, and all offences were discovered and duly punished: or we may conceive the same result attained by intensifying the moral sentiments of all members of the community, without any external changes (which indeed would then be unnecessary). But just in proportion as existing societies and existing men fall short of this ideal, rules of conduct based on the principles of Egoistic Hedonism seem liable to diverge from those which most men are accustomed to recognise as prescribed by Duty and Virtue.
To summarize: while performing duties to others and practicing social virtues generally seem to be the best way to achieve individual happiness, and it's easy to argue this connection between virtue and happiness in a popular way, when we take a closer look at the effects of virtue on the virtuous person, it seems unlikely that this connection is complete and universal. We can imagine this connection being perfect in a utopia where people agree on moral issues just as they do on mathematical ones, where laws perfectly align with moral beliefs, and all wrongdoings are uncovered and appropriately punished. Alternatively, we could envision achieving the same outcome by strengthening the moral feelings of all community members without needing any external changes (which would then be unnecessary). However, as current societies and individuals fall short of this ideal, the rules of conduct based on Egoistic Hedonism seem to diverge from what most people typically recognize as obligations of duty and virtue.
CHAPTER VI
Deductive Hedonism
§ 1. In the preceding chapter we have seen reason to conclude that, while obedience to recognised rules of duty tends, under ordinary circumstances, to promote the happiness of the agent, there are yet no adequate empirical grounds for regarding the performance of duty as a universal or infallible means to the attainment of this end. Even, however, if it were otherwise, even if it were demonstrably reasonable for the egoist to choose duty at all costs under all circumstances, the systematic endeavour to realise this principle would not—according to common notions of morality—solve or supersede the problem of determining the right method for seeking happiness. For the received moral code allows within limits the pursuit of our own happiness, and even seems to regard it as morally prescribed;[131] and still more emphatically inculcates the promotion of the happiness of other individuals, with whom we are in various ways specially connected: so that, under either head, the questions that we have before considered as to the determination and measurement of the elements of happiness would still require some kind of answer.
§ 1. In the previous chapter, we've concluded that while following recognized rules of duty usually leads to the happiness of the individual, there aren't solid reasons to consider duty as a guaranteed or foolproof way to achieve that happiness. Even if it were the case that it made perfect sense for someone to choose duty over everything else in all situations, trying to enforce this principle wouldn’t—according to common moral beliefs—solve or replace the issue of figuring out the right way to pursue happiness. The accepted moral guidelines allow us to pursue our own happiness to some extent and even suggest that it's morally encouraged; and even more strongly advocates for promoting the happiness of others we are closely connected to. Thus, regarding both aspects, the questions we previously discussed about determining and measuring the components of happiness would still need some form of answer.
It remains to ask how far a scientific investigation of the causes of pleasure and pain can assist us in dealing with this practical problem.
It’s worth asking how much a scientific study of the causes of pleasure and pain can help us tackle this practical issue.
Now it is obvious that for deciding which of two courses of action is preferable on hedonistic grounds, we require not[177] only to measure pains and pleasures of different kinds, but also to ascertain how they may be produced or averted. In most important prudential decisions, complex chains of consequences are foreseen as intervening between the volition we are immediately to initiate and the feelings which constitute the ultimate end of our efforts; and the degree of accuracy with which we forecast each link of these chains obviously depends upon our knowledge, implicit or explicit, of the relations of cause and effect among various natural phenomena. But if we suppose the different elements and immediate sources of happiness to have been duly ascertained and valued, the investigation of the conditions of production of each hardly belongs to a general treatise on the method of ethics; but rather to some one or other of the special arts subordinate to the general art of conduct. Of these subordinate arts some have a more or less scientific basis, while others are in a merely empirical stage; thus if we have decided how far health is to be sought, it belongs to the systematic art of hygiene, based on physiological science, to furnish a detailed plan of seeking it; so far, on the other hand, as we aim at power or wealth or domestic happiness, such instruction as the experience of others can give will be chiefly obtained in an unsystematic form, either from advice relative to our own special circumstances, or from accounts of success and failure in analogous situations. In either case the exposition of such special arts does not appear to come within the scope of the present treatise; nor could it help us in dealing with the difficulties of measuring pleasures and pains which we have considered in the previous chapters.
Now it’s clear that when deciding which of two actions is better based on pleasure, we need to not only measure the different types of pain and pleasure but also understand how they can be created or avoided. In important life decisions, we often anticipate complex chains of outcomes that lie between the choice we’re about to make and the feelings that represent the ultimate goal of our efforts. The accuracy with which we predict each link in these chains clearly depends on our knowledge, whether implicit or explicit, of the cause-and-effect relationships among various natural events. However, if we assume that the different factors and immediate sources of happiness have been identified and evaluated, exploring how each factor is produced doesn’t really fall under a general discussion on ethics; it’s more related to one of the specific disciplines that are part of the broader field of conduct. Some of these disciplines have a more scientific foundation, while others are more based on practical experience. For example, if we have determined how much we should pursue health, the systematic field of hygiene, based on physiological science, is responsible for creating a detailed plan to achieve it. However, when it comes to seeking power, wealth, or happiness at home, the insight we gain from others' experiences will mostly come in an unsystematic form, either through advice tailored to our own circumstances or through accounts of success and failure in similar situations. In either case, discussing these specific disciplines doesn’t seem to fit within the focus of this text, nor would it assist us in addressing the challenges of measuring pleasure and pain that we’ve discussed in previous chapters.
It may, however, be thought that a knowledge of the causes of pleasure and pain may carry us beyond the determination of the means of gaining particular kinds of pleasure and avoiding particular kinds of pain; and enable us to substitute some deductive method of evaluing the elements of happiness for the empirical-reflective method of which we have seen the defects.[132]
It might be argued that understanding the reasons behind pleasure and pain could take us further than just figuring out how to achieve certain pleasures and avoid certain pains. It could allow us to replace the empirical-reflective method we've identified as flawed with a more deductive way of evaluating what contributes to happiness.[132]
A hedonistic method, indeed, that would dispense altogether with direct estimates of the pleasurable and painful consequences of actions is almost as inconceivable as a method of astronomy that would dispense with observations of the stars. It is, however, conceivable that by induction from cases in which empirical measurement is easy we may obtain generalisations that will give us more trustworthy guidance than such measurement can do in complicated cases; we may be able to ascertain some general psychical or physical concomitant or antecedent of pleasure and pain, more easy to recognise, foresee, measure, and produce or avert in such cases, than pleasure and pain themselves. I am willing to hope that this refuge from the difficulties of Empirical Hedonism may some time or other be open to us: but I cannot perceive that it is at present available. There is at present, so far as I can judge, no satisfactorily established general theory of the causes of pleasure and pain; and such theories as have gained a certain degree of acceptance, as partially true or probable, are manifestly not adapted for the practical application that we here require.
A hedonistic approach that completely ignores direct assessments of the pleasurable and painful outcomes of actions is almost as unimaginable as an astronomical method that skips observations of the stars. However, it is possible that by looking at situations where measuring is straightforward, we can develop generalizations that offer us more reliable guidance than direct measurements can provide in complex scenarios; we might be able to identify some general mental or physical factors connected to pleasure and pain, which are easier to recognize, predict, measure, and create or avoid in these instances than pleasure and pain themselves. I'm hopeful that this way out of the challenges of Empirical Hedonism might be accessible to us someday, but I can't see that it's available right now. At present, as far as I can tell, there's no solidly established general theory of what causes pleasure and pain; and the theories that have gained some acceptance as partially true or likely are clearly not suited for the practical application we need here.
The chief difficulty of finding a universally applicable theory of the causes of pleasures and pains is easily explained. Pleasures and pains may be assumed to have universally—like other psychical facts—certain cerebral nerve-processes, specific[179]ally unknown, as their inseparable concomitants: accordingly, we may seek their causes either in antecedent physical or antecedent psychical facts. But in one important class of cases the chief cognisable antecedents are obviously of the former kind, while in another important class they are obviously of the latter kind: the difficulty is to establish any theory equally applicable to both classes, or to bring the results of the two lines of inquiry under a single generalisation without palpably unsupported hypotheses. In the case of pleasures and pains—especially pains—connected with sensation the most important cognisable antecedents are clearly physical. I do not deny that, when the pain is foreseen, the attitude of mind in which it is met may materially influence its magnitude: indeed, in the hypnotic condition of the brain, the feeling of pain may be apparently altogether prevented by an antecedent belief that it will not be felt. Still in the main, under ordinary conditions, the pains of sensation—probably the intensest in the experience of most persons—invade and interrupt our psychical life from without; and it would be idle to look for the chief causes of their intensity or quality among antecedent psychical facts. This is not equally true of the most prominent pleasures of sense: since antecedent desire, if not an absolutely indispensable condition of such pleasures, seems at any rate necessary to their attaining a high degree of intensity. Still the chief causes of these desires themselves are clearly physical states and processes—not merely neural—in the organism of the sentient individual: and this is also true of a more indefinite kind of pleasure, which is an important element of ordinary human happiness,—the “well-feeling” that accompanies and is a sign of physical well-being.
The main challenge in finding a universally applicable theory for the causes of pleasure and pain is straightforward. Pleasures and pains likely have specific brain nerve processes associated with them, which we still don’t fully understand, just like other psychological facts. Therefore, we can look for their causes either in previous physical events or previous psychological events. However, in one important category, the main identifiable antecedents are clearly physical, while in another important category, they are mainly psychological. The issue is creating a theory that works for both categories or unifying the findings of both inquiries under a single framework without relying on unproven assumptions. In the case of pleasure and pain—especially pain—related to sensation, the primary identifiable antecedents are definitely physical. I don’t deny that when pain is anticipated, the mindset in which it is faced can greatly affect its severity: in fact, under hypnosis, the sensation of pain can seemingly be completely blocked by believing it won’t be experienced. Yet generally, under normal circumstances, sensory pain—which is usually the most intense experience for most people—surges into and disrupts our mental life from the outside, and it would be pointless to search for the primary causes of its intensity or nature among past psychological factors. This isn't the case for the most notable pleasures of the senses: although prior desire isn’t absolutely essential for these pleasures, it seems necessary for achieving high levels of intensity. Still, the main causes of these desires are clearly physical states and processes—not just neural ones—in the body of the sentient individual. This is also true for a more vague kind of pleasure, which significantly contributes to common human happiness—the “well-being” that comes with and signals physical wellness.
On the other hand, when we investigate the causes of the pleasures and pains that belong to intellectual exercises or the play of personal affections,—or of the pleasures (and to some extent pains) that belong to the contemplation of beauty (or its opposite) in art or nature,—no physiological theory can carry us far, owing to our ignorance of the neural processes that accompany or antecede these feelings.
On the other hand, when we look into the reasons behind the pleasures and pains related to intellectual activities or personal relationships—and the pleasures (and to some extent pains) connected to appreciating beauty (or its absence) in art or nature—no physiological theory can really help us, due to our lack of understanding of the neural processes that accompany or precede these feelings.
This is my general conclusion: the grounds for which I propose to illustrate and explain further in the present[180] chapter. It would, however, seem to be quite beyond my limits to attempt anything like an exhaustive discussion of either psychological or physiological theories of the causes of pleasure and pain. I shall confine myself to certain leading generalisations, which seem to have a special interest for students of ethics; either because ethical motives have had a share in causing their acceptance; or because—though inadequately grounded as general theories—they appear to have a partial and limited value for practical guidance.
This is my overall conclusion: the reasons for which I plan to elaborate on in this [180] chapter. However, it seems far beyond my capabilities to attempt a thorough discussion of either psychological or physiological theories regarding the causes of pleasure and pain. I will focus on some key generalizations that seem particularly relevant for students of ethics; either because ethical motivations contributed to their acceptance or because—despite being insufficiently supported as comprehensive theories—they appear to have some partial and limited value for practical guidance.
§ 2. Let us begin by considering a theory, primarily psychological, which has at least the merit of antiquity—as it is admittedly derived from Aristotle,[133]—and is, in some form or other, still current.[134] It is that expressed by Sir W. Hamilton[135] in the following propositions: “Pleasure is the reflex of the spontaneous and unimpeded exertion of a power of whose energy we are conscious: pain, a reflex of the overstrained or repressed exertion of such a power.” The phrases suggest active as ordinarily distinguished from passive states; but Hamilton explains that “energy” and similar terms “are to be understood to denote indifferently all the processes of our higher and lower life of which we are conscious,”—on the ground that consciousness itself implies more than a mere passivity of the subject. I think, however, that the theory is evidently framed primarily to suit the pleasures and pains that belong to the intellectual life as such, and is only applied by a somewhat violent straining to an important class among the pleasures and pains that belong to man’s animal life. For Hamilton explains his terms (a) “spontaneous” and (b) “unimpeded” to imply respectively (a) absence of “forcible repression” or “forcible stimulation” of the power exercised, and (b) absence of checks or hindrances on the part of the[181] object about which it is conversant. But these terms seem to have no clear psychical import in application to organic sensations of the kind ordinarily called passive. E.g. the feelings and vague representations of bodily processes which constitute the consciousness of a toothache are as free from conscious repression or stimulation as those which constitute the consciousness that accompanies a warm bath:—except so far as the mere presence of pain implies constraint, since we experience it unwillingly, and the mere presence of pleasure implies the opposite: but in this sense constraint and its opposite are characteristics of the effects to be explained, and cannot therefore be regarded as their causes.
§ 2. Let's start by examining a theory, mainly psychological, that holds some value for its age—as it comes from Aristotle,[133]—and is still relevant today in various forms.[134] This theory is articulated by Sir W. Hamilton[135] in these statements: “Pleasure is the reflection of the natural and unobstructed use of a power we are aware of: pain, a reflection of the overstressed or suppressed use of such a power.” The terms suggest active as typically contrasted with passive states; but Hamilton clarifies that “energy” and similar expressions “should be interpreted as referring to all the processes of our conscious higher and lower life,”—since consciousness itself implies more than mere passivity of the subject. However, I believe that the theory is mainly designed to address the pleasures and pains associated with intellectual life and is somewhat forcefully stretched to apply to a significant category of the pleasures and pains related to human animal life. Hamilton defines his terms (a) “spontaneous” and (b) “unimpeded” to mean respectively (a) the absence of “forcible repression” or “forcible stimulation” of the exercised power, and (b) the absence of obstacles or barriers from the[181] object involved. Yet these terms seem to lack clear psychological meaning when applied to organic sensations typically labeled as passive. E.g. the feelings and vague representations of bodily processes that make up the awareness of a toothache are as free from conscious repression or stimulation as those associated with enjoying a warm bath:—except that the mere existence of pain suggests constraint, since we experience it against our will, while the mere existence of pleasure implies the opposite: but in this regard, constraint and its opposite are characteristics of the effects to be explained and therefore cannot be seen as their causes.
Indeed, the ethical interest and value of the theory appears to me to lie in its very one-sidedness. It tends to correct a vulgar error in the estimate of pleasure, by directing attention strongly to the importance of a class of pleasures which ordinary pleasure-seeking probably undervalues,—the pleasures that specially belong to a life filled with strenuous activity, whether purely intellectual, or practical and partly physical.[136] In the same way it effectively dispels the popular inadvertence of regarding labour as normally painful because some labour is so, and because the pleasures connected with relief from toil—the pleasures of repose and play—are in the experience of most persons more striking than the pleasures of strenuous activity. At the same time, even if we limit the theory to the pleasures and pains immediately connected with voluntary activity—intellectual or physical—it seems to me devoid not only of definite guidance, but also of adequate theoretical precision. For it seems to imply that the exercise of our powers is always made less pleasant by the presence of impediments; but this is obviously not true either of mainly intellectual or mainly physical activities. Some obstacles undeniably increase pleasure by drawing out force and skill to overcome them, as is clearly shown in the case of games and sports: and even if we understand pain-causing impediments to be only such hindrances as repress and diminish action, I do not find that the theory is supported by experience, except[182] so far as the repression causes the specific discomfort of unsatisfied desire. E.g. I find entertainment rather than discomfort in trying to make out objects in a dim light, or the meaning of a speech in a strange language, provided that failure does not interfere with the attainment of any end to which I attach importance. It is a fundamental defect in Hamilton’s theory, even in its more limited application, that it ignores the teleological character of normal human activity.
Indeed, the ethical significance and value of this theory seem to lie in its clear focus. It seeks to correct a common misunderstanding about pleasure by highlighting the importance of a category of pleasures that typical pleasure-seekers often overlook—the pleasures that come from a life filled with rigorous activity, whether it's purely intellectual or practical and somewhat physical.[136] Similarly, it effectively clears up the widespread mistake of viewing work as always painful just because some types of work are, and because the pleasures linked to resting from work—the pleasures of relaxation and play—are more evident to most people than the pleasures from vigorous activity. At the same time, even if we restrict the theory to the pleasures and pains directly associated with voluntary activities—whether intellectual or physical—I find it lacking in both clear guidance and sufficient theoretical accuracy. It seems to suggest that exercising our abilities is always less enjoyable when faced with obstacles; but this is clearly not true for primarily intellectual or mainly physical activities. Some challenges certainly enhance pleasure by drawing out the strength and skill needed to overcome them, as seen in games and sports. And even if we define pain-inducing obstacles as only those hindrances that suppress and reduce action, I don't think the theory is backed by experience, except[182] when that suppression leads to the specific discomfort of unfulfilled desire.
This defect is avoided in a modification of the theory that a recent writer has adopted. “The antithesis,” says Mr. Stout,[137] “between pleasure and pain is coincident with the antithesis between free and impeded progress towards an end. Unimpeded progress is pleasant in proportion to the intensity and complexity of mental excitement. An activity which is ... thwarted and retarded ... is painful in proportion to its intensity and complexity and to the degree of the hindrance.” Mr. Stout admits the difficulty of applying this principle of explanation to the pleasures and pains of sense:[138] and—unlike Hamilton—he expressly recognises that “a struggle with difficulties which is not too prolonged or too intense may enhance the pleasure of success out of all proportion to its own painfulness.” But this qualification seems to render the propositions first laid down unimportant from our present practical point of view, whatever may be their theoretical value. I think, too, that the importance of antecedent desire, as a condition of the pleasures and pains attendant on voluntary activities, should be more expressly recognised. When desire is strong, hopeful effort to overcome difficulties in the way of fruition tends to be proportionally pleasurable—apart from actual success—while disappointment or the fear of disappointment similarly tends to be painful: but when desire is not strong, the shock of thwarted activity and unfulfilled expectation may be rather agreeable than otherwise. Thus, suppose I take a walk for pleasure, intending to reach a neighbouring village, and find an unexpected flood crossing my road; if I have no strong motive for arriving at the village, the[183] surprise and consequent change in the plan of my walk will probably be on the whole a pleasurable incident.
This issue is addressed in a revised version of the theory adopted by a recent writer. “The contrast,” says Mr. Stout,[137] “between pleasure and pain aligns with the contrast between free and blocked progress toward a goal. Unblocked progress is enjoyable in relation to the intensity and complexity of mental excitement. An activity that is ... obstructed and delayed ... is painful in relation to its intensity, complexity, and the level of obstruction.” Mr. Stout acknowledges the challenge of applying this explanatory principle to the pleasures and pains of sensation:[138] and—unlike Hamilton—he clearly recognizes that “a struggle with challenges that isn’t too long or too intense can significantly enhance the pleasure of success compared to its own painfulness.” However, this note seems to undermine the initial propositions from our current practical perspective, regardless of their theoretical significance. I also believe that the significance of prior desire, as a factor influencing the pleasures and pains linked to voluntary activities, should be more explicitly acknowledged. When desire is strong, hopeful efforts to overcome obstacles to achieving goals tend to be proportionately enjoyable—regardless of actual success—while feeling disappointed or fearing disappointment similarly tends to be painful: but when desire is weak, the shock of thwarted activity and unmet expectations may actually be more pleasant than not. For instance, if I go for a walk for enjoyment, planning to reach a nearby village, and encounter an unexpected flood blocking my path; if I have no strong reason to get to the village, the[183] surprise and subsequent change in my walking plan will likely turn out to be a pleasant experience overall.
The importance of eager desire as a condition of pleasure is noteworthy from an ethical point of view: as it gives the psychological basis for the familiar precept to repress—with a view to private happiness—desires for ends that are either unattainable or incompatible with the course of life which prudence marks out; and for the somewhat less trite maxim of encouraging and developing desires that prompt in the same direction as rational choice.
The significance of strong desire as a key element of pleasure is important from an ethical perspective: it provides the psychological foundation for the well-known advice to hold back—aiming for personal happiness—desires for goals that are either impossible to achieve or not aligned with the path that wisdom suggests; and for the somewhat less common insight of fostering and nurturing desires that encourage choices in line with rational decision-making.
Suppose now we drop the dubious term “unimpeded”—retaining Hamilton’s idea of “overstrained or repressed exertion” as the condition of pain—and at the same time passing to a physical point of view, mean by “activity” the activity of an organ. We thus reach what is substantially Mr. Spencer’s doctrine, that pains are the psychical concomitants of excessive or deficient actions of organs, while pleasures are the concomitants of medium activities.[139] In considering this theory it will be convenient to take pains and pleasures separately: as it is obviously based primarily on experiences of pain rather than of pleasure,—especially of the pains of sense to which Hamilton’s theory seemed palpably inapplicable. Instances are abundant in which pain is obviously caused by excessive stimulation of nerves. Thus when we gradually increase the intensity of sensible heat, pressure, muscular effort, we encounter pain at a certain point of the increase; “deafening” sounds are highly disagreeable; and to confront a tropical sun with unprotected eyeballs would soon become torture. Some pains, again, as Spencer points out, arise from the excessive actions of organs whose normal actions yield no feelings: as when the digestive apparatus is overtaxed. Still in none of these cases does it seem clear that pain supervenes through a mere intensification in degree of the action of the organ in question; and not rather through some change in the kind of action—some inchoate disintegration or disorganisation. And this latter cause—rather than mere quantity of stimulation—is strongly suggested by a consideration of the pains due to wounds and diseases, and even of the transient digestive discomforts which arise from an improper kind rather than an[184] improper quantity of food. And a similar explanation seems to me most probable in the case of pains which, according to Mr. Spencer, arise from “deficient” action. He speaks of these as “discomforts or cravings”; but, as I have before pointed out,[140] bodily appetites and other desires may be strongly-felt impulses to action without being appreciably painful: and, in my experience, when they become decidedly painful, some disturbance tending to derangement may be presumed either in the organ primarily concerned or in the organism as a whole. Thus hunger, in my experience, may be extremely keen without being appreciably painful: and when I find it painful, experience leads me to expect a temporarily reduced power of assimilation, indicating some disorganisation in the digestive apparatus.[141]
Let's drop the questionable term “unimpeded”—keeping Hamilton’s idea of “overstrained or repressed exertion” as the reason for pain—and from a physical perspective, define “activity” as the activity of an organ. This leads us to what is essentially Mr. Spencer’s belief, which is that pains are the mental responses to excessive or insufficient actions of organs, while pleasures are the responses to moderate activities.[139] When considering this theory, it helps to look at pains and pleasures separately: it’s clearly based more on experiences of pain than on those of pleasure—especially the pains of sensation that Hamilton’s theory seems to struggle to explain. There are many instances where pain is clearly caused by too much stimulation of nerves. For example, as we gradually increase the intensity of heat, pressure, or muscle effort, we experience pain at a certain point of increase; “deafening” sounds are very unpleasant; and facing a tropical sun without eye protection quickly becomes torture. Some pains, as Spencer points out, come from excessive actions of organs that normally don’t produce feelings, like when the digestive system is pushed too hard. However, in none of these cases does it seem clear that pain arises simply from an intensification in degree of the organ's action; it seems more likely to be due to a change in the type of action—some early signs of disintegration or disorganization. This latter cause—rather than just the quantity of stimulation—is strongly suggested when considering the pains from wounds and diseases, as well as the brief digestive discomforts that result from the wrong type of food rather than just too much of it.[184] A similar explanation also seems most likely for the pains that, according to Mr. Spencer, arise from “deficient” action. He refers to these as “discomforts or cravings”; but as I’ve mentioned before,[140] bodily urges and other desires can be strong motivations for action without being significantly painful: and, in my experience, when they become noticeably painful, it usually indicates some disruption likely occurring either in the organ concerned or in the organism overall. For example, hunger can feel very intense without being noticeably painful, but when it does become painful, I suspect there’s a temporary drop in the power of assimilation, indicating some disorganization in the digestive system.[141]
In any case, empirical evidence supports “excessive action” of an organ as a cause of pain far more clearly than “deficient action.” Indeed a consideration of this evidence has led some psychologists to adopt the generalisation[142] that there is no quality of sensation absolutely pleasant or unpleasant, but that every kind of sensation as it grows in intensity begins at a certain point to be pleasurable, and continues such up to a certain further point at which it passes rapidly through indifference into pain. My own experience, however, fails to support this generalisation. I agree with Gurney[143] that “of many tastes and odours the faintest possible suggestion is disagreeable”; while other feelings resulting from stimulation of sense-organs appear to remain highly pleasurable at the highest degree of stimulation which the actual conditions of physical life appear to allow.
In any case, research clearly shows that “excessive action” of an organ is a more obvious cause of pain than “deficient action.” In fact, looking at this evidence has led some psychologists to generalize[142] that there’s no sensation that is absolutely pleasant or unpleasant, but that every type of sensation, as it increases in intensity, starts out pleasurable at some point and remains so until it reaches a level where it quickly shifts through indifference into pain. However, my own experience doesn’t support this generalization. I agree with Gurney[143] that “even the faintest hint of many tastes and smells is unpleasant”; while other sensations that come from stimulating sense organs seem to stay highly pleasurable even at the highest level of stimulation that our physical conditions allow.
However this may be, whether we conceive the nervous action of which pain is an immediate consequent or concomitant as merely excessive in quantity, or in some way dis[185]cordant or disorganised in quality, it is obvious that neither explanation can furnish us with any important practical guidance: since we have no general means of ascertaining, independently of our experience of pain itself, what nervous actions are excessive or disorganised: and the cases where we have such means do not present any practical problems which the theory enables us to solve. No one doubts that wounds and diseases are to be avoided under all ordinary circumstances: and in the exceptional circumstances in which we may be moved to choose them as the least of several evils, the exactest knowledge of their precise operation in causing pain is not likely to assist our choice.
However this may be, whether we view the nervous action that leads to pain as simply excessive in quantity, or somehow discordant or disorganized in quality, it’s clear that neither explanation provides us with any significant practical guidance. This is because we have no reliable way to determine, apart from our actual experience of pain, which nervous actions are excessive or disorganized. Moreover, the situations where we do have such measures don't pose practical problems that the theory helps us solve. No one denies that wounds and illnesses should be avoided under normal circumstances. And in the rare situations where we might choose them as the lesser of several evils, having detailed knowledge about how they specifically cause pain is unlikely to help us make that choice.
It may be said, however,—turning from pain to pleasure,—that the generalisation which we have been considering at any rate gives us a psychophysical basis for the ancient maxim of “avoiding excess” in the pursuit of pleasure. But we have to observe that the practical need of this maxim is largely due to the qualifications which the psychophysical generalisation requires to make it true. Thus it is especially needed in the important cases in which over-stimulation is followed by pain not at once but after an interval of varying length. E.g. alcoholic drinking, to many, remains pleasurable at the time up to the point of excess at which the brain can no longer perform its functions: it is “next morning” that the pain comes, or perhaps—in the case of “well-seasoned” topers—not till after many years of habitual excess. It should be noted also that it is not always the organ of which the exercise gives pleasure that also, through over-exercise, causes the pain of excess. Thus when we are tempted to eat too much, the seductive pleasure is mainly due to the nerves of taste which are not overtaxed; the pains come from the organs of digestion, whose faint, vague pleasures alone would hardly tempt the voluptuary to excess. In the case of dangerous mental excitements the penalty on excess is usually still more indirect.
It can be said, however—shifting from pain to pleasure—that the general idea we've been discussing provides a psychological and physical basis for the old saying of “avoiding excess” in the pursuit of pleasure. But we must note that the practical need for this saying arises mainly from the conditions that the psychological and physical concept needs to hold true. This guideline is particularly important in significant situations where overstimulation leads to pain not immediately but after a varying period of time. For example, for many people, drinking alcohol remains enjoyable up until the point of excess where the brain can no longer function properly: the pain arrives the “next morning,” or perhaps—in the case of seasoned drinkers—not until after many years of regular excess. It's also important to point out that it's not always the organ responsible for the pleasure that also causes the pain from excess through overuse. When we're tempted to overeat, the enticing pleasure mainly comes from our taste buds, which aren't overworked; the discomfort is created by our digestive organs, whose faint, subtle pleasures wouldn’t typically entice someone to indulge excessively. In cases of risky mental stimulation, the consequences of excess are usually even more indirect.
On the whole, granting that pleasure like virtue resides somewhere in the mean, it must be admitted that this proposition gives no practical directions for attaining it. For first, granting that both excessive and deficient activities of organs cause pain, the question still remains—as Spencer him[186]self says—What determines in any case the lower and the higher limits within which action is pleasurable? Spencer’s answer to this question I will consider presently. But there is a question no less obvious to which he does not expressly advert, viz. why among the normal activities of our physical organs, that have counterparts in consciousness, some only are pleasurable in any appreciable degree, while many if not most are nearly or quite indifferent. It seems undeniable (e.g.) that while tastes and smells are mostly either agreeable or disagreeable, most sensations of touch and many of sight and sound are not appreciably[144] either; and that, in the daily routine of healthy life, eating and drinking are ordinarily pleasant, while dressing and undressing, walking and muscular movements generally are practically indifferent.
Overall, while it's true that pleasure, like virtue, exists somewhere in moderation, it's clear that this idea doesn't provide any practical advice on how to achieve it. First, if both excessive and insufficient activities of our organs lead to discomfort, the question still stands—as Spencer himself points out—what determines the lower and upper limits in which action feels pleasurable? I'll address Spencer's response to this question later. However, there’s another obvious question he doesn’t specifically mention: why, among the normal functions of our physical organs that correspond with consciousness, do only some offer a noticeable level of pleasure, while many, if not most, feel nearly or completely indifferent? It seems undeniable (for example) that although tastes and smells are usually either pleasant or unpleasant, many sensations of touch, as well as some of sight and sound, don’t feel significant either; and in the everyday routine of healthy living, eating and drinking are generally enjoyable, while getting dressed and undressed, walking, and most physical movements tend to be practically indifferent.
It does not seem that an adequate explanation can be found in the operation of habit.[145] It is no doubt true that actions through frequent uniform repetition tend to become automatic and lose their conscious counterparts, and hedonic indifference certainly seems in some cases to be a stage through which such actions pass on the way to unconsciousness. Thus even a business walk in a strange town is normally pleasant through the novelty of the sights: but a similar walk in the town where one lives is ordinarily indifferent, or nearly so; while if one’s attention is strongly absorbed by the business, it may be performed to a great extent unconsciously. On the other hand, the operations of habit often have the opposite effect of making activities pleasant which were at first indifferent or even disagreeable: as in the case of acquired tastes, physical or intellectual. Indeed such experiences have long been—I think, quite legitimately—used by moralists as an encouragement to irksome duties, on the ground that their irksomeness will be transient, through the operation of habit, while the gain of their performance will be permanent. Mr. Spencer, indeed, regards such experiences as so important that he ventures to base on them the prediction that “pleasure will eventually accompany[187] every mode of action demanded by social conditions.” This, however, seems unduly optimistic, in view not only of the first-mentioned tendency of habit to hedonic indifference, but also of a third tendency to render actions, at first indifferent or even pleasant, gradually more irksome. Thus our intellect gradually wearies of monotonous activities, and the ennui may sometimes become intense: so again the relish of a kind of diet at first agreeable may turn through monotony into disgust.
It doesn't seem like there's a good explanation for this just in the way habits work.[145] It's definitely true that actions that are repeated frequently tend to become automatic and lose their conscious awareness, and indifference to pleasure seems to be a stage that these actions go through on their way to becoming unconscious. For example, taking a walk for business in a new town is usually enjoyable because of the novelty of the sights; however, a similar walk in your own town is typically indifferent or almost entirely so. If you're really focused on the task at hand, it can be done almost without thinking. On the flip side, habits can also make activities enjoyable that initially seemed neutral or even unpleasant—like developing acquired tastes, whether for food or intellectual pursuits. In fact, these experiences have been used by moralists for a long time—as a way to motivate us to get through tedious tasks, arguing that the discomfort will be temporary thanks to habit, while the benefits of completing these tasks will last. Mr. Spencer thinks these experiences are so significant that he dares to predict that “pleasure will eventually accompany[187] every mode of action demanded by social conditions.” However, this seems overly optimistic, considering not only the earlier mentioned tendency of habits to lead to indifference to pleasure, but also a third tendency where actions that start off as neutral or even enjoyable slowly become more tedious. For example, our minds can become tired of repetitive activities, leading to intense boredom; similarly, a diet that was originally enjoyable can eventually become repulsive due to its monotony.
Some quite different explanation must therefore be sought for the varying degrees in which pleasure accompanies normal activities. Can we find this in a suggestion of Mr. Spencer’s, developed by Mr. Grant Allen,[146] that the pleasurableness of normal organic activities depends on their intermittence, and that “the amount of pleasure is probably ... in the inverse ratio of the natural frequency of excitation” of the nerve-fibres involved? This theory certainly finds some support in the fact that the sensual pleasures generally recognised as greatest are those attending the activities of organs which are normally left unexercised for considerable intervals. Still, there are many facts that it does not explain—e.g. the great differences in the pleasures obtainable at any given time by different stimulations of the same sense; the phenomenon expressed in the proverbial phrase “L’appétit vient en mangeant”; and the fact that the exercise of the visual organs after apparently dreamless sleep does not give appreciably keener pleasure than it does at ordinary times. It would seem that we must seek for some special cause of the pleasurable effect of intermittence in certain cases. And this cannot be merely the greater intensity of the nervous action that takes place when long-unexercised and well-nourished nerve-centres are stimulated: for why, if that were the explanation, should the normal consciousness of full nervous activity, gradually attained—as when we are in full swing of energetic unwearied work of a routine kind—be often nearly or quite indifferent?
We need to look for a different explanation for the varying levels of pleasure that come with normal activities. Can we find this in a suggestion by Mr. Spencer, expanded upon by Mr. Grant Allen,[146] that the enjoyment of normal organic activities relies on their intermittence, and that “the amount of pleasure is probably ... in the inverse ratio of the natural frequency of excitation” of the nerve fibers involved? This theory does have some backing, as it seems that the sensations we consider most pleasurable usually come from activities involving organs that we leave inactive for long periods. However, there are still many aspects it doesn’t explain—e.g. the significant differences in pleasure we experience from various stimulations of the same sense at any moment; the idea behind the saying “Appetite comes with eating”; and the way that using our eyes after what seems to be dreamless sleep doesn’t provide significantly more pleasure than usual. It appears we need to find a specific reason for the pleasurable effect of intermittence in certain situations. This can’t simply be due to the higher intensity of nerve activity that occurs when well-rested and nourished nerve centers are triggered: because if that were the case, then why does the normal awareness of full nerve activity, which builds up gradually—as when we're fully engaged in energetic, non-tiring routine work—often feel nearly or completely indifferent?
Among the various competing hypotheses offered at this point of our inquiry—no one of which, I believe, has attained anything like general acceptance as covering the whole ground—I select for discussion one that has special ethical interest.
Among the different competing theories presented at this stage of our investigation—none of which, in my opinion, has gained broad acceptance as fully addressing the topic—I choose to discuss one that has particular ethical significance.
According to this hypothesis,[147] the organic process accompanied by pleasure is to be conceived as a “restoration of equilibrium” after “disturbance”: so that the absence of appreciable pleasure in the case of certain normal activities is explained by the absence of antecedent disturbance. This view is obviously applicable to certain classes of pleasures which, though by no means rare are incidental in a normal life:—the pleasure of relief after physical pain, or after the strain of great anxiety, and the pleasure of repose after unusual exertions, intellectual or muscular. But when we attempt to apply it to sensational pleasures generally, the indefiniteness of the notion of “equilibrium,” as applied to the processes of a living organism, becomes manifest. For our physical life consists of a series of changes, for the most part periodically recurrent with slight modification after short intervals: and it is difficult to see why we should attach the idea of “disturbance” or “restoration of equilibrium” to any one among these normal processes rather than any other:—e.g. it is difficult to see why the condition of having expended energy should be regarded as a departure from equilibrium any more than the condition of having just taken in nutriment. In fact, to render the hypothesis we are considering at all applicable to normal pleasures of sense, we have to pass from the physiological to the psychological point of view, and take note of the psychical state of desire, as a consciously unrestful condition, of which the essence is a felt impulse to pass out of this state towards the attainment of the desired object. Our hypothesis, then, may take this unrestful consciousness as a sign of what, from a physiological point of view, is “disturbance of equilibrium,” and similarly, the satisfaction of desire may be taken to be, physiologically, a restoration of equilibrium. On this assumption, the theory becomes undeniably applicable to those gratifications of sensual appetite which form the most prominent element of the pleasures of sense, as popularly conceived.
According to this hypothesis,[147] the organic process that comes with pleasure is viewed as a “restoration of balance” after a “disruption”: so the lack of noticeable pleasure in some normal activities is explained by the absence of prior disruption. This perspective clearly applies to certain types of pleasures that, while not rare, are incidental in a normal life: for example, the pleasure of relief after physical pain or the strain of significant anxiety, and the pleasure of relaxation after unusual efforts, whether mental or physical. However, when we try to apply this to more general sensational pleasures, the vague idea of “balance,” as it relates to the functions of a living organism, becomes apparent. Our physical life is made up of a series of changes, mostly recurring periodically with slight variations after short intervals: it's hard to understand why we would associate the idea of “disruption” or “restoration of balance” with one of these normal processes more than another: for instance, it’s tough to see why being in a state of having used energy should be seen as a departure from balance any more than the state of having just taken in food. In fact, for our hypothesis to even be relevant to normal sensory pleasures, we need to shift from a physiological to a psychological perspective and recognize the mental state of desire, as a consciously unrestful condition, characterized by a felt impulse to move out of this state towards achieving the desired goal. Thus, our hypothesis can consider this unrestful awareness as a sign of what, from a physiological standpoint, is “disruption of balance,” and correspondingly, the fulfillment of desire can be viewed physiologically as a restoration of balance. Based on this assumption, the theory definitely applies to those satisfactions of the sensual appetite which make up the most significant aspect of the pleasures of sense, as commonly understood.
Now we have already noted that by a wide-spread confusion of thought, desire has often been regarded as a species of pain. Accordingly, the theory that we are considering was originally prompted by the ethical motive of depreciating the[189] vulgarly overvalued pleasures of satisfied bodily appetite, by laying stress on their inseparable connexion with antecedent pain. The depreciation, however, fails so far as the appetite which is a necessary antecedent condition of the pleasure is—though an unrestful state—not appreciably painful.[148]
Now we have already pointed out that due to a widespread misunderstanding, desire is often seen as a type of pain. As a result, the theory we're discussing was initially motivated by the ethical aim of downplaying the commonly overrated pleasures of fulfilling physical desires, emphasizing their unavoidable link to prior pain. However, this downplaying falls short because the desire, which is a necessary precursor to the pleasure, while being an uncomfortable state, is not significantly painful.
In any case, admitting the physical counterpart of conscious desire to be a ‘disturbance of equilibrium,’ or an effect and sign of such disturbance, the theory seems open to obvious objections, if it is extended to cover the whole range of the pleasures of sense. For conscious desire is certainly not a necessary condition of experiencing the simple pleasures of the special senses: normally no sense of want has preceded the experience of pleasant sights, sounds, odours, flavours, or of the more important pleasures, more complex in their psychical conditions, which we call æsthetic. No doubt in special cases antecedent privation may produce a conscious want of these latter pleasures which may increase their intensity when they are at length attained: or even without any felt privation, the prospect of enjoying such pleasures may produce a keen desire for the enjoyment, which may be regarded as a “disturbance of equilibrium” no less plausibly than a bodily appetite. But it would be quite unwarrantable therefore to suppose a similar disturbance, though unfelt, in the ordinary cases where pleasures of this kind are experienced without any antecedent consciousness of desire or want.
In any case, if we accept the physical counterpart of conscious desire as a ‘disturbance of equilibrium’ or a sign of such disturbance, the theory faces clear objections when applied to all types of sensory pleasures. Conscious desire is definitely not a required condition for experiencing the simple pleasures of the senses: usually, there’s no prior sense of want before enjoying pleasant sights, sounds, smells, tastes, or the more significant and complex pleasures we refer to as aesthetic. Certainly, in some cases, a lack of these pleasures can create a conscious need, which may heighten their enjoyment when they are finally experienced; or even without any perceived lack, the anticipation of such pleasures can lead to a strong desire for enjoyment, which can also be seen as a “disturbance of equilibrium” just as much as a physical appetite. However, it would be completely unjustified to assume a similar disturbance, even if unrecognized, in the usual situations where these types of pleasures are enjoyed without any prior awareness of desire or need.
I have perhaps said enough to support my general conclusion that psychophysical speculation as to the causes of pleasure and pain does not at present afford a basis for a deductive method of practical Hedonism. But, before passing from this topic, I may remark that the difficulties in the way of any such theory seem especially great in the case of the complex pleasures which we distinguish as “æsthetic.” All would agree that æsthetic gratification, when at all high, depends on a subtle harmony of different elements in a complex state of consciousness; and that the pleasure resulting from such harmonious combination is indefinitely greater than the sum of the simpler pleasures which the uncombined elements would yield. But even those who estimate most[190] highly the success that has so far been attained in discovering the conditions of this harmony, in the case of any particular art, would admit that mere conformity to the conditions thus ascertained cannot secure the production of æsthetic pleasure in any considerable degree. However subtly we state in general terms the objective relations of elements in a delightful work of art, on which its delight seems to depend, we must always feel that it would be possible to produce out of similar elements a work corresponding to our general description which would give no delight at all; the touch that gives delight depends upon an instinct for which no deductive reasoning can supply a substitute. This is true, even without taking into account the wide divergences that we actually find in the æsthetic sensibilities of individuals: still less, therefore, is it needful to argue that, from the point of view of an individual seeking his own greatest happiness, none but a mainly inductive and empirical method of estimating æsthetic pleasures can be made available.
I think I've said enough to support my overall conclusion that, right now, psychophysical speculation about the causes of pleasure and pain doesn't provide a solid foundation for a deductive approach to practical Hedonism. However, before I move on from this topic, I want to point out that the challenges to any such theory seem particularly significant when it comes to the complex pleasures we refer to as “æsthetic.” Everyone would agree that high æsthetic satisfaction depends on a delicate harmony of different elements in a complex state of consciousness; and the pleasure that comes from such a harmonious blend is far greater than the total of the simpler pleasures that the individual uncombined elements would produce. Yet, even those who recognize the progress made in understanding the conditions for this harmony in any specific art form would acknowledge that simply meeting these identified conditions isn't enough to guarantee the creation of significant æsthetic pleasure. No matter how carefully we describe, in general terms, the objective relationships of elements in an enjoyable work of art that seem to determine its appeal, we must always recognize that it might be possible to create a work using similar elements that aligns with our general description but evokes no pleasure at all; the element that brings delight relies on an instinct that no deductive reasoning can replace. This is true even without considering the substantial differences we observe in individual æsthetic sensibilities; thus, it's even less necessary to argue that, from the perspective of someone seeking their own greatest happiness, only a primarily inductive and empirical method for evaluating æsthetic pleasures is viable.
§ 3. I now pass to consider a theory which may be distinguished from those discussed in the preceding section as being biological rather than psychophysical: since it directs attention not to the actual present characteristics of the organic states or changes of which pleasures and pains are the concomitants or immediate consequents, but to their relations to the life of the organism as a whole. I mean the theory that “pains are the correlatives of actions injurious to the organism, while pleasures are the correlatives of acts conducive to its welfare.” Mr. Spencer, from whom the above propositions are quoted,[149] subsequently explains “injurious” and “conducive to welfare” to mean respectively “tending to decrease or loss of life,” and “tending to continuance or increase of life”: but in his deduction by which the above conclusion is summarily established, “injurious” and “beneficial” are used as equivalent simply to “destructive” and “preservative” of organic life: and it will be more convenient to take the terms first in this simpler signification.
§ 3. I will now discuss a theory that's different from those mentioned in the previous section because it’s more about biology than the mind-body connection. This theory focuses not on the current traits of the organic states or changes associated with pleasures and pains, but on how they relate to the overall life of the organism. Specifically, I’m referring to the theory that “pains are linked to actions that harm the organism, while pleasures are linked to actions that benefit it.” Mr. Spencer, from whom these ideas are quoted,[149] further clarifies that “injurious” and “conducive to welfare” mean respectively “tending to decrease or end life” and “tending to sustain or increase life.” However, in his reasoning that leads to this conclusion, “injurious” and “beneficial” are simply used to mean “destructive” and “preservative” of organic life. It will be easier to use these terms in this simpler sense.
Mr. Spencer’s argument is as follows:—
Mr. Spencer's argument is as follows:—
“If we substitute for the word Pleasure the equivalent phrase—a feeling which we seek to bring into consciousness and retain there; and if[191] we substitute for the word Pain the equivalent phrase—a feeling which we seek to get out of consciousness and to keep out; we see at once that, if the states of consciousness which a creature endeavours to maintain are the correlatives of injurious actions, and if the states of consciousness which it endeavours to expel are the correlatives of beneficial actions, it must quickly disappear through persistence in the injurious and avoidance of the beneficial. In other words, those races of beings only can have survived in which, on the average, agreeable or desired feelings went along with activities conducive to the maintenance of life, while disagreeable and habitually-avoided feelings went along with activities directly or indirectly destructive of life; and there must ever have been, other things equal, the most numerous and long-continued survivals among races in which these adjustments of feelings to actions were the best, tending ever to bring about perfect adjustment.”
“If we replace the word Pleasure with the phrase— a feeling we try to bring into our awareness and keep there; and if we replace the word Pain with the phrase— a feeling we aim to push out of our awareness and keep out; we can quickly see that, if the feelings a creature tries to hold onto are linked to harmful actions, and if the feelings it tries to get rid of are linked to helpful actions, it will soon disappear if it continues down the harmful path and avoids the helpful one. In other words, only those beings have survived in which, on average, enjoyable or desired feelings were associated with actions that helped sustain life, while unpleasant and regularly avoided feelings were linked to actions that were harmful, either directly or indirectly. And there must have always been, assuming other factors are equal, more surviving beings in those groups where these adjustments of feelings to actions were the best, always tending to create perfect adjustment.”
Now I am not concerned to deny the value of this summary deduction for certain purposes. But it can easily be shown to be inadequate to afford a basis for a deductive method of seeking maximum happiness for the individual, by substituting Preservation for Pleasure as the end directly aimed at. In the first place, Mr. Spencer only affirms the conclusion to be true, as he rather vaguely says, “on the average”: and it is obvious that though the tendency to find injurious acts pleasant or preservative acts painful must be a disadvantage to any species of animal in the struggle for existence, it may—if existing only to a limited extent—be outweighed by other advantages, so that the organism in which it exists may survive in spite of it. This, I say, is obvious a priori: and common experience, as Mr. Spencer admits, shows “in many conspicuous ways” that this has been actually the case with civilised man during the whole period of history that we know: owing to the changes caused by the course of civilisation, “there has arisen and must long continue a deep and involved derangement of the natural connexions between pleasures and beneficial actions and between pains and detrimental actions.” This seems to be in itself a sufficient objection to founding a deductive method of Hedonism on Mr. Spencer’s general conclusion. It is, indeed, notorious that civilised men take pleasure in various forms of unhealthy conduct and find conformity to the rules of health irksome; and it is also important to note that they may be, and actually are, susceptible of keen pleasure from acts and processes that have no material tendency to preserve life. Nor is there any difficulty in explaining this on the[192] “evolution hypothesis”; since we cannot argue a priori from this hypothesis that the development of the nervous system in human beings may not bring with it intense susceptibilities to pleasure from non-preservative processes, if only the preservation of the individuals in whom such susceptibilities are developed is otherwise adequately provided for. Now this latter supposition is obviously realised in the case of persons of leisure in civilised society; whose needs of food, clothing, shelter, etc., are abundantly supplied through the complex social habit which we call the institution of private property: and I know no empirical ground for supposing that a cultivated man tends, in consequence of the keen and varied pleasure which he seeks and enjoys, to live longer than a man who goes through a comparatively dull round of monotonous routine activity, interspersed by slightly pleasurable intervals of repose and play.
Now, I’m not trying to deny the value of this summary deduction for some purposes. However, it’s easy to show that it’s not enough to support a deductive method for pursuing maximum happiness for the individual by replacing Pleasure with Preservation as the main goal. First of all, Mr. Spencer just states that the conclusion is true, as he somewhat vaguely puts it, “on average”: and it’s clear that while the tendency to find harmful actions enjoyable or protective actions painful is a disadvantage for any animal species in the struggle for survival, if this tendency exists only to a limited extent, it might be outweighed by other benefits, allowing the organism with this trait to survive anyway. I say this is obvious a priori: and common experience, as Mr. Spencer admits, shows “in many conspicuous ways” that this has actually been the case with civilized humans throughout all of recorded history: due to the changes brought on by civilization, “there has arisen and must long continue a deep and involved disruption of the natural connections between pleasures and beneficial actions and between pains and harmful actions.” This seems to be a sufficient reason not to base a deductive method of Hedonism on Mr. Spencer’s general conclusion. It’s, in fact, widely known that civilized individuals find pleasure in various unhealthy behaviors and see adherence to health guidelines as a hassle; it’s also significant to note that they may, and indeed do, experience intense pleasure from actions and processes that don’t necessarily help to preserve life. There's no difficulty in explaining this using the[192] “evolution hypothesis”; since we can’t argue a priori from this hypothesis that the development of the human nervous system wouldn’t lead to strong enjoyments from non-preservative activities, as long as those individuals’ survival is ensured in other ways. This latter assumption is clearly true for people of leisure in civilized society, whose needs for food, clothing, shelter, etc., are easily met through the complex social system we call private property: and I have no evidence to suggest that a cultured individual tends to live longer than someone who goes through a relatively dull routine of monotonous activities, mixed with occasional pleasurable breaks for rest and play.
§ 4. If, however, the individual is not likely to obtain a maximum of Pleasure by aiming merely at Preservation, it remains to consider whether “quantity of life” will serve any better. Now it is of course true that so far as nervous action is attended by consciousness pleasurable in quality, the more there is of it, the happier we shall be. But even if we assume that the more intense and full life is “on the average” the happier, it by no means follows that we shall gain maximum pleasure by aiming merely at intensity of consciousness: for we experience intense pains even more indubitably than intense pleasures, and in those “full tides of soul,” in which we seem to be most alive, painful consciousness may be mixed in almost any proportion. And further we often experience excitement nearly or quite neutral in quality (i.e. not distinctly pleasurable or painful), which reaches a great pitch of intensity, as in the case of laborious struggles with difficulties, and perplexing conflicts of which the issue is doubtful.
§ 4. However, if an individual is not likely to achieve maximum pleasure by focusing solely on preservation, we need to consider whether "quantity of life" might be more beneficial. It’s certainly true that when nervous activity is accompanied by pleasurable consciousness, more of it will make us happier. But even if we assume that a more intense and full life is generally happier, it doesn't necessarily mean we'll achieve maximum pleasure just by pursuing intense experiences. We definitely feel intense pain just as strongly as we feel intense pleasure, and during those moments of heightened awareness where we feel most alive, painful experiences can mix in various amounts. Additionally, we often encounter excitement that is nearly neutral in quality (i.e., not clearly pleasurable or painful), yet can be highly intense, like when we're struggling with difficult challenges or facing uncertain outcomes.
It may, however, be replied that “quantity of life” must be taken to imply not merely intensity of consciousness, but multiplicity and variety—a harmonious and many-sided development of human nature. And experience certainly seems to support the view that men lose happiness by allowing some of their faculties or capacities to be withered and dwarfed for want of exercise, and thus not leaving themselves sufficient[193] variety of feelings or activities: especially as regards the bodily organs, it will be agreed that the due exercise of most, if not all, is indispensable to the health of the organism; and further, that the health maintained by this balance of functions is a more important source of the individual’s happiness than the unhealthy over-exercise of any one organ can be. Still, it would appear that the harmony of functions necessary to health is a very elastic one, and admits of a very wide margin of variation, as far as the organs under voluntary control are concerned. A man (e.g.) who exercises his brain alone will probably be ill in consequence: but he may exercise his brain much and his legs little, or vice versa, without any morbid results. And, in the same way, we cannot lay down the proposition, that a varied and many-sided life is the happiest, with as much precision as would be necessary if it were to be accepted as a basis for deductive Hedonism. For it seems to be also largely true, on the other side, that the more we come to exercise any faculty with sustained and prolonged concentration, the more pleasure we derive from such exercise, up to the point at which it becomes wearisome, or turns into a semi-mechanical routine which renders consciousness dull and languid. It is, no doubt, important for our happiness that we should keep within this limit: but we cannot fix it precisely in any particular case without special experience: especially as there seems always to be a certain amount of weariness and tedium which must be resisted and overcome, if we would bring our faculties into full play, and obtain the full enjoyment of our labour. And similarly in respect of passive emotional consciousness: if too much sameness of feeling results in languor, too much variety inevitably involves shallowness. The point where concentration ought to stop, and where dissipation begins, varies from man to man, and must, it would seem, be decided by the specific experience of individuals.
It can be argued that “quantity of life” refers not just to how intensely we feel, but also to the diversity and richness of experiences—a well-rounded and multifaceted development of human nature. Experience seems to back up the idea that people lose happiness when they let some of their abilities or potential fade away due to lack of use, leaving them with an insufficient variety of feelings or activities. This is especially true for the body; it’s widely accepted that exercising most, if not all, bodily functions is essential for maintaining health. Furthermore, the health that comes from this balance is a more significant source of individual happiness than unhealthy overuse of any single organ. However, it appears that the harmony of functions needed for health is quite flexible and allows for a wide range of variation with regard to the organs we can control voluntarily. A person (e.g.) who only exercises their brain is likely to suffer negative effects, but they might exercise their brain a lot while barely using their legs, or the other way around, without any adverse consequences. Similarly, we can’t definitively claim that a varied and multifaceted life is the happiest with the precision needed for it to serve as the foundation for deductive Hedonism. On the flip side, it often seems true that the more we focus on any skill with sustained concentration, the more enjoyment we get from that activity, up until it becomes tedious or shifts into a monotonous routine that dulls our awareness and energy. Clearly, it's crucial for our happiness to stay within this limit, but we can’t pinpoint it exactly in any given situation without specific experience. There’s usually a degree of fatigue and boredom that we must push through to fully engage our abilities and enjoy the fruits of our efforts. Likewise, in terms of passive emotional awareness: if we experience too much uniformity in our feelings, it leads to lethargy; however, too much variety can lead to superficiality. The point at which focus should end and distraction should start differs from person to person and seems to be determined by each individual's unique experiences.
There is, however, another and simpler way in which the maxim of ‘giving free development to one’s nature’ may be understood: i.e. in the sense of yielding to spontaneous impulses, instead of endeavouring to govern these by elaborate forecasts of consequences: a scientific justification for this course being found in the theory that spontaneous or instinc[194]tive impulses really represent the effects of previous experiences of pleasure and pain on the organism in which they appear, or its ancestors. On this ground, it has been maintained that in complicated problems of conduct, experience will “enable the constitution to estimate the respective amounts of pleasure and pain consequent upon each alternative,” where it is “impossible for the intellect” to do this: and “will further cause the organism instinctively to shun that course which produces on the whole most suffering.”[150] That there is an important element of truth in this contention I would not deny. But any broad conclusion that non-rational inclination is a better guide than reason to the individual’s happiness would be quite unwarranted by anything that we know or can plausibly conjecture respecting biological evolution. For—overlooking the effect of natural selection to foster impulses tending to the preservation of the race rather than the pleasure of the individual, and granting that every sentient organism tends to adapt itself to its environment, in such a manner as to acquire instincts of some value in guiding it to pleasure and away from pain—it by no means follows that in the human organism one particular kind of adaptation, that which proceeds by unconscious modification of instinct, is to be preferred to that other kind of adaptation which is brought about by conscious comparison and inference. It rather seems clear, that this proposition can only be justified by a comparison of the consequences of yielding to instinctive impulses with the consequences of controlling them by calculations of resulting pleasure and pain. But it will hardly be maintained that in the majority of clear instances where non-rational impulse conflicts with rational forecast, a subsequent calculation of consequences appears to justify the former; the assertion would be in too flagrant conflict with the common sense and common experience of mankind. Hence, however true it may be that in certain cases instinct is on the whole a safer guide than prudential calculation, it would still seem that we can only ascertain these cases by careful reflection on experience: we cannot determine the limits to which prudential calculation[195] may prudently be carried, except by this very calculation itself.
There is, however, another and simpler way to understand the idea of ‘allowing one’s nature to develop freely’: that is, by giving in to spontaneous urges instead of trying to control them with complicated predictions of outcomes. A scientific justification for this approach comes from the theory that spontaneous or instinctive impulses reflect the effects of previous experiences of pleasure and pain on the organism, or its ancestors. Based on this, it has been argued that in complex situations, experience “enables the constitution to estimate the respective amounts of pleasure and pain resulting from each alternative,” in cases where it is “impossible for the intellect” to do so: and “further causes the organism to instinctively avoid that path which leads to the most suffering overall.” That there is a significant element of truth in this argument I would not deny. However, any sweeping conclusion that non-rational tendency is a better guide than reason for an individual’s happiness would be completely unfounded based on what we know or can reasonably guess about biological evolution. For—setting aside the influence of natural selection, which promotes impulses that help preserve the species rather than the individual’s pleasure, and assuming that every sentient organism naturally adapts to its environment, acquiring useful instincts to navigate towards pleasure and away from pain—it does not follow that in humans, one specific type of adaptation, which occurs through unconscious instinct modification, is preferable to another type of adaptation that results from conscious comparison and reasoning. It seems clear that this idea can only be justified by comparing the outcomes of following instinctive impulses with the results of managing them through calculations of potential pleasure and pain. Yet, it’s hard to argue that, in most clear cases where non-rational impulse clashes with rational forecasting, a later analysis of outcomes supports the former; this claim would conflict too much with common sense and the shared experiences of humanity. Therefore, while it may be true that in certain situations instinct is generally a safer guide than careful calculation, it still appears that we can only identify these instances through thoughtful reflection on experience: we cannot establish the extent to which careful calculation can reasonably be applied without using this very calculation itself.
We seem, then, forced to conclude that there is no scientific short-cut to the ascertainment of the right means to the individual’s happiness: every attempt to find a ‘high priori road’ to this goal brings us back inevitably to the empirical method. For instead of a clear principle universally valid, we only get at best a vague and general rule, based on considerations which it is important not to overlook, but the relative value of which we can only estimate by careful observation and comparison of individual experience. Whatever uncertainty besets these processes must necessarily extend to all our reasonings about happiness. I have no wish to exaggerate these uncertainties, feeling that we must all continue to seek happiness for ourselves and for others, in whatever obscurity we may have to grope after it: but there is nothing gained by underrating them, and it is idle to argue as if they did not exist.
We seem to be forced to conclude that there’s no scientific shortcut to figuring out the right way to achieve individual happiness: every attempt to find a ‘high priori road’ to this goal inevitably brings us back to the empirical method. Instead of a clear, universally valid principle, we only end up with a vague and general rule based on considerations that are important not to overlook. However, we can only assess their relative value through careful observation and comparison of individual experiences. Any uncertainty that surrounds these processes will inevitably affect all our reasoning about happiness. I don't want to exaggerate these uncertainties, as we all need to keep pursuing happiness for ourselves and others, even if we have to navigate some ambiguity. Still, there’s no benefit in downplaying them, and it’s pointless to argue as if they don’t exist.
BOOK III
INTUITIONISM
CHAPTER I
Intuitionism
§ 1. The effort to examine, closely but quite neutrally, the system of Egoistic Hedonism, with which we have been engaged in the last Book, may not improbably have produced on the reader’s mind a certain aversion to the principle and method examined, even though (like myself) he may find it difficult not to admit the ‘authority’ of self-love, or the ‘rationality’ of seeking one’s own individual happiness. In considering ‘enlightened self-interest’ as supplying a prima facie tenable principle for the systematisation of conduct, I have given no expression to this sentiment of aversion, being anxious to ascertain with scientific impartiality the results to which this principle logically leads. When, however, we seem to find on careful examination of Egoism (as worked out on a strictly empirical basis) that the common precepts of duty, which we are trained to regard as sacred, must be to the egoist rules to which it is only generally speaking and for the most part reasonable to conform, but which under special circumstances must be decisively ignored and broken,—the offence which Egoism in the abstract gives to our sympathetic and social nature adds force to the recoil from it caused by the perception of its occasional practical conflict with common notions of duty. But further, we are accustomed to expect from Morality clear and decisive precepts or counsels: and such rules as can be laid down for seeking the individual’s greatest happiness cannot but appear wanting in these qualities.[200] A dubious guidance to an ignoble end appears to be all that the calculus of Egoistic Hedonism has to offer. And it is by appealing to the superior certainty with which the dictates of Conscience or the Moral Faculty are issued, that Butler maintains the practical supremacy of Conscience over Self-love, in spite of his admission (in the passage before quoted[151]) of theoretical priority in the claims of the latter.[152] A man knows certainly, he says, what he ought to do: but he does not certainly know what will lead to his happiness.
§ 1. The attempt to carefully but neutrally examine the system of Egoistic Hedonism, which we have been discussing in the last book, may have likely created a sense of aversion in the reader towards the principle and method analyzed. Even though (like myself) one may find it hard to deny the ‘authority’ of self-love or the ‘rationality’ of pursuing one’s own happiness. While looking at ‘enlightened self-interest’ as providing a prima facie justifiable principle for organizing behavior, I haven’t expressed this feeling of aversion, as I wanted to objectively determine the results that this principle logically leads to. However, when we closely examine Egoism (as based on strict empirical evidence) and find that the common rules of duty we consider sacred must for the egoist be seen as guidelines that are usually rational to follow, but which should be decisively ignored and broken in special situations — the offense that abstract Egoism gives to our sympathetic and social nature intensifies the instinctive rejection of it, caused by the recognition of its occasional practical clash with widely accepted notions of duty. Furthermore, we expect morality to provide clear and direct guidelines, and rules aimed at maximizing an individual's happiness seem to lack these qualities.[200] A questionable guide to an unworthy goal seems to be all that the logic of Egoistic Hedonism can provide. It’s by appealing to the more certain nature of the guidance from Conscience or the Moral Faculty that Butler argues for the practical superiority of Conscience over Self-love, despite acknowledging (in the previously quoted passage[151]) the theoretical precedence of the latter.[152] A person knows for sure, he says, what they ought to do: but they don’t definitely know what will lead to their happiness.
In saying this, Butler appears to me fairly to represent the common moral sense of ordinary mankind, in our own age no less than in his. The moral judgments that men habitually pass on one another in ordinary discourse imply for the most part that duty is usually not a difficult thing for an ordinary man to know, though various seductive impulses may make it difficult for him to do it. And in such maxims as that duty should be performed ‘advienne que pourra,’ that truth should be spoken without regard to consequences, that justice should be done ‘though the sky should fall,’ it is implied that we have the power of seeing clearly that certain kinds of actions are right and reasonable in themselves, apart from their consequences;—or rather with a merely partial consideration of consequences, from which other consequences admitted to be possibly good or bad are definitely excluded.[153] And such a power is claimed for the human mind by most of the writers who have maintained the existence of moral intuitions; I have therefore thought myself justified in treating this claim as characteristic of the method which I distinguish as Intuitional.[201] At the same time, as I have before observed, there is a wider sense in which the term ‘intuitional’ might be legitimately applied to either Egoistic or Universalistic Hedonism; so far as either system lays down as a first principle—which if known at all must be intuitively known—that happiness is the only rational ultimate end of action. To this meaning I shall recur in the concluding chapters (xiii. and xiv.) of this Book; in which I shall discuss more fully the intuitive character of these hedonistic principles. But since the adoption of this wider meaning would not lead us to a distinct ethical method, I have thought it best, in the detailed discussion of Intuitionism which occupies the first eleven chapters of this Book, to confine myself as far as possible to Moral Intuition understood in the narrower sense above defined.
In saying this, Butler seems to clearly reflect the common moral sense of regular people, both in his time and ours. The moral judgments that people typically make about each other in everyday conversations suggest that understanding duty is usually not very hard for an average person to know, even though various tempting impulses might make it tough for him to do it. And in sayings like that duty should be carried out ‘come what may,’ that truth should be told regardless of the outcome, and that justice should be served ‘even if the sky falls,’ it's implied that we can clearly see that certain actions are inherently right and reasonable, regardless of their consequences;—or more specifically, considering only certain consequences, while deliberately excluding other consequences that could be considered good or bad.[153] Most writers who argue for the existence of moral intuitions assert that humans possess this ability; therefore, I believe I'm justified in framing this assertion as a key aspect of the method I call Intuitional.[201] At the same time, as I've mentioned before, there is a broader sense in which the term ‘intuitional’ could appropriately apply to either Egoistic or Universalistic Hedonism, to the extent that either system asserts as a fundamental principle—something that, if known at all, must be known intuitively—that happiness is the only rational ultimate goal of action. I will revisit this interpretation in the final chapters (xiii. and xiv.) of this Book, where I will discuss the intuitive nature of these hedonistic principles in more depth. However, since adopting this broader interpretation wouldn't lead us to a distinct ethical method, I've decided to focus primarily on Moral Intuition as understood in the narrower sense I've defined during the detailed discussion of Intuitionism in the first eleven chapters of this Book.
§ 2. Here, perhaps, it may be said that in thus defining Intuitionism I have omitted its most fundamental characteristic; that the Intuitionist properly speaking—in contrast with the Utilitarian—does not judge actions by an external standard at all; that true morality, in his view, is not concerned with outward actions as such, but with the state of mind in which acts are done—in short with “intentions” and “motives.”[154] I think, however, that this objection is partly due to a misunderstanding. Moralists of all schools, I conceive, would agree that the moral judgments which we pass on actions relate primarily to intentional actions regarded as intentional. In other words, what we judge to be ‘wrong’—in the strictest ethical sense—is not any part of the actual effects, as such, of the muscular movements immediately caused by the agent’s volition, but the effects which he foresaw in willing the act; or, more strictly, his volition or choice of realising the effects as foreseen.[155] When I speak therefore of acts, I must be understood to mean—unless the contrary is stated—acts[202] presumed to be intentional and judged as such: on this point I do not think that any dispute need arise.
§ 2. Here, it could be argued that while defining Intuitionism, I've left out its most important feature; the Intuitionist, unlike the Utilitarian, does not evaluate actions based on any external criteria. True morality, to him, focuses on the mindset in which actions are performed—essentially, on “intentions” and “motives.”[154] However, I believe this objection stems partly from a misunderstanding. Moralists from all perspectives would likely agree that our moral evaluations of actions are primarily about intentional actions viewed as intentional. In other words, what we deem ‘wrong’—in the strictest ethical sense—is not simply about the actual consequences of the physical actions triggered by the agent's will, but rather the outcomes he anticipated when deciding to perform the act; or, more specifically, his decision to bring about those anticipated outcomes.[155] Therefore, when I refer to acts, I should be understood to mean—unless stated otherwise—acts assumed to be intentional and judged as such: on this matter, I don't think there should be any dispute.
The case of motives is different and requires careful discussion. In the first place the distinction between “motive” and “intention” in ordinary language is not very precise: since we apply the term “motive” to foreseen consequences of an act, so far as they are conceived to be objects of desire to the agent, or to the desire of such consequences: and when we speak of the intention of an act we usually, no doubt, have desired consequences in view. I think, however, that for purposes of exact moral or jural discussion, it is best to include under the term ‘intention’ all the consequences of an act that are foreseen as certain or probable; since it will be admitted that we cannot evade responsibility for any foreseen bad consequences of our acts by the plea that we felt no desire for them, either for their own sake or as means to ulterior ends:[156] such undesired accompaniments of the desired results of our volitions are clearly chosen or willed by us. Hence the intention of an act may be judged to be wrong, while the motive is recognised as good; as when a man commits perjury to save a parent’s or a benefactor’s life. Such judgments are, in fact, continually passed in common moral discourse. It may, however, be said that an act cannot be right, even when the intention is such as duty would prescribe, if it be done from a bad motive: that—to take a case suggested by Bentham—a man who prosecutes from malice a person whom he believes to be guilty, does not really act rightly; for, though it may be his duty to prosecute, he ought not to do it from malice. It is doubtless true that it is our duty to get rid of bad motives if we can; so that a man’s intention cannot be wholly right, unless it includes the repression, so far as possible, of a motive known to be bad. But no one, I think, will contend that we can always suppress entirely a strong emotion; and such suppression will be especially difficult if we are to do the[203] act to which the wrong impulse prompts; while yet, if that act be clearly a duty which no one else can so properly perform, it would be absurd to say that we ought to omit it because we cannot altogether exclude an objectionable motive. It is sometimes said that, though we may not be able in doing our duty to exclude a bad motive altogether from our minds, it is still possible to refuse to act from it. But I think that this is only possible so far as the details of action to which a right motive would prompt differ to some extent from those to which a wrong motive would prompt. No doubt this is often the case:—thus, in Bentham’s example, a malevolent prosecutor may be prompted to take unfair advantage of his enemy, or cause him needless pain by studied insults; and it is obviously possible for him—and his duty—to resist such promptings. But so far as precisely the same action is prompted by two different motives, both present in my consciousness, I am not conscious of any power to cause this action to be determined by one of the two motives to the exclusion of the other. In other words, while a man can resolve to aim at any end which he conceives as a possible result of his voluntary action, he cannot simultaneously resolve not to aim at any other end which he believes will be promoted by the same action; and if that other end be an object of desire to him, he cannot, while aiming at it, refuse to act from this desire.[157]
The issue of motives is different and requires careful discussion. First of all, the distinction between “motive” and “intention” in everyday language isn't very clear: we often use the term “motive” for the anticipated outcomes of an action, as long as they are seen as something the agent desires, or as motivations for those outcomes. When we talk about the intention behind an action, we generally have desired outcomes in mind. However, for the sake of precise moral or legal discussion, it's best to include all the consequences of an action that are anticipated as certain or probable under the term ‘intention’; since it's accepted that we can't escape responsibility for any bad outcomes we foresee just because we didn't desire them, either for their own sake or as means to an end: such undesired outcomes connected to the desired results of our choices are clearly chosen by us. Therefore, the intention behind an action can be judged as wrong while the motive is perceived as good; for example, when someone lies under oath to save the life of a parent or benefactor. Such judgments are frequently made in everyday moral discussions. Yet, it can be argued that an action can't be considered right even if the intention aligns with what duty requires if it is carried out from a bad motive: to illustrate with a case proposed by Bentham—a person who prosecutes someone out of spite, despite believing them to be guilty, doesn't really act rightly; because, although it may be their duty to prosecute, they shouldn't do it from a place of malice. It is certainly true that we have a duty to eliminate bad motives when we can; thus, a person's intention can't be entirely right unless it involves minimizing, as much as possible, a motive that's recognized as bad. But no one, I believe, would argue that we can always fully suppress a strong emotion; and such suppression can be especially challenging if we are motivated to act by the urge that is considered inappropriate; yet, if that action is clearly a duty that no one else can handle as properly, it would be unreasonable to say we should not perform it just because we can't completely eliminate a questionable motive. Sometimes it's said that, although we may not be able to entirely exclude a bad motive from our minds while fulfilling our duty, it is still possible to choose not to act on it. However, I think this is only feasible to the extent that the specifics of the action that a good motive would encourage differ somewhat from those prompted by a bad motive. No doubt, this is often the case: in Bentham’s example, a spiteful prosecutor might feel tempted to exploit flaws in their enemy or inflict unnecessary pain with calculated insults; and it's clearly possible for him—and his obligation—to resist such urges. But when exactly the same action is driven by two different motives, both present in my awareness, I don’t feel that I have the ability to direct this action based on one motive while ignoring the other. In other words, while a person can decide to aim at any goal they see as a potential result of their voluntary actions, they can’t simultaneously decide not to aim at another goal they believe will also be supported by the same action; and if that other goal is something they desire, they can't refuse to act on that desire while pursuing it.
On the whole, then, I conclude (1) that while many actions are commonly judged to be made better or worse by the presence or absence of certain motives, our judgments of right and wrong strictly speaking relate to intentions, as distinguished from motives;[158] and (2) that while intentions affecting the agent’s own feelings and character are morally prescribed no less than intentions to produce certain external effects, still, the latter form the primary—though not the sole—content of the main prescriptions of duty, as commonly affirmed and understood: but the extent to which this is the case, will become more clear as we proceed.
Overall, I conclude (1) that while many actions are often seen as better or worse depending on the presence or absence of certain motives, our assessments of right and wrong actually focus on intentions, rather than motives;[158] and (2) that while intentions that affect the agent’s own feelings and character are morally significant just like intentions to achieve specific external outcomes, the latter are the primary—although not the only—focus of the main moral duties as commonly accepted and understood: but the degree to which this is true will become clearer as we continue.
It has indeed been maintained by moralists of influence that the moral value of our conduct depends upon the degree to which we are actuated by the one motive which they regard as truly moral: viz. the desire or free choice[159] of doing what is right as such, realising duty or virtue for duty or virtue’s sake:[160] and that a perfectly good act must be done entirely from this motive. I think, however, that it is difficult to combine this view—which I may conveniently distinguish as Stoical—with the belief, which modern orthodox moralists have usually been concerned to maintain, that it is always a man’s true interest to act virtuously. I do not mean that a man who holds this belief must necessarily be an egoist: but it seems to me impossible for him to exclude from his motives a regard for his own interest, while yet believing that it will be promoted by the act which he is willing. If, therefore, we hold that this self-regard impairs the moral value of an act otherwise virtuous, and at the same time hold that virtue is always conducive to the virtuous agent’s interest, we seem driven to the conclusion that knowledge of the true relation between virtue and happiness is an insuperable obstacle to the attainment of moral[205] perfection. I cannot accept this paradox: and in subsequent chapters I shall try to show that the Stoical view of moral goodness is not on the whole sustained by a comprehensive survey and comparison of common moral judgments: since in some cases acts appear to have the quality of virtue even more strikingly when performed from some motive other than the love of virtue as such. For the present I wish rather to point out that the doctrine above stated is diametrically opposed to the view that the universal or normal motives of human action are either particular desires of pleasure or aversions to pain for the agent himself, or the more general regard to his happiness on the whole which I term Self-love; that it also excludes the less extreme doctrine that duties may be to some extent properly done from such self-regarding motives; and that one or other of these positions has frequently been held by writers who have expressly adopted an Intuitional method of Ethics. For instance, we find Locke laying down, without reserve or qualification, that “good and evil are nothing but pleasure and pain, or that which occasions or procures pleasure or pain to us:”[161] so that “it would be utterly in vain to suppose a rule set to the free actions of man, without annexing it to some reward or punishment to determine his will.” On the other hand, he expresses, with no less emphasis, the conviction that “from self-evident propositions, by necessary consequences, as incontestable as those in mathematics, the measures of right and wrong might be made out,”[162] so that “morality might be placed among the sciences capable of demonstration.” The combination of these two doctrines gives us the view that moral rules are essentially laws of God, which men are impelled to obey, solely or mainly, from fear or hope of divine punishments or rewards; and some such view as this seems to be widely accepted, by plain men without very refined moral sensibilities.
It has indeed been argued by influential moralists that the moral value of our actions depends on how much we are motivated by what they consider the only true moral motive: the desire or free choice of doing what is right for its own sake, recognizing duty or virtue simply for duty or virtue’s sake. They claim that a genuinely good act must come entirely from this motive. However, I believe it’s challenging to combine this perspective—which I can conveniently call Stoical—with the belief, usually upheld by modern mainstream moralists, that it's always in a person's best interest to act virtuously. I don’t mean that someone who believes this has to be selfish, but it seems impossible for them to disregard their own interest as a motive while still believing that acting virtuously will serve that interest. Therefore, if we maintain that self-interest undermines the moral value of an act that is otherwise virtuous and also believe that virtue always benefits the virtuous agent, we seem to be forced to conclude that understanding the true connection between virtue and happiness is a major barrier to achieving moral perfection. I cannot accept this contradiction, and in the following chapters, I will try to demonstrate that the Stoical view of moral goodness is not ultimately supported by a thorough examination and comparison of common moral judgments since, in some cases, actions appear to embody virtue even more clearly when motivated by something other than a love for virtue itself. For now, I want to emphasize that the doctrine expressed above is directly contrary to the idea that the universal or typical motives of human action are either specific desires for pleasure or aversions to pain for oneself, or the broader concern for one’s overall happiness, which I call Self-love; it also dismisses the less extreme idea that duties can to some degree be properly performed from such self-centered motives; and either one of these positions has often been held by writers who have explicitly adopted an Intuitionist method of Ethics. For example, we see Locke asserting without reservation that “good and evil are nothing but pleasure and pain, or that which causes or brings pleasure or pain to us,” so that “it would be completely futile to imagine a rule governing human free actions without linking it to some reward or punishment to guide their will.” Conversely, he also strongly expresses the belief that “from self-evident propositions, through necessary consequences, as undeniable as those in mathematics, the measures of right and wrong could be established,” so that “morality could be categorized among the sciences capable of demonstration.” The combination of these two beliefs leads us to the view that moral rules are fundamentally laws laid down by God, which people are compelled to follow primarily from fear or hope of divine punishment or reward; and this kind of view seems to be widely accepted among ordinary people who do not have very refined moral sensibilities.
As an example, again, of thinkers who, while recognising in human nature a disinterested regard for duty or virtue as such, still consider that self-love is a proper and legitimate motive to right conduct, we may refer to Butler and his disciples. Butler regards “reasonable self-love” as not[206] merely a normal motive to human action, but as being—no less than conscience—a “chief or superior principle in the nature of man”; so that an action “becomes unsuitable” to this nature, if the principle of self-love be violated. Accordingly the aim of his teaching is not to induce men to choose duty rather than interest, but to convince them that there is no inconsistency between the two; that self-love and conscience lead “to one and the same course of life.”
As another example of thinkers who acknowledge that human nature has an inherent regard for duty or virtue, yet still see self-love as a genuine and valid motive for proper behavior, we can look at Butler and his followers. Butler views “reasonable self-love” not just as a typical motive for human action, but as—like conscience—a “chief or superior principle in human nature”; therefore, an action becomes inappropriate if it goes against the principle of self-love. Consequently, his teaching aims not to persuade people to choose duty over self-interest, but to show them that there is no conflict between the two; that self-love and conscience both lead “to one and the same course of life.”
This intermediate doctrine appears to me to be more in harmony with the common sense of mankind on the whole than either of the extreme views before contrasted. But I do not conceive that any one of the three positions is inconsistent with fundamental assumptions of the Intuitional method. Even those who hold that human beings cannot reasonably be expected to conform to moral rules disinterestedly, or from any other motive than that supplied by the sanctions divinely attached to them, still commonly conceive God as supreme Reason, whose laws must be essentially reasonable: and so far as such laws are held to be cognisable by the ‘light of nature’—so that morality, as Locke says, may be placed among demonstrative sciences—the method of determining them will be none the less intuitional because it is combined with the belief that God will reward their observance and punish their violation. On the other hand those who hold that regard for duty as duty is an indispensable condition of acting rightly, would generally admit that acting rightly is not adequately defined as acting from a pure desire to act rightly; that though, in a certain sense, a man who sincerely desires and intends to act rightly does all he can, and completely fulfils duty, still such a man may have a wrong judgment as to the particulars of his duty, and therefore, in another sense, may act wrongly. If this be admitted, it is evident that, even on the view that the desire or resolution to fulfil duty as such is essential to right action, a distinction between two kinds of rightness is required; which we may express by saying that an act is—on this view—“formally”[207][163] right, if the agent in willing is moved by pure desire to fulfil duty or chooses duty for duty’s sake; “materially” right, if he intends the right particular effects. This distinction being taken, it becomes plain that there is no reason why the same principles and method for determining material rightness, or rightness of particular effects, should not be adopted by thinkers who differ most widely on the question of formal rightness; and it is, obviously, with material rightness that the work of the systematic moralist is mainly concerned.
This intermediate view seems to align better with the general sense of people than either of the extreme opinions previously discussed. However, I believe that none of the three positions contradicts the basic principles of the Intuitional method. Even those who argue that people cannot be expected to follow moral rules selflessly, or for any reason other than the divine consequences attached to them, usually see God as the ultimate Reason, whose laws must be fundamentally reasonable. As long as such laws are considered recognizable by the "light of nature"—so that morality, as Locke states, can be placed among the demonstrative sciences—the way of determining them remains intuitional, even if it includes the belief that God will reward adherence and punish violations. On the flip side, those who argue that a sense of duty as duty is essential for acting rightly would generally agree that acting rightly isn’t just about having a pure desire to act rightly; that while, in some sense, a person who sincerely desires and intends to do right is doing everything possible and fully meets their duty, they might still be mistaken about the specifics of their duty, and thus, may act incorrectly in another sense. If we accept this, it becomes clear that, even considering the belief that the desire or resolution to fulfill duty is crucial for right action, we need to distinguish between two types of rightness; we can say that an act is—on this perspective—“formally”[207][163] right if the person’s intention is driven by a pure desire to fulfill duty or chooses duty for duty’s sake; it is “materially” right if they intend the correct particular outcomes. With this distinction in mind, it is evident that there’s no reason the same principles and methods for determining material rightness, or the rightness of specific outcomes, should not be embraced by thinkers who have the most differing views on formal rightness; and it’s clear that the work of the systematic moralist mainly revolves around material rightness.
§ 3. The term ‘formal rightness,’ as above used, implying a desire or choice of the act as right, implies also a belief that it is so. But the latter condition may exist without the former: I cannot perform an act from pure love of duty without believing it to be right: but I can believe it to be right and yet do it from some other motive. And there seems to be more agreement among moralists who adopt the Intuitional Method as to the moral indispensability of such a belief, than we have found with respect to the question of motive: at least, it would, I conceive, be universally held that no act can be absolutely right, whatever its external aspect and relations, which is believed by the agent to be wrong.[164] Such an act we may call “subjectively” wrong, even though “objectively” right. It may still be asked whether it is better in any particular case that a man should do what he mistakenly believes to be his duty, or what really is his duty in the particular circumstances—considered apart from his mistaken belief—and would be completely right if he could only think so. The question is rather subtle and perplexing to Common Sense: it is therefore worth while to point out that it can have only a limited and subordinate practical application. For no one, in considering what he ought himself to do in any particular case, can distinguish what he believes to be right from what really is so: the necessity for a practical choice between ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ rightness can only present itself in respect of the conduct of another person whom it is in our power to influence. If[208] another is about to do what we think wrong while he thinks it right, and we cannot alter his belief but can bring other motives to bear on him that may overbalance his sense of duty, it becomes necessary to decide whether we ought thus to tempt him to realise what we believe to be objectively right against his own convictions. I think that the moral sense of mankind would pronounce against such temptation,—thus regarding the Subjective rightness of an action as more important than the Objective,—unless the evil of the act prompted by a mistaken sense of duty appeared to be very grave.[165] But however essential it may be that a moral agent should do what he believes to be right, this condition of right conduct is too simple to admit of systematic development: it is, therefore, clear that the details of our investigation must relate mainly to ‘objective’ rightness.
§ 3. The term ‘formal rightness,’ as used above, indicating a desire or choice of the act as right, also implies a belief that it is right. However, the latter can exist without the former: I can carry out an act out of pure love for duty without believing it to be right, but I can believe it is right and still act for a different reason. There seems to be more consensus among moralists who adopt the Intuitional Method about the moral necessity of such a belief than we find regarding the question of motive: at least, it would generally be accepted that no act can be absolutely right, regardless of its external appearance and relationships, if the agent believes it to be wrong.[164] Such an act could be called “subjectively” wrong, even if it is “objectively” right. The question still arises whether it's better in any specific case for someone to do what they mistakenly think is their duty, or what their true duty is in that particular situation—considered independently of their mistaken belief—and would be entirely right if they could only recognize it. This question is quite subtle and confusing for Common Sense: hence, it's worth noting that it has only a limited and secondary practical application. Because when considering what someone should do in any specific case, they can't distinguish what they believe is right from what actually is right: the need for a practical choice between ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ rightness only arises regarding the behavior of another person whom we can influence. If[208] someone else is about to do what we think is wrong while they think it’s right, and we can't change their belief but can introduce other motives that might outweigh their sense of duty, we must decide whether we should tempt them to adopt what we believe to be objectively right against their own convictions. I believe that the moral sense of humanity would oppose such temptation—thereby considering the Subjective rightness of an action as more important than the Objective—unless the wrongdoing prompted by a mistaken belief in duty seems very serious.[165] But even though it’s essential for a moral agent to act in accordance with what they believe to be right, this condition of proper conduct is too basic to allow for systematic elaboration: thus, it’s clear that the details of our investigation must primarily focus on ‘objective’ rightness.
There is, however, one practical rule of some value, to be obtained by merely reflecting on the general notion of rightness,[166] as commonly conceived. In a previous chapter[167] I endeavoured to make this notion clearer by saying that ‘what I judge to be right must, unless I am in error, be judged to be so by all rational beings who judge truly of the matter.’ This statement does not imply that what is judged to be right for one man must necessarily be judged so for another: ‘objective’ rightness may vary from A to B no less than the ‘objective’ facts of their nature and circumstances vary. There seems, however, to be this difference between our conceptions of ethical and physical objectivity respectively: that we commonly refuse to admit in the case of the former—what experience compels us to admit as regards the latter—variations for which[209] we can discover no rational explanation. In the variety of coexistent physical facts we find an accidental or arbitrary element in which we have to acquiesce, as we cannot conceive it to be excluded by any extension of our knowledge of physical causation. If we ask, for example, why any portion of space empirically known to us contains more matter than any similar adjacent portion, physical science can only answer by stating (along with certain laws of change) some antecedent position of the parts of matter which needs explanation no less than the present; and however far back we carry our ascertainment of such antecedent positions, the one with which we leave off seems as arbitrary as that with which we started. But within the range of our cognitions of right and wrong, it will be generally agreed that we cannot admit a similar unexplained variation. We cannot judge an action to be right for A and wrong for B, unless we can find in the natures or circumstances of the two some difference which we can regard as a reasonable ground for difference in their duties. If therefore I judge any action to be right for myself, I implicitly judge it to be right for any other person whose nature and circumstances do not differ from my own in some important respects. Now by making this latter judgment explicit, we may protect ourselves against the danger which besets the conscience, of being warped and perverted by strong desire, so that we too easily think that we ought to do what we very much wish to do. For if we ask ourselves whether we believe that any similar person in similar circumstances ought to perform the contemplated action, the question will often disperse the false appearance of rightness which our strong inclination has given to it. We see that we should not think it right for another, and therefore that it cannot be right for us. Indeed this test of the rightness of our volitions is so generally effective, that Kant seems to have held that all particular rules of duty can be deduced from the one fundamental rule “Act as if the maxim of thy action were to become by thy will a universal law of nature.”[168] But this appears to me an error analogous to[210] that of supposing that Formal Logic supplies a complete criterion of truth. I should agree that a volition which does not stand this test[169] is to be condemned; but I hold that a volition which does stand it may after all be wrong. For I conceive that all (or almost all) persons who act conscientiously could sincerely will the maxims on which they act to be universally adopted: while at the same time we continually find such persons in thoroughly conscientious disagreement as to what each ought to do in a given set of circumstances. Under these circumstances, to say that all such persons act rightly—in the objective sense—because their maxims all conform to Kant’s fundamental rule, would obliterate altogether the distinction between subjective and objective rightness; it would amount to affirming that whatever any one thinks right is so, unless he is in error as to the facts of the case to which his judgment applies. But such an affirmation is in flagrant conflict with common sense; and would render the construction of a scientific code of morality futile: as the very object of such a code is to supply a standard for rectifying men’s divergent opinions.
There is, however, one practical rule of some value that can be obtained just by thinking about the general idea of rightness,[166] as it’s typically understood. In a previous chapter[167], I tried to clarify this idea by saying that “what I believe to be right must, unless I’m mistaken, be seen as right by all rational beings who truly understand the situation.” This statement doesn’t imply that what is seen as right for one person must necessarily be viewed the same way by another: ‘objective’ rightness can vary from A to B just as much as the ‘objective’ facts of their nature and circumstances do. However, there seems to be a difference between our understandings of ethical and physical objectivity: we commonly refuse to accept, in the case of ethics—what experience compels us to accept regarding physical facts—variations for which[209] we can find no rational explanation. In the variety of coexisting physical facts, we find an arbitrary element that we have to accept because we can’t imagine that it would be excluded by an extension of our knowledge of physical causation. For instance, if we ask why a certain portion of space that we know contains more matter than a similar nearby portion, physical science can only respond by explaining (along with some laws of change) some previous arrangement of the matter that requires just as much explanation as the current one; and no matter how far back we trace such prior arrangements, the conclusion we reach seems just as random as the starting point. But when it comes to our understanding of right and wrong, most people agree that we can’t accept a similar unexplained variation. We can’t judge an action to be right for A and wrong for B unless we can find some difference in their natures or circumstances that we can justify as a reasonable basis for differing duties. So, if I believe any action is right for myself, I also implicitly believe it’s right for anyone else whose nature and circumstances don’t differ significantly from mine. By making this judgment explicit, we can guard against the risk of letting our conscience be misled by strong desires, leading us to too easily think we should do what we really want to do. If we ask ourselves whether we think a similar person in the same circumstances should carry out the action we’re considering, that question often dissolves the false impression of rightness that our strong desire has created. We realize we wouldn’t consider it right for someone else, and therefore it can’t be right for us. In fact, this test for the rightness of our decisions is so generally effective that Kant seems to have believed all specific rules of duty could be derived from one fundamental rule: “Act as if the maxim of your action were to become by your will a universal law of nature.”[168] But to me, this seems to be a mistake similar to believing that Formal Logic provides a complete measure of truth. I would agree that a decision failing this test[169] should be condemned; however, I maintain that a decision passing it could still be wrong. I believe that all (or almost all) people who act with a sense of duty could genuinely wish for the principles guiding their actions to be universally adopted: yet we often see such people in honest disagreement about what each should do in a given situation. Under these circumstances, to claim that all such individuals act rightly—in an objective sense—simply because their principles align with Kant’s fundamental rule would completely erase the distinction between subjective and objective rightness; it would imply that whatever anyone thinks is right is actually right, unless they’re mistaken about the facts of the case their judgment pertains to. But such a claim is in direct conflict with common sense and would make the creation of a scientific code of morality pointless: as the very goal of such a code is to provide a standard for correcting people’s differing opinions.
We may conclude then that the moral judgments which the present method attempts to systematise are primarily and for the most part intuitions of the rightness or goodness (or the reverse) of particular kinds of external effects of human volition, presumed to be intended by the agent, but considered independently of the agent’s own view as to the rightness or wrongness of his intention; though the quality of motives, as distinct from intentions, has also to be taken into account.
We can conclude that the moral judgments this method tries to organize are mainly based on our instincts about what is right or good (or the opposite) regarding specific outcomes of human actions, which we assume are meant by the individual, but are viewed separately from the individual's own beliefs about the rightness or wrongness of their intentions; however, we also need to consider the quality of motives, which is different from intentions.
§ 4. But the question may be raised, whether it is[211] legitimate to take for granted (as I have hitherto been doing) the existence of such intuitions? And, no doubt, there are persons who deliberately deny that reflection enables them to discover any such phenomenon in their conscious experience as the judgment or apparent perception that an act is in itself right or good, in any other sense than that of being the right or fit means to the attainment of some ulterior end. I think, however, that such denials are commonly recognised as paradoxical, and opposed to the common experience of civilised men:—at any rate if the psychological question, as to the existence of such moral judgments or apparent perceptions of moral qualities, is carefully distinguished from the ethical question as to their validity, and from what we may call the ‘psychogonical’ question as to their origin. The first and second of these questions are sometimes confounded, owing to an ambiguity in the use of the term “intuition”; which has sometimes been understood to imply that the judgment or apparent perception so designated is true. I wish therefore to say expressly, that by calling any affirmation as to the rightness or wrongness of actions “intuitive,” I do not mean to prejudge the question as to its ultimate validity, when philosophically considered: I only mean that its truth is apparently known immediately, and not as the result of reasoning. I admit the possibility that any such “intuition” may turn out to have an element of error, which subsequent reflection and comparison may enable us to correct; just as many apparent perceptions through the organ of vision are found to be partially illusory and misleading: indeed the sequel will show that I hold this to be to an important extent the case with moral intuitions commonly so called.
§ 4. However, we might question whether it’s reasonable to assume (as I’ve been doing so far) that such intuitions exist. There are definitely people who intentionally argue that reflection doesn’t help them identify any phenomena in their conscious experience, like the judgment or perceived sense that an act is inherently right or good, other than as the right or appropriate means to achieve some other goal. Nonetheless, I believe these denials are generally seen as contradictory and go against the typical experiences of civilized people—at least if we clearly differentiate the psychological question about the existence of such moral judgments or perceived moral qualities from the ethical question about their validity, and from what we might call the ‘psychogenetic’ question about their origin. The first two of these questions are sometimes mixed up due to a misunderstanding of the term “intuition,” which has occasionally been interpreted to mean that the judgment or perceived perception referred to is true. Therefore, I want to clarify that when I label any assertion regarding the rightness or wrongness of actions as “intuitive,” I do not intend to prejudge its ultimate validity when considered philosophically; I simply mean that its truth seems to be known immediately and not as a result of reasoning. I acknowledge the possibility that any such “intuition” might contain some errors that we can correct through further reflection and comparison, just as many apparent perceptions through our sense of sight can be found to be somewhat illusory and misleading: in fact, the following discussion will demonstrate that I believe this is significantly the case with commonly referred moral intuitions.
The question as to the validity of moral intuitions being thus separated from the simple question ‘whether they actually exist,’ it becomes obvious that the latter can only be decided for each person by direct introspection or reflection. It must not therefore be supposed that its decision is a simple matter, introspection being always infallible: on the contrary, experience leads me to regard men as often liable to confound with moral intuitions other states or acts of mind essentially different from them,—blind impulses to certain kinds of action or vague sentiments of preference for them, or conclusions from rapid[212] and half-unconscious processes of reasoning, or current opinions to which familiarity has given an illusory air of self-evidence. But any errors of this kind, due to careless or superficial reflection, can only be cured by more careful reflection. This may indeed be much aided by communication with other minds; it may also be aided, in a subordinate way, by an inquiry into the antecedents of the apparent intuition, which may suggest to the reflective mind sources of error to which a superficial view of it is liable. Still the question whether a certain judgment presents itself to the reflective mind as intuitively known cannot be decided by any inquiry into its antecedents or causes.[170]
The question of whether moral intuitions are valid is separate from the simpler question of ‘do they actually exist?’ It's clear that each person can only determine this through direct introspection or reflection. It's important to realize that reaching a conclusion isn't straightforward, and introspection isn't always reliable. In fact, my experience suggests that people often confuse moral intuitions with other mental states or actions that are fundamentally different—like impulsive drives toward certain actions, vague preferences for them, or quick, almost unconscious reasoning processes, or commonly held opinions that seem obviously true due to familiarity. Any mistakes of this kind, resulting from careless or shallow reflection, can only be addressed through more careful thought. This reflective process can certainly benefit from discussions with others; examining the background of an apparent intuition can also help highlight possible errors that a superficial view might miss. However, whether a particular judgment feels intuitively known to the reflective mind cannot be settled by looking into its background or causes.[170]
It is, however, still possible to hold that an inquiry into the Origin of moral intuitions must be decisive in determining their Validity. And in fact it has been often assumed, both by Intuitionists and their opponents, that if our moral faculty can be shown to be ‘derived’ or ‘developed’ out of other pre-existent elements of mind or consciousness, a reason is thereby given for distrusting it; while if, on the other hand, it can be shown to have existed in the human mind from its origin, its trustworthiness is thereby established. Either assumption appears to me devoid of foundation. On the one hand, I can see no ground for supposing that a faculty thus derived, is, as such, more liable to error than if its existence in the individual possessing it had been differently caused:[171] to put it otherwise, I cannot see how the mere ascertainment that certain apparently self-evident judgments have been caused in known and determinate ways, can be in itself a valid ground for distrusting this class of apparent cognitions. I cannot even admit that those who affirm the truth of such judgments are bound[213] to show in their causes a tendency to make them true: indeed the acceptance of any such onus probandi would seem to me to render the attainment of philosophical certitude impossible. For the premises of the required demonstration must consist of caused beliefs, which as having been caused will equally stand in need of being proved true, and so on ad infinitum: unless it be held that we can find among the premises of our reasonings certain apparently self-evident judgments which have had no antecedent causes, and that these are therefore to be accepted as valid without proof. But such an assertion would be an extravagant paradox: and, if it be admitted that all beliefs are equally in the position of being effects of antecedent causes, it seems evident that this characteristic alone cannot serve to invalidate any of them.
It is still possible to argue that investigating the origin of moral intuitions is crucial for determining their validity. In fact, both intuitionists and their critics often assume that if we can show our moral sense is ‘derived’ or ‘developed’ from other existing aspects of the mind or consciousness, there’s a reason to distrust it; whereas if it can be shown to have existed from the beginning in the human mind, its reliability is confirmed. I find both assumptions without basis. On one hand, I see no reason to believe that a derived faculty is inherently more prone to error than if it had come into being through a different process. In other words, I can’t understand how simply discovering that certain seemingly self-evident judgments have been caused in specific and known ways can itself be a valid reason to doubt this category of apparent knowledge. I also can’t accept that those who claim such judgments are true are obligated to prove they have a tendency toward truth based on their causes; in fact, accepting such a burden of proof would make achieving philosophical certainty impossible. The premises needed for this demonstration must consist of beliefs that are also caused, which means they would similarly need to be proven true, leading to an infinite regression: unless we assume there are self-evident judgments that have no preceding causes, and that these can thus be accepted as valid without proof. But claiming that would be a ridiculous paradox. If we accept that all beliefs are equally the result of prior causes, it’s clear that this characteristic alone cannot invalidate any of them.
I hold, therefore, that the onus probandi must be thrown the other way: those who dispute the validity of moral or other intuitions on the ground of their derivation must be required to show, not merely that they are the effects of certain causes, but that these causes are of a kind that tend to produce invalid beliefs. Now it is not, I conceive, possible to prove by any theory of the derivation of the moral faculty that the fundamental ethical conceptions ‘right’ or ‘what ought to be done,’ ‘good’ or ‘what it is reasonable to desire and seek,’ are invalid, and that consequently all propositions of the form ‘X is right’ or ‘good’ are untrustworthy: for such ethical propositions, relating as they do to matter fundamentally different from that with which physical science or psychology deals, cannot be inconsistent with any physical or psychological conclusions. They can only be shown to involve error by being shown to contradict each other: and such a demonstration cannot lead us cogently to the sweeping conclusion that all are false. It may, however, be possible to prove that some ethical beliefs have been caused in such a way as to make it probable that they are wholly or partially erroneous: and it will hereafter be important to consider how far any Ethical intuitions, which we find ourselves disposed to accept as valid, are open to attack on such psychogonical grounds. At present I am only concerned to maintain that no general demonstration of the derivedness or developedness of our moral faculty can supply an adequate reason for distrusting it.
I believe that the burden of proof needs to shift. Those who challenge the validity of moral or other intuitions based on their origin must demonstrate not just that they arise from certain causes, but that these causes are of a nature that leads to invalid beliefs. I don’t think it’s possible to prove through any theory about how the moral faculty developed that the basic ethical concepts like ‘right’ or ‘what should be done,’ and ‘good’ or ‘what it’s reasonable to want and pursue,’ are invalid. Consequently, we cannot conclude that all statements of the form ‘X is right’ or ‘good’ are unreliable. Since these ethical statements are fundamentally different from the kinds of things physical science or psychology deal with, they cannot contradict any findings from those fields. The only way to show that they involve errors is to point out contradictions among them, but such a demonstration won't allow us to conclude that all ethical propositions are false. However, it may be possible to show that some ethical beliefs are influenced in a way that suggests they could be completely or partially wrong. It will be important to examine how susceptible any ethical intuitions we tend to accept as valid are to criticism on these psychological grounds. For now, I just want to assert that no broad proof showing the development of our moral faculty can provide a sufficient reason to doubt it.
On the other hand, if we have been once led to distrust our moral faculty on other grounds—as (e.g.) from the want of clearness and consistency in the moral judgments of the same individual, and the discrepancies between the judgments of different individuals—it seems to me equally clear that our confidence in such judgments cannot properly be re-established by a demonstration of their ‘originality.’ I see no reason to believe that the ‘original’ element of our moral cognition can be ascertained; but if it could, I see no reason to hold that it would be especially free from error.
On the other hand, if we've been led to doubt our moral judgment for other reasons—like the lack of clarity and consistency in the moral judgments of the same person, and the differences between judgments of different people—it seems to me that restoring our confidence in those judgments can't be done simply by demonstrating their 'originality.' I see no reason to think we can identify the 'original' part of our moral understanding; even if we could, I see no reason to believe it would be particularly free from mistakes.
§ 5. How then can we hope to eliminate error from our moral intuitions? One answer to this question was briefly suggested in a previous chapter where the different phases of the Intuitional Method were discussed. It was there said that in order to settle the doubts arising from the uncertainties and discrepancies that are found when we compare our judgments on particular cases, reflective persons naturally appeal to general rules or formulæ: and it is to such general formulæ that Intuitional Moralists commonly attribute ultimate certainty and validity. And certainly there are obvious sources of error in our judgments respecting concrete duty which seem to be absent when we consider the abstract notions of different kinds of conduct; since in any concrete case the complexity of circumstances necessarily increases the difficulty of judging, and our personal interests or habitual sympathies are liable to disturb the clearness of our moral discernment. Further, we must observe that most of us feel the need of such formulæ not only to correct, but also to supplement, our intuitions respecting particular concrete duties. Only exceptionally confident persons find that they always seem to see clearly what ought to be done in any case that comes before them. Most of us, however unhesitatingly we may affirm rightness and wrongness in ordinary matters of conduct, yet not unfrequently meet with cases where our unreasoned judgment fails us; and where we could no more decide the moral issue raised without appealing to some general formula, than we could decide a disputed legal claim without reference to the positive law that deals with the matter.
§ 5. How can we hope to eliminate errors from our moral intuitions? One answer to this question was briefly mentioned in a previous chapter where the different phases of the Intuitional Method were discussed. It was noted that when doubts arise from the uncertainties and discrepancies we encounter while comparing our judgments on specific cases, reflective individuals naturally turn to general rules or formulas. It is to these general formulas that Intuitional Moralists often attribute ultimate certainty and validity. Indeed, there are clear sources of error in our judgments regarding concrete duties that seem to be absent when we consider the abstract concepts of various types of conduct; in any concrete case, the complexity of circumstances inevitably makes judgment more difficult, and our personal interests or habitual sympathies can cloud our moral clarity. Moreover, we must recognize that most of us feel the need for such formulas not just to correct, but also to enhance our intuitions about specific concrete duties. Only exceptionally confident individuals find they can always see clearly what should be done in any situation that arises. For most of us, even if we confidently affirm right and wrong in everyday actions, we often encounter cases where our unreflective judgment fails; in those instances, we could no more determine the moral issue at stake without referencing some general formula than we could resolve a disputed legal claim without consulting the relevant laws.
And such formulæ are not difficult to find: it only requires a little reflection and observation of men’s moral discourse to[215] make a collection of such general rules, as to the validity of which there would be apparent agreement at least among moral persons of our own age and civilisation, and which would cover with approximate completeness the whole of human conduct. Such a collection, regarded as a code imposed on an individual by the public opinion of the community to which he belongs, we have called the Positive Morality of the community: but when regarded as a body of moral truth, warranted to be such by the consensus of mankind,—or at least of that portion of mankind which combines adequate intellectual enlightenment with a serious concern for morality—it is more significantly termed the morality of Common Sense.
And these formulas aren’t hard to find: it just takes a bit of thought and observation of people's moral discussions to[215] create a collection of such general rules, which would likely be agreed upon at least among morally-minded people of our time and culture, and which would roughly encompass all human behavior. This collection, seen as a set of guidelines imposed on an individual by the public opinion of their community, is what we refer to as the Positive Morality of the community. However, when viewed as a body of moral truth validated by the consensus of humanity—or at least that part of humanity that possesses sufficient intellectual insight along with a genuine concern for morality—it is more aptly called the morality of Common Sense.
When, however, we try to apply these currently accepted principles, we find that the notions composing them are often deficient in clearness and precision. For instance, we should all agree in recognising Justice and Veracity as important virtues; and we shall probably all accept the general maxims, that ‘we ought to give every man his own’ and that ‘we ought to speak the truth’: but when we ask (1) whether primogeniture is just, or the disendowment of corporations, or the determination of the value of services by competition, or (2) whether and how far false statements may be allowed in speeches of advocates, or in religious ceremonials, or when made to enemies or robbers, or in defence of lawful secrets, we do not find that these or any other current maxims enable us to give clear and unhesitating decisions. And yet such particular questions are, after all, those to which we naturally expect answers from the moralist. For we study Ethics, as Aristotle says, for the sake of Practice: and in practice we are concerned with particulars.
However, when we try to apply these widely accepted principles, we often find that the ideas behind them lack clarity and precision. For example, we can all agree that Justice and Truthfulness are important virtues; and we probably all accept the general rules that "everyone should receive what is rightfully theirs" and "we should speak the truth." But when we ask (1) whether primogeniture is fair, or the removal of funding from corporations, or how the value of services should be determined by competition, or (2) whether and to what extent false statements may be acceptable in advocates' speeches, religious ceremonies, or when dealing with enemies or thieves, or in defense of legitimate secrets, we find that these or other common maxims do not help us make clear and confident decisions. Yet, these specific questions are what we naturally expect answers to from moral philosophers. After all, as Aristotle states, we study Ethics for the sake of Practice: and in practice, we focus on specifics.
Hence it seems that if the formulæ of Intuitive Morality are really to serve as scientific axioms, and to be available in clear and cogent demonstrations, they must first be raised—by an effort of reflection which ordinary persons will not make—to a higher degree of precision than attaches to them in the common thought and discourse of mankind in general. We have, in fact, to take up the attempt that Socrates initiated, and endeavour to define satisfactorily the general notions of duty and virtue which we all in common use for awarding approbation or disapprobation to conduct. This is the task upon which we shall be engaged in the nine chapters that follow. I must[216] beg the reader to bear in mind that throughout these chapters I am not trying to prove or disprove Intuitionism, but merely by reflection on the common morality which I and my reader share, and to which appeal is so often made in moral disputes, to obtain as explicit, exact, and coherent a statement as possible of its fundamental rules.
It seems that if the principles of Intuitive Morality are really going to act as scientific axioms and provide clear and convincing demonstrations, they need to be elevated—through a level of thought that most people don't typically engage in—to a higher degree of precision than is usually found in the everyday beliefs and conversations of most people. We essentially need to take on the challenge that Socrates began and work to clearly define the general ideas of duty and virtue that we all commonly use to judge behavior as good or bad. This is the work we will be focusing on in the nine chapters that follow. I must[216]ask the reader to keep in mind that throughout these chapters, I am not attempting to prove or disprove Intuitionism. Instead, by reflecting on the shared morality between myself and the reader—an appeal often made during moral debates—I aim to provide as clear, precise, and consistent a statement as possible of its fundamental principles.
CHAPTER II
Values and Responsibilities
§ 1. Before, however, we attempt to define particular virtues or departments of duty, it will be well to examine further the notions of Duty and Virtue in general, and the relations between the two, as we find them implicitly conceived by the common sense of mankind, which we are endeavouring to express. Hitherto I have taken Duty to be broadly convertible with Right conduct: I have noticed, however, that the former term—like “ought” and “moral obligation”—implies at least the potential presence of motives prompting to wrong conduct; and is therefore not applicable to beings to whom no such conflict of motives can be attributed. Thus God is not conceived as performing duties, though He is conceived as realising Justice and other kinds of Rightness in action. For a similar reason, we do not commonly apply the term ‘duty’ to right actions—however necessary and important—when we are so strongly impelled to them by non-moral inclinations that no moral impulse is conceived to be necessary for their performance. Thus we do not say generally that it is a duty to eat and drink enough: though we do often say this to invalids who have lost their appetite. We should therefore perhaps keep most close to usage if we defined Duties as ‘those Right actions or abstinences, for the adequate accomplishment of which a moral impulse is conceived to be at least occasionally necessary.’ But as this line of distinction is vague, and continually varying, I shall not think it necessary to draw attention to it in the detailed discussion of duties: it seems sufficient to point out that we shall be chiefly concerned with such right conduct as comes within the definition just suggested.
§ 1. Before we try to define specific virtues or areas of duty, it’s important to further explore the concepts of Duty and Virtue in general, and how they relate to each other, as understood by the common sense of humanity, which we aim to articulate. So far, I’ve considered Duty to be broadly interchangeable with Right conduct. However, I’ve noticed that the term Duty—like “ought” and “moral obligation”—suggests at least the potential for motives that might lead to wrong conduct; therefore, it isn’t applicable to beings that cannot be attributed such a conflict of motives. For this reason, God is not seen as having duties, though He is thought to embody Justice and other forms of Rightness in action. Similarly, we don’t usually use the term ‘duty’ for right actions—no matter how necessary or important—when we feel such strong non-moral inclinations that no moral drive is considered necessary for them. Hence, we generally don’t say that it’s our duty to eat and drink enough, although we often say this to those who are ill and have lost their appetite. Therefore, it might be more accurate to define Duties as ‘those Right actions or abstentions, for which a moral impulse is considered necessary at least occasionally for their adequate accomplishment.’ However, since this distinction is vague and can vary, I don’t think it’s essential to emphasize it in the detailed discussion of duties: it seems sufficient to indicate that we will primarily focus on the right conduct that fits the definition just provided.
It may be said, however, that there is another implication in the term “duty” which I have so far overlooked, but which its derivation—and that of the equivalent term ‘obligation’—plainly indicates: viz. that it is “due” or owed to some one. But I think that here the derivation does not govern the established usage: rather, it is commonly recognised that duties owed to persons, or “relative” duties, are only one species, and that some duties—as (e.g.) Truth-speaking—have no such relativity. No doubt it is possible to view any duty as relative to the person or persons immediately affected by its performance; but it is not usual to do this where the immediate effects are harmful—as where truth-speaking causes a physically injurious shock to the person addressed—: and though it may still be conceived to be ultimately good for society, and so “due” to the community or to humanity at large, that truth should even in this case be spoken, this conception hardly belongs to the intuitional view that ‘truth should be spoken regardless of consequences.’ Again, it may be thought by religious persons that the performance of duties is owed not to the human or other living beings affected by them, but to God as the author of the moral law. And I certainly would not deny that our common conception of duty involves an implied relation of an individual will to a universal will conceived as perfectly rational: but I am not prepared to affirm that this implication is necessary, and an adequate discussion of the difficulties involved in it would lead to metaphysical controversies which I am desirous of avoiding. I propose, therefore, in this exposition of the Intuitional method, to abstract from this relation of Duty generally to a Divine Will: and, for reasons partly similar, to leave out of consideration the particular “duties to God” which Intuitionists have often distinguished and classified. Our view of the general rules of “duty to man” (or to other animals)—so far as such rules are held to be cognisable by moral intuition—will, I conceive, remain the same, whether or not we regard such rules as imposed by a Supreme Rational Will: since in any case they will be such as we hold it rational for all men to obey, and therefore such as a Supreme Reason would impose. I shall not therefore treat the term “Duty” as implying necessarily a relation either to a universal Imponent or to the individuals[219] primarily affected by the performance of duties: but shall use it as equivalent generally to Right conduct, while practically concentrating attention on acts and abstinences for which a moral impulse is thought to be more or less required.
It can be said, though, that there's another implication in the term "duty" that I haven't covered yet, but which its origin—and that of the similar term ‘obligation’—clearly shows: namely, that it is “due” or owed to someone. However, I believe that in this case, the origin doesn't dictate how it's commonly used: rather, it's generally understood that duties owed to people, or “relative” duties, are just one type, and that some duties—like (e.g.) speaking the truth—lack that kind of relativity. It’s certainly possible to see any duty as relative to the person or people directly impacted by its execution; but this isn’t typically how we approach situations where the immediate results are harmful—like when speaking the truth causes physical shock to the person being addressed. Although it might be viewed as ultimately beneficial for society, and thus “due” to the community or humanity in general, that truth should still be spoken in this context, this idea doesn’t really align with the intuitive belief that ‘truth should be spoken no matter the consequences.’ Furthermore, some religious individuals might think that performing duties is owed not to the humans or living beings affected by them, but to God as the source of moral law. And I definitely wouldn’t argue that our general understanding of duty includes an implied connection between an individual will and a universal will seen as perfectly rational: but I’m not ready to claim that this connection is essential, and an adequate discussion of the challenges it poses would lead to metaphysical debates that I prefer to avoid. Therefore, in this explanation of the Intuitional method, I plan to skip this connection of Duty in relation to a Divine Will: and, for partly similar reasons, to disregard the specific “duties to God” that Intuitionists often identified and categorized. I believe our understanding of the general rules of “duty to man” (or to other animals)—as far as such rules are thought to be recognizable by moral intuition—will remain unchanged, whether or not we consider those rules as dictated by a Supreme Rational Will: since, in any case, they will be what we see as rational for everyone to follow, and thus something a Supreme Reason would require. I will, therefore, not treat the term “Duty” as necessarily implying a relation either to a universal Imposer or to the individuals[219] primarily affected by the performance of duties: but will use it more generally to mean Right conduct while focusing on actions and abstentions that are thought to require a moral impulse to some extent.
The notion of Virtue presents more complexity and difficulty, and requires to be discussed from different points of view. We may begin by noticing that there seem to be some particular virtues (such as Generosity) which may be realised in acts objectively—though not subjectively—wrong, from want of insight into their consequences: and even some (such as Courage) which may be exhibited in wrong acts that are known by the agent to be such. But though the contemplation of such acts excites in us a quasi-moral admiration, in the latter case we certainly should not call them virtuous, and it is doubtful whether we should do so in the former case, if we were using the term strictly. It will therefore involve no material deviation from usage, if we limit the term “Virtue” to qualities exhibited in right conduct:[172] accordingly I propose to adopt this limitation in subsequent discussions.
The concept of Virtue is more complex and challenging, and it needs to be discussed from various perspectives. We can start by pointing out that there seem to be some specific virtues (like Generosity) that can be expressed in actions that are objectively—though not subjectively—wrong, due to a lack of understanding of their consequences. There are even some (like Courage) that can be shown in actions that the individual knows are wrong. However, while the thought of such actions can evoke a sort of moral admiration, in the latter case, we definitely shouldn't label them as virtuous, and it's questionable whether we should do so in the former case if we’re being strict. Therefore, it's reasonable to narrow the term "Virtue" to qualities displayed in right conduct:[172] so I plan to adopt this limitation in future discussions.
How far, then, are we to regard the spheres of Duty and Virtue (thus defined) as co-extensive? To a great extent they undoubtedly are so, in the common application of the terms, but not altogether: since in its common use each term seems to include something excluded from the other. We should scarcely say that it was virtuous—under ordinary circumstances—to pay one’s debts, or give one’s children a decent education, or keep one’s aged parents from starving; these being duties which most men perform, and only bad men neglect. On the other hand, there are acts of high and noble virtue which we commonly regard as going beyond the strict duty of the agent; since, while we praise their performance, we do not condemn their non-performance. Here, however, a difficulty seems to arise; for we should not deny that it is, in some sense, a man’s strict duty to do whatever action he judges most excellent, so far as it is in his power.
How far should we see the areas of Duty and Virtue (as defined) as overlapping? To a large extent, they usually are in everyday use, but not entirely: because each term seems to include something that the other one leaves out. We wouldn’t normally say that it’s virtuous—under usual circumstances—to pay your debts, provide your kids with a decent education, or prevent your elderly parents from starving; these are duties that most people fulfill, and only bad people ignore. On the flip side, there are acts of great and noble virtue that we typically see as going beyond what is strictly required; while we applaud these actions, we don’t criticize the choice not to do them. However, this brings up a challenge; we shouldn’t deny that, in some sense, it's a person’s strict duty to take any action they believe is the best one, as long as it’s within their ability.
But can we say that it is as much in a man’s power to realise Virtue as it is to fulfil Duty?[173] To some extent, no doubt, we should say this: no quality of conduct is ever called a virtue unless it is thought to be to some extent immediately attainable at will by all ordinary persons, when circumstances give opportunity for its manifestation. In fact the line between virtues and other excellences of behaviour is commonly drawn by this characteristic of voluntariness;—an excellence which we think no effort of will could at once enable us to exhibit in any appreciable degree is called a gift, grace, or talent, but not properly a virtue. Writers like Hume,[174] who obliterate this line, diverge manifestly from common sense. Still I regard it as manifestly paradoxical to maintain that it is in the power of any one at any time to realise virtue in the highest form or degree; (e.g.) no one would affirm that any ordinary man can at will exhibit the highest degree of courage in the sense in which courage is a virtue—when occasion arises. It would seem, therefore, that we can distinguish a margin of virtuous conduct, which may be beyond the strict duty of any individual as being beyond his power.
But can we say that it’s just as much in a person’s power to achieve virtue as it is to fulfill duty?[173] To some extent, we would agree with this: no behavior is called a virtue unless it is considered to some extent immediately achievable by all regular people when circumstances allow for it to be shown. In fact, the distinction between virtues and other forms of good behavior is usually based on this idea of voluntariness;—a behavior that we think no amount of willpower could instantly allow us to display in any significant way is termed a gift, grace, or talent, but not properly a virtue. Authors like Hume,[174] who blur this line, clearly stray from common sense. However, I find it clearly paradoxical to argue that anyone has the power at any moment to realize virtue in its highest form or degree; (e.g.) no one would claim that any average person can willfully show the highest level of courage in the sense that courage is considered a virtue—when the occasion arises. It seems, therefore, that we can identify a level of virtuous behavior that may exceed the strict duty of any individual as being beyond their ability.
Can we then, excluding this margin, say that virtuous conduct, so far as it is in a man’s power, coincides completely with his duty? Certainly we should agree that a truly moral man cannot say to himself, “This is the best thing on the whole for me to do, but yet it is not my duty to do it though it is in my power”: this would certainly seem to common sense an immoral paradox.[175] And yet there seem to be acts and abstinences which we praise as virtuous, without imposing them as duties upon all who are able to do them; as for a rich man to live very plainly and devote his income to works of public beneficence.
Can we then, aside from this exception, say that virtuous behavior, as much as it’s within a person’s control, aligns completely with their duty? Surely we can agree that a genuinely moral person can't think, “This is the best thing I could do, but it’s not my duty even though I can do it”: this would definitely seem like an immoral contradiction to common sense.[175] Yet, there appear to be actions and decisions to refrain, which we celebrate as virtuous, without making them obligations for everyone who can do them; like a wealthy person living simply and directing their income towards public charitable work.
Perhaps we may harmonise these inconsistent views by distinguishing between the questions ‘what a man ought to do or forbear’ and ‘what other men ought to blame him for not doing or forbearing’: and recognising that the standard normally applied in dealing with the latter question is laxer than would be right in dealing with the former. But how is this double standard to be explained? We may partly explain it by the different degrees of our knowledge in the two cases: there are many acts and forbearances of which we cannot lay down definitely that they ought to be done or forborne, unless we have the complete knowledge of circumstances which a man commonly possesses only in his own case, and not in that of other men. Thus I may easily assure myself that I ought to subscribe to a given hospital: but I cannot judge whether my neighbour ought to subscribe, as I do not know the details of his income and the claims which he is bound to satisfy. I do not, however, think that this explanation is always applicable: I think that there are not a few cases in which we refrain from blaming others for the omission of acts which we do not doubt that we in their place should have thought it our duty to perform. In such cases the line seems drawn by a more or less conscious consideration of what men ordinarily do, and by a social instinct as to the practical effects of expressed moral approbation and disapprobation: we think that moral progress will on the whole be best promoted by our praising acts that are above the level of ordinary practice, and confining our censure—at least if precise and particular—to acts that fall clearly below this standard. But a standard so determined must be inevitably vague, and tending to vary as the average level of morality varies in any community, or section of a community: indeed it is the aim of preachers and teachers of morality to raise it continually. Hence it is not convenient to use it in drawing a theoretical line between Virtue and Duty: and I have therefore thought it best to employ the terms so that virtuous conduct may include the performance of duty as well as whatever good actions may be commonly thought to go beyond duty; though recognising that Virtue in its ordinary use is most conspicuously manifested in the latter.
Maybe we can reconcile these conflicting views by distinguishing between the questions of "what a person should do or avoid" and "what others should blame him for not doing or avoiding.” We should recognize that the standard normally used for the latter question is more lenient than what would be appropriate for the former. But how can we explain this double standard? One reason could be the different levels of our knowledge in the two situations: there are many actions and inactions for which we can’t definitively say they should be done or avoided unless we have complete knowledge of circumstances that a person usually knows only about themselves, and not about others. For example, I may easily convince myself that I should donate to a specific hospital, but I can't judge whether my neighbor should donate because I'm unaware of their income details and the obligations they have to meet. However, I don’t think this explanation always applies: there are definitely cases where we hold back from blaming others for not doing things that we are certain we would feel obligated to do if we were in their position. In these instances, the distinction seems to be influenced by a somewhat conscious thought about what people typically do, along with a social instinct regarding the practical impact of expressing moral praise and blame: we believe that moral progress is generally best supported by praising actions that exceed the level of common behavior and limiting our criticism—at least in a specific and detailed way—to actions that clearly fall below this benchmark. But a standard established this way must inevitably be vague and likely to change as the general level of morality changes within any community or part of a community: in fact, it is the goal of moral preachers and educators to continually raise it. Therefore, it’s not practical to use such a standard to draw a theoretical boundary between Virtue and Duty: and I've decided it's best to use the terms so that virtuous behavior includes the fulfillment of duty as well as any good actions that are typically seen as going beyond duty, while recognizing that Virtue, in everyday use, is most clearly shown in the latter.
§ 2. So far I have been considering the term ‘Virtuous’[222] as applied to conduct. But both this general term, and the names connoting particular virtues—“just,” “liberal,” “brave,” etc.—are applied to persons as well as to their acts: and the question may be raised which application is most appropriate or primary. Here reflection, I think, shows that these attributes are not thought by us to belong to acts considered apart from their agents: so that Virtue seems to be primarily a quality of the soul or mind, conceived as permanent in comparison with the transient acts and feelings in which it is manifested. As so conceived it is widely held to be a possession worth aiming at for its own sake; to be, in fact, a part of that Perfection of man which is by some regarded as the sole Ultimate Good. This view I shall consider in a subsequent chapter.[176] Meanwhile it may be observed that Virtues, like other habits and dispositions, though regarded as comparatively permanent attributes of the mind, are yet attributes of which we can only form definite notions by conceiving the particular transient phenomena in which they are manifested. If then we ask in what phenomena Virtuous character is manifested, the obvious answer is that it is manifested in voluntary actions, so far as intentional; or, more briefly, in volitions. And many, perhaps most, moralists would give this as a complete answer. If they are not prepared to affirm with Kant that a good will is the only absolute and unconditional Good, they will at any rate agree with Butler that “the object of the moral faculty is actions, comprehending under that name active or practical principles: those principles from which men would act if occasions and circumstances gave them power.” And if it be urged that more than this is included (e.g.) in the Christian conception of the Virtue of Charity, the “love of our neighbour,” they will explain with Kant that by this love we must not understand the emotion of affection, but merely the resolution to benefit, which alone has “true moral worth.”
§ 2. So far, I have been looking at the term ‘Virtuous’[222] as it relates to behavior. However, both this broad term and the specific names for particular virtues—“just,” “liberal,” “brave,” etc.—can describe both individuals and their actions: which raises the question of which use is most fitting or fundamental. Here, I believe, reflection shows that we do not consider these qualities to apply to actions when viewed apart from their agents. Thus, Virtue seems to be primarily a quality of the soul or mind, seen as more permanent compared to the fleeting actions and feelings in which it is expressed. As understood in this way, it is widely believed to be a goal worth pursuing for its own sake; it is, in fact, a part of the Perfection of humanity that some view as the sole Ultimate Good. I will discuss this perspective in a later chapter.[176] In the meantime, it can be noted that Virtues, like other habits and dispositions, although seen as relatively permanent characteristics of the mind, are still qualities we can only understand clearly by considering the specific temporary phenomena through which they are shown. If we then ask in what situations Virtuous character is expressed, the obvious answer is that it appears in voluntary actions, as long as they are intentional; or, more simply, in choices. Many, perhaps most, moralists would consider this a complete answer. If they aren't ready to say, like Kant, that a good will is the only absolute and unconditional Good, they will at least agree with Butler that “the object of the moral faculty is actions, which includes active or practical principles: those principles from which people would act if they had the opportunity and circumstances.” And if it is argued that more than this is involved (e.g.) in the Christian concept of the Virtue of Charity, the “love of our neighbor,” they will clarify with Kant that this love should not be understood as the emotion of affection, but rather as the determination to do good, which alone has “true moral worth.”
I do not, however, think that the complete exclusion of an emotional element from the conception of Virtue would be really in harmony with the common sense of mankind. I think that in our common moral judgments certain kinds of virtuous actions are held to be at any rate adorned and made better by the presence of certain emotions in the virtuous agent: though[223] no doubt the element of volition is the more important and indispensable. Thus the Virtue of Chastity or Purity, in its highest form, seems to include more than a mere settled resolution to abstain from unlawful lust; it includes some sentiment of repugnance to impurity. Again, we recognise that benefits which spring from affection and are lovingly bestowed are more acceptable to the recipients than those conferred without affection, in the taste of which there is admittedly something harsh and dry: hence, in a certain way, the affection, if practical and steady, seems a higher excellence than the mere beneficent disposition of the will, as resulting in more excellent acts. In the case of Gratitude even the rigidity of Kant[177] seems to relax, and to admit an element of emotion as indispensable to the virtue: and there are various other notions, such as Loyalty and Patriotism, which it is difficult—without paradox—either to exclude from a list of virtues or to introduce stripped bare of all emotional elements.
I don't think that completely leaving out emotions from our understanding of Virtue aligns with common sense. In our everyday moral judgments, certain virtuous actions seem to be enhanced and improved by specific emotions felt by the person acting virtuously, even though the element of will is more important and essential. For instance, the Virtue of Chastity or Purity, at its highest level, involves more than just a firm decision to avoid wrongful desires; it also includes a genuine feeling of dislike for impurity. Likewise, we see that benefits that come from affection and are given lovingly are more appreciated by the recipients than those given without any warmth, which can feel harsh and lacking. Therefore, in some respects, that genuine affection, if it’s practical and consistent, appears to be a greater quality than just a kind intention of the will, resulting in better actions. In the case of Gratitude, even Kant's strict views seem to soften and acknowledge that emotion is vital to the virtue. There are also other concepts, like Loyalty and Patriotism, that it's hard—without being contradictory—to leave out of a list of virtues or to present without all emotional aspects.
A consideration of the cases last mentioned will lead us to conclude that, in the view of Common Sense, the question (raised in the preceding chapter), whether an act is virtuous in proportion as it was done from regard for duty or virtue, must be answered in the negative: for the degree in which an act deserves praise as courageous, loyal, or patriotic does not seem to be reduced by its being shown that the predominant motive to the act was natural affection and not love of virtue as such. Indeed in some cases I think it clear that we commonly attribute virtue to conduct where regard for duty or virtue is not consciously present at all: as in the case of a heroic act of courage—let us say, in saving a fellow-creature from death—under an impulse of spontaneous sympathy. So again, when we praise a man as “genuinely humble” we certainly do not imply that he is conscious of fulfilling a duty—still less that he is conscious of exhibiting a virtue—by being humble.
Considering the recently mentioned cases, we can conclude that, from a common-sense perspective, the question (raised in the previous chapter) of whether an act is virtuous based on how much it was motivated by duty or virtue must be answered negatively. The level of praise an act receives for being courageous, loyal, or patriotic doesn’t seem to diminish just because the main motivation for the action was natural affection rather than a love for virtue itself. In fact, there are situations where we clearly attribute virtue to actions where a sense of duty or virtue isn't consciously felt at all; for example, a heroic act of courage—like saving someone from death—driven by spontaneous sympathy. Similarly, when we call someone “genuinely humble,” we certainly don’t mean that they are aware of fulfilling a duty—much less that they are consciously exhibiting a virtue—by being humble.
It further appears to me that in the case of many important virtues we do not commonly consider the ultimate spring of action—whether it be some emotional impulse or the rational choice of duty as duty—in attributing a particular virtue to particular persons: what we regard as indispensable is merely a[224] settled resolve to will a certain kind of external effects. Thus we call a man veracious if his speech exhibits, in a noteworthy degree, a settled endeavour to produce in the minds of others impressions exactly correspondent to the facts, whatever his motive may be for so doing: whether he is moved, solely or mainly, by a regard for virtue, or a sense of the degradation of falsehood, or a conviction that truth-speaking is in the long run the best policy, or a sympathetic aversion to the inconveniences which misleading statements cause to other people. I do not mean that we regard these motives as of equal moral value: but that the presence or absence of any one or other of them is not implied in our attribution of the virtue of veracity. Similarly we attribute Justice, if a man has a settled habit of weighing diverse claims and fulfilling them in the ratio of their importance; Good Faith if he has a settled habit of strictly keeping express or tacit engagements: and so forth. Even where we clearly take motives into account, in judging of the degree of virtue it is often rather the force of seductive motives resisted than the particular nature of the prevailing springs of action which we consider. Thus we certainly think virtue has been manifested in a higher degree in just or veracious conduct, when the agent had strong temptations to be unjust or unveracious; and in the same way there are certain dispositions or habits tending to good conduct which are called virtues when there are powerful seductive motives operating and not otherwise; e.g. when we attribute the virtue of temperance to a man who eats and drinks a proper amount, it is because we also attribute to him appetites prompting to excess.
It also seems to me that, in the case of many important virtues, we don't usually consider the ultimate source of action—whether it's some emotional impulse or the rational choice to do what's right—when attributing a specific virtue to specific people. What we see as essential is merely a[224] determined intention to achieve a certain kind of external outcome. So, we call a man honest if his speech shows, to a significant degree, a consistent effort to create in others’ minds impressions that accurately reflect the facts, regardless of his motivation for doing so: whether he is driven mainly by a commitment to virtue, a sense of the shamefulness of lying, a belief that telling the truth is ultimately the best approach, or a genuine dislike for the problems that misleading statements cause others. I don't mean to say we see these motives as having equal moral worth, but rather that the presence or absence of any of them doesn't affect our assignment of the virtue of honesty. Likewise, we attribute Justice when a person has a consistent practice of weighing different claims and fulfilling them according to their importance; Good Faith when he has a consistent practice of strictly keeping both explicit and implicit agreements; and so on. Even when we consider motives explicitly, in assessing the level of virtue, it’s often more about the strength of opposing temptations rather than the specific nature of the dominant motivations that we focus on. Hence, we definitely believe virtue is displayed more significantly in just or honest actions when the person faced strong temptations to be unjust or dishonest; and similarly, there are certain tendencies or habits that promote good behavior that we call virtues only when powerful temptations are present, and not otherwise; for example, when we see temperance as a virtue in a person who eats and drinks moderately, it’s because we also recognize that he has desires pushing him toward excess.
At the same time I admit that Common Sense seems liable to some perplexity as to the relation of virtue to the moral effort required for resisting unvirtuous impulses. On the one hand a general assent would be given to the proposition that virtue is especially drawn out and exhibited in a successful conflict with natural inclination: and perhaps even to the more extreme statement that there is no virtue[178] in doing what one likes. On the other hand we should surely agree with Aristotle that Virtue is imperfect so long as the agent cannot do the virtuous action without a conflict of impulses; since it is from a[225] wrong bent of natural impulse that we find it hard to do what is best, and it seems absurd to say that the more we cure ourselves of this wrong bent, the less virtuous we grow. Perhaps we may solve the difficulty by recognising that our common idea of Virtue includes two distinct elements, the one being the most perfect ideal of moral excellence that we are able to conceive for human beings, while the other is manifested in the effort of imperfect men to attain this ideal. Thus in proportion as a man comes to like any particular kind of good conduct and to do it without moral effort, we shall not say that his conduct becomes less virtuous but rather more in conformity with a true moral ideal; while at the same time we shall recognise that in this department of his life he has less room to exhibit that other kind of virtue which is manifested in resistance to seductive impulses, and in the energetic striving of the will to get nearer to ideal perfection.
At the same time, I acknowledge that common sense seems to struggle with the connection between virtue and the moral effort needed to resist unvirtuous impulses. On one hand, most people would agree that virtue is particularly revealed and shown in a successful battle against natural instincts. Some might even go so far as to say that there is no virtue in simply doing what one wants. On the other hand, we would likely agree with Aristotle that virtue is incomplete as long as a person cannot perform virtuous actions without conflicting impulses. After all, it's because of our misguided natural impulses that we find it difficult to do what’s best, and it seems illogical to claim that the more we overcome these misguided impulses, the less virtuous we become. Perhaps we can resolve the issue by acknowledging that our common concept of virtue includes two separate elements: one being the highest ideal of moral excellence we can imagine for humans, and the other being shown in the efforts of imperfect individuals to reach this ideal. Therefore, as a person begins to genuinely appreciate a specific type of good behavior and performs it without moral struggle, we wouldn't say their actions are less virtuous; instead, we'd say they align more with a true moral ideal. At the same time, we'd recognize that in this area of their life, they have less opportunity to demonstrate the other kind of virtue, which is shown in resisting appealing impulses and in the determined effort to get closer to ideal perfection.
So far I have been considering the manifestation of virtue in emotions and volitions, and have not expressly adverted to the intellectual conditions of virtuous acts: though in speaking of such acts it is of course implied that the volition is accompanied with an intellectual representation of the particular effects willed. It is not, however, implied that in willing such effects we must necessarily think of them as right or good: and I do not myself think that, in the view of common sense, this is an indispensable condition of the virtuousness of an act; for it seems that some kinds of virtuous acts may be done so entirely without deliberation that no moral judgment was passed on them by the agent. This might be the case, for instance, with an act of heroic courage, prompted by an impulse of sympathy with a fellow-creature in sudden peril. But it is, I conceive, clearly necessary that such an act should not be even vaguely thought to be bad. As I have already said, it is more doubtful how far an act which is conceived by the agent to be good, but which is really bad, is ever judged by common sense to be virtuous[179]: but if we agree to restrict the term to acts which we regard as right, it is again obvious[226] that the realisation of virtue may not be in the power of any given person at any given time, through lack of the requisite intellectual conditions.[180]
So far, I've been thinking about how virtue shows up in our emotions and choices, and I haven't explicitly mentioned the intellectual aspects of virtuous actions. When we talk about these actions, it’s understood that the choice is linked to an understanding of the specific outcomes we want. However, it doesn’t mean that when we desire those effects, we must always think of them as right or good. Personally, I don’t believe that, according to common sense, seeing an action as right is a must-have for it to be considered virtuous. It seems that some virtuous actions can happen so instinctively that the person acting doesn't make any moral judgment about them. This could happen in the case of a brave act driven by empathy for someone in immediate danger. However, I think it’s essential that such an act isn’t even remotely considered bad. As I’ve mentioned before, it’s less clear how a person views an action they believe to be good, but that's actually bad, and whether common sense sees it as virtuous[179]. But if we choose to limit the term to actions we see as right, it’s clear[226] that achieving virtue might not be possible for any individual at any specific moment due to a lack of the necessary intellectual understanding.[180]
To sum up the results of a rather complicated discussion: I consider Virtue as a quality manifested in the performance of duty (or good acts going beyond strict duty): it is indeed primarily attributed to the mind or character of the agent; but it is only known to us through its manifestations in feelings and acts. Accordingly, in endeavouring to make precise our conceptions of the particular virtues, we have to examine the states of consciousness in which they are manifested. Examining these, we find that the element of volition is primarily important, and in some cases almost of sole importance, but yet that the element of emotion cannot be altogether discarded without palpable divergence from common sense. Again, concentrating our attention on the volitional element, we find that in most cases what we regard as manifestations of virtue are the volitions to produce certain particular effects; the general determination to do right as right, duty for duty’s sake, is indeed thought to be of fundamental importance as a generally necessary spring of virtuous action; but it is not thought to be an indispensable condition of the existence of virtue in any particular case. Similarly in considering the emotional element, though an ardent love of virtue or aversion to vice generally is a valuable stimulus to virtuous conduct, it is not a universally necessary condition of it: and in the case of some acts the presence of other emotions—such as kind affection—makes the acts better than if they were done from a purely moral motive. Such emotions, however, cannot be commanded at will: and this is also true of the knowledge of what ought to be done in any particular case,—which, if we restrict the term ‘virtuous’ to right acts, is obviously required[227] to render conduct perfectly virtuous. For these and other reasons I consider that though Virtue is distinguished by us from other excellences by the characteristic of voluntariness—it must be to some extent capable of being realised at will when occasion arises—this voluntariness attaches to it only in a certain degree; and that, though a man can always do his Duty if he knows it, he cannot always realise virtue in the highest degree.
To summarize the results of a fairly complex discussion: I see Virtue as a quality shown through the performance of one’s duty (or good acts that go beyond strict duty); it is primarily related to the mindset or character of the person involved, but we only recognize it through its expressions in feelings and actions. So, when trying to clarify our understanding of specific virtues, we need to examine the states of consciousness in which they appear. In looking at these, we find that the element of will is particularly important, and in some cases almost the only factor, but the element of emotion cannot be completely disregarded without straying from common sense. Likewise, if we focus on the willful aspect, we see that in most instances, what we consider acts of virtue are the will to bring about specific outcomes; the general intention to do what’s right for the sake of rightness itself, duty for duty’s sake, is indeed seen as fundamentally crucial as a generally necessary driver of virtuous action, but it’s not considered an essential requirement for virtue to exist in any specific case. Similarly, while a strong love for virtue or dislike for vice is usually a valuable motivator for good behavior, it isn’t universally necessary: in some instances, other emotions—like genuine affection—can enhance the quality of actions better than if they were performed solely from a moral standpoint. However, these emotions can’t be summoned at will, and the same goes for the understanding of what should be done in any specific situation, which is obviously needed if we define ‘virtuous’ strictly as moral actions to make conduct completely virtuous. For these and other reasons, I believe that while we distinguish Virtue from other forms of excellence by its voluntariness—it must be to some extent realizable at will when the situation calls for it—this voluntariness only applies to a certain degree; and although a person can always fulfill their Duty if they know it, they can’t always achieve virtue at the highest level.
It should, however, be observed that even when it is beyond our power to realise virtue immediately at will, we recognise a duty of cultivating it and seeking to develop it: and this duty of cultivation extends to all virtuous habits or dispositions in which we are found to be deficient, so far as we can thus increase our tendency to do the corresponding acts in future; however completely such acts may on each occasion be within the control of the will. It is true that for acts of this latter kind, so far as they are perfectly deliberate, we do not seem to need any special virtuous habits; if only we have knowledge of what is right and best to be done, together with a sufficiently strong wish to do it.[181] But, in order to fulfil our duties thoroughly, we are obliged to act during part of our lives suddenly and without deliberation: on such occasions there is no room for moral reasoning, and sometimes not even for explicit moral judgment; so that in order to act virtuously, we require such particular habits and dispositions as are denoted by the names of the special virtues: and it is a duty to foster and develop these in whatever way experience shows this to be possible.
It should be noted that even when we can't immediately achieve virtue at will, we recognize our responsibility to cultivate it and work on developing it. This responsibility applies to all virtuous habits or traits where we find ourselves lacking, as far as we can increase our likelihood of performing the corresponding actions in the future, even if those actions are completely within our control at each moment. It's true that for actions of this kind, as long as they are fully deliberate, we don't seem to need any special virtuous habits; all we need is knowledge of what is right and a strong enough desire to do it. But, to fully meet our obligations, we often have to act quickly and without prior thought: in those moments, there isn't time for moral reasoning, and sometimes not even for clear moral judgment; therefore, to act virtuously, we need specific habits and traits associated with particular virtues. It's our duty to nurture and develop these in any way experience shows to be feasible.
The complicated relation of virtue to duty, as above determined, must be borne in mind throughout the discussion of the particular virtues, to which I shall proceed in the following chapters. But, as we have seen, the main part of the manifestation of virtue in conduct consists in voluntary actions, which it is within the power of any individual to do—so far as they are recognised by him as right,—and which therefore come within our definition of Duty, as above laid down; it will not therefore be necessary, during the greater part of the ensuing discussion, to distinguish between principles of virtuous[228] conduct and principles of duty; since the definitions of the two will coincide.
The complex relationship between virtue and duty, as explained earlier, should be kept in mind as we discuss the specific virtues in the upcoming chapters. However, as we’ve noted, the main expression of virtue in behavior consists of voluntary actions that any individual can perform—as long as they recognize those actions as right—which fits our definition of Duty provided earlier. Therefore, for most of the following discussion, it won't be necessary to differentiate between principles of virtuous conduct and principles of duty, since their definitions will align.
§ 3. Here, however, a remark is necessary, which to some extent qualifies what was said in the preceding chapter, where I characterised the common notions of particular virtues—justice, etc.—as too vague to furnish exact determinations of the actions enjoined under them. I there assumed that rules of duty ought to admit of precise definition in a universal form: and this assumption naturally belongs to the ordinary or jural view of Ethics as concerned with a moral code: since we should agree that if obligations are imposed on any one he ought at least to know what they are, and that a law indefinitely drawn must be a bad law. But so far as we contemplate virtue as something that goes beyond strict duty and is not always capable of being realised at will, this assumption is not so clearly appropriate: since from this point of view we naturally compare excellence of conduct with beauty in the products of the Fine Arts. Of such products we commonly say, that though rules and definite prescriptions may do much, they can never do all; that the highest excellence is always due to an instinct or tact that cannot be reduced to definite formulæ. We can describe the beautiful products when they are produced, and to some extent classify their beauties, giving names to each; but we cannot prescribe any certain method for producing each kind of beauty. So, it may be said, stands the case with virtues: and hence the attempt to state an explicit maxim, by applying which we may be sure of producing virtuous acts of any kind, must fail: we can only give a general account of the virtue—a description, not a definition—and leave it to trained insight to find in any particular circumstances the act that will best realise it. On this view, which I may distinguish as Æsthetic Intuitionism, I shall have something to say hereafter.[182] But I conceive that our primary business is to examine the larger claims of those Rational or Jural Intuitionists, who maintain that Ethics admits of exact and scientific treatment, having for its first principles the general rules of which we have spoken, or the most fundamental of them: and who thus hold out to us a hope of getting rid of the fluctuations and discrepancies of opinion, in which we[229] acquiesce in æsthetic discussions, but which tend to endanger seriously the authority of ethical beliefs. And we cannot, I think, decide on the validity of such claims without examining in detail the propositions which have been put forward as ethical axioms, and seeing how far they prove to be clear and explicit, or how far others may be suggested presenting these qualities. For it would not be maintained, at least by the more judicious thinkers of this school, that such axioms are always to be found with proper exactness of form by mere observation of the common moral reasonings of men; but rather that they are at least implied in these reasonings, and that when made explicit their truth is self-evident, and must be accepted at once by an intelligent and unbiassed mind. Just as some mathematical axioms are not and cannot be known to the multitude, as their certainty cannot be seen except by minds carefully prepared,—but yet, when their terms are properly understood, the perception of their absolute truth is immediate and irresistible. Similarly, if we are not able to claim for a proposed moral axiom, in its precise form, an explicit and actual assent of “orbis terrarum,” it may still be a truth which men before vaguely apprehended, and which they will now unhesitatingly admit.
§ 3. However, I need to make a point here that somewhat qualifies what I said in the previous chapter, where I described the common ideas of specific virtues—like justice—as too vague to provide clear definitions of the actions required by them. I assumed that rules of duty should allow for precise definitions in a universal form, which fits with the common or legal perspective on ethics concerning a moral code: we would agree that if someone has obligations imposed on them, they should at least know what those obligations are, and that a loosely defined law is a bad law. But when we think of virtue as something that goes beyond strict duty and isn't always something that can be achieved on command, this assumption doesn't fit as well. From this angle, we naturally compare the excellence of conduct to beauty in the Fine Arts. We often say that while rules and specific guidelines can help, they will never cover everything; the highest level of excellence always comes from an instinct or intuition that can't be broken down into clear formulas. We can describe beautiful works of art once they exist and categorize their forms of beauty, naming each one; but we can't provide a guaranteed method for creating each type of beauty. Similarly, virtues operate this way: attempting to state a clear maxim that will ensure virtuous actions in any situation will fail; we can only provide a general description of the virtue—not a definition—and trust trained insight to determine the best action that will realize it in specific situations. This perspective, which I may refer to as Aesthetic Intuitionism, will be discussed further later.[182] But I believe our main focus should be examining the broader claims of those Rational or Legal Intuitionists, who argue that ethics can be treated with precision and scientific rigor, based on the general rules we've already discussed, or the most fundamental of them. They offer us hope of eliminating the fluctuations and disagreements found in aesthetic discussions, which can seriously undermine the authority of ethical beliefs. I think we can't determine the validity of such claims without closely investigating the propositions put forward as ethical axioms, seeing how far they are clear and explicit or if others can be suggested that meet these standards. It wouldn't be claimed, at least by the more prudent thinkers of this group, that such axioms can always be found in a properly precise form simply by observing common moral reasoning among people; instead, they suggest that these axioms are at least implied in such reasoning and that their truth is self-evident and should be immediately accepted by an intelligent and unbiased mind. Just as some mathematical axioms aren’t known to the general public and can't be perceived by most minds unless they are properly prepared, but once understood, their absolute truth is immediately recognized. Similarly, if we can't claim for a proposed moral axiom, in its exact form, the explicit and actual agreement of the “orbis terrarum,” it may still represent a truth that people vaguely recognized before and will now accept without hesitation.
In this inquiry it is not of great importance in what order we take the virtues. We are not to examine the system of any particular moralist, but the Morality (as it was called) of Common Sense; and the discussion of the general notions of Duty and Virtue, in which we have been engaged in the present chapter, will have shown incidentally the great difficulty of eliciting from Common Sense any clear principle of classification of the particular duties and virtues. Hence I have thought it best to reserve what I have to say on the subject of classification till a later period of the discussion; and in the first place to take the matter to be investigated quite empirically, as we find it in the common thought expressed in the common language of mankind. The systems of moralists commonly attempt to give some definite arrangement to this crude material: but in so far as they are systematic they generally seem forced to transcend Common Sense, and define what it has left doubtful; as I shall hereafter try to show.
In this discussion, the order in which we address the virtues isn't that important. We're not going to study any specific moralist's system, but rather the Morality (as it was called) of Common Sense. The conversation around the general ideas of Duty and Virtue, which we've been exploring in this chapter, has already highlighted the significant challenge of deriving a clear classification principle for specific duties and virtues from Common Sense. Therefore, I believe it's best to set aside the topic of classification for later in our discussion, and initially approach the subject empirically, as it's expressed in everyday thought and language. Moralists often try to create a clear structure from this raw material, but because they adopt a systematic approach, they typically end up going beyond Common Sense and clarifying what remains uncertain—something I will explore further.
For the present, then, it seems best, in this empirical[230] investigation, to take the virtues rather in the order of their importance; and, as there are some that seem to have a special comprehensiveness of range, and to include under them, in a manner, all or most of the others, it will be convenient to begin with these. Of these Wisdom is perhaps the most obvious: in the next chapter, therefore, I propose to examine our common conceptions of Wisdom, and certain other cognate or connected virtues or excellences.
For now, it seems best, in this empirical[230] investigation, to consider the virtues based on their importance. Since some virtues appear to have a broader scope and encompass most of the others, it makes sense to start with them. Wisdom is likely the most apparent of these; therefore, in the next chapter, I plan to explore our general ideas about Wisdom, along with some related virtues or qualities.
CHAPTER III
Wisdom and self-discipline
§ 1. Wisdom was always placed by the Greek philosophers first in the list of virtues, and regarded as in a manner comprehending all the others: in fact in the post-Aristotelian schools the notion of the Sage or ideally Wise man (σοφός) was regularly employed to exhibit in a concrete form the rules of life laid down by each system. In common Greek usage, however, the term just mentioned would signify excellence in purely speculative science, no less than practical wisdom[183]: and the English term Wisdom has, to some extent, the same ambiguity. It is, however, chiefly used in reference to practice: and even when applied to the region of pure speculation suggests especially such intellectual gifts and habits as lead to sound practical conclusions: namely, comprehensiveness of view, the habit of attending impartially to a number of diverse considerations difficult to estimate exactly, and good judgment as to the relative importance of each. At any rate, it is only Practical Wisdom which we commonly class among Virtues, as distinguished from purely intellectual excellences. How then shall we define Practical Wisdom? The most obvious part of its meaning is a tendency to discern, in the conduct of life generally, the best means to the attainment of any ends that the natural play of human motives may lead us to seek: as contrasted with technical skill, or the faculty of selecting the best means to given ends in a certain limited and special department of human action. Such skill in the special arts[232] is partly communicable by means of definite rules, and partly a matter of tact or instinct, depending somewhat on natural gifts and predispositions, but to a great extent acquired by exercise and imitation; and similarly practical Wisdom, if understood to be Skill in the Art of Life, would involve a certain amount of scientific knowledge, the portions of different sciences bearing directly on human action, together with empirical rules relating to the same subject-matter; and also the tact or trained instinct just mentioned, which would even be more prominent here, on account of the extreme complexity of the subject-matter. But it does not appear from this analysis why this skill should be regarded as a virtue: and reflection will show that we do not ordinarily mean by wisdom merely the faculty of finding the best means to any ends: for we should not call the most accomplished swindler wise; whereas we should not hesitate to attribute to him cleverness, ingenuity, and other purely intellectual excellences. So again we apply the term “worldly-wise” to a man who skilfully chooses the best means to the end of ambition; but we should not call such a man ‘wise’ without qualification. Wisdom, in short, appears to me to imply right judgment in respect of ends as well as means.
§ 1. Wisdom has always been considered the top virtue by Greek philosophers, seen as encompassing all the others. In fact, in the post-Aristotelian schools, the concept of the Sage or ideally Wise person (σοφός) was often used to demonstrate the life rules proposed by each system. However, in everyday Greek, the term mentioned earlier signified excellence in both theoretical knowledge and practical wisdom[183]: and the English word Wisdom holds a similar ambiguity. It is primarily used in relation to practice; even when referring to pure speculation, it often points to the intellectual traits and habits that lead to solid practical conclusions: namely, a broad perspective, the ability to consider various complex factors impartially, and sound judgment regarding the importance of each. Ultimately, it's primarily Practical Wisdom that we usually categorize as a Virtue, differentiating it from purely intellectual strengths. So, how do we define Practical Wisdom? The most straightforward aspect is the ability to recognize the best means for achieving goals that arise naturally from human motivations in life: as opposed to technical skill, which is the capacity to choose the best means for specific ends in a narrow area of human activity. Such skill in specialized arts[232] can be partly taught through clear rules and partly relies on instinct or natural talent, but is largely developed through practice and imitation; similarly, Practical Wisdom, considered as Skill in the Art of Life, would involve a degree of scientific knowledge relevant to human actions, alongside practical guidelines related to the same topics; and also the instinct or trained intuition mentioned earlier, which would be even more critical here due to the subject's complexity. However, this analysis doesn’t clarify why this skill is viewed as a virtue. Thinking about it shows that we don’t typically define wisdom merely as the ability to find the best means to any ends; we wouldn't label the most skilled con artist as wise, even though we’d credit him with cleverness, ingenuity, and other purely intellectual strengths. Similarly, we might call a person “worldly-wise” if they skillfully choose the best paths to achieve their ambitions, but we wouldn’t just label such a person ‘wise’ without more context. In summary, I believe wisdom entails good judgment regarding both ends and means.
Here, however, a subtle question arises. For the assumption on which this treatise proceeds is that there are several ultimate ends of action, which all claim to be rational ends, such as every man ought to adopt. Hence, if Wisdom implies right judgment as to ends, it is clear that a person who regards some one end as the sole right or rational ultimate end will not consider a man wise who adopts any other ultimate end. Can we say then that in the common use of the word Wisdom any one ultimate end is distinctly implied to the exclusion of others? It may be suggested, perhaps, that in the moral view of Common Sense which we are now trying to make clear, since Wisdom itself is prescribed or commended as a quality of conduct intuitively discerned to be right or good, the ultimate end which the wise man prefers must be just this attainment of rightness or goodness in conduct generally; rather than pleasure for himself or others, or any other ulterior end. I think, however, that in the case of this notion it is impossible to carry out that analysis of ordinary practical reasoning into[233] several distinct methods, each admitting and needing separate development, upon which the plan of this treatise is founded. For, as we saw, it is characteristic of Common Sense to assume coincidence or harmony among these different competing methods. And hence, while as regards most particular virtues and duties, the exercise of moral judgment in ordinary men is prima facie independent of hedonistic calculations, and occasionally in apparent conflict with their results,—so that the reconciliation of the different procedures presents itself as a problem to be solved—in the comprehensive notion of Wisdom the antagonism is latent. Common Sense seems to mean by a Wise man, a man who attains at once all the different rational ends; who by conduct in perfect conformity with the true moral code attains the greatest happiness possible both for himself and for mankind (or that portion of mankind to which his efforts are necessarily restricted). But if we find this harmony unattainable,—if, for example, Rational Egoism seems to lead to conduct opposed to the true interests of mankind in general, and we ask whether we are to call Wise the man who seeks, or him who sacrifices, his private interests,—Common Sense gives no clear reply.
Here, however, a subtle question comes up. The assumption behind this discussion is that there are several ultimate goals of action, all claiming to be rational goals that everyone should adopt. So, if Wisdom means having the right judgment about these goals, it's clear that someone who sees one specific goal as the only right or rational ultimate goal will not consider someone wise who chooses any other ultimate goal. Can we then say that in everyday use of the term Wisdom, any one ultimate goal is implicitly understood to the exclusion of others? It might be suggested that in the moral perspective of Common Sense we're trying to clarify, since Wisdom itself is viewed as a quality of behavior that is intuitively recognized as right or good, the ultimate goal that the wise person prefers must be the achievement of rightness or goodness in behavior overall; rather than seeking pleasure for themselves or others, or any other ulterior goal. However, I believe that with this concept, it's impossible to break down ordinary practical reasoning into several distinct methods, each needing separate exploration, which is the foundation of this discussion. As we observed, it's typical of Common Sense to assume a connection or harmony among these different conflicting methods. Thus, while for most specific virtues and duties, the exercise of moral judgment in ordinary people is prima facie independent of hedonistic calculations, and sometimes appears to conflict with their outcomes—making the reconciliation of these different processes a problem to solve—in the broad concept of Wisdom, the conflict remains hidden. Common Sense seems to suggest that a wise person is someone who simultaneously achieves all the different rational goals; someone whose behavior aligns perfectly with the true moral code, resulting in the greatest happiness possible for themselves and for humanity (or that part of humanity to which their efforts are naturally limited). But if we find that this harmony is unattainable—if, for instance, Rational Egoism appears to lead to actions that are against the true interests of humanity as a whole, and we wonder whether we should call the person wise who pursues their own interests or the one who sacrifices them—Common Sense offers no clear answer.
§ 2. Let us now return to the question whether Wisdom, as exhibited in right judgment as to ends, is in any degree attainable at will, and so, according to our definition, a Virtue. At first sight, the perception of the right end may seem not to be voluntary any more than the cognition of any other kind of truth; and though in most cases the attainment of truth requires voluntary effort, still we do not generally think it possible for any man, by this alone, to attain even approximately the right solution of a difficult intellectual problem. It is often said, however, that the cognition of Moral truth depends largely upon the ‘heart,’ that is, upon a certain condition of our desires and other emotions: and it would seem to be on this view that Wisdom is regarded as a Virtue; and we may admit it as such, according to the definition before given, so far as this condition of feeling is attainable at will. Still, on closer scrutiny, there hardly seems to be agreement as to the right emotional conditions of the cognition of ends: as some would say that prayer or ardent aspiration produced the most favourable state, while others would urge that emotional excitement[234] is likely to perturb the judgment, and would say that we need for right apprehension rather tranquillity of feeling: and some would contend that a complete suppression of selfish impulses was the essential condition, while others would regard this as chimerical and impossible, or, if possible, a plain misdirection of effort. On these points we cannot decide in the name of Common Sense: but it would be generally agreed that there are certain violent passions and sensual appetites which are known to be liable to pervert moral apprehensions, and that these are to some extent under the control of the Will; so that a man who exercises moral effort to resist their influence, when he wishes to decide on ends of action, may be said to be so far voluntarily wise.
§ 2. Let’s go back to the question of whether Wisdom, shown in making the right judgments about goals, can be somewhat achieved at will, and thus be considered a Virtue based on our definition. At first glance, recognizing the right goal might not seem voluntary, just like understanding any kind of truth. Although in most cases, reaching the truth requires voluntary effort, we don’t usually think it's possible for anyone to come close to solving a difficult intellectual problem just through effort alone. However, it’s often said that understanding Moral truth largely depends on the 'heart,' meaning the condition of our desires and emotions. It seems that this perspective is why Wisdom is viewed as a Virtue; we can accept it as such based on the previously mentioned definition, as long as this emotional state is something we can achieve at will. Still, on closer examination, it doesn’t seem there’s a consensus on the right emotional conditions for understanding goals. Some argue that prayer or intense desire creates the best state, while others insist that emotional excitement might distort judgment, suggesting we actually need calmness for clear understanding. Some claim that completely suppressing selfish impulses is essential, while others see this as unrealistic and misdirected effort. We can’t resolve these points using Common Sense, but it’s generally agreed that certain strong passions and physical urges can distort moral understanding, and these are somewhat within our control. Therefore, someone who makes a moral effort to resist their influence when deciding on actions’ goals can be considered voluntarily wise to some extent.
And this applies to some extent even to that other function of Wisdom, first discussed, which consists in the selection of the best means to the attainment of given ends. For experience seems to show that our insight in practical matters is liable to be perverted by desire and fear, and that this perversion may be prevented by an effort of self-control: so that unwisdom, even here, is at least not altogether involuntary. Thus in a dispute which may lead to a quarrel, I may be entirely unable to show foresight and skill in maintaining my right in such a manner as to avoid needless exasperation, and so far may be unable to conduct the dispute wisely: but it is always in my power, before taking each important step, to reduce the influence of anger or wounded amour propre on my decisions, and I may avoid much unwisdom in this way. And it is to be observed that volition has a more important part to play in developing or protecting our insight into the right conduct of life, than it has in respect of the technical skill to which we compared Practical Wisdom; in proportion as the reasonings in which Practical Wisdom is exhibited are less clear and exact, and the conclusions inevitably more uncertain. For desire and fear could hardly make one go wrong in an arithmetical calculation; but in estimating a balance of complicated practical probabilities it is more difficult to resist the influence of strong inclination: and it would seem to be a more or less definite consciousness of the continual need of such resistance, which leads us to regard Wisdom as a Virtue.
And this applies to some degree even to that other role of Wisdom, which was mentioned earlier, involving choosing the best means to achieve specific goals. Experience suggests that our judgment in practical situations can be distorted by desire and fear, and that we can prevent this distortion through self-control: so unwisdom, in this case, isn’t entirely involuntary. For instance, in a dispute that could escalate into an argument, I might completely fail to anticipate and handle my rights in a way that avoids unnecessary frustration, and thus may not manage the dispute wisely. However, it is always within my control, before making each significant decision, to lessen the impact of anger or wounded pride on my choices, which can help me avoid a lot of foolishness. It’s also worth noting that our will plays a more crucial role in developing or safeguarding our understanding of proper conduct in life than it does in the technical skills we compared Practical Wisdom to; this is because the reasoning involved in Practical Wisdom is often less clear and precise, and the outcomes are consequently more uncertain. Desire and fear rarely lead to mistakes in mathematical calculations; but when weighing complex practical probabilities, it’s much harder to resist strong inclinations. This ongoing need for resistance seems to be what makes us view Wisdom as a Virtue.
We may say then that Practical Wisdom, so far as it is a[235] virtue, involves a habit of resistance to desires and fears which is commonly distinguished as Self-control. But suppose a man has determined with full insight the course of conduct that it is reasonable for him to adopt under any given circumstances, the question still remains whether he will certainly adopt it. Now I hardly think that Common Sense considers the choice, as distinct from the cognition, of right ends to belong to Wisdom; and yet we should scarcely call a man wise who deliberately chose to do what he knew to be contrary to reason. The truth seems to be that the notion of such a choice, though the modern mind admits it as possible,[184] is somewhat unfamiliar in comparison with either (1) impulsive irrationality, or (2) mistaken choice of bad for good. In the last case, if the mistake is entirely involuntary, the choice has, of course, no subjective wrongness: often, however, the mistaken conclusion is caused by a perverting influence of desire or fear of which the agent is obscurely conscious, and which might be resisted and dispelled by an effort of will. As so caused, the mistake falls under the head of culpable unwisdom, due to want of self-control similar in kind—though not in degree—to that which is exhibited in the rarer phenomenon of a man deliberately choosing to do what he knows to be bad for him.
We can say that Practical Wisdom, as a virtue, involves a habit of resisting desires and fears, which we usually call Self-control. However, even if a person has clearly determined the reasonable course of action to take in any situation, we still have to ask whether they will actually follow through with it. I doubt that Common Sense thinks that the choice, separate from the understanding, of the right goals is part of Wisdom; still, we wouldn’t really consider someone wise if they intentionally decided to act against reason. The reality seems to be that the idea of such a choice, although the modern mind sees it as possible,[184] is somewhat unfamiliar compared to (1) impulsive irrationality or (2) mistakenly choosing something bad over something good. In the latter case, if the mistake is completely unintentional, the choice isn’t subjectively wrong: often, though, the wrong conclusion arises from a distorting influence of desire or fear that the person is vaguely aware of, and which could be resisted and overcome with willpower. When that happens, the mistake falls into the category of blameworthy unwisdom, due to a lack of self-control that is similar—though not in intensity—to what occurs in the rarer case of someone consciously choosing to do something they know is bad for them.
The case of impulsive wrongdoing is somewhat different. It is clear that a resolution made after deliberation, in accordance with our view of what is right, should not be abandoned or modified except deliberately—at least if time for fresh deliberation be allowed—: and the self-control required to resist impulses prompting to such abandonment or modification—which we may perhaps call Firmness,—is an indispensable auxiliary to Wisdom. But the gusts of impulse that the varying occasions of life arouse sometimes take effect so rapidly that the resolution to which they run counter is not actually recalled at the time: and in this case the self-control or firmness required to prevent unreasonable action seems to be not attainable at will, when it is most wanted. We can, however, cultivate this important habit by graving our resolves deeper in the moments of deliberation that[236] continually intervene among the moments of impulsive action.
The situation with impulsive wrongdoing is a bit different. It's clear that a decision made after careful thought, based on our understanding of what is right, shouldn't be changed or abandoned without purpose—at least if there's time to think it over again. The self-control needed to resist the urges that drive us to change our minds—what we might call Firmness— is essential to Wisdom. However, the strong impulses that different situations in life trigger can sometimes act so quickly that we don't actually remember the decision that goes against them at the moment. In these cases, the self-control or firmness needed to prevent irrational behavior doesn’t seem to be within our reach when we need it the most. However, we can develop this crucial habit by sinking our decisions deeper in our minds during those times of reflection that continually occur between moments of impulsive action.
§ 3. In examining the functions of Wisdom, other subordinate excellences come into view, which are partly included in our ideal conception of Wisdom, and partly auxiliary or supplementary. Some of these, however, no one would exactly call virtues: such as Sagacity in selecting the really important points amid a crowd of others, Acuteness in seeing aids or obstacles that lie somewhat hidden. Ingenuity in devising subtle or complicated means to our ends, and other cognate qualities more or less vaguely defined and named. We cannot be acute, or ingenious, or sagacious when we please, though we may become more so by practice. The same may be said of Caution, so far as Caution implies taking into due account material circumstances unfavourable to our wishes and aims: for by no effort of will can we certainly see what circumstances are material; we can only look steadily and comprehensively. The term ‘Caution,’ however, may also be legitimately applied to a species of Self-control which we shall properly regard as a Virtue: viz. the tendency to deliberate whenever and so long as deliberation is judged to be required, even though powerful impulses urge us to immediate action.[185]
§ 3. When we look at the functions of Wisdom, we notice other related qualities that are partly included in our ideal view of Wisdom and partly act as support or additions. However, some of these wouldn't exactly be considered virtues, like the ability to discern the truly important aspects among many, the sharpness to identify hidden aids or obstacles, and the creativity in coming up with clever or complex methods to achieve our goals, along with other similar traits that are somewhat vaguely defined and named. We can't just be sharp, creative, or insightful whenever we want, though we can develop these traits through practice. The same goes for Caution, to the extent that it means considering important material circumstances that may hinder our wishes and goals: we can't willfully identify what circumstances are significant; we can only observe them thoroughly and comprehensively. However, the term 'Caution' can also be rightly applied to a form of Self-control that we should properly view as a Virtue: namely, the tendency to think carefully whenever it's deemed necessary, even when strong urges push us toward immediate action.[185]
And, in antithesis to Caution, we may notice as another minor virtue the quality called Decision, so far as we mean by Decision the habit of resisting an irrational impulse to which men are liable, of continuing to some extent in the deliberative attitude when they know that deliberation is no longer expedient, and that they ought to be acting. ‘Decision,’ however, is often applied (like ‘Caution’) to denote solely or chiefly a merely intellectual excellence; viz. the tendency to judge rightly as to the time for closing deliberation.
And, in contrast to Caution, we can observe another minor virtue called Decision, as we define Decision as the ability to resist an irrational impulse that people often face, and to some degree maintain a thoughtful approach even when they realize that thinking it over isn't helpful anymore and they should be taking action. However, 'Decision' is often used (like 'Caution') to refer mainly to an intellectual skill; specifically, the ability to determine the right moment to stop deliberating.
I conclude then that so far as such qualities as those which I have distinguished as Caution, and Decision, are recognised as Virtues and not merely as intellectual excellences, it is because they are, in fact, species of Self-control; i.e. because they involve voluntary adoption of and adhesion to rational judgments as to conduct, in spite of certain irrational motives prompting in an opposite direction. Now it may seem at first sight that if we suppose perfect correctness of judgment combined with perfect self-control, the result will be a perfect performance of duty in all departments; and the realisation of perfect Virtue, except so far as this involves the presence of certain special emotions not to be commanded at will.[186] And no doubt a perfectly wise and self-controlled man cannot be conceived as breaking or neglecting any moral rule. But it is important to observe that even sincere and single-minded efforts to realise what we see to be right may vary in intensity; and that therefore the tendency to manifest a high degree of intensity in such efforts is properly praised as Energy, if the quality be purely volitional; or under some such name as Zeal or Moral Ardour, if the volitional energy be referred to intensity of emotion, and yet not connected with any emotion more special than the general love of what is Right or Good.
I conclude that as long as qualities like Caution and Decision are seen as Virtues and not just intellectual skills, it’s because they are, in essence, types of Self-control; in other words, they involve the intentional choice to stick to rational judgments about behavior, even when certain irrational urges suggest otherwise. At first glance, it may seem that if we assume perfect judgment paired with perfect self-control, this would lead to completely fulfilling our duties in all areas and achieving perfect Virtue—except when certain specific emotions can't be controlled at will. And certainly, we can’t imagine a perfectly wise and self-controlled person breaking or ignoring any moral rule. However, it's crucial to note that even genuine and focused attempts to do what we know is right can vary in strength; hence, the tendency to show a high level of intensity in these efforts is rightly celebrated as Energy when it comes purely from willpower, or called Zeal or Moral Ardor when that willpower relates to emotional intensity, even if it’s not linked to any specific emotion other than a general love for what is Right or Good.
Note.—It is to be observed that in the discussions of this chapter the question at issue between Intuitional and Utilitarian Ethics is not yet reached. For, granting that we can elicit by reflection clear rules of duty under the heads of Wisdom, Caution and Decision, the rules are obviously not independent; they presuppose an intellectual judgment otherwise obtained, or capable of being obtained, as to what is right or expedient to do.
Note.—It's important to note that in the discussions of this chapter, the debate between Intuitionist and Utilitarian Ethics hasn't been addressed yet. Even if we can come up with clear rules of duty through reflection, under the categories of Wisdom, Caution, and Decision, these rules are clearly not independent; they rely on an intellectual judgment that is either established or can be established about what is right or practical to do.
CHAPTER IV
Kindness
§ 1. We have seen that the virtue of Practical Wisdom comprehends all others, so far as virtuous conduct in each department necessarily results from a clear knowledge and choice of the true ultimate end or ends of action, and of the best means to the attainment of such end or ends.[187] From this point of view, we may consider the names of the special virtues as denoting special departments of this knowledge; which it is now our business to examine more closely.
§ 1. We've observed that the virtue of Practical Wisdom includes all other virtues, as ethical behavior in each area naturally arises from a clear understanding and selection of the true ultimate goals of action, along with the best methods to achieve those goals.[187] From this perspective, we can view the names of the specific virtues as representing distinct areas of this understanding, which we will now analyze in more detail.
When, however, we contemplate these, we discern that there are other virtues, which, in different ways, may be regarded as no less comprehensive than Wisdom. Especially in modern times, since the revival of independent ethical speculation, there have always been thinkers who have maintained, in some form, the view that Benevolence is a supreme and architectonic virtue, comprehending and summing up all the others, and fitted to regulate them and determine their proper limits and mutual relations.[188] This widely supported claim to supremacy seems an adequate reason for giving to Benevolence the first place after Wisdom, in our examination of the commonly received maxims of Duty and Virtue.
When we think about these, we see that there are other virtues that can be considered just as broad as Wisdom in different ways. Especially in modern times, since the rise of independent ethical thinking, there have been philosophers who, in various forms, argued that Benevolence is a supreme and foundational virtue that includes and summarizes all the others, capable of regulating them and defining their appropriate limits and relationships. [188] This widely endorsed belief in its superiority seems like a solid reason to place Benevolence second after Wisdom in our analysis of the commonly accepted principles of Duty and Virtue.
The general maxim of Benevolence would be commonly[239] said to be, “that we ought to love all our fellow-men,” or “all our fellow-creatures”: but, as we have already seen, there is some doubt among moralists as to the precise meaning of the term “love,” in this connexion: since, according to Kant and others, what is morally prescribed as the Duty of Benevolence is not strictly the affection of love or kindness, so far as this contains an emotional element, but only the determination of the will to seek the good or happiness of others. And I agree that it cannot be a strict duty to feel an emotion, so far as it is not directly within the power of the Will to produce it at any given time. Still (as I have said) it seems to me that this emotional element is included in our common notion of Charity or Philanthropy, regarded as a Virtue: and I think it paradoxical[189] to deny that it raises the mere beneficent disposition of the will to a higher degree of excellence, and renders its effects better. If this be so, it will be a duty to cultivate the affection so far as it is possible to do so: and indeed this would seem (no less than the permanent disposition to do good) to be a normal effect of repeated beneficent resolves and actions: since, as has often been observed, a benefit tends to excite love in the agent towards the recipient of the benefit, no less than in the recipient towards the agent. It must be admitted, however, that this effect is less certain than the production of the benevolent disposition; and that some men are naturally so unattractive to others that the latter can feel no affection, though they may entertain benevolent dispositions, towards the former. At any rate, it would seem to be a duty generally, and till we find the effort fruitless, to cultivate kind affections towards those whom we ought to benefit; not only by doing kind actions, but by placing ourselves under any natural influences which experience shows to have a tendency to produce affection.
The basic principle of Benevolence is often stated as, “we should love all our fellow humans” or “all our fellow creatures.” However, as we've seen, there's some uncertainty among moral philosophers about the exact meaning of the term “love” in this context. According to Kant and others, what is morally required as the Duty of Benevolence isn’t strictly the feeling of love or kindness, which contains an emotional aspect, but rather the will's determination to seek the good or happiness of others. I agree that it can't be a strict duty to feel an emotion since it's not always within our control to produce it at any moment. Still, as I’ve mentioned, I believe that this emotional aspect is included in our common understanding of Charity or Philanthropy as a Virtue. It seems paradoxical to deny that it elevates the simple good intentions of the will to a higher level of excellence and makes its outcomes better. If this is true, then it would be a duty to nurture such feelings to the extent that we can. In fact, this would appear, just like the consistent desire to do good, to be a natural result of repeated good intentions and actions. As has often been noted, doing good tends to spark feelings of love in the giver toward the receiver, just as much as in the receiver toward the giver. However, it's important to acknowledge that this outcome is less certain than developing the benevolent disposition, and some people are so naturally unappealing to others that they may not feel any affection, even if they have good intentions toward them. In any case, it seems to be a general duty, until we find the effort fruitless, to foster kind feelings toward those we should help—not just by performing kind acts but also by putting ourselves in situations that experience shows tend to create affection.
But we have still to ascertain more particularly the nature of the actions in which this affection or disposition of will is shown. They are described popularly as ‘doing good.’ Now we have before[190] noticed that the notion ‘good,’ in ordinary thought, includes, undistinguished and therefore unharmonised, the different conceptions that men form of the ultimate end of rational action. It follows that there is a corresponding[240] ambiguity in the phrase ‘doing good’: since, though many would unhesitatingly take it to mean the promotion of Happiness, there are others who, holding that Perfection and not Happiness is the true ultimate Good, consistently maintain that the real way to ‘do good’ to people is to increase their virtue or aid their progress towards Perfection. There are, however, even among anti-Epicurean moralists, some—such as Kant—who take an opposite view, and argue that my neighbour’s Virtue or Perfection cannot be an end to me, because it depends upon the free exercise of his own volition, which I cannot help or hinder. But on the same grounds it might equally well be argued that I cannot cultivate Virtue in myself, but only practise it from moment to moment: whereas even Kant does not deny that we can cultivate virtuous dispositions in ourselves, and that in other ways than by the performance of virtuous acts: and Common Sense always assumes this to be possible and prescribes it as a duty. And surely it is equally undeniable that we can cultivate virtue in others: and indeed such cultivation is clearly the object not only of education, but of a large part of social action, especially of our expression of praise and blame. And if Virtue is an ultimate end for ourselves, to be sought for its own sake, benevolence must lead us to do what is possible to obtain it for our neighbour. And indeed we see that in the case of intense individual affection, the friend or lover generally longs that the beloved should be excellent and admirable as well as happy: perhaps, however, this is because love involves preference, and the lover desires that the beloved should be really worthy of preference as well as actually preferred by him, as otherwise there is a conflict between Love and Reason.
But we still need to clarify more specifically what types of actions demonstrate this affection or disposition of will. People commonly describe these actions as 'doing good.' However, we've noticed that the concept of 'good' in everyday thinking includes various, often mixed-up ideas about the ultimate goal of rational action. As a result, the phrase 'doing good' has a certain ambiguity: while many would take it to mean promoting Happiness, there are others who believe that Perfection, not Happiness, is the true ultimate Good. These individuals argue that the best way to 'do good' for others is to increase their virtue or assist them on their path to Perfection. However, even among those who disagree with Epicurean views, some—like Kant—argue the opposite, claiming that my neighbor’s Virtue or Perfection cannot be my goal because it relies on their own free will, which I cannot control. On similar grounds, one could argue that I cannot truly **cultivate** Virtue in myself, but can only practice it moment by moment. Yet even Kant does not deny that we can develop virtuous traits within ourselves in ways beyond just performing virtuous acts, and Common Sense generally assumes this is possible and considers it a duty. It's also undeniable that we can foster virtue in others: this nurturing is clearly a goal not only of education but also a significant part of social interaction, especially through how we express praise and blame. If Virtue is an ultimate goal for ourselves to pursue for its own sake, then our benevolence should compel us to do what we can to help our neighbor achieve it. In cases of deep personal affection, we often see that friends or lovers wish for the ones they care about to be not only happy but also excellent and admirable. Perhaps this desire is rooted in love containing an element of preference, where the lover wants their beloved to be genuinely worthy of that preference, as failing to do so creates a conflict between Love and Reason.
On the whole then, I do not find, in the common view of what Benevolence bids us promote for others, any clear selection indicated between the different and possibly conflicting elements of Good as commonly conceived. But we may say, I think, that the promotion of Happiness is practically the chief part of what Common Sense considers to be prescribed as the external duty of Benevolence: and for clearness’ sake we will confine our attention to this in the remainder of the discussion.[191] It should be observed that by happiness we are not to[241] understand simply the gratification of the actual desires of others, for men too often desire what would tend to their unhappiness in the long run: but the greatest possible amount of pleasure or satisfaction for them on the whole—in short, such happiness as was taken to be the rational end for each individual in the system of Egoistic Hedonism. It is this that Rational Benevolence bids us provide for others; and if one who loves is led from affectionate sympathy with the longings of the beloved to gratify those longings believing that the gratification will be attended with an overplus of painful consequences, we commonly say that such affection is weak and foolish.
Overall, I find that the common understanding of what Benevolence encourages us to promote for others doesn’t clearly differentiate between the various and potentially conflicting aspects of Good as usually understood. However, we can say that promoting Happiness is essentially the main focus of what Common Sense views as the external duty of Benevolence. To keep things clear, we will focus on this for the rest of our discussion.[191] It's important to note that by happiness, we don’t just mean fulfilling the immediate desires of others, since people often want things that could lead to their unhappiness in the long run. What we mean is aiming for the greatest possible amount of pleasure or satisfaction for them overall—in short, the kind of happiness viewed as the rational goal for each individual in the framework of Egoistic Hedonism. This is what Rational Benevolence asks us to provide for others; and if someone who loves acts out of genuine sympathy with the desires of the one they love and seeks to fulfill those desires, believing that doing so will lead to more painful consequences, we typically say that such love is weak and misguided.
§ 2. It remains to ask towards whom this disposition or affection is to be maintained, and to what extent. And, firstly, it is not quite clear whether we owe benevolence to men alone, or to other animals also. That is, there is a general agreement that we ought to treat all animals with kindness, so far as to avoid causing them unnecessary pain; but it is questioned whether this is directly due to sentient beings as such, or merely prescribed as a means of cultivating kindly dispositions towards men. Intuitional moralists of repute have maintained this latter view: I think, however, that Common Sense is disposed to regard this as a hard-hearted paradox, and to hold with Bentham that the pain of animals is per se to be avoided. Passing to consider how our benevolence ought to be distributed among our fellow-men, we may conveniently make clear the Intuitional view by contrasting it with that of Utilitarianism. For Utilitarianism is sometimes said to resolve all virtue into universal and impartial Benevolence: it does not, however, prescribe that we should love all men equally, but that we should aim at Happiness generally as our ultimate end, and so consider the happiness of any one individual as equally important with the equal happiness of any other, as an element of this total; and should distribute our kindness so as to make this total as great as possible, in whatever way this result may be attained. Practically of course the distribution of any individual’s ser[242]vices will, even on this view, be unequal: as each man will obviously promote the general happiness best by rendering services to a limited number, and to some more than others: but the inequality, on the Utilitarian theory, is secondary and derivative. Common Sense, however, seems rather to regard it as immediately certain without any such deduction that we owe special dues of kindness to those who stand in special relations to us. The question then is, on what principles, when any case of doubt or apparent conflict of duties arises, we are to determine the nature and extent of the special claims to affection and kind services which arise out of these particular relations of human beings. Are problems of this kind to be solved by considering which course of conduct is on the whole most conducive to the general happiness, or can we find independent and self-evident principles sufficiently clear and precise to furnish practical guidance in such cases? The different answers given to this fundamental question will obviously constitute the main difference between the Intuitional and Utilitarian methods; so far as the ‘good’ which the benevolent man desires and seeks to confer on others is understood to be Happiness.
§ 2. We need to consider who we should direct this kindness or affection towards, and to what degree. First, it's not entirely clear whether we owe benevolence only to humans or to other animals as well. There’s a general agreement that we should treat all animals kindly, meaning we should avoid causing them unnecessary suffering; however, there's debate over whether this obligation comes from their sentience or is simply a way to foster kindness towards humans. Reputable moral philosophers have supported the latter stance, but I believe common sense sees this as a harsh paradox, aligning with Bentham that animal suffering should be avoided for its own sake. Moving on to how we should share our kindness among fellow humans, we can clarify the Intuitional perspective by comparing it to Utilitarianism. Utilitarianism often claims that all virtues can be boiled down to universal and impartial Benevolence: it doesn’t argue that we should love all people equally, but rather that we should aim for overall Happiness as our ultimate goal, considering the happiness of each individual as equally significant as that of any other in the grand total; hence, we should distribute our kindness in a way that maximizes this total happiness, however that might be achieved. Practically, though, an individual’s acts of kindness will still be uneven: each person will generally enhance overall happiness best by helping a limited number of others, and some more than others; yet, according to Utilitarian theory, this inequality is secondary and derived. Common sense, on the other hand, seems to hold that we have an immediate obligation to show special kindness towards those who have specific relationships with us. The question then becomes, on what principles should we decide the nature and extent of the special claims to affection and service that arise from these unique human connections, especially in cases of doubt or conflicting duties? Should we determine which actions best promote overall happiness, or can we identify clear and distinct principles that provide practical guidance in such situations? The different answers to this essential question will clearly highlight the main distinction between the Intuitional and Utilitarian approaches, particularly since the ‘good’ that the benevolent person wishes to give others is understood as Happiness.
When, however, we come to investigate this question we are met with a difficulty in the arrangement of the subject, which, like most difficulties of classification, deserves attentive consideration, as it depends upon important characteristics of the matter that has to be arranged. In a narrower sense of the term, Benevolence is not unfrequently distinguished from—and even contrasted with—Justice; we may of course exercise both towards the same persons, but we commonly assume that the special function of Benevolence begins where Justice ends; and it is rather with this special function that we are concerned in considering claims to affection, and to kind services normally prompted by affection. At the same time, if we consider these services as strictly due to persons in certain relations, the moral notion under which these duties are presented to us is not easily distinguishable from that of Justice; while yet these duties can hardly be withdrawn from the sphere of Benevolence in the narrowest sense. It is sometimes given as a distinction between Justice and Benevolence, that the services which Justice prescribes can be claimed as a right by[243] their recipient, while Benevolence is essentially unconstrained: but we certainly think (e.g.) that parents have a right to filial affection and to the services that naturally spring from it. It is further said that the duties of Affection are essentially indefinite, while those we classify under the head of Justice are precisely defined: and no doubt this is partly true. We not only find it hard to say exactly how much a son owes his parents, but we are even reluctant[192] to investigate this: we do not think that he ought to ask for a precise measure of his duty, in order that he may do just so much and no more; while a great part of Justice consists in the observance of stated agreements and precise rules. At the same time it is difficult to maintain this distinction as a ground of classification; for the duties of Affection are admittedly liable to come into competition with each other, and with other duties; and when this apparent conflict of duties occurs, we manifestly need as precise a definition as possible of the conflicting obligations, in order to make a reasonable choice among the alternatives of conduct presented to us. Accordingly in the following chapter (§ 2) I shall show how this competition of claims renders our common notion of Justice applicable to these no less than to other duties: meanwhile, it seems proper to treat here separately of all duties that arise out of relations where affection normally exists, and where it ought to be cultivated, and where its absence is deplored if not blamed. For all are agreed that there are such duties, the non-performance of which is a ground for censure, beyond the obligations imposed by law, or arising out of specific contract, which will come under a different head.
When we look into this question, we face a challenge in how to arrange the topic, which, like many classification issues, deserves careful thought since it relies on significant characteristics of the matters being organized. In a more specific sense, Benevolence is often set apart from—and even contrasted with—Justice; we can certainly practice both towards the same people, but we generally assume that the specific role of Benevolence starts where Justice ends, and it's this specific role that we are focusing on when we discuss claims to affection and the kind acts typically driven by that affection. At the same time, if we think of these acts as strictly owed to people in certain relationships, the moral concept behind these responsibilities is not easily separated from that of Justice; yet, these obligations can hardly be excluded from the realm of Benevolence in the strictest sense. It's sometimes noted that a distinction between Justice and Benevolence is that the acts prescribed by Justice can be claimed as a right by their recipients, while Benevolence is inherently voluntary: however, we certainly believe (for example) that parents have a right to their children's affection and the actions that naturally come from it. It's also said that the duties of Affection are essentially vague, while those classified under Justice are precisely defined: and surely, this is partly true. Not only do we find it difficult to specify how much a child owes their parents, but we are even hesitant to explore this: we don't think that a child should seek a clear measure of their duty to ensure they do exactly that much and nothing more; whereas much of Justice involves following specific agreements and defined rules. Nevertheless, it's challenging to keep this distinction as a basis for classification; because the duties of Affection can clearly compete with one another and with other responsibilities; and when this apparent conflict of duties arises, we clearly need as precise a definition as possible of the conflicting obligations to make a reasonable choice among the options available. Therefore, in the next chapter (§ 2), I will illustrate how this conflict of claims makes our typical understanding of Justice relevant to these duties just as much as to others; in the meantime, it seems appropriate to separately address all duties that emerge from relationships where affection typically exists, should be nurtured, and where its absence is regretted if not criticized. For everyone agrees that there are such duties, the failure to fulfill which is a basis for criticism, beyond the obligations set by law or arising from specific contracts, which will be discussed under a different category.
Beyond these duties, again, there seems to be a region of performance where the services rendered cannot properly be claimed as of debt, and blame is not felt to be due for non-performance: and with regard to this region, too,—which clearly belongs to Benevolence as contrasted with Justice—there is some difficulty in stating the view of Common Sense morality. There are two questions to be considered. We have to ask, firstly, whether services rendered from affection,[244] over and above what strict Duty is thought to require, are to be deemed Virtuous; and secondly, whether the affection itself is to be considered worthy of admiration as a moral excellence, and therefore a mental condition that we should strive to attain. I think that Common Sense clearly regards as virtuous the disposition to render substantial positive services to men at large, and promote their well-being,—whether such a disposition springs out of natural kindliness of feeling towards human beings generally, or whether it is merely the result of moral effort and resolve—provided it is accompanied by an adequate degree of intellectual enlightenment.[193] And the same may be said of the less comprehensive affection that impels men to promote the well-being of the community of which they are members; and again of the affection that normally tends to accompany the recognition of rightful rule or leadership in others. In some ages and countries Patriotism and Loyalty have been regarded as almost supreme among the virtues; and even now Common Sense gives them a high place.
Beyond these responsibilities, there seems to be a part of our actions where the services provided can’t really be seen as an obligation, and there's no blame attached to failing to perform them. This area, which clearly relates to Kindness rather than Justice, poses some challenges for understanding Common Sense morality. There are two questions we need to consider. First, should we view services given out of affection, beyond what strict Duty requires, as Virtuous? Second, should we admire the affection itself as a moral quality, and hence a mindset we should work to achieve? I believe Common Sense clearly sees the willingness to provide meaningful positive support to others and enhance their well-being as virtuous—whether this willingness arises from a natural kindness towards humanity or simply from moral effort and determination—as long as it’s paired with a sufficient level of understanding. The same applies to the more specific affection that drives people to support the well-being of their community, as well as the affection that typically follows the acknowledgment of rightful authority or leadership in others. In some times and places, Patriotism and Loyalty have been considered nearly the highest virtues, and even today, Common Sense holds them in high regard.
But when we pass to more restricted, and, ordinarily more intense, affections, such as those which we feel for relations and friends, it becomes more difficult to determine whether they are to be considered as moral excellences and cultivated as such.
But when we move on to more specific, and usually stronger, feelings—like those we have for family and friends—it gets harder to figure out if they should be seen as moral virtues and treated that way.
First, to avoid confusion, we must remark that Love is not merely a desire to do good to the object beloved, although it always involves such a desire. It is primarily a pleasurable emotion, which seems to depend upon a certain sense of union with another person, and it includes, besides the benevolent impulse, a desire of the society of the beloved: and this element may predominate over the former, and even conflict with it, so that the true interests of the beloved may be[245] sacrificed. In this case we call the affection selfish, and do not praise it at all, but rather blame. If now we ask whether intense Love for an individual, considered merely as a benevolent impulse, is in itself a moral excellence, it is difficult to extract a very definite answer from Common Sense: but I think it inclines on the whole to the negative. We are no doubt generally inclined to admire any kind of conspicuously ‘altruistic’ conduct and any form of intense love, however restricted in its scope; yet it hardly seems that the susceptibility to such individualised benevolent emotions is exactly regarded as an essential element of moral Perfection, which we ought to strive after and cultivate like other moral excellences; we seem, in fact, to doubt whether such effort is desirable in this case, at least beyond the point up to which such affection is thought to be required for the performance of recognised duties. Again, we think it natural and desirable that—as generally speaking each person feels strong affection for only a few individuals,—in his efforts to promote directly the well-being of others he should, to a great extent, follow the promptings of such restricted affection: but we are hardly prepared to recommend that he should render services to special individuals beyond what he is bound to render, and such as are the natural expression of an eager and overflowing affection, without having any such affection to express: although, as was before said, in certain intimate relations we do not approve of the limits of duty being too exactly measured.
First, to avoid confusion, we should note that Love is not just a desire to do good to the person we care about, although it always includes such a desire. It is primarily a pleasurable emotion that seems to rely on a sense of connection with another person. Along with the benevolent impulse, it also involves wanting to be around the person we love, and this desire can sometimes take priority over the first one, even conflicting with it, which can lead to the true interests of the beloved being sacrificed. In such cases, we deem the affection selfish and do not praise it; rather, we criticize it. If we ask whether deep Love for someone, viewed only as a benevolent impulse, is morally excellent, it’s hard to get a definitive answer from Common Sense, but it generally leans towards the negative. We certainly tend to admire any kind of clearly ‘altruistic’ behavior and intense love, no matter how limited in scope; however, it doesn’t seem that having such individualized benevolent emotions is considered an essential part of moral perfection that we should strive for and cultivate like other moral virtues. In fact, we seem to doubt whether it’s even a good idea to work on this, at least beyond the level where such love is seen as necessary for fulfilling recognized duties. Moreover, we think it’s natural and desirable that—as a general rule, each person feels strong affection for only a few individuals—when trying to promote the well-being of others, they should largely follow the instincts of that limited affection. But we aren’t really ready to suggest that they should go out of their way to help specific individuals beyond what they are obligated to do, and without having a strong affection to motivate them. Still, as mentioned before, in certain close relationships, we don’t approve of defining the limits of duty too strictly.
On the whole, then, I conclude that—while we praise and admire enthusiastic Benevolence and Patriotism, and are touched and charmed by the spontaneous lavish outflow of Gratitude, Friendship, and the domestic affections—still what chiefly concerns us as moralists, under the present head, is the ascertainment of the right rules of distribution of services and kind acts, in so far as we consider the rendering of these to be morally obligatory. For provided a man fulfils these duties (and observes the other recognised rules of morality) Common Sense is not prepared to say how far it is right or good that he should sacrifice any other noble and worthy aim—such as the cultivation of knowledge or any of the fine arts—to the claims of philanthropy or personal affection: there seem to[246] be no generally accepted “intuitional” principles for determining such a choice of alternatives.[194]
Overall, I conclude that—while we praise and admire enthusiastic kindness and patriotism, and are moved by the spontaneous display of gratitude, friendship, and family love—what really matters to us as moral thinkers, in this context, is figuring out the right way to distribute services and good deeds, as we see these as morally necessary. As long as a person fulfills these duties (and follows the other accepted moral rules), common sense doesn't dictate how much they should sacrifice other noble and worthwhile goals—like pursuing knowledge or the arts—due to the demands of charity or personal relationships: there seem to be no widely accepted "intuitive" principles for making such choices.[246][194]
§ 3. What then are the duties that we owe to our fellow-men—so far as they do not seem to come under the head of Justice more properly than Benevolence? Perhaps the mere enumeration of them is not difficult. We should all agree that each of us is bound to show kindness to his parents and spouse and children, and to other kinsmen in a less degree: and to those who have rendered services to him, and any others whom he may have admitted to his intimacy and called friends: and to neighbours and to fellow-countrymen more than others: and perhaps we may say to those of our own race more than to black or yellow men, and generally to human beings in proportion to their affinity to ourselves. And to our country as a corporate whole we believe ourselves to owe the greatest sacrifices when occasion calls (but in a lower stage of civilisation this debt is thought to be due rather to one’s king or chief): and a similar obligation seems to be recognised, though less definitely and in a less degree, as regards minor corporations of which we are members. And to all men with whom we may be brought into relation we are held to owe slight services, and such as may be rendered without inconvenience: but those who are in distress or urgent need have a claim on us for special kindness. These are generally recognised claims: but we find considerable difficulty and divergence, when we attempt to determine more precisely their extent and relative obligation: and the divergence becomes indefinitely greater when we compare the customs and common opinions now existing among ourselves in respect of such claims, with those of other ages and countries. For example, in earlier ages of society a peculiar sacredness was attached to the tie of hospitality, and claims arising out of it were considered peculiarly stringent: but this has changed as hospitality in the progress of civilisation has become a luxury rather than a necessary, and we do not think that we owe much to a man because we have asked him to dinner. Or again we may take an instance where the alteration is perhaps actually going on—the claims of kindred[247] in respect of bequest. We should now commonly think that a man ought usually to leave his property to his children: but that if he has no children we think he may do what he likes with it, unless any of his brothers or sisters are in poverty, in which case compassion seems to blend with and invigorate the evanescent claim of consanguinity. But in an age not long past a childless man was held to be morally bound to leave his money to his collateral relatives: and thus we are naturally led to conjecture that in the not distant future, any similar obligation to children—unless they are in want or unless their education is not completed—may have vanished out of men’s minds. A similar change might be traced in the commonly recognised duty of children to parents.
§ 3. So, what are the responsibilities we have towards others—especially those that seem to relate more to kindness than justice? It’s probably not too hard to list them. We should all agree that we’re obligated to show kindness to our parents, partners, and children, and to other relatives to a lesser extent. We owe kindness to those who have helped us, as well as to friends and acquaintances we’ve let into our lives. We should be kinder to our neighbors and fellow citizens, and maybe even to people from our own background more than to others like those from different races. Generally, we should offer kindness to others based on how closely they relate to us. We believe we owe significant sacrifices to our country as a whole when necessary (though in less advanced societies, this duty is often viewed as owed more to a king or leader): a similar but less clear obligation seems to exist towards smaller organizations we belong to. We have a duty to provide small acts of kindness to everyone we encounter, as long as it doesn’t cause us too much trouble, but people who are struggling or in urgent need deserve our special kindness. These claims are widely acknowledged, but we face significant challenges and disagreements when trying to precisely define their scope and relative importance, especially compared to the customs and beliefs of different times and places. For instance, in earlier societies, hospitality was considered sacred, and the related obligations were viewed as particularly strong. But this has changed as hospitality has become more of a luxury than a necessity, and we don’t feel much indebted to someone just because we invited them to dinner. Another example is the changing view on family obligations regarding inheritance. Nowadays, many believe a person should typically leave their estate to their children. If someone has no children, they can usually do as they please with their money unless they have siblings in need, in which case compassion seems to enhance the fleeting claim of family ties. However, not too long ago, a childless person was seen as morally required to pass their assets to more distant relatives. This leads us to speculate that in the near future, any obligation to leave wealth to children—unless they are in need or their education is unfinished—might completely fade from people’s minds. A similar shift can be seen in the widely recognized duty of children toward their parents.
It may however be urged that this variation of custom is no obstacle to the definition of duty, because we may lay down that the customs of any society ought to be obeyed so long as they are established, just as the laws ought, although both customs and laws may be changed from time to time. And no doubt it is generally expedient to conform to established customs: still, on reflection, we see that it cannot be laid down as an absolute duty. For the cases of Custom and Law are not similar: as in every progressive community there is a regular and settled mode of abrogating laws that are found bad: but customs cannot be thus formally abolished, and we only get rid of them through the refusal of private individuals to obey them; and therefore it must be sometimes right to do this, if some customs are vexatious and pernicious, as we frequently judge those of antique and alien communities to be. And if we say that customs should generally be obeyed, but that they may be disobeyed when they reach a certain degree of inexpediency, our method seems to resolve itself into Utilitarianism: for we cannot reasonably rest the general obligation upon one principle, and determine its limits and exceptions by another. If the duties above enumerated can be referred to independent and self-evident principles, the limits of each must be implicitly given in the intuition that reveals the principle.
It can be argued, however, that this variation in customs doesn’t prevent us from defining duty, since we can state that the traditions of any society should be followed as long as they are established, just like laws should, even though both customs and laws can change over time. And while it is usually advisable to abide by established customs, upon further reflection, we realize that it cannot be deemed an absolute duty. Custom and law are not the same: in any progressive society, there is a clear and consistent way to abolish laws that are deemed ineffective, but customs cannot be formally discarded and are only gotten rid of when individuals refuse to follow them. Therefore, it may sometimes be right to do this if certain customs are bothersome and harmful, as we often view those from ancient and foreign communities. If we say that customs should generally be followed but that they may be disobeyed when they become excessively impractical, our approach appears to fall into Utilitarianism, as we cannot reasonably base the general obligation on one principle and determine its limits and exceptions based on another. If the duties mentioned can be linked to independent and self-evident principles, the boundaries of each must be inherently included in the intuition that reveals the principle.
§ 4. In order then to ascertain how far we possess such principles, let us examine in more detail what Common Sense seems to affirm in respect of these duties.
§ 4. To find out how much we actually have these principles, let's take a closer look at what Common Sense appears to assert regarding these responsibilities.
They seem to range themselves under four heads. There are (1) duties arising out of comparatively permanent relationships not voluntarily chosen, such as Kindred and in most cases Citizenship and Neighbourhood: (2) those of similar relationships voluntarily contracted, such as Friendship: (3) those that spring from special services received, or Duties of Gratitude: and (4) those that seem due to special need, or Duties of Pity. This classification is, I think, convenient for discussion: but I cannot profess that it clearly and completely avoids cross divisions; since, for example, the principle of Gratitude is often appealed to as supplying the rationale for the duties owed by children to parents. Here, however, we come upon a material disagreement and difficulty in determining the maxim of this species of duty. It would be agreed that children owe to their parents respect and kindness generally, and assistance in case of infirmity or any special need: but it seems doubtful how far this is held by Common Sense to be due on account of the relationship alone, or on account of services rendered during infancy, and how far it is due to cruel or neglectful parents. Most perhaps would say, here and in other cases, that mere nearness of blood constituted a certain claim: but they would find it hard to agree upon its exact force.[195]
They can be grouped into four categories. There are (1) duties that come from relatively permanent relationships not voluntarily chosen, like family ties and, in most cases, citizenship and neighborly relations; (2) those from similar relationships that are voluntarily formed, like friendship; (3) those that arise from specific services received, or duties of gratitude; and (4) those that seem owed due to special need, or duties of compassion. This classification is, I think, useful for discussion, but I can't claim that it completely avoids overlaps. For instance, the idea of gratitude is often used to explain the duties that children have toward their parents. Here, however, we run into a significant disagreement and challenge in figuring out the principle behind this type of duty. It's generally accepted that children owe their parents respect, kindness, and support in times of weakness or special need. However, it’s unclear how much of this is seen by common sense as being owed strictly because of the relationship or because of the services given during childhood, and how much is owed to parents who are cruel or neglectful. Most people might agree that just being related by blood gives rise to some obligation, but they would struggle to agree on how strong that obligation is.[195]
But, apart from this, there seems great difference of opinion as to what is due from children to parents who have performed their duty; as, for example, how far obedience is due from a child who is no longer in its parents’ guardianship or dependent on them for support:—whether (e.g.) a son or a daughter is bound not to oppose a parent’s wishes in marrying or choosing a profession. Practically we find that parental control is greater in the case of persons who can enrich their children by testament: still we can hardly take this into consideration in determining the ideal of filial duty: for to this, whatever it may be, the child is thought to be absolutely bound, and not as a quidproquo in anticipation of future benefits: and many would hold that a parent had no moral right to[249] disinherit a child, except as a penalty for a transgression of duty.
However, aside from this, there's a significant disagreement about what children owe to parents who have fulfilled their responsibilities. For instance, to what extent should a child who is no longer under their parents' care or financially dependent on them obey? Should a son or daughter feel obligated not to oppose a parent's wishes regarding marriage or career choices? In practice, we notice that parental influence tends to be stronger when parents can benefit their children through inheritance. Still, we can't really factor this in when defining what an ideal filial duty should be, as a child is seen as being completely obligated to fulfill this duty, rather than as a trade-off for potential future advantages. Many would argue that a parent has no moral right to[249] disinherit a child, unless it's as a consequence for failing to meet their obligations.
And this leads to what we may conveniently examine next, the duty of parents to children. This too we might partly classify under a different head, viz. that of duties arising out of special needs: for no doubt children are naturally objects of compassion, on account of their helplessness, to others besides their parents. But on the latter they have a claim of a different kind, springing from the universally recognised duty of not causing pain or any harm to other human beings, directly or indirectly, except in the way of deserved punishment: for the parent, being the cause of the child’s existing in a helpless condition, would be indirectly the cause of the suffering and death that would result to it if neglected. Still this does not seem an adequate explanation of parental duty, as recognised by Common Sense. For we commonly blame a parent who leaves his children entirely to the care of others, even if he makes ample provision for their being nourished and trained up to the time at which they can support themselves by their own labour. We think that he owes them affection (as far as this can be said to be a duty) and the tender and watchful care that naturally springs from affection: and, if he can afford it, somewhat more than the necessary minimum of food, clothing, and education. Still it does not seem clear how far beyond this he is bound to go. It is easy to say broadly that he ought to promote his children’s happiness by all means in his power: and no doubt it is natural for a good parent to find his own best happiness in his children’s, and we are disposed to blame any one who markedly prefers his own interest to theirs: still it seems unreasonable that he should purchase a small increase of their happiness by a great sacrifice of his own: and moreover there are other worthy and noble ends which may (and do) come into competition with this. To take instances of actual occurrence: one parent is led to give up some important and valuable work, which perhaps no one else can or will do, in order to leave his children a little more wealth: another brings them to the verge of starvation in order to perfect an invention or prosecute scientific researches. We seem to condemn either extreme: yet what clear and accepted principle can be stated for determining the true mean?
And this brings us to the next important topic, the responsibility of parents toward their children. This responsibility can also be partially categorized under the duties that arise from special needs, as children are naturally objects of compassion due to their vulnerability, not just from their parents but from others as well. However, they have a different type of claim on their parents, based on the universally acknowledged obligation to avoid causing pain or harm to others, directly or indirectly, except when it’s just punishment. Since parents are the reason children are in a vulnerable state, they would indirectly cause suffering and even death if they neglect them. That said, this doesn’t fully capture what parental duty means in everyday understanding. Typically, we criticize a parent who completely relies on others to care for their children, even if they provide enough resources for their basic needs and upbringing until the children can stand on their own. We believe a parent owes their children affection (as much as affection can be seen as a duty) and the loving, attentive care that naturally comes from that affection. Additionally, if financially able, they should provide more than just the minimum food, clothing, and education. Yet, it's unclear how much further their obligations extend beyond that. It’s easy to claim that they should do everything possible to ensure their children's happiness; indeed, it's natural for caring parents to derive their own happiness from their children's well-being, and we tend to criticize anyone who prioritizes their self-interest over that of their children. Still, it seems unreasonable to expect a parent to achieve a small increase in their children's happiness at the cost of a significant sacrifice of their own. Moreover, there are other admirable goals that may (and do) compete with this. For example, one parent might give up important and valuable work, perhaps something only they can do, to leave their children a little more wealth, while another might push their family to the brink of starvation to perfect an invention or pursue scientific research. We seem to condemn both extremes; yet, what clear and accepted principle can guide us in determining the right balance?
Again, as we have seen, some think that a parent has no right to bequeath his inheritance away from his children, unless they have been undutiful: and in some states this is even forbidden by law. Others, however, hold that children as such have no claims to their parents’ wealth: but only if there is a tacit understanding that they will succeed to it, or, at any rate, if they have been reared in such habits of life and social relations as will render it difficult and painful for them to live without inherited wealth.
Again, as we've seen, some people believe that a parent shouldn't be able to leave their inheritance to anyone else but their children, unless the children have been disrespectful. In some states, this is even against the law. Others, however, argue that children don't automatically have a right to their parents' money—only if there's an unspoken agreement that they'll inherit it, or if they've been raised in such a way that makes it tough and distressing for them to live without that inherited wealth.
It would be tedious to go in detail through all the degrees of consanguinity, as it is clear that our conception of the mutual duties of kinsmen becomes vaguer as the kinship becomes more remote. Among children of the same parents, brought up together, affection of more or less strength grows up so naturally and commonly, that we regard those who feel no affection for their brothers and sisters with a certain aversion and moral contempt, as somewhat inhuman: and we think that in any case the services and kind acts which naturally spring from affection ought to be rendered to some extent; but the extent seems quite undefined. And even towards remoter kinsmen we think that a certain flow of kindly feeling will attend the representation of consanguinity in men of good dispositions. Some indeed still think that cousins have a moral right to a man’s inheritance in default of nearer heirs, and to assistance in any need; but it seems equally common to hold that they can at most claim to be selected ceteris paribus as the recipients of bounty, and that an unpromising cousin should not be preferred to a promising stranger.
It would be boring to go into detail about all the degrees of family relationships, as it's clear that our understanding of the mutual responsibilities between relatives becomes less clear as the connection gets more distant. Among children of the same parents, raised together, a bond of affection develops so naturally that we feel a certain discomfort and moral disdain towards those who show no love for their siblings, viewing them as somewhat inhuman. We believe that, in any case, the kindness and helpfulness that naturally arise from love should be given to some extent; however, the exact extent is quite vague. Even towards more distant relatives, we expect some level of kindness when it comes to family ties, especially in good-hearted individuals. Some still believe that cousins have a moral claim to inherit from a person if there are no closer heirs and to receive help in times of need; but it seems equally common to think that cousins can at best be chosen ceteris paribus as recipients of generosity, and that an unappealing cousin should not be favored over a promising stranger.
§ 5. I have placed Neighbourhood along with Kindred among the relations out of which a certain claim for mutual services is thought to spring. However, no one perhaps would say that mere local juxtaposition is in itself a ground of duties: it seems rather that neighbours naturally feel more sympathy with one another than with strangers, as the tie of common humanity is strengthened even by such conjunction and mutual association as mere neighbourhood (without co-operation or friendship) may involve, and a man in whom this effect is not produced is thought more or less inhuman. And so in large towns where this mutual sympathy does not so naturally grow up (for all the townsmen are in a sense neigh[251]bours, and one cannot easily sympathise with each individual in a multitude), the tie of neighbourhood is felt to be relaxed, and neighbour only claims from neighbour, as the nearest man, what one man may claim from another. For there are some services, slight in ordinary times but greater in the case of exceptional need, which any man is thought to have a right to ask from any other: so that a comparatively trifling circumstance may easily give a special direction to this general claim, and make it seem reasonable that the service should be asked from one person rather than another. Thus any degree of kinship seems to have this effect (since the representation of this tends to produce a feeling of union and consequent sympathy), and so even the fact of belonging to the same province, as creating a slight probability of community of origin; and again similarities of various kinds, as one sympathises more easily with one’s like, and so persons naturally seek aid in distress from those of the same age, or sex, or rank, or profession. The duty of neighbourhood seems therefore only a particular application of the duty of general benevolence or humanity. And the claim of fellow-countrymen is of the same kind: that is, if they are taken as individuals; for one’s relation to one’s country as a whole is thought to be of a different kind, and to involve much more stringent obligations.
§ 5. I have grouped Neighbourhood with Kindred among the relationships that create a certain expectation for mutual support. However, it's likely that no one would argue that just being neighbors is enough to establish obligations: it appears that neighbors naturally feel more empathy for each other than for strangers, as the bond of shared humanity is enhanced even by something as simple as living nearby (without cooperation or friendship). If someone doesn't experience this feeling, they're often considered somewhat inhuman. In big cities where this mutual sympathy doesn't develop as easily (since everyone in the city is, in a way, a neighbor, and it's hard to connect individually with each person in a crowd), the bond of neighborhood feels weaker, and neighbors only expect from each other, as the closest person, what one person can ask of another. There are certain favors, usually minor but more significant in times of urgent need, that anyone is considered entitled to ask from anyone else. Therefore, a relatively insignificant circumstance can easily shift this general expectation and make it seem reasonable to request a favor from one person instead of another. Thus, any form of kinship tends to produce this effect (as the sense of connection leads to feelings of unity and sympathy), and even just belonging to the same area, which hints at a shared origin; similarly, people find it easier to empathize with those who are like them, leading individuals to naturally seek help from others of the same age, gender, status, or profession in times of trouble. Therefore, the duty of neighborhood seems to be a specific instance of the broader duty of general kindness or humanity. The obligations felt towards fellow countrymen are similar: that is, if they are considered as individuals; because one's relationship with one's entire country is considered to be of a different nature and involves much more demanding responsibilities.
Still the duties of Patriotism are difficult to formulate. For the mere obedience to the laws of a country which morality requires from all its inhabitants seems to come under another head: and aliens are equally bound to this. And in the case of most social functions which men undertake, patriotism is at least not a prominent nor indispensable motive: for they undertake them primarily for the sake of payment; and having undertaken them, are bound by Justice and Good Faith to perform them adequately. However, if any of the functions of Government are unpaid, we consider that men exhibit patriotism in performing them: for though it is plausible to say that they get their payment in social distinction, still on reflection this view does not appear to be quite appropriate; since social distinction is intended to express feelings of honour and respect, and we cannot properly render these as part of a bargain, but only as a tribute paid to virtue or excellence of some[252] kind. But how far any individual is bound to undertake such functions is not quite clear: and the question seems generally decided by considerations of expediency,—except in so far as duties of this kind devolve, legally or constitutionally, upon all the citizens in a free country, as is ordinarily the case to some extent. Among these the duty of fighting the national enemies is prominent in many countries: and even where this function has become a salaried and voluntarily adopted profession, it is often felt to be in a special sense the ‘service of one’s country,’ and we think it at least desirable and best that it should be performed with feelings of patriotism: as we find it somewhat degrading and repulsive that a man should slaughter his fellow-men for hire. And in great crises of national existence the affection of Patriotism is naturally intensified: and even in ordinary times we praise a man who renders services to his country over and above the common duties of citizenship. But whether a citizen is at any time morally bound to more than certain legally or constitutionally determined duties, does not seem to be clear: nor, again, is there general agreement on the question whether by voluntary expatriation[196] he can rightfully relieve himself of all moral obligations to the community in which he was born.
Still, the responsibilities of patriotism are hard to define. Simply obeying the laws of a country, which morality demands from all its residents, seems to fall into a different category, and foreigners are equally required to do this. In many social roles that people take on, patriotism isn’t a major or essential motivation; they do these roles mainly for the paycheck, and once they accept them, they are obligated by justice and good faith to perform them properly. However, when any government roles are unpaid, people are seen as showing patriotism by carrying them out. While it's reasonable to say they are compensated with social status, upon reflection, this perspective doesn’t seem entirely right, as social status is meant to convey feelings of honor and respect, which can’t be treated as part of a deal, but rather as a tribute to some kind of virtue or excellence. However, how far any individual is required to take on these roles isn’t very clear, and the decision usually boils down to considerations of practicality—unless, of course, these duties are legally or constitutionally assigned to all citizens in a free country, which is typically the case to some extent. Among these duties, defending against national enemies is significant in many countries, and even when this role has become a paid and voluntarily chosen profession, it often feels like a special kind of ‘service to one’s country.’ We find it preferable and best that this task is performed with a sense of patriotism, as it seems somewhat degrading and distasteful for someone to kill their fellow humans for money. In times of national crisis, feelings of patriotism naturally grow stronger, and even during regular times, we commend those who contribute to their country beyond the usual civic duties. But whether a citizen has a moral obligation to do more than the legally or constitutionally defined duties isn’t clear. Furthermore, there is no consensus on whether by choosing to live abroad, one can honestly free themselves from all moral responsibilities to the community where they were born.
Nor, finally, does there seem to be any consensus as to what each man owes to his fellow-men, as such. The Utilitarian doctrine, as we have seen, is that each man ought to consider the happiness of any other as theoretically of equal importance with his own, and only of less importance practically, in so far as he is better able to realise the latter. And it seems to me difficult to say decidedly that this is not the principle of general Benevolence, as recognised by the common sense of mankind. But it must be admitted that there is also current a lower and narrower estimate of the services that we are held to be strictly bound to render to our fellow-men[253] generally. This lower view seems to recognise (1)—as was before noticed—a negative duty to abstain from causing pain or harm to any of our fellow-men, except in the way of deserved punishment; to which we may add, as an immediate corollary, the duty of making reparation for any harm that we may have done them:[197] and (2) a positive duty to render, when occasion offers, such services as require either no sacrifice on our part, or at least one very much less in importance than the service rendered. Further, a general obligation of being ‘useful to society’ by some kind of systematic work is vaguely recognised; rich persons who are manifest drones incur some degree of censure from the majority of thoughtful persons. Beyond this somewhat indefinite limit of Duty extends the Virtue of Benevolence without limit: for excess is not thought to be possible in doing good to others, nor in the disposition to do it, unless it leads us to neglect definite duties.
Nor does there seem to be any consensus on what each person owes to others, in general. The Utilitarian idea, as we have seen, is that everyone should consider the happiness of others as theoretically equally important as their own, and only practically less important to the extent that they can achieve their own happiness more easily. I find it hard to say that this is not the principle of general Benevolence, as recognized by common sense. However, it must be acknowledged that there is also a more limited view of the services we are strictly obligated to provide to others[253] in general. This narrower perspective seems to acknowledge (1)—as previously mentioned—a negative obligation to refrain from causing pain or harm to others, except in cases of deserved punishment; to which we can add the immediate requirement to make amends for any harm we may have caused them:[197] and (2) a positive obligation to provide, when possible, services that require either no sacrifice on our part, or at least one that is significantly less important than the service given. Furthermore, there is a vague acknowledgment of a general duty to be ‘useful to society’ through some kind of systematic work; wealthy individuals who are clearly unproductive earn some level of criticism from many thoughtful people. Beyond this somewhat unclear boundary of Duty lies the Virtue of Benevolence, which knows no bounds: for it is not considered possible to overdo good for others, or to have an excessive desire to do so, unless it leads us to neglect specific duties.
Under the notion of Benevolence as just defined, the minor rules of Gentleness, Politeness, Courtesy, etc. may be brought, in so far as they prescribe the expression of general goodwill and abstinence from anything that may cause pain to others in conversation and social demeanour. There is, however, an important part of Politeness which it may be well to notice and discuss separately; the duty, namely, of showing marks of Reverence to those to whom they are properly due.
Under the concept of Benevolence as defined, the smaller rules of Kindness, Politeness, Courtesy, and so on can be included, as they encourage expressing general goodwill and refraining from anything that might hurt others in conversation and social behavior. However, there is an important aspect of Politeness that is worth mentioning and discussing separately: the obligation to show signs of Respect to those who deserve it.
Reverence we may define as the feeling which accompanies the recognition of Superiority or Worth in others. It does not seem to be necessarily in itself benevolent, though often accompanied by some degree of love. But its ethical characteristics seem analogous to those of benevolent affection, in so far as, while it is not a feeling directly under the control of the will, we yet expect it under certain circumstances and morally dislike its absence, and perhaps commonly consider the expression of it to be sometimes a duty, even when the feeling itself is absent.
Reverence can be defined as the feeling that comes with recognizing superiority or worth in others. It doesn’t automatically imply kindness, though it’s often accompanied by some form of affection. However, its ethical traits are similar to those of altruistic love, in that, while it’s not a feeling we can directly control, we still anticipate it in certain situations and feel negative about its absence. We often consider showing it a responsibility, even when we don’t actually feel it.
Still, as to this latter duty of expressing reverence, there[254] seems to be great divergence of opinion. For the feeling seems to be naturally excited by all kinds of superiority,—not merely moral and intellectual excellences, but also superiorities of rank and position: and indeed in the common behaviour of men it is to the latter that it is more regularly and formally rendered. And yet, again, it is commonly said that Reverence is more properly due to the former, as being more real and intrinsic superiorities: and many think that to show any reverence to men of rank and position rather than to others is servile and degrading: and some even dislike the marks of respect which in most countries are exacted by official superiors from their subordinates, saying that obedience legally defined is all that is properly owed in this relation.
Still, when it comes to the duty of showing respect, there[254] seems to be a lot of disagreement. It appears that the feeling of respect is triggered by all kinds of superiority—not just moral and intellectual strengths, but also statuses of rank and position. In fact, in how people generally behave, it's usually the latter that gets more regular and formal acknowledgment. On the other hand, many argue that respect should be more appropriately directed toward the former, as they are seen as genuine and intrinsic forms of superiority. Some believe that showing respect to people of rank and position rather than to others is demeaning and subservient. Additionally, some even reject the expressions of respect that officials often expect from their subordinates, arguing that only legally defined obedience is truly what is owed in that relationship.
A more serious difficulty of a somewhat similar kind arises when we consider how far it is a duty to cultivate the affection of Loyalty: meaning by this term—which is used in various senses—the affection that is normally felt by a well-disposed servant or official subordinate towards a good master or official superior. On the one hand it is widely thought that the duties of obedience which belong to these relations will be better performed if affection enters into the motive, no less than the duties of the family relations: but in the former case it seems to be a tenable view that the habits of orderliness and good faith—ungrudging obedience to law and ungrudging fulfilment of contract—will ordinarily suffice, without personal affection; and, on the other hand, a disposition to obey superiors, beyond the limits of their legal or contractual rights to issue commands, may easily be mischievous in its effects, if the superiors are ill-disposed. In the case of a wise and good superior it is, indeed, clearly advantageous that inferiors should be disposed to obey beyond these limits; but it is not therefore clear that this disposition is one which it should be made a duty to cultivate beyond the degree in which it results spontaneously from a sense of the superior’s goodness and wisdom. Nor do I think that any decided enunciation of duty on this point can be extracted from Common Sense.
A more serious issue of a somewhat similar nature arises when we think about how much of a duty it is to foster the feeling of Loyalty. This term, which has various meanings, refers to the affection that a decent servant or subordinate generally feels for a good boss or superior. On one hand, many believe that the duties of obedience in these relationships are better fulfilled when they are motivated by affection, just like in family relationships. However, in this former case, it seems reasonable to argue that the habits of orderliness and good faith—willing obedience to the law and fulfilling contracts—are usually enough by themselves, without personal affection. On the other hand, having a tendency to obey superiors beyond what their legal or contractual authority allows can lead to negative outcomes, especially if the superiors are not well-intentioned. For a wise and good superior, it's definitely beneficial for subordinates to be inclined to obey beyond those limits; however, it's not clear that this inclination should be enforced as a duty beyond the level that naturally arises from recognizing the superior's goodness and wisdom. Nor do I think that any clear declaration of duty on this matter can be derived from Common Sense.
§ 6. We have next to consider the duties of Affection that arise out of relationships voluntarily assumed. Of these the most important is the Conjugal Relation. And here we may[255] begin by asking whether it be the duty of human beings generally to enter into this relation. It is no doubt normal to do so, and most persons are prompted to it by strong desires: but in so far as it can be said to be prescribed by Common Sense, it does not seem an independent duty, but derivative from and subordinate to the general maxims of Prudence and Benevolence.[198] And in all modern civilised societies, law and custom leave the conjugal union perfectly optional: but the conditions under which it may be formed, and to a certain extent the mutual rights and duties arising out of it, are carefully laid down by law; and it is widely thought that this department of law more than others ought to be governed by independent moral principles, and to protect, as it were, by an outer barrier, the kind of relation which morality prescribes. If we ask what these principles are, Common Sense—in modern European communities—seems to answer that the marriage union ought to be (1) exclusively monogamic, (2) at least designed to be permanent, and (3) not within certain degrees of consanguinity. I do not, however, think that any of these propositions can on reflection be maintained to be self-evident. Even against incest we seem to have rather an intense sentiment than a clear intuition; and it is generally recognised that the prohibition of all but monogamic unions can only be rationally maintained on utilitarian grounds.[199] As regards the permanence of the marriage-contract all would no doubt agree that fidelity is admirable in all affections, and especially in so close and intimate a relation as the conjugal: but we cannot tell a priori how far it is possible to prevent decay of love in all cases: and it is certainly not self-evident that the conjugal[256] relation ought to be maintained when love has ceased; nor that if the parties have separated by mutual consent they ought to be prohibited from forming fresh unions. In so far as we are convinced of the rightness of this regulation, it is always, I think, from a consideration of the generally mischievous consequences that would ensue if it were relaxed.
§ 6. Next, we need to look at the responsibilities of Affection that come from relationships people choose to enter. The most significant of these is the marriage relationship. Here, we might start by asking if it is generally a duty for humans to get into this relationship. It’s certainly common, and most people feel a strong urge to do so; however, when it comes to whether it's mandated by Common Sense, it doesn't seem to be an independent duty but rather one that is derived from and subordinate to the broader principles of Prudence and Benevolence. In all modern civilized societies, laws and customs make the marriage union completely optional; however, the conditions for forming it and, to some extent, the mutual rights and responsibilities that come from it are clearly defined by law. It's commonly believed that this area of law, more than others, should be guided by independent moral principles, serving as a protective barrier for the kinds of relationships that morality suggests. If we inquire about what these principles are, Common Sense—in contemporary European societies—seems to suggest that the marriage union should be (1) exclusively monogamous, (2) intended to be permanent, and (3) not within certain degrees of kinship. However, I don’t believe any of these claims can be considered self-evident upon reflection. Even the opposition to incest seems based more on a deep sentiment than a clear understanding; and it is generally acknowledged that the restriction against all but monogamous unions can only be logically supported on utilitarian grounds. Regarding the permanence of the marriage contract, everyone would likely agree that fidelity is commendable in all kinds of relationships, especially in such a close and intimate bond as marriage. But we cannot determine a priori how far it is feasible to stop love from fading in every case; and it’s certainly not self-evident that the marriage relationship should continue when love has ended, nor that if both parties have mutually agreed to separate, they should be prevented from entering new unions. To the extent that we feel this regulation is correct, it is usually due to concerns about the generally harmful consequences that would follow if it were loosened.
Further, in considering the evils on the opposite side we are led to see that there is no little difference of opinion among moral persons as to the kind of feeling which is morally indispensable to this relation. For some would say that marriage without intense and exclusive affection is degrading even though sanctioned by law: while others would consider this a mere matter of taste, or at least of prudence, provided there was no mutual deception: and between these two views we might insert several different shades of opinion.
Furthermore, when we think about the negative aspects on the other side, we see that there is quite a bit of disagreement among ethical people regarding the type of emotion that is essential for this relationship. Some argue that marriage without deep, exclusive love is degrading, even if it is legally recognized. Others see this as simply a matter of personal preference or, at the very least, practicality, as long as there's no dishonesty between the partners. In between these two perspectives, there are various other opinions.
Nor, again, is there agreement as to the external duties arising out of the relationship. For all would lay down conjugal fidelity, and mutual assistance (according to the customary division of labour between men and women—unless this should be modified by mutual agreement). But beyond this we find divergence: for some state that “the marriage contract binds each party, whenever individual gratification is concerned, to prefer the happiness of the other party to its own[200]”: while others would say that this degree of unselfishness is certainly admirable, but as a mere matter of duty it is enough if each considers the other’s happiness equally with his (or her) own. And as to the powers and liberties that ought to be allowed to the wife, and the obedience due from her to the husband—I need scarcely at the present time (1874) waste space in proving that there is no consensus of moral opinion.
Nor is there a clear agreement on the external responsibilities that come from the relationship. Everyone would agree on the importance of marital fidelity and mutual support (based on the usual division of labor between men and women—unless both parties decide to change this). However, opinions vary: some argue that “the marriage contract requires both partners, when it comes to personal satisfaction, to prioritize the happiness of the other over their own[200],” while others believe that while this level of selflessness is certainly admirable, it's sufficient for each partner to consider the other's happiness equally alongside their own. Concerning the rights and freedoms that should be granted to the wife, and the obedience expected from her towards the husband—I hardly need to elaborate at this point (1874) that there is no consensus on moral views.
§ 7. The conjugal relation is, in its origin, of free choice, but when it has once been formed, the duties of affection that arise out of it are commonly thought to be analogous to those arising out of relations of consanguinity. It therefore holds an intermediate position between these latter, and ordinary friendships, partnerships, and associations, which men are equally free to make and to dissolve. Now most associations[257] that men form are for certain definite ends, determined by express contract or tacit understanding: accordingly the duty arising out of them is merely that of fidelity to such contract or understanding, which will be considered later under the heads of Justice and Good Faith. But this does not seem to be the case with what in a strict sense of the term are called Friendships[201]: for although Friendship frequently arises among persons associated for other ends, yet the relation is always conceived to have its end in itself, and to be formed primarily for the development of mutual affection between the friends, and the pleasure which attends this. Still, it is thought that when such an affection has once been formed it creates mutual duties which did not previously exist: we have therefore to inquire how far this is the case, and on what principles these can be determined.
§ 7. The marital relationship starts as a free choice, but once it’s established, the emotional responsibilities that come with it are generally seen as similar to those found in family relationships. So, it occupies a middle ground between these family ties and regular friendships, partnerships, and associations, which people can freely enter into and exit from. Most relationships people form are for specific purposes, defined by explicit contracts or implicit agreements: therefore, the obligation that arises from them is mainly one of loyalty to that contract or agreement, which will be discussed later under the topics of Justice and Good Faith. However, this doesn’t seem to apply to what we strictly refer to as Friendships: even though friendships often develop among people who are associated for other reasons, the relationship is always understood to exist for its own sake, primarily for nurturing mutual affection between friends and the joy that comes with it. Still, once such affection establishes itself, it is believed to generate mutual responsibilities that didn’t exist before: we therefore need to explore the extent to which this is true and on what principles these responsibilities can be defined.
Now here a new kind of difficulty has to be added to those which we have already found in attempting to formulate Common Sense. For we find some who say that, as it is essential to Friendship that the mutual kindly feeling, and the services springing from it, should be spontaneous and unforced, neither the one nor the other should be imposed as a duty; and, in short, that this department of life should be fenced from the intrusion of moral precepts, and left to the free play of natural instinct. And this doctrine all would perhaps admit to a certain extent: as, indeed, we have accepted it with regard to all the deeper flow and finer expression of feeling even in the domestic relations: for it seemed pedantic and futile to prescribe rules for this, or even (though we naturally admire and praise any not ungraceful exhibition of intense and genuine affection) to delineate an ideal of excellence for all to aim at. Still, there seemed to be an important sphere of strict duty—however hard to define—in the relations of children to parents, etc., and even in the case of friendship it seems contrary to common sense to recognise no such sphere; as it not unfrequently occurs to us to judge that one friend has behaved wrongly to another, and to speak as if there were a clearly cognisable code of behaviour in such relations.
Now here a new kind of difficulty has to be added to those we've already encountered in trying to define Common Sense. Some people argue that it's essential for Friendship that the mutual kindness and the services that come from it be spontaneous and not forced; neither should be treated as a duty. In short, this aspect of life should be kept free from moral guidelines and allowed to flow naturally. Many would probably agree with this to some degree, just as we have accepted it when it comes to deeper feelings and expressions, even in family relationships. It seems overly formal and pointless to lay down rules for this, or even (though we naturally admire and praise any authentic display of deep affection) to create a standard ideal for everyone to strive towards. Still, there appears to be an important area of strict duty—though hard to define—in the relationships between children and parents, and even in friendship, it seems unreasonable to not recognize such a sphere; we often find ourselves thinking that one friend has treated another unfairly and talk as if there's a clear code of conduct for these kinds of relationships.
Perhaps, however, we may say that all clear cases of wrong conduct towards friends come under the general formula of breach of understanding. Friends not unfrequently make definite promises of service, but we need not consider these, as their violation is prohibited by a different and clearer moral rule. But further, as all love is understood to include[202] a desire for the happiness of its object, the profession of friendship seems to bind one to seek this happiness to an extent proportionate to such profession. Now common benevolence (cf. ante, § 5) prescribes at least that we should render to other men such services as we can render without any sacrifice, or with a sacrifice so trifling as to be quite out of proportion to the service rendered. And since the profession of friendship—though the term is used to include affections of various degree—must imply a greater interest in one’s friend’s happiness than in that of men in general, it must announce a willingness to make more or less considerable sacrifices for him, if occasion offers. If then we decline to make such sacrifices, we do wrong by failing to fulfil natural and legitimate expectations. So far there seems no source of difficulty except the indefiniteness inevitably arising from the wide range of meanings covered by the term Friendship. But further questions arise in consequence of the changes of feeling to which human nature is liable: first, whether it is our duty to resist such changes as much as we can; and secondly, whether if this effort fails, and love diminishes or departs, we ought still to maintain a disposition to render services corresponding to our past affection. And on these points there does not seem to be agreement among moral and refined persons. For, on the one hand, it is natural to us to admire fidelity in friendship and stability of affections, and we commonly regard these as most important excellences of character: and so it seems strange if we are not to aim at these as at all other excellences, as none more naturally stir us to imitation. And hence many would be prepared to lay down that we ought not to withdraw affection once given, unless the friend behaves ill: while some would say that even in this case we ought not to break the friendship unless the crime is very great. Yet, on the other hand, we[259] feel that such affection as is produced by deliberate effort of will is but a poor substitute for that which springs spontaneously, and most refined persons would reject such a boon: while, again, to conceal the change of feeling seems insincere and hypocritical.
Perhaps we can say that all clear cases of wrongdoing towards friends fall under the general idea of breaking an understanding. Friends often make specific promises to help each other, but we won't focus on those since their breach is covered by a clearer moral rule. Furthermore, since all love is understood to include a desire for the happiness of the loved one, the expression of friendship seems to commit one to seek this happiness to a degree proportional to that expression. Now, basic goodwill prescribes that we should provide others with whatever help we can offer without significant sacrifice, or with a sacrifice so minimal that it is hardly comparable to the help given. Since the expression of friendship—though the term encompasses feelings of various intensities—must imply a greater concern for a friend's happiness than for that of others in general, it must indicate a willingness to make more or less significant sacrifices for them when necessary. If we then refuse to make such sacrifices, we do wrong by not meeting natural and reasonable expectations. So far, the only challenge seems to stem from the vagueness that arises from the broad meanings associated with the term Friendship. However, further questions come up due to the shifts in feelings that human nature is prone to: first, whether it's our duty to resist these changes as much as we can; and second, if our efforts fail, and our love decreases or fades, whether we should still be inclined to provide services that match our past affection. There doesn't seem to be a consensus on these issues among ethical people. On one hand, we tend to admire loyalty in friendship and the stability of feelings, often viewing these as essential qualities of character. It seems odd if we shouldn't pursue these qualities like any other virtues, as none more naturally inspire us to mimic them. Thus, many would argue that we shouldn't withdraw our affection once given, unless the friend acts poorly; while others might say that even under those circumstances, we shouldn't end the friendship unless the wrongdoing is significant. Yet, on the other hand, we realize that affection cultivated through deliberate effort is a poor substitute for that which arises naturally, and most discerning individuals would reject such an artificially created bond. Moreover, hiding the change in feelings seems disingenuous and hypocritical.
But as for services, a refined person would not accept such from a former friend who no longer loves him: unless in extreme need, when any kind of tie is, as it were, invigorated by the already strong claim which common humanity gives each man upon all others. Perhaps, therefore, there cannot be a duty to offer such services in any case, when the need is not extreme. Though this inference is not quite clear: for in relations of affection we often praise one party for offering what we rather blame the other for accepting. But it seems that delicate questions of this kind are more naturally referred to canons of good taste and refined feeling than of morality proper: or at least only included in the scope of morality in so far as we have a general duty to cultivate good taste and refinement of feeling, like other excellences.
But when it comes to favors, a refined person wouldn't want to accept them from a former friend who no longer cares about him—except in cases of extreme need, when any kind of connection is somehow strengthened by the strong bond of common humanity that everyone has with each other. Perhaps, then, there's no obligation to offer such favors when the need isn't urgent. Though this conclusion isn’t entirely clear: in affectionate relationships, we often commend one person for giving something while we criticize the other for accepting it. But it seems that these delicate issues are better addressed by standards of good taste and refined feelings than by strict morality: or at least they should be included in the moral framework only as part of our general duty to cultivate good taste and refined feelings, like other virtues.
On the whole, then, we may say that the chief difficulties in determining the moral obligations of friendship arise (1) from the indefiniteness of the tacit understanding implied in the relation, and (2) from the disagreement which we find as to the extent to which Fidelity is a positive duty. It may be observed that the latter difficulty is especially prominent in respect of those intimacies between persons of different sex which precede and prepare the way for marriage.
Overall, we can say that the main challenges in figuring out the moral obligations of friendship come from (1) the vagueness of the unspoken understanding involved in the relationship, and (2) the differing opinions on how far Fidelity is a positive duty. Notably, the second challenge is particularly evident in the close relationships between people of different genders that lead up to and set the stage for marriage.
§ 8. I pass now to the third head, Gratitude. It has been already observed that the obligation of children to parents is sometimes based upon this: and in other affectionate relationships it commonly blends with and much strengthens the claims that are thought to arise out of the relations themselves; though none of the duties that we have discussed seem referable entirely to gratitude. But where gratitude is due, the obligation is especially clear and simple. Indeed the duty of requiting benefits seems to be recognised wherever morality extends; and Intuitionists have justly pointed to this recognition as an instance of a truly universal intuition. Still, though the general force of the obligation is not open to doubt (except of the sweeping and abstract kind with which[260] we have not here to deal), its nature and extent are by no means equally clear.
§ 8. Now I’ll move on to the third topic, Gratitude. It has already been noted that children’s obligation to their parents is sometimes based on this, and in other loving relationships, it often combines with and strongly reinforces the claims that arise from those relationships themselves; however, none of the duties we’ve discussed seem to be solely tied to gratitude. But when gratitude is warranted, the obligation is particularly straightforward and clear. In fact, the duty to repay kindness is seen everywhere morality exists, and Intuitionists have rightly pointed out this acknowledgment as an example of a truly universal intuition. Still, although the overall strength of the obligation is not in doubt (except for the broad and abstract types that[260] we won’t address here), its nature and scope are by no means as clear.
In the first place, it may be asked whether we are only bound to repay services, or whether we owe the special affection called Gratitude; which seems generally to combine kindly feeling and eagerness to requite with some sort of emotional recognition of superiority, as the giver of benefits is in a position of superiority to the receiver. On the one hand we seem to think that, in so far as any affection can possibly be a duty, kindly feeling towards benefactors must be such: and yet to persons of a certain temperament this feeling is often peculiarly hard to attain, owing to their dislike of the position of inferiority; and this again we consider a right feeling to a certain extent, and call it ‘independence’ or ‘proper pride’; but this feeling and the effusion of gratitude do not easily mix, and the moralist finds it difficult to recommend a proper combination of the two. Perhaps it makes a great difference whether the service be lovingly done: as in this case it seems inhuman that there should be no response of affection: whereas if the benefit be coldly given, the mere recognition of the obligation and settled disposition to repay it seem to suffice. And ‘independence’ alone would prompt a man to repay the benefit in order to escape from the burden of obligation. But it seems doubtful whether in any case we are morally satisfied with this as the sole motive.
First, we might wonder whether we're only obligated to repay services, or if we also owe a special feeling called Gratitude. This feeling typically combines kindness and a desire to give back, along with some recognition of the giver's position of power, since the person providing benefits is often in a superior position to the one receiving them. On one hand, it seems we believe that if there's any duty to feel something, it should be kindness toward those who help us. However, for some people, this feeling is often really hard to achieve because they dislike feeling inferior; we consider this a valid attitude to some extent and label it as ‘independence’ or ‘proper pride.’ But these feelings and the expression of gratitude don’t mix easily, and moral thinkers find it challenging to suggest a good balance between the two. It might make a significant difference whether the service was offered with love: in that case, it seems cruel not to feel some affection in return. However, if the help is given coldly, merely acknowledging the favor and having the willingness to repay it feels sufficient. Meanwhile, ‘independence’ alone might motivate someone to repay to lift the burden of obligation. Yet, it seems questionable whether we ever feel morally satisfied with this as the only reason.
It is partly this impatience of obligation which makes a man desirous of giving as requital more than he has received; for otherwise his benefactor has still the superiority of having taken the initiative. But also the worthier motive of affection urges us in the same direction: and here, as in other affectionate services, we do not like too exact a measure of duty; a certain excess falling short of extravagance seems to be what we admire and praise. In so far, however, as conflict of claims makes it needful to be exact, we think perhaps that an equal return is what the duty of gratitude requires, or rather willingness to make such a return, if it be required, and if it is in our power to make it without neglecting prior claims. For we do not think it obligatory to requite services in all cases, even if it be in our power to do so, if the benefactor appear to be sufficiently supplied with the means of happiness: but if he[261] either demand it or obviously stand in need of it, we think it ungrateful not to make an equal return. But when we try to define this notion of ‘equal return,’ obscurity and divergence begin. For (apart from the difficulty of comparing different kinds of services where we cannot make repayment in kind) Equality has two distinct meanings, according as we consider the effort made by the benefactor, or the service rendered to the benefited. Now perhaps if either of these be great, the gratitude is naturally strong: for the apprehension of great earnestness in another to serve us tends to draw from us a proportionate response of affection: and any great pleasure or relief from pain naturally produces a corresponding emotion of thankfulness to the man who has voluntarily caused this, even though his effort may have been slight. And hence it has been suggested, that in proportioning the dues of gratitude we ought to take whichever of the two considerations will give the highest estimate. But this does not seem in accordance with Common Sense: for the benefit may be altogether unacceptable, and it is hard to bind us to repay in full every well-meant blundering effort to serve us; though we feel vaguely that some return should be made even for this. And though it is more plausible to say that we ought to requite an accepted service without weighing the amount of our benefactor’s sacrifice, still when we take extreme cases the rule seems not to be valid: e.g. if a poor man sees a rich one drowning and pulls him out of the water, we do not think that the latter is bound to give as a reward what he would have been willing to give for his life. Still, we should think him niggardly if he only gave his preserver half-a-crown: which might, however, be profuse repayment for the cost of the exertion. Something between the two seems to suit our moral taste: but I find no clear accepted principle upon which the amount can be decided.
It's partly this impatience with obligation that makes someone want to give back more than they received; otherwise, their benefactor still holds the upper hand for having taken the initiative. But there's also the more admirable motive of affection that drives us in the same direction: and like with other acts of kindness, we don't appreciate a strict measurement of duty; a little extra that falls short of being excessive seems to be what we admire and commend. However, when conflicting claims make precision necessary, we might think that an equal return is what gratitude requires, or rather a willingness to provide such a return if needed and if it’s within our ability to do so without overlooking prior obligations. We don't feel it's essential to reciprocate services in every situation, even if we can, especially if the benefactor appears to have enough means for happiness; but if they either demand it or seem to genuinely need it, we see it as ungrateful not to make an equal return. But when we try to define this idea of 'equal return,' things get unclear and opinions vary. Because (aside from the challenge of comparing different types of services where we can’t repay directly) Equality has two distinct interpretations, depending on whether we look at the effort made by the benefactor or the service received by the beneficiary. Now maybe if either is significant, the gratitude naturally strengthens: because noticing someone's strong desire to help us tends to elicit a similar response of affection from us; and any significant pleasure or relief from pain usually creates a corresponding feeling of thankfulness toward the person who voluntarily caused it, even if their effort was small. Hence, it has been suggested that when assessing what we owe in gratitude, we should consider whichever perspective gives the highest value. But that doesn’t quite align with Common Sense: because the benefit might be completely unwelcome, and it’s hard to insist that we repay fully for every well-intentioned but clumsy attempt to help us; even though we have a vague sense that some sort of return should be made for that. And while it seems more reasonable to say that we should repay an accepted service without measuring how much our benefactor sacrificed, extreme cases still challenge that rule: for instance, if a poor man saves a rich one from drowning, we don’t believe that the latter is obligated to reward him with what he would have been willing to pay for his life. Still, we would find him stingy if he only gave his rescuer half-a-crown, which might be more than enough to cover the effort. Something in between the two seems to align with our moral views, but I can’t find a clear accepted principle to determine the amount.
The last claim to be considered is that of Special Need. This has been substantially stated already, in investigating the obligation of General Benevolence or Common Humanity. For it was said that we owe to all men such services as we can render by a sacrifice or effort small in comparison with the service: and hence, in proportion as the needs of other men present themselves as urgent, we recognise the duty of relieving[262] them out of our superfluity. But I have thought it right to notice the duty separately, because we are commonly prompted to fulfil it by the specific emotion of Pity or Compassion. Here, again, there seems a doubt how far it is good to foster and encourage this emotion—as distinct from the practical habit of rendering prompt aid and succour in distress, whenever such succour is judged to be right. On the one hand, the emotional impulse tends to make the action of relieving need not only easier to the agent, but more graceful and pleasing: on the other hand, it is generally recognised that mistaken pity is more likely to lead us astray than—e.g.—mistaken gratitude: as it is more liable to interfere dangerously with the infliction of penalties required for the maintenance of social order, or with the operation of motives to industry and thrift, necessary for economic well-being.
The last point to address is that of Special Need. This has already been discussed in examining the obligation of General Benevolence or Common Humanity. It was stated that we owe all people the help we can provide with minimal sacrifice or effort compared to the assistance given; therefore, as the urgent needs of others arise, we recognize our duty to assist them from what we have in excess. However, I believe it's important to mention this duty separately because we are often motivated to fulfill it by the specific feelings of Pity or Compassion. Once again, there seems to be uncertainty about how beneficial it is to nurture and promote this emotion—distinct from the practical habit of providing immediate help and support in times of distress whenever it is deemed appropriate. On one hand, the emotional drive makes it not only easier for the person helping but also more graceful and satisfying: on the other hand, it is widely acknowledged that misguided pity is more likely to mislead us than, for instance, misguided gratitude, as it can dangerously interfere with the enforcement of penalties needed for maintaining social order or with the incentives for hard work and savings that are essential for economic prosperity.
And when—to guard against the last-mentioned danger—we try to define the external duty of relieving want, we find ourselves face to face with what is no mere problem of the closet, but a serious practical perplexity to most moral persons at the present day. For many ask whether it is not our duty to refrain from all superfluous indulgences, until we have removed the misery and want that exist around us, as far as they are removable by money. And in answering this question Common Sense seems to be inevitably led to a consideration of the economic consequences of attempting—either by taxation and public expenditure, or by the voluntary gifts of private persons—to provide a sufficient income for all needy members of the community; and is thus gradually brought to substitute for the Intuitional method of dealing with problems of this kind a different procedure, having at least much affinity with the Utilitarian method.[203]
And when, to protect against the previously mentioned danger, we try to define our external duty to alleviate need, we find ourselves confronting not just an academic issue, but a significant practical dilemma for most ethical people today. Many wonder if it's our responsibility to avoid all unnecessary luxuries until we’ve addressed the suffering and need around us, to the extent that money can alleviate it. In answering this question, common sense seems to inevitably lead us to consider the economic impact of trying—whether through taxation and public spending, or through voluntary donations from individuals—to ensure a sufficient income for all the needy members of society; and so we gradually shift from an intuitive approach to tackling such problems to a different process that bears a strong resemblance to the Utilitarian method.[203]
In conclusion, then, we must admit that while we find a number of broad and more or less indefinite rules unhesitatingly laid down by Common Sense in this department of duty, it is difficult or impossible to extract from them, so far as they are commonly accepted, any clear and precise principles for determining the extent of the duty in any case. And yet, as we saw, such particular principles of distribution of the services to which good-will prompts seem to be required for[263] the perfection of practice no less than for theoretical completeness; in so far as the duties which we have been considering are liable to come into apparent conflict with each other and with other prescriptions of the moral code.
In conclusion, we have to acknowledge that even though we see several broad and somewhat vague rules confidently established by Common Sense in this area of responsibility, it is challenging or impossible to derive any clear and specific principles for defining the extent of the duty in any given situation, based on what is generally accepted. Yet, as we observed, specific principles for distributing the services motivated by good intentions seem necessary for[263] achieving perfection in practice, just as they are for theoretical completeness; especially since the duties we have been discussing can sometimes conflict with each other and with other moral guidelines.
In reply it may perhaps be contended that if we are seeking exactness in the determination of duty, we have begun by examining the wrong notion: that, in short, we ought to have examined Justice rather than Benevolence. It may be admitted that we cannot find as much exactness as we sometimes practically need, by merely considering the common conceptions of the duties to which men are prompted by natural affections; but it may still be maintained that we shall at any rate find such exactness adequately provided for under the head of Justice. This contention I will proceed to examine in the next chapter.
In response, it might be argued that if we're looking for precision in defining our duties, we’ve started by looking at the wrong idea: that, in short, we should have focused on Justice instead of Benevolence. It's true that we can't find as much precision as we sometimes need by only considering the general ideas about the duties that people feel due to their natural affections; however, it can still be argued that we will at least find that precision sufficiently covered under the concept of Justice. I will explore this argument further in the next chapter.
Note.—It should be borne in mind throughout the discussion carried on in this and the next six chapters that what we are primarily endeavouring to ascertain is not true morality but the morality of Common Sense: so that if any moral proposition is admitted to be paradoxical, the admission excludes it,—not as being necessarily false, but as being not what Common Sense holds.
Note.—Keep in mind throughout the discussion in this and the next six chapters that our main goal is not to discover true morality but rather the morality of Common Sense. Therefore, if any moral statement is considered paradoxical, acknowledging it will exclude it—not because it is necessarily false, but because it doesn't align with what Common Sense accepts.
CHAPTER V
Justice
§ 1. We have seen that in delineating the outline of duty, as intuitively recognised, we have to attempt to give to common terms a definite and precise meaning. This process of definition always requires some reflection and care, and is sometimes one of considerable difficulty. But there is no case where the difficulty is greater, or the result more disputed, than when we try to define Justice.
§ 1. We've seen that when outlining our responsibilities, which we understand intuitively, we need to try to give common terms a clear and exact meaning. This process of defining always takes some thought and care, and it can often be quite challenging. However, there's no situation where the challenge is greater or the outcome more debated than when we attempt to define Justice.
Before making the attempt, it may be as well to remind the reader what it is that we have to do. We have not to inquire into the derivation of the notion of Justice, as we are not now studying the history of our ethical thought, but its actual condition. Nor can we profess to furnish a definition which will correspond to every part of the common usage of the term; for many persons are undoubtedly vague and loose in their application of current moral notions. But it is an assumption of the Intuitional method[204] that the term ‘justice’ denotes a quality which it is ultimately desirable to realise in the conduct and social relations of men; and that a definition may be given of this which will be accepted by all competent judges as presenting, in a clear and explicit form, what they have always meant by the term, though perhaps implicitly and vaguely. In seeking such a definition we may, so to speak, clip the ragged edge of common usage, but we must not make excision of any considerable portion.[205]
Before we get started, it’s a good idea to remind the reader what we need to do. We’re not going to explore where the idea of Justice comes from, since we aren’t studying the history of our ethical beliefs, but rather their current state. We also can’t promise to provide a definition that fits every nuance of how the term is commonly used, since many people are often vague and imprecise with their moral concepts. However, the Intuitional method[204] assumes that the term ‘justice’ refers to a quality that we ultimately want to achieve in how we act and interact socially. It’s possible to provide a definition that all competent judges would agree clearly and explicitly captures what they’ve always meant by the term, even if they’ve only thought of it implicitly and vaguely. In looking for such a definition, we might refine the imprecise nature of common usage, but we shouldn’t remove any significant part of it.[205]
Perhaps the first point that strikes us when we reflect upon our notion of Justice is its connexion with Law. There is no doubt that just conduct is to a great extent determined by Law, and in certain applications the two terms seem interchangeable. Thus we speak indifferently of ‘Law Courts’ and ‘Courts of Justice,’ and when a private citizen demands Justice, or his just rights, he commonly means to demand that Law should be carried into effect. Still reflection shows that we do not mean by Justice merely conformity to Law. For, first, we do not always call the violators of law unjust, but only of some Laws: not, for example, duellists or gamblers. And secondly, we often judge that Law as it exists does not completely realise Justice; our notion of Justice furnishes a standard with which we compare actual laws, and pronounce them just or unjust. And, thirdly, there is a part of just conduct which lies outside the sphere even of Law as it ought to be; for example, we think that a father may be just or unjust to his children in matters where the law leaves (and ought to leave) him free.
Maybe the first thing that stands out when we think about our idea of Justice is its connection to Law. It's clear that fair behavior is largely shaped by Law, and sometimes the terms seem to mean the same thing. For instance, we casually refer to 'Law Courts' and 'Courts of Justice,' and when a private citizen asks for Justice or their rightful claims, they usually mean that Law should be applied. However, closer examination reveals that we don’t think of Justice as just following the Law. For one, we don't always call those who break the law unjust; only those who break certain laws, like duelists or gamblers. Additionally, we often believe that the existing Law doesn’t fully achieve Justice; our understanding of Justice gives us a benchmark to evaluate current laws and label them as just or unjust. Lastly, there are aspects of fair behavior that go beyond what Law should address; for example, we believe that a father can be fair or unfair to his children in areas where the law allows (and should allow) him freedom.
We must then distinguish Justice from what has been called the virtue or duty of Order, or Law-observance: and perhaps, if we examine the points of divergence just mentioned, we shall be led to the true definition of Justice.
We need to separate Justice from what has been referred to as the virtue or duty of Order, or Law-observance. If we look closely at the differences mentioned earlier, we might arrive at the true definition of Justice.
Let us therefore first ask, Of what kind of laws is the observance generally thought to be a realisation of Justice? In most cases they might be described as laws which define and secure the interests of assignable individuals. But this description is not complete, as Justice is admittedly concerned in the apportionment of adequate punishment to each offender; though we should not say that a man had an interest in the adequacy of his punishment. Let us say, then, that the laws in which Justice is or ought to be realised, are laws which distribute and allot to individuals either objects of desire,[266] liberties and privileges, or burdens and restraints, or even pains as such. These latter, however, are only allotted by law to persons who have broken other laws. And as all law is enforced by penalties, we see how the administration of law generally may be viewed as the administration of Justice, in accordance with this definition: not because all laws are primarily and in their first intention distributive, but because the execution of law generally involves the due allotment of pains and losses and restraints to the persons who violate it. Or, more precisely, we should say that this legal distribution ought to realise Justice, for we have seen that it may fail to do so. We have next to ask, therefore, What conditions must laws fulfil in order that they may be just in their distributive effects?
Let’s start by asking, what kind of laws are generally recognized as a true expression of Justice? Most of the time, they can be described as laws that define and protect the interests of specific individuals. However, this description isn’t complete, since Justice is also concerned with giving appropriate punishment to each offender; although we wouldn’t say a person has an interest in how adequate their punishment is. So, let’s say that the laws where Justice is or should be upheld are those that distribute and allocate to individuals either desired objects, [266] liberties and privileges, or burdens and restrictions, or even pains themselves. The latter, though, are only assigned by law to those who have broken other laws. And since all laws are enforced with penalties, we can see how the administration of law can generally be viewed as the administration of Justice under this definition: not because all laws are initially intended to be distributive, but because the enforcement of law usually involves properly assigning pains, losses, and restrictions to those who violate it. More accurately, we should say that this legal distribution ought to achieve Justice, since we’ve seen that it can sometimes fail. Next, we need to ask, what conditions must laws meet for them to be just in their distributive outcomes?
Here, however, it may seem that we are transgressing the limit which divides Ethics from Politics: for Ethics is primarily concerned with the rules which ought to govern the private conduct of individuals; and it is commonly thought that private persons ought to obey even laws that they regard as unjust, if established by lawful authority. Still, this is doubted in the case of laws that seem extremely unjust: as (e.g.) the Fugitive Slave law in the United States before the rebellion. At any rate it seems desirable that we should here digress somewhat into political discussion; partly in order to elucidate the notion of Justice, which seems to be essentially the same in both regions, and partly because it is of great practical importance to individuals, in regulating private conduct beyond the range of Law-observance, to know whether the laws and established order of the society in which they live are just or unjust.
Here, however, it might seem that we are crossing the line that separates Ethics from Politics: Ethics primarily focuses on the rules that should govern individuals' private behaviors; and it’s generally believed that individuals should follow laws they consider unjust if those laws are established by legitimate authority. Still, this is questioned in the case of laws that appear extremely unjust, like the Fugitive Slave Law in the United States before the Civil War. In any case, it seems important for us to shift our focus a bit to political discussion; partly to clarify the idea of Justice, which seems to be fundamentally the same in both areas, and partly because it’s crucial for individuals, in managing private conduct beyond simply following the law, to know whether the laws and established order in their society are just or unjust.
Now perhaps the most obvious and commonly recognised characteristic of just laws is that they are Equal: and in some departments of legislation, at least, the common notion of Justice seems to be exhaustively expressed by that of Equality. It is commonly thought, for example, that a system of taxation would be perfectly just if it imposed exactly equal burdens upon all:[206] and though this notion of ‘equal burden’ is itself somewhat difficult to define with the precision required for[267] practical application, still we may say that Justice here is thought to resolve itself into a kind of equality. However, we cannot affirm generally that all laws ought to affect all persons equally, for this would leave no place for any laws allotting special privileges and burdens to special classes of the community; but we do not think all such laws necessarily unjust: e.g. we think it not unjust that only persons appointed in a certain way should share in legislation, and that men should be forced to fight for their country but not women. Hence some have said that the only sense in which justice requires a law to be equal is that its execution must affect equally all the individuals belonging to any of the classes specified in the law. And no doubt this rule excludes a very real kind of injustice: it is of the highest importance that judges and administrators should never be persuaded by money or otherwise to show ‘respect of persons.’ So much equality, however, is involved in the very notion of a law, if it be couched in general terms: and it is plain that laws may be equally executed and yet unjust: for example, we should consider a law unjust which compelled only red-haired men to serve in the army, even though it were applied with the strictest impartiality to all red-haired men. We must therefore conclude, that, in laying down the law no less than in carrying it out, all inequality[207] affecting the interests of individuals which appears arbitrary, and for which no sufficient[268] reason can be given, is held to be unjust. But we have still to ask, what kind of reasons for inequality Justice admits and from what general principle (or principles) all such reasons are to be deduced?
Now, perhaps the most obvious and commonly recognized characteristic of just laws is that they are Equal. In certain areas of legislation, at least, the general idea of Justice seems to be completely captured by the concept of Equality. For example, many believe a tax system would be perfectly fair if it placed exactly equal burdens on everyone:[206] and even though defining ‘equal burden’ with the precision needed for[267] practical use is somewhat challenging, we can still say that Justice here is thought to translate into a form of equality. However, we cannot generally state that all laws should impact all individuals equally, as this would eliminate any room for laws that grant special privileges and burdens to specific groups in society; yet we do not believe that all such laws are necessarily unjust: e.g. we consider it not unjust that only certain appointed individuals should participate in legislation, and that men should be obligated to fight for their country but not women. Thus, some have argued that the only way Justice requires a law to be equal is that its enforcement must treat all individuals in any defined class specified in the law equally. Undoubtedly, this principle prevents a very real type of injustice: it is crucial that judges and administrators are never swayed by money or other influences to show ‘favoritism.’ However, a degree of equality is inherent in the very idea of a law, if it is expressed in general terms: and it is clear that laws can be applied equally yet still be unjust; for example, we would view a law as unjust if it compelled only red-haired men to serve in the military, even if it was enforced with the strictest impartiality on all red-haired men. Therefore, we must conclude that when establishing and enforcing laws, any inequality[207] that affects individuals' interests in an arbitrary way, for which no adequate[268] justification can be provided, is considered unjust. However, we still need to inquire about what type of justifications for inequality are acceptable under Justice and from what general principle (or principles) all such justifications should be derived.
§ 2. Perhaps we shall find it easier to answer this question, if we examine the notion of Justice as applied to that part of private conduct which lies beyond the sphere of law. Here, again, we may observe that the notion of Justice always involves allotment of something considered as advantageous or disadvantageous: whether it be money or other material means of happiness; or praise, or affection, or other immaterial good, or some merited pain or loss. Hence I should answer the question raised in the preceding chapter (§ 3), as to the classification of the duties there discussed under the heads of Justice and Benevolence respectively, by saying that the fulfilment of any duty of the affections, considered by itself, does not exemplify Justice: but that when we come to compare the obligations arising out of different affectionate relations, and to consider the right allotment of love and kind services, the notion of Justice becomes applicable. In order to arrange this allotment properly we have to inquire what is Just. What then do we mean by a just man in matters where law-observance does not enter? It is natural to reply that we mean an impartial man, one who seeks with equal care to satisfy all claims which he recognises as valid and does not let himself be unduly influenced by personal preferences. And this seems an adequate account of the virtue of justice so far as we consider it merely subjectively, and independently of the intellectual insight required for the realisation of objective justice in action: if we neglect to give due consideration to any claim which we regard as reasonable, our action cannot be just in intention. This definition suffices to exclude wilful injustice: but it is obvious that it does not give us a sufficient criterion of just acts, any more than the absence of arbitrary inequality was found to be a sufficient criterion of just laws.[208] We want to know what are reasonable claims.
§ 2. Maybe we’ll find it easier to answer this question if we look at the concept of Justice as it relates to private conduct that goes beyond the law. Here, we can see that Justice always involves distributing something seen as beneficial or harmful: whether it's money or other resources for happiness; or praise, affection, or other intangible goods, or some deserved pain or loss. So, I would respond to the question raised in the previous chapter (§ 3) about classifying the duties discussed there under Justice and Benevolence by saying that fulfilling any duty of affection on its own doesn’t demonstrate Justice. However, when we compare the obligations that come from different affectionate relationships and think about the proper distribution of love and kind actions, the idea of Justice comes into play. To properly arrange this distribution, we need to examine what is Just. What do we mean by a just person in areas where the law does not apply? It's natural to say we mean an impartial person, someone who seeks to satisfy all recognized claims equally and isn’t overly swayed by personal preferences. This seems like a valid description of justice as we consider it subjectively and apart from the intellectual understanding needed to realize objective justice in action: if we overlook any claim we see as reasonable, our actions cannot genuinely be just in intention. This definition helps to eliminate willful injustice, but it clearly doesn’t provide a sufficient standard for identifying just acts, just as the absence of arbitrary inequality was not a sufficient standard for just laws.[208] We need to understand what constitutes reasonable claims.
Well, of these the most important—apart from the claims discussed in the preceding chapter—seems to be that resulting from contract. This is to a certain extent enforced by law: but it is clear to us that a just man will keep engagements generally, even when there may be no legal penalty attached to their violation. The exact definition of this duty, and its commonly admitted qualifications, will be discussed in the next chapter: but of its general bindingness Common Sense has no doubt.
Well, of these, the most important—aside from the claims discussed in the previous chapter—seems to be those arising from contracts. This is somewhat enforced by law; however, it’s clear that a fair person will generally honor their commitments, even when there isn’t a legal penalty for breaking them. The precise definition of this duty, along with its commonly accepted qualifications, will be talked about in the next chapter, but when it comes to its overall necessity, Common Sense has no doubts.
Further, we include under the idea of binding engagements not merely verbal promises, but also what are called ‘implied contracts’ or ‘tacit understandings.’ But this latter term is a difficult one to keep precise: and, in fact, is often used to include not only the case where A has in some way positively implied a pledge to B, but also the case where B has certain expectations of which A is aware. Here, however, the obligation is not so clear: for it would hardly be said that a man is bound to dispel all erroneous expectations that he may know to be formed respecting his conduct, at the risk of being required to fulfil them. Still, if the expectation was such as most persons would form under the circumstances, there seems to be some sort of moral obligation to fulfil it, if it does not conflict with other duties, though the obligation seems less definite and stringent than that arising out of contract. Indeed I think we may say that Justice is generally, though somewhat vaguely, held to prescribe the fulfilment of all such expectations (of services, etc.) as arise naturally and normally out of the relations, voluntary or involuntary, in which we stand towards other human beings. But the discussions in the preceding chapter have shown the difficulty of defining even those duties of this kind which, in an indefinite form, seemed certain and indisputable: while others are only defined by customs which to reflection appear arbitrary. And though while these customs persist, the expectations springing from them are in a certain sense natural, so that a just man seems to be under a kind of obligation to fulfil them, this obligation cannot be regarded as clear or complete, for two reasons that were given in the last chapter; first, because customs are continually varying, and as long as any one is in a state of variation, growing or decaying, the validity of the customary claim is obviously doubtful; and secondly, because it does not seem right that an irrational and[270] inexpedient custom should last for ever, and yet it can only be abolished by being “more honoured in the breach than in the observance.”
Furthermore, we consider binding commitments to include not just verbal promises, but also what are known as ‘implied contracts’ or ‘tacit understandings.’ However, this latter term is tricky to define clearly: it often refers not only to situations where A has somehow implied a commitment to B, but also where B has certain expectations that A is aware of. In this case, the obligation isn’t very clear: it wouldn’t normally be said that a person is required to correct all mistaken expectations they know others have about their behavior, at the risk of being held to them. Still, if the expectation is something most people would have under the circumstances, it seems that there’s some kind of moral obligation to meet it, as long as it doesn’t clash with other responsibilities. However, this obligation feels less definite and demanding than one that arises from an explicit contract. In fact, we can say that justice is generally understood, albeit somewhat vaguely, to require the fulfillment of all such expectations (like services, etc.) that naturally and normally arise from the relationships, whether voluntary or involuntary, we have with others. The discussions in the previous chapter have highlighted the challenge of clearly defining even those duties that seemed certain and indisputable in an abstract way, while others are only outlined by customs that, upon reflection, seem arbitrary. Although these customs persist, the expectations that come from them are somewhat natural, creating a sort of obligation for a just person to fulfill them. Yet, this obligation can’t be seen as clear or complete for two reasons outlined in the last chapter: first, because customs are always changing, and as long as something is in a state of flux, whether growing or declining, the legitimacy of the customary claim is obviously questionable; and second, because it doesn’t seem right for an irrational and impractical custom to last forever, yet it can only be challenged when it’s “more honored in the breach than in the observance.”
This line of reflection therefore has landed us in a real perplexity respecting the department of duty which we are at present examining. Justice is something that we conceive to be intrinsically capable of perfectly definite determination: a scrupulously just man, we think, must be very exact and precise in his conduct. But when we consider that part of Justice which consists in satisfying such natural and customary claims as arise independently of contract, it seems impossible to estimate these claims with any exactness. The attempt to map out the region of Justice reveals to us a sort of margin or dim borderland, tenanted by expectations which are not quite claims and with regard to which we do not feel sure whether Justice does or does not require us to satisfy them. For the ordinary actions of men proceed on the expectation that the future will resemble the past: hence it seems natural to expect that any particular man will do as others do in similar circumstances, and, still more, that he will continue to do whatever he has hitherto been in the habit of doing; accordingly his fellow-men are inclined to think themselves wronged by his suddenly omitting any customary or habitual act, if the omission causes them loss or inconvenience.[209] On the other hand, if a man has given no pledge to maintain a custom or habit, it seems hard that he should be bound by the unwarranted expectations of others. In this perplexity, common sense often appears to decide differently cases similar in all respects, except in the quantity of disappointment caused by the change. For instance, if a poor man were to leave one tradesman and deal with another because the first had turned Quaker, we should hardly call it an act of injustice, however unreasonable we might think it: but if a rich country gentleman were to act similarly towards a poor neighbour, many persons would say that it was unjust persecution.
This line of thinking has put us in a real dilemma regarding the area of duty we are currently examining. We believe justice is something that can be defined clearly: a scrupulously just person should act very accurately and precisely. However, when we look at that part of justice which involves meeting natural and customary claims that arise independently of contracts, it seems impossible to assess these claims with any precision. The effort to define the realm of justice shows us a kind of gray area filled with expectations that aren't quite claims, leaving us unsure whether justice requires us to fulfill them or not. People generally act on the expectation that the future will be like the past; therefore, it seems natural to expect that any individual will behave like others in similar situations and, even more so, that he will keep doing what he has always done. Consequently, his peers might feel wronged if he suddenly stops a customary or habitual act and it causes them loss or inconvenience.[209] On the other hand, if a person has made no commitment to maintain a custom or habit, it seems unfair for him to be bound by the unjust expectations of others. In this confusion, common sense often seems to judge similar cases differently, except for the degree of disappointment caused by the change. For example, if a poor man were to switch from one tradesman to another because the first went Quaker, we probably wouldn’t consider it an act of injustice, no matter how unreasonable we might find it. But if a wealthy country gentleman were to do the same to a poor neighbor, many people would call it unjust persecution.
The difficulty just pointed out extends equally to the duties of kindness—even to the specially stringent and sacred duties[271] of the domestic affections and gratitude—discussed in the previous chapter. We cannot get any new principle for settling any conflict that may present itself among such duties, by asking ‘what Justice requires of us’: the application of the notion of Justice only leads us to view the problem in a new aspect as a question of the right distribution of kind services—it does not help us to solve it. Had we clear and precise intuitive principles for determining the claims (e.g.) of parents on children, children on parents, benefactors on the recipients of their benefits, we might say exactly at what point or to what extent the satisfaction of one of these claims ought in justice to be postponed to the satisfaction of another, or to any worthy aim of a different kind: but I know no method of determining a problem of this kind which is not either implicitly utilitarian, or arbitrarily dogmatic, and unsupported by Common Sense.
The difficulty just mentioned applies equally to the responsibilities of kindness—even to the particularly significant and sacred duties of family love and gratitude—discussed in the previous chapter. We can't find a new principle for resolving any conflicts that arise among these duties by asking ‘what Justice requires of us’: applying the concept of Justice only leads us to see the issue in a different light, as a question of the fair distribution of kind actions—it doesn’t help us solve it. If we had clear and specific intuitive principles for determining the claims (for example) of parents on children, children on parents, and benefactors on those they help, we could state exactly when or to what extent fulfilling one of these claims should justly be delayed in favor of fulfilling another or pursuing a different worthy goal: but I know of no method to solve such a problem that isn’t either implicitly utilitarian or arbitrarily dogmatic, lacking support from Common Sense.
§ 3. If now we turn again to the political question, from which we diverged, we see that we have obtained from the preceding discussion one of the criteria of the justice of laws which we were seeking—viz. that they must avoid running counter to natural and normal expectations—: but we see at the same time that the criterion cannot be made definite in its application to private conduct, and it is easy to show that there is the same indefiniteness and consequent difficulty in applying it to legislation. For Law itself is a main source of natural expectations; and, since in ordinary times the alterations in law are very small in proportion to the amount unaltered, there is always a natural expectation that the existing laws will be maintained: and although this is, of course, an indefinite and uncertain expectation in a society like ours, where laws are continually being altered by lawful authority, it is sufficient for people in general to rely upon in arranging their concerns, investing their money, choosing their place of abode, their trade and profession, etc. Hence when such expectations are disappointed by a change in the law, the disappointed persons complain of injustice, and it is to some extent admitted that justice requires that they should be compensated for the loss thus incurred. But such expectations are of all degrees of definiteness and importance, and generally extend more widely as they decrease in value, like the ripples made by throwing a stone into a pond, so that it is practically impossible to[272] compensate them all: at the same time, I know no intuitive principle by which we could separate valid claims from invalid, and distinguish injustice from simple hardship.[210]
§ 3. Now, if we return to the political question we stepped away from, we notice that we’ve gained one of the criteria for assessing the justice of laws we were looking for—namely, that they should not contradict natural and normal expectations. However, we also see that this criterion can't be clearly defined when applied to personal behavior, and it's easy to demonstrate that the same lack of clarity and the resulting challenges exist when applying it to legislation. Law itself is a primary source of natural expectations, and since changes in law are usually minimal compared to the amount that remains unchanged, there is always a natural expectation that the current laws will stay in effect. Although this expectation can be indefinite and uncertain in a society like ours, where laws are frequently modified by legitimate authority, it's enough for most people when they manage their affairs, invest their money, choose where to live, their occupation, and so on. Therefore, when such expectations are disrupted by a change in the law, those affected feel that they have been treated unjustly, and it’s somewhat acknowledged that justice demands compensation for the losses they incur. But these expectations vary widely in their clarity and significance, generally spreading more broadly as their value decreases, much like the ripples from a stone thrown into a pond, making it practically impossible to compensate everyone. At the same time, I have no intuitive principle that could help us differentiate between valid claims and invalid ones, or to distinguish injustice from mere hardship.[210]
But even if this difficulty were overcome further reflection must, I think, show that the criterion above given is incomplete or imperfectly stated: otherwise it would appear that no old law could be unjust, since laws that have existed for a long time must create corresponding expectations. But this is contrary to Common Sense: as we are continually becoming convinced that old laws are unjust (e.g. laws establishing slavery): indeed, this continually recurring conviction seems to be one of the great sources of change in the laws of a progressive society.
But even if we get past this difficulty, I think further reflection will show that the criterion given above is incomplete or not clearly stated. Otherwise, it would seem that no old law could be unjust since laws that have been around for a long time must create corresponding expectations. But this goes against common sense, as we are continuously coming to realize that old laws can be unjust (e.g. laws establishing slavery). In fact, this recurring realization seems to be one of the main drivers of change in the laws of a progressive society.
Perhaps we may say that there are natural expectations which grow up from other elements of the social order, independent of and so possibly conflicting with laws: and that we call rules unjust which go counter to these. Thus e.g. primogeniture appears to many unjust, because all the landowner’s children are brought up in equally luxurious habits, and share equally the paternal care and expenditure, and so the inequality of inheritance seems paradoxical and harsh. Still, we cannot explain every case in this way: for example, the conviction that slavery is unjust can hardly be traced to anything in the established order of the slave-holding society, but seems to arise in a different way.
Maybe we can say that there are natural expectations that develop from other parts of society, separate from, and possibly in conflict with, laws. We label rules as unjust when they go against these expectations. For instance, many see primogeniture as unfair because all of a landowner's children grow up in equally luxurious conditions and receive equal parental support and resources, making the inequality in inheritance seem illogical and harsh. However, we can't explain every situation this way; for example, the belief that slavery is unjust likely doesn't stem from anything within the existing slave-holding society, but seems to come from a different source.
The truth is, this notion of ‘natural expectations’ is worse than indefinite: the ambiguity of the term conceals a fundamental conflict of ideas, which appears more profound and far-reaching in its consequences the more we examine it. For the word ‘natural,’ as used in this connexion, covers and conceals the whole chasm between the actual and the ideal—what is and what ought to be. As we before noticed,[211] the term seems, as ordinarily used, to contain the distinct ideas of (1) the common as opposed to the exceptional, and (2) the original or primitive as contrasted with the result of later[273] conventions and institutions. But it is also used to signify, in more or less indefinite combination with one or other of these meanings, ‘what would exist in an ideal state of society.’ And it is easy to see how these different meanings have been blended and confounded. For since by ‘Nature’ men have really meant God, or God viewed in a particular aspect—God, we may say, as known to us in experience—when they have come to conceive a better state of things than that which actually exists, they have not only regarded this ideal state as really exhibiting the Divine purposes more than the actual, and as being so far more ‘natural’: but they have gone further, and supposed more or less definitely that this ideal state of things must be what God originally created, and that the defects recognisable in what now exists must be due to the deteriorating action of men. But if we dismiss this latter view, as unsupported by historical evidence, we recognise more plainly the contrast and conflict between the other two meanings of ‘natural,’ and the corresponding discrepancy between the two elements of the common notion of Justice. For, from one point of view, we are disposed to think that the customary distribution of rights, goods, and privileges, as well as burdens and pains, is natural and just, and that this ought to be maintained by law, as it usually is: while, from another point of view, we seem to recognise an ideal system of rules of distribution which ought to exist, but perhaps have never yet existed, and we consider laws to be just in proportion as they conform to this ideal. It is the reconciliation between these two views which is the chief problem of political Justice.[212]
The truth is, the idea of ‘natural expectations’ is more confusing than unclear: the vagueness of the term hides a core conflict of ideas that becomes deeper and more significant the more we explore it. The word ‘natural,’ in this context, covers up the entire divide between what is real and what is ideal—what exists versus what should exist. As we noted before,[211] the term seems to typically include the separate ideas of (1) the usual as opposed to the exceptional, and (2) the original or basic versus the result of later[273] customs and institutions. But it's also used to mean, in a somewhat vague mix of these meanings, ‘what would exist in a perfect society.’ It's easy to see how these different meanings have merged and confused one another. Because when people talk about ‘Nature,’ they often really mean God, or God seen in a certain light—God, we might say, as we understand through our experiences—so when they envision a better situation than what currently exists, they not only see this ideal condition as truly reflecting Divine intentions more than the present one, making it seem more ‘natural’: but they also tend to assume, with varying degrees of certainty, that this ideal reality is what God initially created, and that the flaws noticeable in the current state must be caused by human actions over time. However, if we set aside this latter idea, which lacks historical backing, we can more clearly see the contrast and conflict between the other two meanings of ‘natural,’ along with the related discrepancy between the two parts of the common idea of Justice. From one perspective, we tend to believe that the customary distribution of rights, resources, privileges, as well as burdens and sufferings, is natural and fair, and that this should be upheld by law, as it usually is: while from another perspective, we seem to recognize an ideal set of rules for distribution that should exist, even if they may have never truly existed, and we judge laws to be just to the extent that they align with this ideal. Solving the tension between these two viewpoints is the central issue of political Justice.[212]
On what principles, then, is the ideal to be determined? This is, in fact, the question which has been chiefly in view from the outset of the chapter; but we could not satisfactorily discuss it until we had distinguished the two elements of Justice, as commonly conceived—one conservative of law and custom, and the other tending to reform them. It is on this latter that we shall now concentrate our attention.
On what principles should we determine the ideal? This is actually the main question we've been considering since the beginning of the chapter; however, we couldn't discuss it satisfactorily until we differentiated between the two aspects of Justice as it's generally understood—one that preserves law and tradition, and the other that's aimed at reforming them. We will now focus our attention on this latter aspect.
When, however, we examine this ideal, as it seems to show[274] itself in the minds of different men in different ages and countries, we observe various forms of it, which it is important to distinguish.
When we look at this ideal as it appears in the minds of different people across various times and places, we see different forms of it, which it's important to recognize.
In the first place, it must be noticed that an ideal constitution of society may be conceived and sought with many other ends in view besides the right distribution of good and evil among the individuals that compose it: as (e.g.) with a view to conquest and success in war, or to the development of industry and commerce, or to the highest possible cultivation of the arts and sciences. But any such political ideal as this is beyond the range of our present consideration, as it is not constructed on the basis of our common notion of Justice. Our present question is, Are there any clear principles from which we may work out an ideally just distribution of rights and privileges, burdens and pains, among human beings as such? There is a wide-spread view, that in order to make society just certain Natural Rights should be conceded to all members of the community, and that positive law should at least embody and protect these, whatever other regulations it may contain: but it is difficult to find in Common Sense any definite agreement in the enumeration of these Natural Rights, still less any clear principles from which they can be systematically deduced.
First of all, it’s important to recognize that we can envision and aim for an ideal society for many reasons beyond just the fair distribution of good and bad among its members. For example, this could include goals like winning wars, boosting industry and trade, or achieving the highest level of artistic and scientific development. However, any political ideal like this is outside the scope of our current discussion since it doesn't relate to our shared understanding of Justice. Our main question now is: Are there any clear principles we can use to create a perfectly just distribution of rights and privileges, as well as burdens and pains, for all human beings? There is a common belief that for society to be just, certain Natural Rights should be granted to every community member, and that positive law should at least reflect and protect these rights, regardless of other laws it may include. However, it's challenging to find any definitive consensus in Common Sense regarding what these Natural Rights are, and even harder to establish clear principles from which they can be systematically derived.
§ 4. There is, however, one mode of systematising these Rights and bringing them under one principle, which has been maintained by influential thinkers; and which, though now perhaps somewhat antiquated, is still sufficiently current to deserve careful examination. It has been held that Freedom from interference is really the whole of what human beings, originally and apart from contracts, can be strictly said to owe to each other: at any rate, that the protection of this Freedom (including the enforcement of Free Contract) is the sole proper aim of Law, i.e. of those rules of mutual behaviour which are maintained by penalties inflicted under the authority of Government. All natural Rights, on this view, may be summed up in the Right to Freedom; so that the complete and universal establishment of this Right would be the complete realisation of Justice,—the Equality at which Justice is thought to aim being interpreted as Equality of Freedom.
§ 4. There is, however, a way to organize these Rights and unify them under one principle, which has been supported by influential thinkers; and while it may seem a bit outdated now, it’s still relevant enough to warrant close examination. It has been argued that Freedom from interference is essentially everything that human beings, originally and outside of agreements, can truly be said to owe one another: at the very least, the protection of this Freedom (which includes the enforcement of Free Contract) is the only proper goal of Law, i.e. of the rules of mutual behavior that are upheld by penalties enforced by the Government. According to this perspective, all natural Rights can be summarized as the Right to Freedom; thus, the complete and universal establishment of this Right would represent the full realization of Justice—where the Equality that Justice aims for is understood as Equality of Freedom.
Now when I contemplate this as an abstract formula, though I cannot say that it is self-evident to me as the true[275] fundamental principle of Ideal Law, I admit that it commends itself much to my mind; and I might perhaps persuade myself that it is owing to the defect of my faculty of moral (or jural) intuition that I fail to see its self-evidence. But when I endeavour to bring it into closer relation to the actual circumstances of human society, it soon comes to wear a different aspect.
Now, when I think about this as an abstract concept, even though I can't say it's obviously the true[275] fundamental principle of Ideal Law, I do find it quite appealing; and I might be able to convince myself that it's because of my lack of moral (or legal) intuition that I don't see its obviousness. However, when I try to connect it more closely to the real situation of human society, it quickly takes on a different look.
In the first place, it seems obviously needful to limit the extent of its application. For it involves the negative principle that no one should be coerced for his own good alone; but no one would gravely argue that this ought to be applied to the case of children, or of idiots, or insane persons. But if so, can we know a priori that it ought to be applied to all sane adults? since the above-mentioned exceptions are commonly justified on the ground that children, etc., will manifestly be better off if they are forced to do and abstain as others think best for them; and it is, at least, not intuitively certain that the same argument does not apply to the majority of mankind in the present state of their intellectual progress. Indeed, it is often conceded by the advocates of this principle that it does not hold even in respect of adults in a low state of civilisation. But if so, what criterion can be given for its application, except that it must be applied wherever human beings are sufficiently intelligent to provide for themselves better than others would provide for them? and thus the principle would present itself not as absolute, but merely a subordinate application of the wider principle of aiming at the general happiness or well-being of mankind.
First of all, it clearly seems necessary to limit how this principle is applied. It involves the negative principle that no one should be forced for their own good alone; however, no one would seriously argue that this should apply to children, people with intellectual disabilities, or the insane. If that’s the case, can we assume a priori that it should be applied to all sane adults? The above exceptions are usually justified by the idea that children, etc., will clearly be better off if they are compelled to do what others think is best for them; and it is, at least, not intuitively obvious that the same reasoning doesn’t apply to most people today given their level of intellectual development. In fact, it is often admitted by supporters of this principle that it doesn’t even apply to adults in less developed societies. So, if that’s true, what criteria can we provide for its application, except that it should be applied wherever individuals are intelligent enough to take care of themselves better than others would? Thus, the principle would not be seen as absolute, but rather as a specific application of the broader goal of promoting the general happiness or well-being of humanity.
But, again, the term Freedom is ambiguous. If we interpret it strictly, as meaning Freedom of Action alone, the principle seems to allow any amount of mutual annoyance except constraint. But obviously no one would be satisfied with such Freedom as this. If, however, we include in the idea absence of pain and annoyance inflicted by others, it becomes at once evident that we cannot prohibit all such annoyances without restraining freedom of action to a degree that would be intolerable; since there is scarcely any gratification of a man’s natural impulses which may not cause some annoyance to others. Hence in distinguishing the mutual annoyances that ought to be allowed from those that must be[276] prohibited we seem forced to balance the evils of constraint against pain and loss of a different kind: while if we admit the Utilitarian criterion so far, it is difficult to maintain that annoyance to individuals is never to be permitted in order to attain any positive good result, but only to prevent more serious annoyance.
But, again, the term Freedom is unclear. If we interpret it strictly as just Freedom of Action, the principle seems to allow for any level of mutual annoyance except for actual constraint. But clearly, no one would be content with such a limited idea of Freedom. If we also consider the absence of pain and annoyance caused by others, it becomes clear that we can't prohibit all forms of annoyance without restricting freedom of action to a degree that's unbearable, since almost any fulfillment of a person's natural urges can lead to some annoyance for others. Thus, when we try to distinguish between the mutual annoyances that should be permitted and those that need to be prohibited, we find ourselves needing to weigh the burdens of constraint against different kinds of pain and loss: if we accept the Utilitarian approach at all, it's hard to argue that annoyance to individuals can never be allowed if it leads to some positive outcome, but only to avoid more serious annoyance.
Thirdly, in order to render a social construction possible on this basis, we must assume that the right to Freedom includes the right to limit one’s freedom by contract; and that such contracts, if they are really voluntary and not obtained by fraud or force, and if they do not violate the freedom of others, are to be enforced by legal penalties. But I cannot see that enforcement of Contracts is strictly included in the notion of realising Freedom; for a man seems to be most completely free when no one of his volitions is allowed to have any effect in causing the external coercion of any other. If, again, this right of limiting Freedom is itself unlimited, a man might thus freely contract himself out of freedom into slavery, so that the principle of freedom would turn out suicidal; and yet to deduce from this principle a limited right of limiting freedom by contract seems clearly impossible.[213]
Thirdly, to make a social construction possible based on this, we have to assume that the right to Freedom includes the right to limit one’s freedom through a contract; and that these contracts, if they are truly voluntary and not obtained through fraud or force, and don't infringe on the freedom of others, should be enforced with legal penalties. However, I don’t believe that enforcing contracts is strictly part of the idea of achieving Freedom; because a person seems to be most truly free when none of their choices can lead to the external coercion of anyone else. Moreover, if this right to limit Freedom is itself unlimited, a person could potentially freely contract themselves out of freedom and into slavery, making the principle of freedom self-destructive; yet deriving from this principle a limited right to restrict freedom through contracts appears clearly impossible.[213]
But if it be difficult to define freedom as an ideal to be realised in the merely personal relations of human beings, the difficulty is increased when we consider the relation of men to the material means of life and happiness.
But if it's tough to define freedom as an ideal that can be achieved in the personal relationships between people, it gets even harder when we look at how people relate to the material means of living and happiness.
For it is commonly thought that the individual’s right to Freedom includes the right of appropriating material things. But, if Freedom be understood strictly, I do not see that it implies more than his right to non-interference while actually using such things as can only be used by one person at once: the right to prevent others from using at any future time anything that an individual has once seized seems an interference with the free action of others beyond what is needed to secure the freedom, strictly speaking, of the appropriator. It may perhaps be said that a man, in appropriating a particular thing, does not interfere with the freedom of others, because the rest[277] of the world is still open to them. But others may want just what he has appropriated: and they may not be able to find anything so good at all, or at least without much labour and search; for many of the instruments and materials of comfortable living are limited in quantity. This argument applies especially to property in land: and it is to be observed that, in this case, there is a further difficulty in determining how much a man is to be allowed to appropriate by ‘first occupation.’ If it be said that a man is to be understood to occupy what he is able to use, the answer is obvious that the use of land by any individual may vary almost indefinitely in extent, while diminishing proportionally in intensity. For instance, it would surely be a paradoxical deduction from the principle of Freedom to maintain that an individual had a right to exclude others from pasturing sheep on any part of the land over which his hunting expeditions could extend.[214] But if so can it be clear that a shepherd has such a right against one who wishes to till the land, or that one who is using the surface has a right to exclude a would-be miner? I do not see how the deduction is to be made out. Again, it may be disputed whether the right of Property, as thus derived, is to include the right of controlling the disposal of one’s possessions after death. For this to most persons seems naturally bound up with ownership: yet it is paradoxical to say that we interfere with a man’s freedom of action by anything that we may do after his death to what he owned during his life: and jurists have often treated this right as purely conventional and not therefore included in ‘natural law.’
For many people, it’s commonly believed that an individual’s right to freedom includes the right to own material things. However, if we look at freedom more closely, it seems that it only means the right to not be interfered with while using things that can only be used by one person at a time. The right to stop others from using something that someone has taken seems to really interfere with the freedom of others more than what is necessary to ensure the freedom of the person who took it. Some might argue that when someone takes a specific thing, they are not interfering with others' freedom because the rest of the world is still available to them. But others might want exactly what is taken, and they may not be able to find anything equally good or may have to work hard to search for alternatives; after all, many things needed for a comfortable life are limited in quantity. This argument is especially relevant when it comes to land ownership: it’s important to consider how much a person is allowed to claim as their own through ‘first occupation.’ If we say that a person can occupy what they can actually use, it’s clear that the extent of land use can vary greatly, often reducing in intensity. For example, it would seem contradictory to claim that someone has the right to stop others from grazing sheep on any land that they might hunt over. But if that's the case, can we really say that a shepherd has the right to exclude someone who wants to farm the land, or that one person using the surface has the right to block a potential miner? I don’t see how that conclusion can be reached. Moreover, it can be questioned whether this definition of property rights includes the ability to control what happens to one’s belongings after death. Most people think this is naturally part of ownership, but it seems odd to argue that we interfere with a person’s freedom by actions taken after their death regarding what they owned during their life. Legal experts often consider this right as merely a social construct and not truly part of ‘natural law.’
Other difficulties might be raised: but we need not pursue them, for if Freedom be taken simply to mean that one man’s actions are to be as little as possible restrained by others, it is obviously more fully realised without appropriation. And if it be said that it includes, beside this, facility and security in the gratification of desires, and that it is Freedom in this sense that we think should be equally distributed, and that this cannot be realised without appropriation; then it may be replied, that in a society where nearly all material things are already appro[278]priated, this kind of Freedom is not and cannot be equally distributed. A man born into such a society, without inheritance, is not only far less free than those who possess property, but he is less free than if there had been no appropriation. It may be said[215] that, having freedom of contract, he will give his services in exchange for the means of satisfying his wants; and that this exchange must necessarily give him more than he could have got if he had been placed in the world by himself; that, in fact, any human society always renders the part of the earth that it inhabits more capable of affording gratification of desires to each and all of its later-born members than it would otherwise be. But however true this may be as a general rule, it is obviously not so in all cases: as men are sometimes unable to sell their services at all, and often can only obtain in exchange for them an insufficient subsistence. And, even granting it to be true, it does not prove that society, by appropriation, has not interfered with the natural freedom of its poorer members: but only that it compensates them for such interference, and that the compensation is adequate: and it must be evident that if compensation in the form of material commodities can be justly given for an encroachment on Freedom, the realisation of Freedom cannot be the one ultimate end of distributive Justice.
Other challenges might come up, but we don’t need to explore them because if we take Freedom to mean that one person’s actions should be as little restricted by others as possible, it’s clearly more fully achieved without appropriation. If it’s argued that Freedom also includes the ability and security to fulfill desires, and that this kind of Freedom should be distributed equally, which can’t happen without appropriation; then it can be pointed out that in a society where almost all material things are already claimed, this kind of Freedom is neither equally shared nor can it be. A person born into such a society, without any inheritance, is not just much less free than those who own property; they are actually less free than if there had been no appropriation at all. One might say that with the freedom to contract, they can offer their services in exchange for the means to meet their needs; and that this exchange should give them more than they would have gotten if they were on their own; in fact, any human society usually makes the part of the world it occupies better at meeting the desires of its newer members than it would be otherwise. But while this might generally hold true, it’s clearly not the case in every situation: sometimes people can’t sell their services at all, and often they can only get a way of living that’s barely enough in return. Even if we accept this as true, it doesn’t prove that society, through appropriation, hasn’t limited the natural freedom of its poorer members; it simply shows that it compensates them for that limitation, and that the compensation is sufficient: and it must be clear that if compensation in the form of material goods can justly be given for an infringement on Freedom, then achieving Freedom can’t be the ultimate goal of distributive Justice.
§ 5. It seems, then, that though Freedom is an object of keen and general desire, and an important source of happiness, both in itself and indirectly from the satisfaction of natural impulses which it allows, the attempt to make it the fundamental notion of theoretical Jurisprudence is attended with insuperable difficulties: and that even the Natural Rights which it claims to cover cannot be brought under it except in a very forced and arbitrary manner.[216] But further, even if this were otherwise, an equal distribution of Freedom does not seem to exhaust our notion of Justice. Ideal Justice, as we commonly conceive it, seems to demand that not only Freedom but all other benefits and burdens should be distributed, if not[279] equally, at any rate justly,—Justice in distribution being regarded as not identical with Equality, but merely exclusive of arbitrary inequality.
§ 5. It appears that while Freedom is highly sought after and a significant source of happiness, both directly and by fulfilling natural impulses, trying to make it the core concept of theoretical Jurisprudence presents insurmountable challenges. Even the Natural Rights that it claims to encompass can only be included in a very strained and arbitrary way.[216] Moreover, even if this were not the case, simply distributing Freedom equally doesn't seem to capture our understanding of Justice. Ideal Justice, as we typically think of it, seems to require that not just Freedom but all other advantages and responsibilities should be distributed, if not equally, then at least fairly—where Justice in distribution is seen not as the same as Equality, but only as the absence of arbitrary inequality.
How, then, shall we find the principle of this highest and most comprehensive ideal?
How, then, should we discover the principle of this ultimate and most all-encompassing ideal?
We shall be led to it, I think, by referring again to one of the grounds of obligation to render services, which was noticed in the last chapter: the claim of Gratitude. It there appeared that we have not only a natural impulse to requite benefits, but also a conviction that such requital is a duty, and its omission blameworthy, to some extent at least; though we find it difficult to define the extent. Now it seems that when we, so to say, universalise this impulse and conviction, we get the element in the common view of Justice, which we are now trying to define. For if we take the proposition ‘that good done to any individual ought to be requited by him,’ and leave out the relation to the individual in either term of the proposition, we seem to have an equally strong conviction of the truth of the more general statement ‘that good deeds ought to be requited.’[217] And if we take into consideration all the different kinds and degrees of services, upon the mutual exchange of which society is based, we get the proposition ‘that men ought to be rewarded in proportion to their deserts.’ And this would be commonly held to be the true and simple principle of distribution in any case where there are no claims arising from Contract or Custom to modify its operation.
I think we can get there by looking again at one of the reasons we feel obliged to help others, which we discussed in the last chapter: the idea of Gratitude. It became clear that we not only have a natural urge to repay kindness but also feel that doing so is a duty and that failing to do so is somewhat blameworthy, even if it's hard to specify how blameworthy. Now, when we expand this impulse and belief, we find the element in our common understanding of Justice that we're trying to define. If we take the idea that “any good done to an individual should be repaid by them” and remove the specific individual reference, we discover that we maintain a strong belief in the broader statement that “good deeds should be repaid.” And if we consider all the various types and levels of help that form the basis of society, we arrive at the idea that “people should be rewarded according to what they deserve.” This is generally believed to be the basic and straightforward principle of distribution when there are no contractual or customary claims that would alter its application.
For example, it would be admitted that—if there has been no previous arrangement—the profits of any work or enterprise should be divided among those who have contributed to its success in proportion to the worth of their services. And it may be observed, that some thinkers maintain the proposition discussed in the previous section—that Law ought to aim at securing the greatest possible Freedom for each individual—not as absolute and axiomatic, but as derivative from the[280] principle that Desert ought to be requited; on the ground that the best way of providing for the requital of Desert is to leave men as free as possible to exert themselves for the satisfaction of their own desires, and so to win each his own requital. And this seems to be really the principle upon which the Right of Property is rested, when it is justified by the proposition that ‘every one has an exclusive right to the produce of his labour.’ For on reflection it is seen that no labour really ‘produces’ any material thing, but only adds to its value: and we do not think that a man can acquire a right to a material thing belonging to another, by spending his labour on it—even if he does so in the bona fide belief that it is his own property—but only to adequate compensation for his labour; this, therefore, is what the proposition just quoted must mean. The principle is, indeed, sometimes stretched to explain the original right of property in materials, as being in a sense ‘produced’ (i.e. found) by their first discoverer;[218] but here again, reflection shows that Common Sense does not grant this (as a moral right) absolutely, but only in so far as it appears to be not more than adequate compensation for the discoverer’s trouble. For example, we should not consider that the first finder of a large uninhabited region had a moral right to appropriate the whole of it. Hence this justification of the right of property refers us ultimately to the principle ‘that every man ought to receive adequate requital for his labour.’ So, again, when we speak of the world as justly governed by God, we seem to mean that, if we could know the whole of human existence, we should find that happiness is distributed among men according to their deserts. And Divine Justice is thought to be a pattern which Human Justice is to imitate as far as the conditions of human society allow.
For example, it would be accepted that—if there hasn't been a prior agreement—the profits from any work or venture should be shared among those who contributed to its success based on the value of their services. Some thinkers argue with the proposition discussed in the previous section—that the law should aim to ensure the greatest possible freedom for each individual—not as an absolute truth, but as stemming from the principle that Desert should be rewarded. The reasoning here is that the best way to reward Desert is to give people as much freedom as possible to pursue their own desires and earn their own rewards. This seems to be the basis on which the Right to Property is justified, under the claim that ‘everyone has an exclusive right to the produce of their labor.’ Upon further consideration, we see that no labor actually 'produces' a material thing, but merely increases its value: we don't believe that a person can gain a right to someone else's property by working on it—even if they genuinely believe it is theirs—but only to fair compensation for their labor; hence, this is what the previously quoted proposition must mean. This principle is sometimes stretched to argue that the original right to property in materials comes from them being 'produced' (i.e., found) by their first discoverer; but again, upon reflection, Common Sense does not grant this (as a moral right) absolutely, but only as long as it seems to be fair compensation for the discoverer’s efforts. For instance, we wouldn't think that the first person to find a large uninhabited area has a moral right to claim all of it. Thus, this justification for the right to property ultimately leads us back to the principle that ‘every person should receive fair recompense for their labor.’ Similarly, when we say that the world is justly governed by God, we seem to imply that, if we could see all of human existence, we would find that happiness is distributed among people in accordance with their deserts. And Divine Justice is viewed as a model for Human Justice to follow as much as the realities of human society permit.
This kind of Justice, as has been said, seems like Gratitude universalised: and the same principle applied to punishment[281] may similarly be regarded as Resentment universalised; though the parallel is incomplete, if we are considering the present state of our moral conceptions. History shows us a time in which it was thought not only as natural, but as clearly right and incumbent on a man, to requite injuries as to repay benefits: but as moral reflection developed in Europe this notion was repudiated, so that Plato taught that it could never be right really to harm any one, however he may have harmed us. And this is the accepted doctrine in Christian societies, as regards requital by individuals of personal wrongs. But in its universalised form the old conviction still lingers in the popular view of Criminal Justice: it seems still to be widely held that Justice requires pain to be inflicted on a man who has done wrong, even if no benefit result either to him or to others from the pain. Personally, I am so far from holding this view that I have an instinctive and strong moral aversion to it: and I hesitate to attribute it to Common Sense, since I think that it is gradually passing away from the moral consciousness of educated persons in the most advanced communities: but I think it is still perhaps the more ordinary view.
This kind of Justice, as mentioned, seems like a universal form of Gratitude: and when the same principle is applied to punishment[281], it may similarly be viewed as universal Resentment; although the comparison is not complete when we consider our current moral views. History shows there was a time when it was seen as not just natural but also clearly right and necessary for a person to avenge injuries just as one would repay benefits: but as moral thinking evolved in Europe, this idea was rejected, leading Plato to teach that it could never truly be right to harm anyone, no matter how they may have harmed us. This is the accepted belief in Christian societies regarding individuals avenging personal wrongs. Yet, in its universalized form, the old belief still persists in the common perception of Criminal Justice: it still seems widely believed that Justice requires inflicting pain on someone who has done wrong, even if that pain brings no benefit to him or anyone else. Personally, I feel quite the opposite and have a strong moral aversion to this view: and I’m hesitant to call it Common Sense, as I believe it is gradually fading from the moral awareness of educated people in the most advanced societies; however, it still appears to be the more prevailing opinion.
This, then, is one element of what Aristotle calls Corrective Justice, which is embodied in criminal law. It must not be confounded with the principle of Reparation, on which legal awards of damages are based. We have already noticed this as a simple deduction from the maxim of general Benevolence, which forbids us to do harm to our fellow-creatures: for if we have harmed them, we can yet approximately obey the maxim by giving compensation for the harm. Though here the question arises whether we are bound to make reparation for harm that has been quite blamelessly caused: and it is not easy to answer it decisively.[219] On the whole, I[282] think we should condemn a man who did not offer some reparation for any serious injury caused by him to another—even if quite involuntarily caused, and without negligence: but perhaps we regard this rather as a duty of Benevolence—arising out of the general sympathy that each ought to have for others, intensified by this special occasion—than as a duty of strict Justice. If, however, we limit the requirement of Reparation, under the head of strict Justice, to cases in which the mischief repaired is due to acts or omissions in some degree culpable, a difficulty arises from the divergence between the moral view of culpability, and that which social security requires. Of this I will speak presently.[220] In any case there is now[221] no danger of confusion or collision between the principle of Reparative and that of Retributive Justice, as the one is manifestly concerned with the claims of the injured party, and the other with the deserts of the wrongdoer: though in the actual administration of Law the obligation of paying compensation for wrong may sometimes be treated as a sufficient punishment for the wrongdoer.
This is one aspect of what Aristotle refers to as Corrective Justice, which is reflected in criminal law. It should not be confused with the principle of Reparation, which is the basis for legal damages. We've already seen this as a straightforward consequence of the maxim of general Benevolence, which prohibits us from causing harm to others: if we have harmed someone, we can still follow the maxim by providing compensation for that harm. However, this raises the question of whether we are required to provide reparation for harm that was caused without any fault on our part, and it’s not simple to respond to that definitively.[219] Overall, I[282] believe we should criticize someone who does not offer some form of reparation for any serious injury they caused to another person—even if it was completely unintentional and without negligence: though we might see this more as a duty of Benevolence—stemming from the general empathy that we all should have towards others, heightened by this specific situation—rather than a direct obligation of strict Justice. If we restrict the requirement of Reparation under strict Justice to cases where the harm was caused by actions or inactions that bear some level of culpability, a complication arises from the differences between the moral perspective on culpability and what social security demands. I will discuss this shortly.[220] In any case, there is now[221] no risk of confusion or conflict between the principle of Reparative Justice and that of Retributive Justice, as one clearly deals with the claims of the victim, while the other focuses on the consequences for the offender: although in the actual enforcement of the Law, the requirement to pay compensation for a wrong may sometimes be seen as sufficient punishment for the wrongdoer.
When, however, we turn again to the other branch of Retributive Justice, which is concerned with the reward of services, we find another notion, which I will call Fitness, often blended indistinguishably[222] with the notion of Desert, and so needing to be carefully separated from it; and when the distinction has been made, we see that the two are liable to come into collision. I do not feel sure that the principle of ‘distribution according to Fitness’ is found, strictly speaking, in the analysis of the ordinary notion of Justice: but it certainly enters into our common conception of the ideal or[283] perfectly rational order of society, as regards the distribution both of instruments and functions, and (to some extent at least) of other sources of happiness. We certainly think it reasonable that instruments should be given to those who can use them best, and functions allotted to those who are most competent to perform them: but these may not be those who have rendered most services in the past. And again, we think it reasonable that particular material means of enjoyment should fall to the lot of those who are susceptible of the respective kinds of pleasure; as no one would think of allotting pictures to a blind man, or rare wines to one who had no taste: hence we should probably think it fitting that artists should have larger shares than mechanics in the social distribution of wealth, though they may be by no means more deserving. Thus the notions of Desert and Fitness appear at least occasionally conflicting; but perhaps, as I have suggested, Fitness should rather be regarded as a utilitarian principle of distribution, inevitably limiting the realisation of what is abstractly just, than as a part of the interpretation of Justice proper: and it is with the latter that we are at present concerned. At any rate it is the Requital of Desert that constitutes the chief element of Ideal Justice, in so far as this imports something more than mere Equality and Impartiality. Let us then examine more closely wherein Desert consists; and we will begin with Good Desert or Merit, as being of the most fundamental and permanent importance; for we may hope that crime and its punishment will decrease and gradually disappear as the world improves, but the right or best distribution of the means of wellbeing is an object that we must always be striving to realise.
When we look back at the other side of Retributive Justice, which deals with rewarding services, we encounter another concept I’ll call Fitness. This idea often gets mixed up with Desert, so we need to clearly separate them. Once we make this distinction, we can see how they can sometimes clash. I’m not entirely sure that the principle of “distribution based on Fitness” is strictly found in the usual concept of Justice, but it definitely plays a role in our shared vision of an ideal or perfectly rational society, especially regarding the distribution of both resources and responsibilities, and to some extent, other sources of happiness. We generally find it reasonable for resources to go to those who can utilize them best, and tasks to be assigned to those most capable of handling them; however, these may not be the same individuals who have provided the most services in the past. Similarly, we believe it’s reasonable for certain tangible means of enjoyment to go to those who can appreciate them; no one would think to give paintings to someone who’s blind or fine wines to someone without taste. Therefore, we might consider it fitting for artists to receive a greater share of societal wealth than mechanics, even if they aren’t necessarily more deserving. This suggests that the concepts of Desert and Fitness can conflict at times. However, as I’ve mentioned, we should view Fitness more as a utilitarian principle of distribution, which naturally restricts the fulfillment of what’s ideally just, rather than as part of the true definition of Justice itself—which is what we’re focused on now. Ultimately, it’s the Requital of Desert that forms the core element of Ideal Justice, as it implies something beyond simple Equality and Impartiality. So let's take a closer look at what Desert really means, starting with Good Desert or Merit, since it’s the most fundamental and enduring concern. We can hope that crime and punishment will lessen and eventually fade away as society improves, but the fair distribution of the means to achieve well-being is something we must always strive for.
§ 6. And first, the question which we had to consider in defining Gratitude again recurs: whether, namely, we are to apportion the reward to the effort made, or to the results attained. For it may be said that the actual utility of any service must depend much upon favourable circumstances and fortunate accidents, not due to any desert of the agent: or again, may be due to powers and skills which were connate, or have been developed by favourable conditions of life, or by good education, and why should we reward him for these? (for the last-mentioned we ought rather to reward those who have[284] educated him). And certainly it is only in so far as moral excellences are exhibited in human achievements that they are commonly thought to be such as God will reward. But by drawing this line we do not yet get rid of the difficulty. For it may still be said that good actions are due entirely, or to a great extent, to good dispositions and habits, and that these are partly inherited and partly due to the care of parents and teachers; so that in rewarding these we are rewarding the results of natural and accidental advantages, and it is unreasonable to distinguish these from others, such as skill and knowledge, and to say that it is even ideally just to reward the one and not the other. Shall we say, then, that the reward should be proportionate to the amount of voluntary effort for a good end? But Determinists will say that even this is ultimately the effect of causes extraneous to the man’s self. On the Determinist view, then, it would seem to be ideally just (if anything is so) that all men should enjoy equal amounts of happiness: for there seems to be no justice in making A happier than B, merely because circumstances beyond his own control have first made him better. But why should we not, instead of ‘all men,’ say ‘all sentient beings’? for why should men have more happiness than any other animal? But thus the pursuit of ideal justice seems to conduct us to such a precipice of paradox that Common Sense is likely to abandon it. At any rate the ordinary idea of Desert has thus altogether vanished.[223] And thus we seem to be led to the conclusion which I anticipated in Book i. chap. v.: that in this one department of our moral consciousness the idea of Free Will seems involved in a peculiar way in the moral ideas of Common Sense, since if it is eliminated the important notions of Desert or Merit and Justice require material modification.[285][224] At the same time, the difference between Determinist and Libertarian Justice can hardly have any practical effect. For in any case it does not seem possible to separate in practice that part of a man’s achievement which is due strictly to his free choice from that part which is due to the original gift of nature and to favouring circumstances:[225] so that we must necessarily leave to providence the realisation of what we conceive as the theoretical ideal of Justice, and content ourselves with trying to reward voluntary actions in proportion to the worth of the services intentionally rendered by them.
§ 6. First, we need to revisit the question of how we define Gratitude: should we reward based on the effort made or the results achieved? It's been argued that the actual value of any service depends a lot on favorable circumstances and lucky breaks that aren't really the agent's fault. Also, outcomes might be a result of natural abilities or skills that were developed through favorable living conditions or good education, so why should we reward the individual for those? (In fact, we should be rewarding those who provided that education instead.) It's generally believed that only when moral qualities are shown in human actions is it considered something that God will reward. However, even with this distinction, the issue remains. It can still be said that good actions stem mostly from good dispositions and habits, which are partly inherited and partly shaped by parents and teachers. This means that when we reward these, we're just rewarding the outcomes of natural advantages and random circumstances, which makes it unreasonable to differentiate between these and other qualities like skill and knowledge, suggesting it's not just to reward one and not the other. Should we say that rewards should match the amount of voluntary effort for a good purpose? Yet, Determinists would argue that even this is ultimately the result of factors outside a person's control. According to the Determinist perspective, it seems ideally just (if anything can be considered so) for all people to experience equal levels of happiness, as there’s no fairness in making A happier than B just because circumstances beyond their control made them better off. But why not extend this to 'all sentient beings'? Why should humans have more happiness than any other animal? This pursuit of perfect justice seems to lead to such a paradox that Common Sense is likely to reject it altogether. At the very least, the mainstream idea of Desert has now disappeared. Thus, we appear to arrive at the conclusion I predicted in Book i. chap. v.: that in this one area of our moral understanding, the concept of Free Will seems uniquely tied to the moral ideas of Common Sense, because if it's removed, the important concepts of Desert or Merit and Justice require significant adjustment. The difference between Determinist and Libertarian Justice doesn’t seem to have any real-world impact. After all, it seems impossible to practically separate the part of a person's achievement due solely to their free choice from what arises from natural gifts and favorable circumstances, meaning we have to leave the realization of what we view as the theoretical ideal of Justice up to providence and focus instead on rewarding voluntary actions based on the value of the services they intentionally provide.
If, then, we take as the principle of ideal justice, so far as this can be practically aimed at in human society, the requital of voluntary services in proportion to their worth, it remains to consider on what principle or principles the comparative worth of different services is to be rationally estimated. There is no doubt that we commonly assume such an estimate to be possible; for we continually speak of the ‘fair’ or ‘proper’ price of any kind of services as something generally known, and condemn the demand for more than this as extortionate. It may be said that the notion of Fairness or Equity which we ordinarily apply in such judgments is to be distinguished from that of Justice; Equity being in fact often contrasted with strict Justice, and conceived as capable of coming into collision with it. And this is partly true: but I think the wider and no less usual sense of the term Justice, in which it includes Equity or Fairness, is the only one that can be conveniently[286] adopted in an ethical treatise: for in any case where Equity comes into conflict with strict justice, its dictates are held to be in a higher sense just, and what ought to be ultimately carried into effect in the case considered—though not, perhaps, by the administrators of law. I treat Equity, therefore, as a species of Justice; though noting that the former term is more ordinarily used in cases where the definiteness attainable is recognised as somewhat less than in ordinary cases of rightful claims arising out of law or contract. On what principle, then, can we determine the “fair” or “equitable” price of services? When we examine the common judgments of practical persons in which this judgment occurs, we find, I think, that the ‘fair’ in such cases is ascertained by a reference to analogy and custom, and that any service is considered to be ‘fairly worth’ what is usually given for services of the kind. Hence this element of the notion of Justice may seem, after all, to resolve itself into that discussed in § 2: and in some states of society it certainly appears that the payment to be given for services is as completely fixed by usage as any other customary duty, so that it would be a clear disappointment of normal expectation to deviate from this usage. But probably no one in a modern civilised community would maintain in its full breadth this identification of the Just with the Usual price of services: and so far as the judgments of practical persons may seem to imply this, I think it must be admitted that they are superficial or merely inadvertent, and ignore the established mode of determining the market prices of commodities by free competition of producers and traders. For where such competition operates the market value rises and falls, and is different at different places and times; so that no properly instructed person can expect any fixity in it, or complain of injustice merely on account of the variations in it.
If we take the idea of ideal justice, as much as can be realistically aimed for in human society, to mean rewarding voluntary services according to their value, we need to consider how we can rationally measure the relative worth of different services. It's clear that we generally believe such an assessment is possible; we often talk about the ‘fair’ or ‘appropriate’ price for various services as something that is commonly understood, and we criticize any demand for more than this as exploitative. It can be argued that the concept of Fairness or Equity we usually apply in these judgments differs from that of Justice; Equity is often seen as contrasting with strict Justice and can come into conflict with it. This is partly true, but I believe the broader and equally common interpretation of Justice, which includes Equity or Fairness, is the only one that makes sense in an ethical discussion. Whenever Equity conflicts with strict justice, it is considered to be just in a higher sense and is what should ultimately be applied in the case at hand—though not necessarily by those enforcing the law. Therefore, I see Equity as a type of Justice; I note, however, that the term Equity is more commonly used in situations where the clarity achievable is recognized as somewhat less than in standard cases of legal or contractual rights. So, how can we determine the “fair” or “equitable” price of services? When we look at the common judgments of practical people regarding this, we find that the ‘fair’ price is generally established by looking at similar cases and customs, and any service is thought to be ‘fairly worth’ what is typically paid for similar services. Thus, this aspect of Justice might seem to come back to what was discussed in § 2: in certain societies, the payment for services seems to be set by custom as firmly as any other social obligation, making it a clear disappointment of normal expectations to stray from this norm. However, likely no one in a modern civilized community would fully support equating the Just with the usual price for services: even though the judgments of practical people might imply this, they appear to be superficial or merely unintentional, overlooking the established method of determining market prices for goods through free competition among producers and sellers. Because where such competition exists, market value fluctuates, varying by location and time; thus, no informed person should expect it to remain fixed or complain of unfairness solely because it changes.
Can we then say that ‘market value’ (as determined by free competition) corresponds to our notion of what is ideally just?
Can we then say that 'market value' (as defined by free competition) aligns with our idea of what is ideally fair?
This is a question of much interest, because this is obviously the mode of determining the remuneration of services that would be universal in a society constructed on the principle previously discussed, of securing the greatest possible Freedom to all members of the community. It should be observed that[287] this, which we may call the Individualistic Ideal, is the type to which modern civilised communities have, until lately, been tending to approximate: and it is therefore very important to know whether it is one which completely satisfies the demands of morality; and whether Freedom, if not an absolute end or First Principle of abstract Justice, is still to be sought as the best means to the realisation of a just social order by the general requital of Desert.
This is a question of great interest because it's clearly the way to determine how services are compensated in a society built on the principle we discussed earlier: allowing the greatest possible freedom to all community members. It's important to note that[287] this idea, which we can call the Individualistic Ideal, is what modern civilized societies have been moving towards until recently. Therefore, it's crucial to understand whether this ideal fully meets the requirements of morality, and whether freedom, even if it isn't the ultimate goal or the First Principle of abstract justice, should still be pursued as the best way to achieve a fair social order through the general recognition of merit.
At first sight it seems plausible to urge that the ‘market value’ represents the estimate set upon anything by mankind generally, and therefore gives us exactly that ‘common sense’ judgment respecting value which we are now trying to find. But on examination it seems likely that the majority of men are not properly qualified to decide on the value of many important kinds of services, from imperfect knowledge of their nature and effects; so that, as far as these are concerned, the true judgment will not be represented in the market-place. Even in the case of things which a man is generally able to estimate, it may be manifest in a particular case that he is ignorant of the real utility of what he exchanges; and in this case the ‘free’ contract hardly seems to be fair: though if the ignorance was not caused by the other party to the exchange, Common Sense is hardly prepared to condemn the latter as unjust for taking advantage of it. For instance, if a man has discovered by a legitimate use of geological knowledge and skill that there is probably a valuable mine on land owned by a stranger, reasonable persons would not blame him for concealing his discovery until he had bought the mine at its market value: yet it could not be said that the seller got what it was really worth. In fact Common Sense is rather perplexed on this point: and the rationale of the conclusion at which it arrives, must, I conceive, be sought in economic considerations, which take us quite beyond the analysis of the common notion of Justice.[226]
At first glance, it seems reasonable to argue that the 'market value' reflects what everyone generally thinks something is worth, giving us the 'common sense' judgment about value that we’re trying to find. However, upon closer inspection, it appears that most people aren't really qualified to determine the value of many important types of services due to their limited understanding of their nature and effects. As a result, when it comes to these services, the true judgment isn't represented in the marketplace. Even in situations where someone can typically assess value, it may turn out that they're unaware of the actual usefulness of what they’re trading; in such cases, the 'free' contract doesn’t seem entirely fair. However, if the other party in the exchange didn’t cause this ignorance, common sense is generally not inclined to label them as unjust for benefiting from it. For example, if someone discovers, through legitimate geological insight, that there's likely a valuable mine on someone else's land, most reasonable people wouldn't criticize him for keeping his discovery a secret until he purchased the mine at its market value; yet, it wouldn’t mean the seller received what it was genuinely worth. In fact, common sense finds this issue quite confusing, and the reasoning behind its conclusion, I believe, lies within economic factors that take us beyond just the basic ideas of justice.[226]
Again, there are social services recognised as highly important which generally speaking have no price in any market, on account of the indirectness and uncertainty of their practical utility: as, for instance, scientific discoveries. The extent to which any given discovery will aid industrial invention is so[288] uncertain, that even if the secret of it could be conveniently kept, it would not usually be profitable to buy it.
Once again, there are social services considered extremely important that usually have no price in any market due to the indirect and uncertain nature of their practical benefits, like scientific discoveries. The degree to which any specific discovery will contribute to industrial innovation is so[288] unpredictable that even if the secret could be easily protected, it typically wouldn't be worth it to purchase it.
But even if we confine our attention to products and services generally marketable, and to bargains thoroughly understood on both sides, there are still serious difficulties in the way of identifying the notions of ‘free’ and ‘fair’ exchange. Thus, where an individual, or combination of individuals, has the monopoly of a certain kind of services, the market-price of the aggregate of such services can under certain conditions be increased by diminishing their total amount; but it would seem absurd to say that the social Desert of those rendering the services is thereby increased, and a plain man has grave doubts whether the price thus attained is fair. Still less is it thought fair to take advantage of the transient monopoly produced by emergency: thus, if I saw Crœsus drowning and no one near, it would not be held fair in me to refuse to save him except at the price of half his wealth. But if so, can it be fair for any class of persons to gain competitively by the unfavourable economic situation of another class with which they deal? And if we admit that it would be unfair, where are we to draw the line? For any increase of the numbers of a class renders its situation for bargaining less favourable: since the market price of different services depends partly upon the ease or difficulty of procuring them—as Political Economists say, ‘on the relation between the supply of services and the demand for them’—and it does not seem that any individual’s social Desert can properly be lessened merely by the increased number or willingness of others rendering the same services. Nor, indeed, does it seem that it can be decreased by his own willingness, for it is strange to reward a man less because he is zealous and eager in the performance of his function; yet in bargaining the less willing always has the advantage. And, finally, it hardly appears that the social worth of a man’s service is necessarily increased by the fact that his service is rendered to those who can pay lavishly; but his reward is certainly likely to be greater from this cause.
But even if we focus on products and services that can be sold in the market, and on deals that are clearly understood by both parties, there are still significant challenges in defining what ‘free’ and ‘fair’ exchange really mean. For instance, if an individual or a group holds a monopoly over a specific kind of service, the overall market price for those services can sometimes increase by reducing their total availability; however, it seems unreasonable to say that the social value of those providing the services rises as a result, and a reasonable person would have serious doubts about whether the price is fair. It’s even less fair to exploit a temporary monopoly created by an emergency situation: for example, if I saw Crœsus drowning with no one else around, it wouldn’t be considered fair for me to refuse to save him unless he paid me half his wealth. So, if that’s the case, is it fair for any group of people to benefit competitively from the difficult economic circumstances faced by another group they interact with? And if we agree that it wouldn’t be fair, where do we draw the line? Because any increase in the number of people in a group makes their bargaining position less favorable; the market price of various services partly depends on how easy or hard they are to obtain—as political economists put it, ‘on the relationship between the supply of services and the demand for them’—and it doesn’t seem justifiable to lessen one individual’s social worth simply because the number of others offering the same services has increased. Furthermore, it also doesn’t seem fair that his social worth would decrease because of his own eagerness, as it’s odd to reward someone less just because they are enthusiastic and ready to perform their duties; yet, in negotiations, the less eager party typically has the advantage. Lastly, it’s hard to believe that the social value of a person’s service is automatically increased just because their service is provided to those who can afford to pay a lot; however, it’s certainly likely that their compensation will be higher because of this.
Such considerations as these have led some political thinkers to hold that Justice requires a mode of distributing payment for services, entirely different from that at present effected by free competition: and that all labourers ought to[289] be paid according to the intrinsic value of their labour as estimated by enlightened and competent judges. If the Socialistic Ideal—as we may perhaps call it—could be realised without counter-balancing evils, it would certainly seem to give a nearer approximation to what we conceive as Divine Justice than the present state of society affords. But this supposes that we have found the rational method of determining value: which, however, is still to seek. Shall we say that these judges are to take the value of a service as proportionate to the amount of happiness produced by it? If so, the calculation is, of course, exposed to all the difficulties of the hedonistic method discussed in Book ii.: but supposing these can be overcome, it is still hard to say how we are to compare the value of different services that must necessarily be combined to produce happy life. For example, how shall we compare the respective values of necessaries and luxuries? for we may be more sensible of the enjoyment derived from the latter, but we could not have this at all without the former. And, again, when different kinds of labour co-operate in the same production, how are we to estimate their relative values? for even if all mere unskilled labour may be brought to a common standard, this seems almost impossible in the case of different kinds of skill. For how shall we compare the labour of design with that of achievement? or the supervision of the whole with the execution of details? or the labour of actually producing with that of educating producers? or the service of the savant who discovers a new principle, with that of the inventor who applies it?
Such considerations have led some political thinkers to believe that justice requires a different way of distributing payment for services than what we currently have through free competition. They argue that all workers should be paid based on the intrinsic value of their labor as determined by knowledgeable and qualified judges. If the Socialistic Ideal—which we might call it—could be achieved without negative consequences, it would certainly seem to be a closer approximation to what we think of as Divine Justice than the current state of society offers. However, this assumes that we have found a logical way to determine value, which is still not established. Should we say that these judges should assess the value of a service based on the amount of happiness it produces? If that’s the case, the calculation faces all the challenges of the hedonistic approach discussed in Book II. But assuming these challenges can be addressed, it remains difficult to compare the value of different services that must work together to create a happy life. For instance, how do we compare the value of necessities versus luxuries? We may find greater enjoyment in the latter, but we wouldn't have them at all without the former. Additionally, when various types of labor work together on the same product, how do we assess their relative values? Even if we can standardize all unskilled labor, it seems nearly impossible to do the same for different types of skilled labor. How do we compare the work of designing with that of executing? Or the overall supervision with the attention to detail? Or the work of producing with the work of educating producers? Or the role of the expert who discovers a new principle with that of the inventor who puts it to use?
I do not see how these questions, or the difficulties noticed in the preceding paragraph, can be met by any analysis of our common notion of Justice. To deal with such points at all satisfactorily we have, I conceive, to adopt quite a different line of reasoning: we have to ask, not what services of a certain kind are intrinsically worth, but what reward can procure them and whether the rest of society gain by the services more than the equivalent reward. We have, in short, to give up as impracticable the construction of an ideally just social order,[227] in which all services are rewarded in exact pro[290]portion to their intrinsic value. And, for similar reasons, we seem forced to conclude, more generally, that it is impossible to obtain clear premises for a reasoned method of determining exactly different amounts of Good Desert. Indeed, perhaps, Common Sense scarcely holds such a method to be possible: for though it considers Ideal Justice to consist in rewarding Desert, it regards as Utopian any general attempt to realise this ideal in the social distribution of the means of happiness. In the actual state of society it is only within a very limited range that any endeavour is made to reward Good Desert. Parents attempt this to some extent in dealing with their children, and the State in rewarding remarkable public services rendered by statesmen, soldiers, etc.: but reflection on these cases will show how very rough and imperfect are the standards used in deciding the amount due. And ordinarily the only kind of Justice which we try to realise is that which consists in the fulfilment of contracts and definite expectations; leaving the general fairness of Distribution by Bargaining to take care of itself.
I don’t see how these questions or the difficulties mentioned in the previous paragraph can be addressed through any analysis of our shared understanding of Justice. To tackle these points satisfactorily, we need to take a completely different approach: we have to ask not what certain kinds of services are inherently worth, but what kind of reward can secure them and whether society benefits from these services more than the equivalent reward. In short, we have to abandon the idea of creating an ideally just social order,[227] where all services are rewarded in exact proportion to their intrinsic value. Moreover, for similar reasons, we seem to have to conclude that it’s impossible to establish clear principles for a rational method of determining the exact different amounts of Good Desert. In fact, perhaps Common Sense hardly believes such a method is possible: while it sees Ideal Justice as rewarding Desert, it considers any widespread attempt to realize this ideal in society's distribution of happiness as Utopian. In the current state of society, efforts to reward Good Desert are made only within a very limited scope. Parents try to do this to some extent with their children, and the State does so when rewarding significant public services provided by statesmen, soldiers, and so on; but reflecting on these situations shows how rough and imperfect the standards are for deciding the appropriate amount owed. Typically, the only kind of Justice we seek to realize is that which involves fulfilling contracts and specific expectations, leaving the overall fairness of Distribution by Bargaining to manage itself.
§ 7. When we pass to consider the case of Criminal Justice, we find, in the first place, difficulties corresponding to those which we have already noticed. We find, to begin, a similar implication and partial confusion of the ideas of Law and Justice. For, as was said, by ‘bringing a man to Justice’ we commonly mean ‘inflicting legal punishment’ on him: and we think it right that neither more nor less than the penalty prescribed by law should be executed, even though we may regard the legal scale of punishment as unjust. At the same time, we have no such perplexity in respect of changes in the law as occurs in the case of Civil Justice; for we do not think that a man can acquire, by custom, prescriptive rights to over-lenient punishment, as he is thought to do to an unequal distribution of liberties and privileges. If now we investigate the ideal of Criminal Justice, as intuitively determined, we certainly find that in so far as punishment is not regarded as merely preventive,[228] it is commonly thought that it ought to be proportioned to the[291] gravity of crime.[229] Still, when we endeavour to make the method of apportionment perfectly rational and precise, the difficulties seem at least as great as in the case of Good Desert. For, first, the assumption of Free Will seems necessarily to come in here also; since if a man’s bad deeds are entirely caused by nature and circumstances, it certainly appears, as Robert Owen urged, that he does not properly deserve to be punished for them; Justice would rather seem to require us to try to alter the conditions under which he acts. And we actually do punish deliberate offences more than impulsive, perhaps as implying a more free choice of evil. Again, we think that offences committed by persons who have had no moral training, or a perverted training, are really less criminal; at the same time it is commonly agreed that men can hardly remit punishment on this account. Again the gravity—from a moral point of view—of a crime seems to be at least much reduced, if the motive be laudable, as when a man kills a villain whose crimes elude legal punishment, or heads a hopeless rebellion for the good of his country: still it would be paradoxical to affirm that we ought to reduce punishment proportionally: Common Sense would hold that—whatever God may do—men must, generally speaking, inflict severe punishment for any gravely mischievous act forbidden by law which has been intentionally done, even though it may have been prompted by a good motive.
§ 7. When we look at Criminal Justice, we find similar challenges to those we've already pointed out. To start, there’s a mix-up between the concepts of Law and Justice. As mentioned, when we say we are ‘bringing a man to Justice’, we usually mean ‘imposing legal punishment’ on him. We believe it's necessary to carry out exactly the penalty laid out by law, even if we see that legal punishment as unfair. However, we don’t face the same confusion about changes in the law as we do with Civil Justice; we don’t think a person can gain, through custom, the right to excessively lenient punishment the way they can with an unequal distribution of liberties and privileges. Now, if we explore the ideal of Criminal Justice based on our intuition, we generally believe that punishment should fit the severity of the crime, as long as we don’t see it merely as preventive.[228] There are still significant challenges in trying to establish a perfectly rational and precise method of determining punishment, similar to those faced with Good Desert. Firstly, the idea of Free Will comes into play here too; if a person's bad actions are completely determined by their nature and circumstances, as Robert Owen suggested, then it seems unfair to punish them for those actions. Justice would likely require us to change the conditions that lead to those actions. We tend to punish deliberate offenses more than impulsive ones, seeing them as reflecting a greater choice of wrongdoing. Moreover, we view crimes committed by people who have had no moral guidance or a distorted upbringing as genuinely less criminal; yet, it’s commonly accepted that punishment can hardly be reduced for this reason. Additionally, the moral severity of a crime seems lessened if the motive is commendable, like when someone kills a villain who escapes legal justice, or participates in a hopeless rebellion for the benefit of their country. Still, it would be contradictory to say we should lessen the punishment proportionally: Common Sense would argue that—regardless of what God may do—people must generally impose harsh punishment for any serious harmful act prohibited by law that was intentionally committed, even if it was driven by good intentions.
But even if we neglect the motive, and take the intention only into account, it is not easy to state clear principles for determining the gravity of crimes. For sometimes, as in the case of the patriotic rebel, the intention of the criminal is to do what is right and good: and in many cases, though he knows that he is doing wrong, he does not intend to cause any actual harm to any sentient being; as when a thief takes what he thinks will not be missed. Again, we do not commonly think that a crime is rendered less grave by being[292] kept perfectly secret; and yet a great part of the harm done by a crime is the ‘secondary evil’ (as Bentham calls it) of the alarm and insecurity which it causes; and this part is cut off by complete secrecy. It may be replied that this latter difficulty is not a practical one; because we are not called upon to punish a crime until it has been discovered, and then the secondary evil has been caused, and is all the greater because of the previous secrecy. But it remains true that it was not designed for discovery; and therefore that this part of the evil caused by the crime was not intended by the criminal. And if we say that the heinousness of the crime depends on the loss of happiness that would generally be caused by such acts if they were allowed to go unpunished, and that we must suppose the criminal to be aware of this; we seem to be endeavouring to force a utilitarian theory into an intuitional form by means of a legal fiction.
But even if we ignore the motive and focus only on intention, it's not easy to clearly define principles for assessing the seriousness of crimes. Sometimes, as in the case of a patriotic rebel, the criminal intends to do what is right and good. In many instances, even if someone knows they're doing wrong, they don't intend to cause actual harm to any living being; like when a thief takes something they believe won't be missed. Additionally, we generally don't think that a crime becomes less serious just because it's kept completely secret. Yet, a significant part of the harm caused by a crime is the "secondary evil" (as Bentham calls it) of the fear and insecurity it creates, and this is eliminated by total secrecy. One might argue that this challenge isn't practical since we don't punish a crime until it's been discovered, at which point the secondary evil has already occurred and is often amplified due to the prior secrecy. However, it's still true that the crime wasn't intended to be discovered, meaning that this aspect of the harm was not meant by the criminal. If we claim that the severity of the crime depends on the loss of happiness that would usually follow such acts if they were left unpunished, and we expect the criminal to be aware of this, it feels like we're trying to fit a utilitarian theory into an intuitional framework through a legal fiction.
We have hitherto spoken of intentional wrong-doing: but positive law awards punishment also for harm that is due to rashness or negligence; and the justification of this involves us in further difficulties. Some jurists seem to regard rashness and negligence as positive states of mind, in which the agent consciously refuses the attention or reflection which he knows he ought to give; and no doubt this sort of wilful recklessness does sometimes occur, and seems as properly punishable as if the resulting harm had been positively intended. But the law as actually administered does not require evidence that this was the agent’s state of mind (which indeed in most cases it would be impossible to give): but is content with proof that the harm might have been prevented by such care as an average man would have shown under the circumstances. And most commonly by ‘carelessness’ we simply mean a purely negative psychological fact, i.e. that the agent did not perform certain processes of observation or reflection; it is therefore at the time strictly involuntary, and so scarcely seems to involve ill-desert. It may be said perhaps that though the present carelessness is not blameworthy, the past neglect to cultivate habits of care is so. But in many individual instances we cannot reasonably infer even this past neglect; and in such cases the utilitarian theory of[293] punishment, which regards it as a means of preventing similar harmful acts in the future, seems alone applicable. Similar difficulties arise, as was before hinted (p. 282), in determining the limits within which Reparation is due; that is, on the view that it is not incumbent on us to make compensation for all harm caused by our muscular actions, but only for harm which—if not intentional—was due to our rashness or negligence.
We've previously talked about intentional wrongdoing, but the law also punishes harm caused by recklessness or negligence. This raises more complex issues. Some legal experts consider recklessness and negligence as mental states where a person consciously ignores the attention or thought they should give. While this kind of deliberate carelessness does happen and seems rightly punishable like intentional harm, the law generally doesn’t require proof of this mental state, which would often be impossible to establish. Instead, it only requires evidence that the harm could have been avoided through the kind of care that an average person would show in that situation. Most of the time, when we say "carelessness," we mean a purely negative psychological fact—specifically, that the person didn’t engage in certain observation or reflection processes; therefore, it’s often involuntary at the time and doesn’t seem to warrant punishment. One might argue that while the current carelessness isn’t blameworthy, the prior failure to develop habits of care is. However, in many specific cases, we can’t reasonably conclude that past neglect occurred, and in those situations, the utilitarian perspective on punishment, which views it as a way to prevent similar harmful acts in the future, seems most relevant. Similar issues arise, as mentioned earlier (p. 282), when figuring out the limits of when reparation is due; meaning, it's not our responsibility to compensate for all harm caused by our physical actions, but only for harm that—if not intentional—was caused by our recklessness or negligence.
The results of this examination of Justice may be summed up as follows. The prominent element in Justice as ordinarily conceived is a kind of Equality: that is, Impartiality in the observance or enforcement of certain general rules allotting good or evil to individuals. But when we have clearly distinguished this element, we see that the definition of the virtue required for practical guidance is left obviously incomplete. Inquiring further for the right general principles of distribution, we find that our common notion of Justice includes—besides the principle of Reparation for injury—two quite distinct and divergent elements. The one, which we may call Conservative Justice, is realised (1) in the observance of Law and Contracts and definite understandings, and in the enforcement of such penalties for the violation of these as have been legally determined and announced; and (2) in the fulfilment of natural and normal expectations. This latter obligation, however, is of a somewhat indefinite kind. But the other element, which we have called Ideal Justice, is still more difficult to define; for there seem to be two quite distinct conceptions of it, embodied respectively in what we have called the Individualistic and the Socialistic Ideals of a political community. The first of these takes the realisation of Freedom as the ultimate end and standard of right social relations: but on examining it closer we find that the notion of Freedom will not give a practicable basis for social construction without certain arbitrary[230] definitions and limitations: and even if we admit these, still a society in which Freedom is realised as far as is feasible does not completely suit our sense of Justice. Prima facie, this is more satisfied[294] by the Socialistic Ideal of Distribution, founded on the principle of requiting Desert: but when we try to make this principle precise, we find ourselves again involved in grave difficulties; and similar perplexities beset the working out of rules of Criminal Justice on the same principle.
The findings from this examination of Justice can be summarized as follows. The main aspect of Justice, as it is typically understood, is a form of Equality: that is, Impartiality in upholding or enforcing general rules that assign good or bad outcomes to individuals. However, once we identify this aspect, it becomes clear that the definition of the virtue needed for practical guidance is obviously incomplete. When we look further for the correct general principles of distribution, we discover that our common understanding of Justice includes—besides the principle of compensating for harm—two distinct and divergent elements. The first, which we can call Conservative Justice, is manifested (1) in the observance of Laws and Contracts and clear agreements, and in the enforcement of penalties for violations that have been legally established and announced; and (2) in meeting natural and typical expectations. This latter obligation, however, is somewhat vague. The second element, which we refer to as Ideal Justice, is even more challenging to define; as there appear to be two separate concepts of it, represented by what we call the Individualistic and the Socialistic Ideals of a political community. The former views the realization of Freedom as the ultimate goal and standard for proper social relations: yet, on closer inspection, we find that the idea of Freedom cannot provide a workable foundation for social structure without certain arbitrary definitions and limitations. Even if we accept these, a society where Freedom is realized as much as possible does not fully satisfy our sense of Justice. At first glance, this is more aligned with the Socialistic Ideal of Distribution, which is based on the principle of rewarding Merit: but when we attempt to clarify this principle, we encounter significant challenges; similar confusion arises when trying to develop rules of Criminal Justice based on the same principle.
CHAPTER VI
Laws and Promises
§ 1. In the discussion of Justice the moral obligations of obedience to Law and observance of Contract have been included, and have, indeed, appeared to be the most definite part of the complex system of private duties commonly included under that term. At the same time, as we have seen, there are some laws, the violation of which does not interfere with the rights of others, and therefore has not the characteristics of an act of Injustice. While again, the duty of Fidelity to promises is also commonly conceived as independent of any injury that might be done to the promisee by breaking it: for (e.g.) men ordinarily judge that promises to the dead, though they are beyond the reach of injury, ought to be kept: indeed, some would regard them as even more sacred than promises made to the living. It seems therefore desirable to examine the propositions ‘that Law ought to be obeyed’ and ‘that promises ought to be kept,’ considered as independent principles.
§ 1. In the discussion of Justice, the moral responsibilities of following the Law and honoring Contracts have been included, and they appear to be the clearest part of the intricate system of private duties typically associated with that term. At the same time, as we've seen, there are some laws whose violation does not affect the rights of others, and therefore it doesn't have the qualities of an act of Injustice. Additionally, the obligation to keep promises is often thought of as separate from any harm that might be caused to the promisee by breaking it: for example, people generally believe that promises made to the deceased, even though they cannot be harmed, should be upheld; in fact, some would see them as even more sacred than promises made to the living. It seems, then, worthwhile to examine the statements ‘that Law should be obeyed’ and ‘that promises should be kept,’ considering them as independent principles.
To begin with the former: how are we to ascertain what the Law is which, as is commonly thought, we are morally bound to obey, as such? It is plain that we cannot here distinguish Legal from other rules by considering the sanctions actually attached to them, as we had occasion to do in a previous chapter.[231] For commands issued by rebels and usurpers are held to have as such no general bindingness, though they may be enforced by judicial penalties; it would be generally agreed that so far as it is our duty to obey such commands this is solely in order to avoid the[296] greater evils which might result to ourselves and others from our disobedience; and that the extent of such a duty must be determined by considerations of expediency. Nor, again, can we say that all commands even of a legitimate sovereign are to be regarded as Laws in the sense in which the term must be taken in the proposition that ‘laws ought to be obeyed’: since we all recognise that a rightful sovereign may command his subjects to do what is wrong, and that it is then their duty to disobey him. It seems therefore that for our present purpose we must define Laws to be Rules of Conduct laid down by a Rightful Authority, commanding within the limits of its authority.
To start with the first point: how can we determine what the Law is, which many believe we are morally obligated to follow? It’s clear that we can’t distinguish Legal rules from others just by looking at the penalties attached to them, as we discussed in an earlier chapter.[231] Commands from rebels and usurpers don’t have any general obligation, even if they are enforced through legal penalties; it would be widely accepted that our obligation to follow such commands is only to prevent the bigger harm that could come to us and others from disobeying them, and that the extent of this obligation should be based on practical considerations. Moreover, we can’t say that all commands from a legitimate ruler should be considered Laws in the sense used in the statement that ‘laws ought to be obeyed’: because we all recognize that a rightful ruler can ask his subjects to do wrong things, and in those cases, it’s their duty to refuse. Therefore, for our current discussion, we should define Laws as Rules of Conduct established by a Legitimate Authority, enforcing within the scope of its power.
There are therefore two questions to be settled, if the proposition that laws ought to be obeyed is to furnish practical guidance: (1) how we are to distinguish the Rightful Lawmaker—whether individual or body, and (2) how we are to ascertain the limits of this lawmaker’s authority. The questions should be distinguished; but, as we shall see, they can only be partially separated. Beginning with the first question, we may assume that the authority to make laws resides in some living man or men. No doubt in some societies, at some stages of their development, the whole or a part of the code of laws habitually observed, or at least recognised as binding, has been believed to be of divine or semi-divine institution; or perhaps from mere antiquity to possess a sanctity superior to that of any living authority, so as to be not legitimately alterable. But we hardly find this view in the Common Sense of civilised Europe, upon which we are now reflecting: at any rate in our societies there is not thought to be any portion of the definite prescriptions of positive law which, in virtue of its origin, is beyond the reach of alteration by any living authority.
There are two questions that need to be addressed if we want the idea that laws should be followed to provide practical guidance: (1) how do we identify the rightful lawmaker—whether an individual or a group, and (2) how do we determine the limits of that lawmaker’s authority? These questions should be seen as separate, but as we will see, they can only be partially divided. Starting with the first question, we can assume that the authority to create laws lies with some living person or group of people. It's true that in some societies, at certain points in their development, the entire or part of the legal code that is regularly followed or at least acknowledged as binding has been thought to be of divine or semi-divine origin; or perhaps, simply due to its age, it's regarded as having a sanctity that is greater than that of any living authority, making it unchangeable. However, we rarely find this perspective in the common understanding of civilized Europe, which is what we are currently considering: at least in our societies, there isn't a belief that any part of the specific rules of positive law is, due to its origin, immune to changes made by any living authority.
Where then is this authority to be found?
Where can this authority be found?
In the answers commonly given to this question, the conflict between the Ideal and the Traditional or Customary, which has perplexed us in seeking the definition of Justice, meets us again in an even more complicated form. For not only do some say that obedience is always due to the traditionally legitimate authority in any country, while others maintain that an authority constituted in accordance with[297] certain abstract principles is essentially legitimate, and that a nation has a right to claim that such an authority shall be established, even at the risk of civil strife and bloodshed: but often, too, the authority actually established is not even traditionally legitimate. So that we have to distinguish three claims to authority, each of which may come into conflict with either of the other two: (1) that of the Government held to be ideally or abstractly right, and such as ought to be established: (2) that of the Government de jure, according to the constitutional traditions in any given country: and (3) that of the de facto Government.
In the common responses to this question, the conflict between the Ideal and the Traditional or Customary, which has made defining Justice challenging for us, presents itself again in a more complex way. Some people argue that obedience is always owed to the traditionally legitimate authority in any country, while others insist that an authority that is set up based on certain abstract principles is fundamentally legitimate, and that a nation has the right to demand that such authority be established, even if it leads to civil unrest and violence. Additionally, the authority that is actually in place is not always traditionally legitimate. Therefore, we must distinguish three claims to authority, each of which can conflict with either of the others: (1) that of the Government considered ideally or abstractly correct, which ought to be established; (2) that of the Government de jure, according to the constitutional traditions in any given country; and (3) that of the de facto Government.
§ 2. Let us begin by considering the Ideal. Here I do not propose to consider all views as to the right constitution of supreme authority which speculative thinkers have put forward; but only such as have a prima facie claim to express the Common Sense of mankind on the subject. Of these the most important, and the most widely urged and admitted, is the principle that the Sovereign in any community can only be rightly constituted by the Consent of the Subjects. This, as was noticed in the preceding chapter, is involved in the adoption of Freedom as the ultimate end of political order: if no one originally owes anything to another except non-interference, he clearly ought only to be placed in the relation of Subject to Sovereign by his own consent. And thus, in order to reconcile the original right of Freedom with the actual duty of Law-observance, some supposition of a social compact appears necessary; by means of which Obedience to Law becomes merely a special application of the duty of keeping compacts.
§ 2. Let’s start by looking at the Ideal. I’m not going to discuss all the theories about the right structure of supreme authority that thinkers have proposed; instead, I'll focus on those that seem to best reflect the Common Sense of humanity on this matter. Among these, the most significant and widely accepted is the idea that the Sovereign in any society can only be properly established through the Consent of the Subjects. As mentioned in the previous chapter, this idea is tied to accepting Freedom as the ultimate goal of political arrangement: if no one originally owes anything to another apart from non-interference, then they should only be made a Subject to a Sovereign with their own consent. Therefore, to align the original right to Freedom with the obligation to obey the law, we need to assume some form of social contract, whereby following the law becomes a specific way of fulfilling the duty to keep agreements.
In what way, then, are the terms of this fundamental compact to be known? No one now maintains the old view that the transition from the ‘natural’ to the ‘political’ state actually took place by means of an “original contract,” which conferred indelible legitimacy on some particular form of social organisation. Shall we say, then, that a man by remaining a member of a community enters into a ‘tacit undertaking’ to obey the laws and other commands imposed by the authority generally recognised as lawful in that community? In this way however the Ideal lapses into the Customary: and the most unlimited despotism, if established and traditional, might[298] claim to rest on free consent as well as any other form of government: so that the principle of abstract Freedom would lead to the justification of the most unqualified concrete tyranny and servitude; and thus our theory would end by riveting men’s chains under pretence of exalting their freedom. If to avoid this result, we suppose that certain ‘Natural Rights’ are inalienable—or tacitly reserved in the tacit compact—and that laws are not strictly legitimate which deprive a man of these, we are again met by the difficulty of deducing these inalienable rights from any clear and generally accepted principles. For instance, as we have seen, a widely accepted opinion is that all such rights may be summed up in the notion of Freedom; but we have also seen that this principle is ambiguous, and especially that the right of private property as commonly recognised cannot be clearly deduced from it; and if so it would certainly be most paradoxical to maintain that no government can legitimately claim obedience for any commands except such as carry out the principle of protecting from interference the Freedom of the individuals governed. It has been thought that we can avoid this difficulty by constituting the supreme organ of government so that any law laid down by it will always be a law to which every person called on to obey it will have consented personally or by his representatives: and that a government so constituted, in which—to adopt Rousseau’s phrase—every one “obeys himself alone,” will completely reconcile freedom and order. But how is this result to be attained? Rousseau held that it could be attained by pure direct democracy, each individual subordinating his private will to the “general will” of the sovereign people of which all are equally members. But this “general will” must be practically the will of the majority: and it is paradoxical to affirm that the freedom and natural rights of a dissentient minority are effectively protected by establishing the condition that the oppressors must exceed the oppressed in number. Again, if the principle be absolute it ought to apply to all human beings alike: and if to avoid this absurdity we exclude children, an arbitrary line has to be drawn: and the exclusion of women, which even those who regard the suffrage as a natural right are often disposed to maintain, seems altogether indefensible. And to suppose—as some have[299] done—that the ideal of “obeying oneself alone” can be even approximately realised by Representative Democracy, is even more patently absurd. For a Representative assembly is normally chosen only by a part of the nation, and each law is approved only by a part of the assembly: and it would be ridiculous to say that a man has assented to a law passed by a mere majority of an assembly against one member of which he has voted.
In what way can we understand the terms of this fundamental agreement? No one currently believes in the old idea that the shift from a 'natural' state to a 'political' state happened through an "original contract," which gave unchangeable legitimacy to a specific type of social organization. Should we then say that a person, by staying a member of a community, enters into a 'tacit agreement' to follow the laws and commands imposed by the authority widely recognized as legitimate in that community? However, in doing so, the Ideal becomes merely Customary: even the harshest tyranny, if it's established and traditional, might claim to be based on free consent just like any other form of government; thus, the principle of abstract Freedom could end up justifying the most blatant concrete tyranny and oppression, resulting in our theory chaining people while pretending to elevate their freedom. If to prevent this outcome we assume that certain 'Natural Rights' are inalienable—or implicitly reserved in the tacit agreement—and that laws are not truly legitimate if they take these away, we face the challenge of clearly defining these inalienable rights based on any agreed principles. For instance, as we’ve seen, a common view is that all such rights can be summed up as Freedom; but we've also noted that this principle is unclear, especially since the commonly accepted right to private property cannot be effectively deduced from it; if that’s the case, it would certainly be quite absurd to claim that no government can legitimately demand obedience for commands that don’t uphold the principle of protecting the Freedom of the individuals governed. Some have thought we could sidestep this issue by structuring the highest government authority so that any law it makes is one that everyone expected to obey has agreed to personally or through their representatives: and that such a government, in which—using Rousseau's wording—everyone “obeys themselves alone,” will perfectly balance freedom and order. But how can we achieve this? Rousseau believed this could be done through pure direct democracy, where each individual submits their private will to the “general will” of the sovereign people of which everyone is an equal member. However, this “general will” must practically reflect the majority’s will: it’s paradoxical to claim that the rights and freedoms of a minority who dissent are effectively protected by making it a requirement that the oppressors are outnumbered by the oppressed. Furthermore, if this principle is absolute, it should apply to all human beings equally: and if we want to avoid this absurdity by excluding children, we still have to draw an arbitrary line; and excluding women, which even those who see the right to vote as natural often seem to support, appears completely unjustifiable. And to assume—as some have suggested—that the ideal of “obeying oneself alone” can be even somewhat realized through Representative Democracy is even more obviously ridiculous. A Representative assembly is usually chosen by only a part of the nation, and each law is approved only by part of the assembly; it would be foolish to say that a person has agreed to a law made by a simple majority of an assembly against which they have voted.
But, again, to lay down absolutely that the laws of any community ought to express the will of the majority of its members seems incompatible with the view so vigorously maintained by Socrates and his most famous disciples, that laws ought to be made by people who understand law-making. For though the majority of a representative assembly in a particular country at a particular time may be more fit to make laws for their country than any set of experts otherwise selected, it is certainly not self-evident that this will be universally the case. Yet surely the Socratic proposition (which is merely a special application of the principle noticed in the latter part of the preceding chapter, ‘that function should be allotted to the fittest’) has as much claim to be considered a primary intuition as the one that we have been discussing. Indeed, the secular controversy between Aristocracy and Democracy seems ultimately reducible to a conflict between those two principles: a conflict of which it is impossible to find a solution, so long as the argument remains in the a priori region.
But again, to insist that the laws of any community should reflect the will of the majority of its members seems at odds with the strong belief held by Socrates and his most famous followers that laws should be created by people who truly understand law-making. While the majority of a representative assembly in a specific country at a specific time might be better suited to create laws for that country than any group of selected experts, it’s certainly not obvious that this will always be the case. Nevertheless, the Socratic idea (which is simply a specific application of the principle mentioned in the latter part of the previous chapter, ‘that function should be assigned to those most qualified’) deserves just as much consideration as a fundamental truth as the idea we’ve been discussing. In fact, the ongoing debate between Aristocracy and Democracy ultimately seems to boil down to a clash between these two principles: a conflict for which no solution can be found as long as the discussion remains in the a priori realm.
§ 3. However, to discuss this exhaustively would carry us too far beyond the range of Ethics proper: but we may perhaps conclude that it is impossible to elicit from Common Sense any clear and certain intuitions as to the principles on which an ideal constitution should be constructed. And there is an equal want of agreement as to the intrinsic lawfulness of introducing such a constitution in violation of the traditional and established order in any community. For some think that a nation has a natural right to a government approximately conformed to the ideal, and that this right may be maintained by force in the last resort. Others, however, hold that, though the ideal polity may rightly be put forward and commended, and every means used to promote its realisation which the established government in any country permits,—still, rebellion[300] can never be justifiable for this purpose alone. While others,—perhaps the majority,—would decide the question on grounds of expediency, balancing the advantages of improvement against the evils of disorder.
§ 3. However, discussing this in detail would take us too far outside the scope of Ethics itself. Still, we can conclude that it's impossible to get clear and definite ideas from Common Sense about the principles that should guide the creation of an ideal constitution. There’s also a lack of agreement on whether it’s lawful to establish such a constitution by violating the traditional and established order in any community. Some believe that a nation has a natural right to a government that closely aligns with the ideal, and that this right can be upheld by force as a last resort. Others argue that while the ideal government can be presented and promoted, and any means allowed by the current government can be used to achieve its realization, rebellion can never be justified solely for that purpose. Meanwhile, others—perhaps the majority—would evaluate the issue based on practicality, weighing the benefits of reform against the harms of disorder.
But further, as we saw, it is not so easy to say what the established government is. For sometimes an authority declared by law to be illegitimate issues ordinances and controls the administration of justice. The question then arises, how far obedience is due to such an authority. All are agreed that usurpation ought to be resisted; but as to the right behaviour towards an established government which has sprung from a successful usurpation, there is a great difference of opinion. Some think that it should be regarded as legitimate, as soon as it is firmly established: others that it ought to be obeyed at once, but under protest, with the purpose of renewing the conflict on a favourable opportunity: others think that this latter is the right attitude at first, but that a usurping government, when firmly established, loses its illegitimacy gradually, and that it becomes, after a while, as criminal to rebel against it as it was originally to establish it. And this last seems, on the whole, the view of Common Sense; but the point at which the metamorphosis is thought to take place can hardly be determined otherwise than by considerations of expediency.
But further, as we saw, it’s not easy to define what the established government is. Sometimes, an authority deemed illegitimate by law issues orders and manages the administration of justice. This raises the question of how much obedience is owed to such an authority. Everyone agrees that usurpation should be resisted; however, opinions differ greatly on the proper behavior towards an established government that has emerged from a successful usurpation. Some believe it should be considered legitimate as soon as it’s firmly in place; others think it should be followed immediately, but with a protest, aiming to renew the conflict when the opportunity is right. Some believe the latter approach is correct at first, but that a usurping government, once solidified, gradually loses its illegitimacy, making it—as time goes on—just as wrong to rebel against it as it was originally to establish it. This last perspective appears to reflect Common Sense; however, pinpointing the moment when this transformation occurs can only be determined by practical considerations.
But again, it is only in the case of an absolute government, where customary obedience is unconditionally due to one or more persons, that the fundamental difficulties of ascertaining the legitimacy of authority are of the simple kind just discussed. In a constitutionally governed state numerous other moral disagreements arise. For, in such a state, while it is of course held that the sovereign is morally bound to conform to the constitution,[232] it is still disputed whether the[301] subjects’ obligation to obedience is properly conceived as conditional upon this conformity: and whether they have the moral right (1) to refuse obedience to an unconstitutional command; and (2) even to inflict on the sovereign the penalty of rebellion for violating the constitution. Again, in determining what the constitutional obligations really are we find much perplexity and disagreement, not merely as to the exact ascertainment of the relevant historical facts but as to the principles on which these facts ought to be treated. For the various limitations of sovereign authority comprised in the constitution have often been originally concessions extorted by fear from a sovereign previously absolute; and it is doubted how far such concessions are morally binding on the sovereign from whom they were wrested, and still more how far they are binding on succeeding sovereigns. Or, vice versâ, a people may have allowed liberties once exercised to fall into disuse; and it is doubted whether it retains the right of reclaiming them. And, generally, when a constitutional rule has to be elicited from a comparison of precedents, it is open to dispute whether a particular act of either party should be regarded as a constitutive precedent or as an illegitimate encroachment. And hence we find that, in constitutional countries, men’s view of what their constitution traditionally is has often been greatly influenced by their view of what it ideally ought to be: in fact, the two questions have rarely been kept quite distinct.
But again, it’s only in the case of an absolute government, where obedience is unconditionally owed to one or more people, that the basic issues of determining the legitimacy of authority are as straightforward as just mentioned. In a constitutionally governed state, numerous other moral disagreements arise. For in such a state, while it is certainly accepted that the sovereign is morally obligated to follow the constitution,[232] it is still debated whether the subjects' obligation to obey is properly seen as dependent on this conformity: and whether they have the moral right (1) to refuse obedience to an unconstitutional command; and (2) even to impose the penalty of rebellion on the sovereign for violating the constitution. Furthermore, in determining what the constitutional obligations actually are, we encounter much confusion and disagreement, not only about the precise historical facts but also about the principles on which these facts should be evaluated. The various limitations on sovereign authority outlined in the constitution were often originally concessions forced out of fear from a previously absolute sovereign; and there is skepticism about how binding such concessions are on the sovereign from whom they were taken, and even more so, how binding they are on future sovereigns. Or, vice versa, a people might have allowed liberties once exercised to lapse; and there is doubt about whether they still have the right to reclaim them. Generally, when a constitutional rule has to be derived from a comparison of precedents, there's debate over whether a specific action by either party should be viewed as a foundational precedent or as an illegitimate overreach. Thus, we find that in constitutional countries, people's understanding of what their constitution traditionally is has often been heavily shaped by their view of what it ideally should be: in fact, these two questions have rarely been kept entirely separate.
§ 4. But even in cases where we can ascertain clearly to what authority obedience is properly due, further difficulties are liable to arise when we attempt to define the limits of such obedience. For in modern society, as we have seen, all admit that any authority ought to be disobeyed which commands immoral acts; but this is one of those tautological propositions, so common in popular morality, which convey no real information; the question is, what acts there are which do not cease to be immoral when they have been commanded by a rightful authority. There seems to be no clear principle upon which these can be determined. It has sometimes been said that the[302] Law cannot override definite duties; but the obligation of fidelity to contract is peculiarly definite, and yet we do not consider it right to fulfil a contract of which a law, passed subsequently to the making of the contract, has forbidden the execution. And, in fact, we do not find any practical agreement on this question, among persons who would not consciously accept the utilitarian method of deciding it by a balance of conflicting expediences. For some would say that the duties of the domestic relations must yield to the duty of law-observance, and that (e.g.) a son ought not to aid a parent actively or passively in escaping the punishment of crime: while others would consider this rule too inhuman to be laid down, and others would draw the line between assistance and connivance. And similarly, when a rightly constituted government commands acts unjust and oppressive to others; Common Sense recoils from saying either that all such commands ought to be obeyed or that all ought to be disobeyed; but—apart from utilitarian considerations—I can find no clear accepted principle for distinguishing those unjust commands of a legitimate government which ought to be obeyed from those which ought not to be obeyed. Again, some jurists hold that we are not strictly bound to obey laws, when they command what is not otherwise a duty, or forbid what is not otherwise a sin; on the ground that in the case of duties prescribed only by positive laws, the alternatives of obeying or submitting to the penalty are morally open to us.[233] Others, however, think this principle too lax; and certainly if a widespread preference of penalty to obedience were shown in the case of any particular law, the legislation in question would be thought to have failed. Nor, on the other hand, does there seem to be any agreement as to whether one is bound to submit to unjust penalties.
§ 4. However, even in situations where we can clearly identify which authority deserves our obedience, we still face challenges when trying to define the limits of that obedience. In today’s society, it’s generally accepted that we should disobey any authority that demands immoral actions; but this is one of those obvious statements common in popular ethics that provide no real insight. The real question is which actions remain immoral even when commanded by a legitimate authority. There doesn’t appear to be a clear principle to determine this. It has been suggested that the law cannot override specific duties; yet, the obligation to fulfill a contract is particularly clear, and still, we don’t believe it’s right to follow a contract that a law passed after the contract’s creation has prohibited. In fact, there seems to be no practical agreement on this issue among people who wouldn’t consciously argue using a utilitarian approach based on weighing conflicting outcomes. Some might argue that duties to family must yield to the obligation to follow the law, asserting that (e.g.) a son should not help a parent evade the consequences of a crime, while others find this rule too harsh to accept, and still others would make a distinction between helping and ignoring. Similarly, when a legitimately formed government orders unjust and oppressive actions against others, common sense hesitates to claim that all such orders must be obeyed or that all must be disobeyed; aside from utilitarian arguments, I can’t find a clear, accepted principle to differentiate between the unjust commands of a legitimate government that should be obeyed and those that shouldn’t. Moreover, some legal experts believe we aren't strictly obligated to follow laws that demand actions that aren’t otherwise duties, or prohibit actions that aren’t otherwise wrong, arguing that when duties are only set by positive laws, the choice between obeying or facing penalties is morally acceptable to us. Others, however, think this principle is too lenient; definitely, if there were a widespread tendency to prefer penalties over compliance regarding a specific law, that law would be seen as ineffective. On the other hand, there also appears to be no consensus on whether one is obligated to endure unjust penalties.
Since, then, on all these points there is found to be so much difference of opinion, it seems idle to maintain that there is any clear and precise axiom or first principle of Order, in[303]tuitively seen to be true by the common reason and conscience of mankind. There is, no doubt, a vague general habit of obedience to laws as such (even if bad laws), which may fairly claim the universal consensus of civilised society: but when we try to state any explicit principle corresponding to this general habit, the consensus seems to abandon us, and we are inevitably drawn into controversies which seem to admit of no solution except that offered by the utilitarian method.[234]
Since there’s so much disagreement on all these points, it feels pointless to argue that there’s any clear and precise rule or first principle of Order that is obviously true to the common reasoning and conscience of humanity. There is, of course, a general tendency to obey laws as such (even if those laws are bad), which can reasonably claim the universal consensus of civilized society: but when we try to articulate any specific principle that matches this general tendency, the consensus seems to disappear, and we inevitably get pulled into debates that seem to only accept the solutions proposed by the utilitarian method.[234]
§ 5. We have next to treat of Good Faith, or Fidelity to Promises; which it is natural to consider in this place, because, as has been seen, the Duty of Law-observance has by some thinkers been based upon a prior duty of fulfilling a contract. The Social Contract however, as above examined, seems at best merely a convenient fiction, a logical artifice, by which the mutual jural relations of the members of a civilised community may be neatly expressed: and in stating the ethical principles of Common Sense, such a fiction would seem to be out of place. It must, however, be allowed that there has frequently been a close historical connection between the Duty of Law-observance and the duty of Good Faith. In the first place, a considerable amount of Constitutional Law at least, in certain ages and countries, has been established or confirmed by compacts expressly made between different sections of the community; who agree that for the future government shall be carried on according to certain rules. The duty of observing these rules thus presents itself as a Duty of Fidelity to compact. Yet more is this the case, when the question is one of imposing not a law, but a law-giver; whose authority is strengthened by the exaction of an oath of allegiance from his subjects generally or a representative portion of them. Still, even in such cases, it can only be by a palpable fiction that the mass of the citizens can be regarded as bound by an engagement which only a few of them have actually taken.
§ 5. Next, we need to discuss Good Faith, or keeping Promises, which makes sense to consider here because, as previously noted, some thinkers have argued that the obligation to follow the law is based on a prior obligation to fulfill a contract. However, the Social Contract, as examined above, seems to be more of a convenient fiction, a logical device to clearly express the mutual legal relationships among the members of a civilized community. When stating the ethical principles of Common Sense, such a fiction might seem out of place. It must be acknowledged, though, that there has often been a strong historical link between the obligation to follow the law and the duty of Good Faith. In certain times and places, a significant amount of Constitutional Law has been established or validated through agreements made between different parts of the community, where they agree that future governance will follow specific rules. Thus, the obligation to follow these rules emerges as a Duty of Fidelity to the agreement. This is even more evident when the issue involves not just a law, but a lawmaker, whose authority is bolstered by requiring an oath of loyalty from his subjects as a whole or from a representative group of them. Still, even in such situations, it is only through a clear fiction that the majority of citizens can be seen as bound by a commitment that only a few have actually made.
We may begin our examination of the duty of Keeping Promises by noticing that some moralists have classified or even identified it with Veracity. From one point of view there certainly seems to be an analogy between the two; as we fulfil the obligations of Veracity and Good Faith alike by effecting a[304] correspondence between words and facts—in the one case by making fact correspond with statement, and in the other by making statement correspond with fact. But the analogy is obviously superficial and imperfect; for we are not bound to make our actions correspond with our assertions generally, but only with our promises. If I merely assert my intention of abstaining from alcohol for a year, and then after a week take some, I am (at worst) ridiculed as inconsistent: but if I have pledged myself to abstain, I am blamed as untrustworthy. Thus the essential element of the Duty of Good Faith seems to be not conformity to my own statement, but to expectations that I have intentionally raised in others.
We can start our discussion of the duty to Keep Promises by noting that some ethicists have classified it or even equated it with Honesty. From one perspective, there does seem to be a similarity between the two; we fulfill the obligations of Honesty and Good Faith alike by aligning our words and actions—in one case by ensuring that our facts match our statements, and in the other by making our statements match the facts. However, this similarity is clearly superficial and flawed; we are not obligated to align our actions with our statements in general, but only with our promises. If I simply claim that I intend to avoid alcohol for a year and then drink some after a week, I am (at worst) seen as inconsistent. But if I have committed to abstaining, I am judged as untrustworthy. Therefore, the core aspect of the Duty of Good Faith seems to be not adhering to my own words, but meeting the expectations I have intentionally created in others.
On this view, however, the question arises whether, when a promise has been understood in a sense not intended by the promiser, he is bound to satisfy expectations which he did not voluntarily create. It is, I think, clear to Common Sense that he is so bound in some cases, if the expectation was natural and such as most men would form under the circumstances: but this would seem to be one of the more or less indefinite duties of Justice, and not properly of Good Faith, as there has not been, strictly speaking, any promise at all. The normal effect of language is to convey the speaker’s meaning to the person addressed (here the promiser’s to the promisee), and we always suppose this to have taken place when we speak of a promise. If through any accident this normal effect is missed, we may say that there is no promise, or not a perfect promise.
On this view, however, the question comes up whether, when a promise has been understood in a way not intended by the person making the promise, they are obliged to meet expectations they didn't voluntarily create. It seems clear to common sense that they are bound in some cases, especially if the expectation was natural and something most people would form in that situation. However, this appears to be one of those vague duties of justice, rather than an issue of good faith, since there hasn’t been, strictly speaking, a real promise made at all. The usual effect of language is to communicate the speaker’s meaning to the person being addressed (in this case, the promiser to the promisee), and we always assume this has happened when we discuss a promise. If, due to some accident, this normal effect isn’t achieved, we might say that there isn’t a promise, or at least not a valid one.
The moral obligation, then, of a promise is perfectly constituted when it is understood by both parties in the same sense. And by the term ‘promise’ we include not words only, but all signs and even tacit understandings not expressly signified in any way, if such clearly form a part of the engagement. The promiser is bound to perform what both he and the promisee understood to be undertaken.
The moral obligation of a promise is fully established when both parties understand it in the same way. By "promise," we mean not just words, but all signs and even unspoken agreements that are clearly part of the commitment. The person making the promise is obligated to fulfill what both they and the person receiving the promise agreed upon.
§ 6. Is, then, this obligation intuitively seen to be independent and certain?
§ 6. Is this obligation clearly understood to be independent and certain?
It is often said to be so: and perhaps we may say that it seems so to unreflective common sense. But reflection seems at least to disclose a considerable number of qualifications of the principle; some clear and precise, while others are more or less indefinite.
It’s often said that this is the case, and maybe we can agree that it appears so to unthinking common sense. However, deeper thinking seems to reveal a significant number of qualifications to the principle; some are clear and specific, while others are more vague or unclear.
In the first place, thoughtful persons would commonly admit that the obligation of a promise is relative to the promisee, and may be annulled by him. And therefore if the promisee be dead, or otherwise inaccessible and incapable of granting release, there is constituted an exceptional case, of which the solution presents some difficulty.[235]
In the first place, thoughtful people would generally agree that the obligation of a promise depends on the promisee and can be canceled by them. So, if the promisee is dead or otherwise unreachable and unable to give a release, that creates an unusual situation, and resolving it can be somewhat challenging.[235]
Secondly, a promise to do an immoral act is held not to be binding, because the prior obligation not to do the act is paramount; just as in law a contract to do what a man is not legally free to do, is invalid: otherwise one could evade any moral obligation by promising not to fulfil it, which is clearly absurd.[236] And the same principle is of course applicable to immoral omissions or forbearances to act: here however, a certain difficulty arises from the necessity of distinguishing between different kinds or degrees of obligatoriness in duties; since it is clear that a promise may sometimes make it obligatory to abstain from doing what it would otherwise have been a duty to do. Thus it becomes my duty not to give money to a meritorious hospital if I have promised all I can spare to an undeserving friend; though apart from the promise it might have been my duty to prefer the hospital to the friend. We have, however, already seen the difficulty of defining the limits of strict duty in many cases: thus (e.g.) it might be doubted how far the promise of aid to a friend ought to override the duty of giving one’s children a good education. The extent, therefore, to which the obligation of a promise overrides prior obligations becomes practically somewhat obscure.
Secondly, a promise to commit an immoral act isn’t considered binding because the existing obligation not to do the act takes precedence; similar to how, in law, a contract to do something a person isn't legally allowed to do is invalid. Otherwise, someone could avoid any moral obligation by simply promising not to fulfill it, which is obviously ridiculous.[236] The same principle applies to immoral acts of omission: however, a challenge arises when we need to differentiate between various kinds or levels of obligation in duties. It's clear that a promise can sometimes make it mandatory to refrain from doing what would normally be considered a duty. For example, it becomes my duty not to donate to a deserving hospital if I’ve promised all my spare funds to a friend who doesn’t deserve it; although, without the promise, I might have considered it my duty to support the hospital over the friend. However, we have already encountered the challenge of defining the boundaries of strict duty in many situations: thus, for instance, it might be questioned how much a promise of assistance to a friend should take precedence over the duty of providing a good education for one’s children. Therefore, the extent to which the obligation of a promise supersedes prior obligations becomes practically somewhat unclear.
§ 7. Further qualifications of the duty of fidelity to promises, the consideration of which is involved in more difficulty and dispute, are suggested when we examine more closely the conditions under which promises are made, and the consequences of executing them. In the first place, it is much disputed how far promises obtained by ‘fraud or force’ are binding. As regards fraud, if the promise was understood[306] to be conditional on the truth of a statement which is found to be false, it is of course not binding, according to the principle I originally laid down. But a promise may be made in consequence of such a fraudulent statement, and yet made quite unconditionally. Even so, if it were clearly understood that it would not have been made but for the false statement,[237] probably most persons would regard it as not binding. But the false statement may be only one consideration among others, and it may be of any degree of weight; and it seems doubtful whether we should feel justified in breaking a promise, because a single fraudulent statement had been a part of the inducement to make it: still more if there has been no explicit assertion, but only a suggestion of what is false: or no falsehood at all, stated or suggested, but only a concealment of material circumstances. We may observe that certain kinds of concealment are treated as legitimate by our law: in most contracts of sale, for example, the law adopts the principle of ‘caveat emptor,’ and does not refuse to enforce the contract because the seller did not disclose defects in the article sold, unless by some words or acts he produced the belief that it was free from such defects. Still, this does not settle the moral question how far a promise is binding if any material concealment is shown to have been used to obtain it. We have also to consider the case in which an erroneous impression has not been wilfully produced, but was either shared by the promisee or produced in some way unintentionally. Perhaps in this last case most would say that the bindingness of the promise is not affected, unless it was expressly conditional. But on all these points Common Sense seems doubtful: and somewhat similar difficulties present themselves when we endeavour to define the obligation of promises partly obtained by some degree of illegal violence and intimidation.
§ 7. Further qualifications of the duty to be faithful to promises, which involve more difficulty and debate, arise when we closely examine the conditions under which promises are made and the consequences of fulfilling them. First, there is much disagreement about how binding promises made under ‘fraud or force’ actually are. Regarding fraud, if the promise was understood to be conditional on the truth of a statement that turns out to be false, then it is definitely not binding, according to the principle I originally established. However, a promise can be made due to such a fraudulent statement, and it can still be completely unconditional. Even in that case, if it was clearly understood that the promise wouldn’t have been made if not for the false statement, most people would likely consider it not binding. Yet, the false statement might just be one factor among others and could have varying degrees of significance; it seems questionable whether we should feel justified in breaking a promise just because a single fraudulent statement was part of the reason for making it—especially if there wasn't a clear assertion but only a suggestion of something false, or if there was no falsehood stated or suggested at all, but just a concealment of important details. We can note that certain types of concealment are considered acceptable under our law: for instance, in most sales contracts, the law applies the principle of ‘caveat emptor,’ and does not invalidate a contract simply because the seller didn’t disclose defects in the item sold, unless the seller said or did something that led the buyer to believe it was defect-free. Still, this doesn’t address the moral question of how binding a promise is if any material concealment was used to obtain it. We also need to consider situations where a false impression wasn’t intentionally created but was shared by the promisee or was unintentionally produced in some way. In this last situation, most might say that the binding nature of the promise isn’t affected unless it was expressly conditional. But on all these issues, Common Sense seems uncertain: and similar difficulties arise when we try to define the obligation of promises partly made under some level of illegal violence and intimidation.
§ 8. But, secondly, even if a promise has been made quite freely and fairly, circumstances may alter so much before the time comes to fulfil it, that the effects of keeping it may be quite other than those which were foreseen when it was made. In such a case probably all would agree that the promisee ought to release the promiser. But if he declines to do this,[307] it seems difficult to decide how far the latter is bound. Some would say that he is in all cases: while others would consider that a considerable alteration of circumstances removed the obligation—perhaps adding that all engagements must be understood to be taken subject to a general understanding that they are only binding if material circumstances remain substantially the same. But such a principle very much impairs the theoretical definiteness of the duty.
§ 8. However, even if a promise was made freely and fairly, things can change so much before it’s time to fulfill it that the consequences of keeping that promise can be completely different from what was anticipated when it was made. In this case, most would agree that the person owed the promise should release the person who made it. But if they choose not to, [307] it becomes hard to determine how much the latter is obligated. Some would argue that the obligation remains in all situations, while others might believe that significant changes in circumstances eliminate the obligation, perhaps noting that all agreements should be understood as conditional upon the assumption that the material circumstances remain largely the same. However, this principle greatly reduces the theoretical clarity of the duty.
This difficulty assumes a new aspect when we consider the case already noticed, of promises made to those who are now dead or temporarily out of the reach of communications. For then there is no means of obtaining release from the promise, while at the same time its performance may be really opposed to the wishes—or what would have been the wishes—of both parties. The difficulty is sometimes concealed by saying that it is our duty to carry out the ‘intention’ of the promise. For as so used the word Intention is, in common parlance, ambiguous: it may either mean the signification which the promisee attached to the terms employed, as distinct from any other signification which the common usage of words might admit: or it may include ulterior consequences of the performance of the promise, which he had in view in exacting it. Now we do not commonly think that the promiser is concerned with the latter. He certainly has not pledged himself to aim generally at the end which the promisee has in view, but only so far as some particular means are concerned: and if he considers these means not conducive to the end, he is not thereby absolved from his promise, under ordinary circumstances. But in the case supposed, when circumstances have materially changed, and the promise does not admit of revision, probably most persons would say that we ought to take into consideration the ulterior wishes of the promisee, and carry out what we sincerely think would have been his intention. But the obligation thus becomes very vague: since it is difficult to tell from a man’s wishes under one set of circumstances what he would have desired under circumstances varying from these in a complex manner: and practically this view of the obligation of a promise generally leads to great divergence of opinion. Hence it is not surprising that some hold that even in such a case the obligation ought to be interpreted strictly: while[308] others go to the other extreme, and maintain that it ceases altogether.
This difficulty takes on a new dimension when we consider promises made to people who are now deceased or temporarily unreachable. In that situation, there’s no way to get out of the promise, even though fulfilling it might actually go against the wishes—or what would have been the wishes—of both parties involved. Sometimes, this issue is glossed over by saying it’s our duty to fulfill the ‘intention’ of the promise. However, the term "intention" can be ambiguous in everyday language: it can refer either to the meaning that the promisee attached to the terms used, separate from any other meanings that normal language might allow, or it can also encompass the broader outcomes of the promise that the promisee had in mind when making it. Generally, we don’t think that the promiser is concerned with the latter. The promiser has not committed to aiming for the overall goal that the promisee intended but only with specific means: if the promiser finds those means not conducive to the goal, they are not automatically released from the promise under normal conditions. But in the scenario described, where the circumstances have significantly changed and the promise cannot be revised, most people would probably agree that we should consider the deeper wishes of the promisee and do what we genuinely believe would have been their intention. However, this obligation then becomes quite vague, as it's hard to infer someone’s wishes in one set of circumstances and determine what they would have wanted in a different, more complicated situation. Practically, this perspective on the obligation of a promise often leads to significant differences in opinion. Thus, it’s not surprising that some believe that even in such a case, the obligation should be interpreted strictly, while[308] others take the opposite stance and argue that it ceases completely.
But again, it was said that a promise cannot abrogate a prior obligation; and, as a particular application of this rule, it would be generally agreed that no promise can make it right to inflict harm on any one. On further consideration, however, it appears doubtful how far the persons between whom the promise passed are included in the scope of this restriction. For, first, it does not seem to be commonly held that a man is as strictly bound not to injure himself as he is to avoid harming others; and so it is scarcely thought that a promise is not binding because it was a foolish one, and will entail an amount of pain or burden on the promiser out of proportion to the good done to the promisee. Still, if we take an extreme case, where the sacrifice is very disproportionate to the gain, many conscientious persons would think that the promise ought rather to be broken than kept. And, secondly, a different question arises when we consider the possibility of injuring the promisee by fulfilling the promise. For when it is said to be wrong to do harm to any one, we do not commonly mean only what he thinks harm, but what really is so, though he may think it a benefit; for it seems clearly a crime for me to give any one what I know to be poison, even though he may be stubbornly convinced that it is wholesome food. But now suppose that I have promised A to do something, which, before I fulfil the promise, I see reason to regard as likely to injure him. The circumstances may be precisely the same, and only my view of them have changed. If A takes a different view and calls on me to fulfil the promise, is it right to obey him? Surely no one would say this in an extreme case, such as that of the poison. But if the rule does not hold for an extreme case, where can we draw the line? at what point ought I to give up my judgment to A, unless my own conviction is weakened? Common Sense seems to give no clear answer.
But again, it’s been said that a promise can't cancel out a prior obligation; and as a specific example of this rule, most would agree that no promise can justify causing harm to anyone. However, upon further reflection, it’s unclear how far the individuals involved in the promise fall under this restriction. First, it doesn’t seem to be widely accepted that a person is as strictly obligated not to harm themselves as they are to avoid harming others. So, it’s rarely thought that a promise isn’t binding just because it was a foolish one that will create an imbalance of pain or burden on the person who made the promise compared to the benefit for the person receiving it. Still, in extreme cases where the sacrifice greatly outweighs the gain, many principled people would argue that the promise should be broken rather than kept. Secondly, a different question arises when we think about the possibility of harming the promisee by keeping the promise. When we say it’s wrong to harm anyone, we typically don’t mean solely what they perceive as harm, but what is genuinely harmful, even if they believe it to be beneficial; it clearly feels like a crime for me to give someone something I know to be poison, even if they stubbornly believe it's good for them. Now, suppose I promised A to do something, and before I fulfill the promise, I have a reason to believe it might harm him. The circumstances might be the same, and only my perspective has changed. If A sees it differently and insists that I keep the promise, is it right for me to comply? Surely no one would argue this in an extreme scenario, like with the poison. But if the rule doesn’t apply in an extreme case, where do we draw the line? At what point should I set aside my judgment for A, unless my own conviction is weakened? Common sense seems to provide no clear answer.
§ 9. I have laid down that a promise is binding in so far as it is understood on both sides similarly: and such an understanding is ordinarily attained with sufficient clearness, as far as the apprehension of express words or signs is concerned. Still, even here obscurity and misapprehension[309] sometimes occur; and in the case of the tacit understandings with which promises are often complicated, a lack of definite agreement is not improbable. It becomes, therefore, of practical importance to decide the question previously raised: What duty rests on the promiser of satisfying expectations which he did not intend to create? I called this a duty not so much of Good Faith as of Justice, which prescribes the fulfilment of normal expectations. How then shall we determine what these are? The method by which we commonly ascertain them seems to be the following. We form the conception of an average or normal man, and consider what expectations he would form under the circumstances, inferring this from the beliefs and expectations which men generally entertain under similar circumstances. We refer, therefore, to the customary use of language, and customary tacit understandings current among persons in the particular relations in which promiser and promisee stand. Such customary interpretations and understandings are of course not obligatory upon persons entering into an engagement: but they constitute a standard which we think we may presume to be known to all men, and to be accepted by them, except in so for as it is explicitly rejected. If one of the parties to an engagement has deviated from this common standard without giving express notice, we think it right that he should suffer any loss that may result from the misunderstanding. This criterion then is generally applicable: but if custom is ambiguous or shifting it cannot be applied; and then the just claims of the parties become a problem, the solution of which is very difficult, if not strictly indeterminate.
§ 9. I've stated that a promise is binding to the extent that both parties understand it similarly: and such an understanding is usually reached with enough clarity concerning the interpretation of clear words or signs. However, even in these cases, confusion and misunderstandings[309] can occur; and with the unspoken understandings that often accompany promises, the absence of a clear agreement is not unlikely. Therefore, it’s practically important to address the earlier question: What obligation does the person making the promise have to meet expectations they didn’t intend to create? I described this as a duty not just of Good Faith, but of Justice, which requires fulfilling normal expectations. So, how do we determine what those are? The method we usually use to find out seems to be as follows. We envision an average or typical person and consider what expectations they would have in that situation, inferring this from the beliefs and expectations that people generally have in similar scenarios. We refer to the common use of language and the unspoken understandings that are typical among people in the particular relationships where the promiser and promisee are involved. These common interpretations and understandings aren't mandatory for people entering into an agreement: but they set a standard we can assume all people know and accept, unless explicitly rejected. If one party has strayed from this common standard without providing clear notice, it's fair that they should bear any losses resulting from the misunderstanding. This criterion is generally applicable; however, if the custom is ambiguous or changes, it cannot be applied, and then the fair claims of the parties become a complex issue, one that may be very difficult to resolve, if not entirely uncertain.
So far we have supposed that the promiser can choose his own words, and that if the promisee finds them ambiguous he can get them modified, or (what comes to the same thing) explained, by the promiser. But we have now to observe that in the case of promises made to the community, as a condition of obtaining some office or emolument, a certain unalterable form of words has to be used if the promise is made at all. Here the difficulties of moral interpretation are much increased. It may be said, indeed, that the promise ought to be interpreted in the sense in which its terms are understood by the community: and, no doubt, if their usage is quite[310] uniform and unambiguous, this rule of interpretation is sufficiently obvious and simple. But since words are often used in different ways by different members of the same society, and especially with different degrees of strictness and laxity, it often happens that a promise to the community cannot strictly be said to be understood in any one sense: the question therefore arises, whether the promiser is bound to keep it in the sense in which it will be most commonly interpreted, or whether he may select any of its possible meanings. And if the formula is one of some antiquity, it is further questioned, whether it ought to be interpreted in the sense which its words would now generally bear, or in that which they bore when it was drawn up; or, if they were then ambiguous, in the sense which appears to have been attached to them by the government that imposed the promise. On all these points it is difficult to elicit any clear view from Common Sense. And the difficulty is increased by the fact that there are usually strong inducements to make these formal engagements, which cause even tolerably conscientious persons to take them in a strained and unnatural sense. When this has been done continually by many persons, a new general understanding grows up as to the meaning of the engagements: sometimes they come to be regarded as ‘mere forms,’ or, if they do not reach this point of degradation, they are at least understood in a sense differing indefinitely from their original one. The question then arises, how far this process of gradual illegitimate relaxation or perversion can modify the moral obligation of the promise for a thoroughly conscientious person. It seems clear that when the process is complete, we are right in adopting the new understanding as far as Good Faith is concerned, even if it palpably conflicts with the natural meaning of language; although it is always desirable in such cases that the form of the promise should be changed to correspond with the changed substance. But when, as is ordinarily the case, the process is incomplete, since a portion of the community understands the engagement in the original strict sense, the obligation becomes difficult to determine, and the judgments of conscientious persons respecting it become divergent and perplexed.
So far, we've assumed that the person making the promise can choose their own words and that if the person receiving the promise finds them unclear, they can ask for clarification or changes from the promiser. However, we now need to note that in promises made to the community, as a condition for obtaining a position or payment, a specific unchangeable wording must be used if the promise is to be made at all. This significantly complicates moral interpretation. It could be argued that the promise should be understood according to how the community interprets it, and certainly, if their understanding is totally uniform and clear, this rule of interpretation is quite straightforward. But since words are often interpreted differently by various members of the same society, especially with varying degrees of strictness and leniency, a promise to the community often can't be said to be understood in just one way. So, the question arises: is the promiser required to keep it in the way that's most commonly interpreted, or can they choose from any of the possible meanings? If the wording is somewhat old-fashioned, it's further questioned whether it should be understood according to how the words are generally interpreted today or how they were understood when the promise was made. Or, if the wording was unclear then, in the sense that seems to have been assigned to it by the authority that imposed the promise. It’s challenging to get a clear perspective from Common Sense on all these issues. This difficulty is heightened by the fact that there are often strong motivations to adhere to these formal commitments, causing even fairly conscientious people to interpret them in a strained and unnatural way. When this happens repeatedly among many people, a new general understanding develops regarding the meanings of the commitments: sometimes they come to be seen as 'mere forms,' or, even if they don't degrade to that level, they are at least understood in a way that significantly departs from their original meaning. The question then arises about how much this gradual relaxation or distortion affects the moral obligation of the promise for someone with a strong sense of conscience. It seems clear that when this process is fully realized, it’s appropriate to adopt the new understanding in terms of Good Faith, even if it clearly contradicts the original meaning of the language; although it’s always preferable in such cases for the wording of the promise to be updated to align with the revised substance. However, when the process is incomplete, as is usually the case, and some members of the community still understand the commitment in its original strict sense, determining the obligation becomes complicated, and the perspectives of conscientious people regarding it become conflicting and confusing.
To sum up the results of the discussion: it appears that a[311] clear consensus can only be claimed for the principle that a promise, express or tacit, is binding, if a number of conditions are fulfilled: viz. if the promiser has a clear belief as to the sense in which it was understood by the promisee, and if the latter is still in a position to grant release from it, but unwilling to do so, if it was not obtained by force or fraud, if it does not conflict with definite prior obligations, if we do not believe that its fulfilment will be harmful to the promisee, or will inflict a disproportionate sacrifice on the promiser, and if circumstances have not materially changed since it was made. If any of these conditions fails, the consensus seems to become evanescent, and the common moral perceptions of thoughtful persons fall into obscurity and disagreement.
To sum up the discussion results: it looks like a[311] clear consensus can only be claimed on the principle that a promise, whether clear or implied, is binding if several conditions are met: namely, if the person making the promise genuinely believes in how the promise was understood by the person receiving it, and if the latter can still choose to release the former from it but doesn't want to, if the promise wasn't obtained through force or deceit, if it doesn’t clash with any definite prior commitments, if we believe that fulfilling it won't harm the promisee or impose an unfair burden on the promiser, and if circumstances haven't significantly changed since the promise was made. If any of these conditions are not met, the consensus seems to fade away, and the shared moral views of thoughtful people descend into confusion and disagreement.
CHAPTER VII
Duty Classification—Truthfulness
§ 1. It may easily seem that when we have discussed Benevolence, Justice, and the observance of Law and Contract, we have included in our view the whole sphere of social duty, and that whatever other maxims we find accepted by Common Sense must be subordinate to the principles which we have been trying to define.
§ 1. It might seem that after discussing Benevolence, Justice, and the importance of Law and Contract, we've covered the entire scope of social responsibility, and that any other rules accepted by Common Sense are secondary to the principles we’ve been defining.
For whatever we owe definitely to our fellow-men, besides the observance of special contracts, and of positive laws, seems—at least by a slight extension of common usage—to be naturally included under Justice: while the more indefinite obligations which we recognise seem to correspond to the goodwill which we think ought to exist among all members of the human family, together with the stronger affections appropriate to special relations and circumstances. And hence it may be thought that the best way of treating the subject would have been to divide Duty generally into Social and Self-regarding, and again to subdivide the former branch into the heads which I have discussed one by one; afterwards adding such minor details of duty as have obtained special names and distinct recognition. And this is perhaps the proper place to explain why I did not adopt this course. The division of duties into Social and Self-regarding, though obvious, and acceptable enough as a rough prima facie classification, does not on closer examination seem exactly appropriate to the Intuitional Method. For these titles naturally suggest that the happiness or well-being, of the agent or of others, is always the end and final determinant of right action: whereas the Intuitional doctrine is, that at least certain kinds of[313] conduct are prescribed absolutely, without reference to their ulterior consequences. And if a more general meaning be given to the terms, and by Social duties we understand those which consist in the production of certain effects upon others, while in the Self-regarding we aim at producing certain effects upon ourselves, the division is still an unsuitable one. For these consequences are not clearly recognised in the enunciation of common rules of morality: and in many cases we produce marked effects both on ourselves and on others, and it is not easy to say which (in the view of Common Sense) are most important: and again, this principle of division would sometimes make it necessary to cut in two the class of duties prescribed under some common notion; as the same rule may govern both our social and our solitary conduct. Take, for example, the acts morally prescribed under the head of Courage. It seems clear that the prominence given to this Virtue in historic systems of morality has been due to the great social importance that must always attach to it, so long as communities of men are continually called upon to fight for their existence and well-being: but still the quality of bravery is the same essentially, whether it be exhibited for selfish or social ends.
Whatever we owe to others, beyond specific agreements and laws, seems—at least with a slight stretch of common usage—to be naturally included under Justice. The more vague obligations we recognize seem to reflect the goodwill we believe should exist among all people, along with the stronger feelings appropriate to specific relationships and situations. Thus, it might be thought that the best way to approach this topic would be to divide Duty into Social and Self-regarding categories, and then to further break down the Social component into the topics I've discussed individually; afterward, adding any minor duties that have unique names and are distinctly recognized. This is perhaps the right time to explain why I didn't take this approach. The division of duties into Social and Self-regarding, while obvious and generally acceptable as a rough first classification, doesn’t seem entirely suitable for the Intuitional Method upon closer inspection. These titles imply that the happiness or well-being of the individual or of others is always the main goal and final reason for right action, while the Intuitional doctrine states that certain types of conduct are prescribed absolutely, regardless of their later consequences. Even if we give a broader interpretation to these terms, understanding Social duties as those aimed at producing certain effects on others, and Self-regarding duties as those aimed at having certain effects on ourselves, the division is still not fitting. Generally, these consequences are not clearly recognized in common moral rules, and often we create significant effects on both ourselves and others, making it hard to determine which is more crucial from a Common Sense perspective. Furthermore, this division principle might sometimes require splitting duties that fall under some shared concept, as the same rule can apply to both our social and solitary behavior. For instance, consider the actions morally required under the concept of Courage. It seems evident that the emphasis placed on this virtue in historical moral systems is due to its significant social importance, especially as communities of people are often called to fight for their survival and well-being. Still, the essence of bravery remains the same, whether it's shown for selfish or social reasons.
It is no doubt true that when we examine with a view to definition the kinds of conduct commended or prescribed in any list of Virtues commonly recognised, we find, to a great extent, that the maxims we obtain are clearly not absolute and independent: that the quality denoted by our term is admittedly only praiseworthy in so far as it promotes individual or general welfare, and becomes blameworthy—though remaining in other respects the same—when it operates adversely to these ends. We have already noticed this result in one or two instances, and it will be illustrated at length in the following chapters. But though this is the case to a great extent, it is, for our present purpose, of special importance to note the—real or apparent—exceptions to the rule; because they are specially characteristic of the method that we call Intuitionism.
It’s definitely true that when we look to define the types of behavior recommended or required in any list of commonly recognized virtues, we find that the principles we uncover are often not absolute or independent. The quality implied by our term is recognized as commendable only to the extent that it benefits individual or collective well-being and becomes blameworthy—even if it remains unchanged in other respects—when it negatively affects these goals. We’ve already pointed out this outcome in a few examples, and it will be explored in detail in the following chapters. However, while this is mostly the case, it’s especially important for our current discussion to note the—real or seeming—exceptions to the rule, as they are particularly indicative of the approach we call Intuitionism.
One of the most important of these exceptions is Veracity: and the affinity in certain respects of this duty—in spite of fundamental differences—to the duty of Good Faith or[314] Fidelity to Promises renders it convenient to examine the two in immediate succession. Under either head a certain correspondence between words and facts is prescribed: and hence the questions that arise when we try to make the maxims precise are somewhat similar in both cases. For example, just as the duty of Good Faith did not lie in conforming our acts to the admissible meaning of certain words,[238] but to the meaning which we knew to be put on them by the promisee; so the duty of Truthspeaking is not to utter words which might, according to common usage, produce in other minds beliefs corresponding to our own, but words which we believe will have this effect on the persons whom we address. And this is usually a very simple matter, as the natural effect of language is to convey our beliefs to other men, and we commonly know quite well whether we are doing this or not. A certain difficulty arises, as in the case of promises, from the use of set forms imposed either by law or by custom; to which most of the discussion of the similar difficulty in the preceding chapter applies with obvious modifications. In the case of formulæ imposed by law—such (e.g.) as declarations of religious belief—it is doubtful whether we may understand the terms in any sense which they commonly bear, or are to take them in the sense intended by the Legislature that imposed them; and again, a difficulty is created by the gradual degradation or perversion of their meaning, which results from the strong inducements offered for their general acceptance; for thus they are continually strained and stretched until a new general understanding seems gradually to grow up as to the meaning of certain phrases; and it is continually disputed whether we may veraciously use the phrases in this new signification. A similar process continually alters the meaning of conventional expressions current in polite society. When a man declares that he ‘has great pleasure in accepting’ a vexatious invitation, or is ‘the obedient servant’ of one whom he regards as an inferior, he uses phrases which were probably once deceptive. If they are so no longer, Common Sense condemns as over-scrupulous the refusal to use them where it is customary to do so. But Common[315] Sense seems doubtful and perplexed where the process of degradation is incomplete, and there are still persons who may be deceived: as in the use of the reply that one is ‘not at home’ to an inconvenient visitor from the country.
One of the most significant exceptions is Veracity: the connection in some ways between this duty and the duty of Good Faith or Fidelity to Promises makes it useful to examine them right after each other. In both cases, there's a requirement for a certain alignment between words and facts, and so the questions that come up when we try to clarify the principles are somewhat similar. For instance, just as the duty of Good Faith doesn’t require us to align our actions with the permissible meaning of specific words, but with the meaning that we know the promisee understands, the duty of Truthspeaking isn't about saying words that might, according to common usage, lead others to believe what we believe, but rather words that we think will have that effect on the people we’re talking to. Typically, this is quite straightforward since the natural effect of language is to communicate our beliefs to others, and we usually know well whether we're achieving this or not. A certain complexity arises, similar to the issue with promises, from the use of fixed phrases required by law or custom; much of the discussion about the similar challenges in the previous chapter applies here with clear adjustments. In the case of phrases dictated by law—such as declarations of religious belief—it’s uncertain whether we can interpret the terms in any common sense or must take them as intended by the lawmaker; additionally, complications arise from the gradual degradation or distortion of their meaning due to the strong incentives for widespread acceptance, leading to a new general understanding of certain phrases over time. It's often debated whether we can honestly use phrases under their new meanings. A similar process constantly shifts the meaning of conventional expressions in polite society. When someone says they ‘have great pleasure in accepting’ an annoying invitation or are ‘the obedient servant’ of someone they see as their inferior, they use phrases that likely once had a misleading intent. If they no longer do, Common Sense criticizes those who refuse to use them when it’s customary. However, Common Sense seems confused and troubled when the process of degradation isn’t complete, and some may still be misled, like when someone says they are ‘not at home’ to an unwelcome visitor from out of town.
However, apart from the use of conventional phrases, the rule ‘to speak the truth’ is not generally difficult of application in conduct. And many moralists have regarded this, from its simplicity and definiteness, as a quite unexceptionable instance of an ethical axiom. I think, however, that patient reflection will show that this view is not really confirmed by the Common Sense of mankind.
However, aside from using standard phrases, the guideline 'to speak the truth' is usually not hard to apply in behavior. Many ethicists have seen this, because of its straightforwardness and clarity, as a completely acceptable example of a moral principle. I believe, though, that careful thought will reveal that this perspective is not truly supported by the Common Sense of people.
§ 2. In the first place, it does not seem clearly agreed whether Veracity is an absolute and independent duty, or a special application of some higher principle. We find (e.g.) that Kant regards it as a duty owed to oneself to speak the truth, because ‘a lie is an abandonment or, as it were, annihilation of the dignity of man.’ And this seems to be the view in which lying is prohibited by the code of honour, except that it is not thought (by men of honour as such) that the dignity of man is impaired by any lying: but only that lying for selfish ends, especially under the influence of fear, is mean and base. In fact there seems to be circumstances under which the code of honour prescribes lying. Here, however, it may be said to be plainly divergent from the morality of Common Sense. Still, the latter does not seem to decide clearly whether truth-speaking is absolutely a duty, needing no further justification: or whether it is merely a general right of each man to have truth spoken to him by his fellows, which right however may be forfeited or suspended under certain circumstances. Just as each man is thought to have a natural right to personal security generally, but not if he is himself attempting to injure others in life and property: so if we may even kill in defence of ourselves and others, it seems strange if we may not lie, if lying will defend us better against a palpable invasion of our rights: and Common Sense does not seem to prohibit this decisively. And again, just as the orderly and systematic slaughter which we call war is thought perfectly right under certain circumstances, though painful and revolting: so in the word-contests of the law-courts, the lawyer is commonly[316] held to be justified in untruthfulness within strict rules and limits: for an advocate is thought to be over-scrupulous who refuses to say what he knows to be false, if he is instructed to say it.[239] Again, where deception is designed to benefit the person deceived, Common Sense seems to concede that it may sometimes be right: for example, most persons would not hesitate to speak falsely to an invalid, if this seemed the only way of concealing facts that might produce a dangerous shock: nor do I perceive that any one shrinks from telling fictions to children, on matters upon which it is thought well that they should not know the truth. But if the lawfulness of benevolent deception in any case be admitted, I do not see how we can decide when and how far it is admissible, except by considerations of expediency; that is, by weighing the gain of any particular deception against the imperilment of mutual confidence involved in all violation of truth.
§ 2. First of all, it’s not entirely clear whether telling the truth is a strict and independent duty or just a specific application of some higher principle. For instance, Kant views it as a duty we owe to ourselves to speak the truth, because “a lie is an abandonment or, in a way, destruction of human dignity.” This perspective aligns with the code of honor, which prohibits lying, except that people of honor don’t believe that man’s dignity is diminished by any lying—only by lying for selfish reasons, particularly when motivated by fear, which is seen as low and disgraceful. In fact, there seem to be situations where the code of honor allows lying. Yet, this appears to diverge from the morality of Common Sense. Still, it remains unclear whether speaking the truth is an absolute duty that requires no further justification or simply a general right that each person has to hear the truth from others, a right that can be forfeited or suspended under certain conditions. Just as everyone is thought to have the natural right to personal security generally, but not when they are trying to harm others' lives and property: similarly, if we can kill to defend ourselves and others, it seems odd that we can't lie if lying could better protect us against a clear infringement of our rights. Common Sense doesn't seem to decisively prohibit this. Moreover, just as the organized and systematic killing we call war is considered perfectly acceptable under certain circumstances, though distressing and appalling: in legal battles, lawyers are typically viewed as justified in being untruthful within strict rules and limits: an advocate is often seen as overly scrupulous if they refuse to say what they know is false when instructed to do so. Again, in cases where deception is meant to benefit the deceived person, Common Sense seems to suggest that it might sometimes be justified. For example, most people wouldn’t hesitate to tell a lie to a sick person if that seemed the only way to prevent a potentially dangerous shock from the truth. Likewise, no one seems to shy away from telling children stories that aren’t true about topics that it’s thought they shouldn’t know the truth about. But if we accept that benevolent deception can be lawful in some cases, I don’t see how we can decide when and how far it’s acceptable, except by considering what’s practical; that is, by weighing the benefits of any particular deception against the risk to mutual trust that comes from violating the truth.
The much argued question of religious deception (‘pious fraud’) naturally suggests itself here. It seems clear, however, that Common Sense now pronounces against the broad rule, that falsehoods may rightly be told in the interests of religion. But there is a subtler form in which the same principle is still maintained by moral persons. It is sometimes said that the most important truths of religion cannot be conveyed into the minds of ordinary men, except by being enclosed, as it were, in a shell of fiction; so that by relating such fictions as if they were facts, we are really performing an act of substantial veracity.[240] Reflecting upon this argument, we see that it is not after all so clear wherein Veracity consists. For from the beliefs immediately communicated by any set of affirmations inferences are naturally drawn, and we may clearly foresee that they will be drawn. And though commonly we intend that both the beliefs immediately com[317]municated and the inferences drawn from them should be true, and a person who always aims at this is praised as candid and sincere: still we find relaxation of the rule prescribing this intention claimed in two different ways by at least respectable sections of opinion. For first, as was just now observed, it is sometimes held that if a conclusion is true and important, and cannot be satisfactorily communicated otherwise, we may lead the mind of the hearer to it by means of fictitious premises. But the exact reverse of this is perhaps a commoner view: viz. that it is only an absolute duty to make our actual affirmations true: for it is said that though the ideal condition of human converse involves perfect sincerity and candour, and we ought to rejoice in exhibiting these virtues where we can, still in our actual world concealment is frequently necessary to the well-being of society, and may be legitimately effected by any means short of actual falsehood. Thus it is not uncommonly said that in defence of a secret we may not indeed lie,[241] i.e. produce directly beliefs contrary to fact; but we may “turn a question aside,” i.e. produce indirectly, by natural inference from our answer, a negatively false belief; or “throw the inquirer on a wrong scent,” i.e. produce similarly a positively false belief. These two methods of concealment are known respectively as suppressio veri and suggestio falsi, and many think them legitimate under certain circumstances: while others say that if deception is to be practised at all, it is mere formalism to object to any one mode of effecting it more than another.
The debated issue of religious deception ("pious fraud") naturally comes up here. It seems clear, though, that Common Sense now rejects the idea that it’s acceptable to tell falsehoods for the sake of religion. However, there’s a more subtle way that the same principle is still upheld by moral individuals. Sometimes it’s said that the most important truths of religion can’t be effectively communicated to ordinary people unless they’re wrapped in a layer of fiction; so by telling these fictions as if they were true, we’re actually being substantially truthful. Reflecting on this argument, we realize that it’s not so clear what Veracity truly consists of. For from the beliefs directly conveyed by any set of statements, inferences naturally follow, and we can anticipate that they will be drawn. While we generally intend for both the beliefs communicated and the inferences drawn from them to be true, and someone who consistently aims for this is praised as honest and sincere, we see that some respected groups claim an exception to this rule in two different ways. First, as mentioned earlier, it’s sometimes argued that if a conclusion is true and significant, and cannot be effectively expressed otherwise, we can lead the listener to it using fictitious premises. But the opposite view is perhaps more common: namely, that there’s only an absolute obligation to make our actual statements true. This view holds that while the ideal of human interaction includes perfect honesty and openness, and we should strive to demonstrate these virtues when we can, in our actual world, concealment is often necessary for the well-being of society and can be justifiably achieved by any means short of outright falsehood. Thus, it is frequently argued that in defense of a secret, we may not outright lie, meaning we can’t directly produce beliefs that contradict the truth; but we can “turn a question aside,” which means producing, through natural inference from our answer, a negatively false belief; or “throw the inquirer off track,” which means generating a positively false belief in a similar way. These methods of concealment are known as suppressio veri and suggestio falsi, and many believe they are acceptable under certain circumstances, while others argue that if deception is to be employed at all, it’s merely formalistic to object to one method of achieving it over another.
On the whole, then, reflection seems to show that the rule of Veracity, as commonly accepted, cannot be elevated into a definite moral axiom: for there is no real agreement as to how far we are bound to impart true beliefs to others: and while it is contrary to Common Sense to exact absolute candour under all circumstances, we yet find no self-evident secondary principle, clearly defining when it is not to be exacted.
Overall, reflection indicates that the rule of honesty, as it's usually understood, can't be promoted to a strict moral principle: there's no real consensus on how much we are obligated to share true beliefs with others. While it goes against common sense to demand complete transparency in every situation, we still don't have a clear secondary principle that defines when this transparency isn't necessary.
§ 3. There is, however, one method of exhibiting a priori the absolute duty of Truth, which we must not overlook; as, if it be valid, it would seem that the exceptions and qualifications above mentioned have been only admitted by Common Sense from inadvertence and shallowness of thought.
§ 3. However, there is one way to demonstrate a priori the absolute duty of Truth that we shouldn't ignore; if it's valid, it would suggest that the exceptions and qualifications mentioned earlier were only accepted by Common Sense due to carelessness and a lack of deep thinking.
It is said that if it were once generally understood that lies were justifiable under certain circumstances, it would immediately become quite useless to tell the lies, because no one would believe them; and that the moralist cannot lay down a rule which, if generally accepted, would be suicidal. To this there seem to be three answers. In the first place it is not necessarily an evil that men’s confidence in each other’s assertions should, under certain peculiar circumstances, be impaired or destroyed: it may even be the very result which we should most desire to produce: e.g. it is obviously a most effective protection for legitimate secrets that it should be universally understood and expected that those who ask questions which they have no right to ask will have lies told them: nor, again, should we be restrained from pronouncing it lawful to meet deceit with deceit, merely by the fear of impairing the security which rogues now derive from the veracity of honest men. No doubt the ultimate result of general unveracity under the circumstances would be a state of things in which such falsehoods would no longer be told: but unless this ultimate result is undesirable, the prospect of it does not constitute a reason why the falsehoods should not be told so long as they are useful. But, secondly, since the beliefs of men in general are not formed purely on rational grounds, experience shows that unveracity may long remain partially effective under circumstances where it is generally understood to be legitimate. We see this in the case of the law-courts. For though jurymen are perfectly aware that it is considered the duty of an advocate to state as plausibly as possible whatever he has been instructed to say on behalf of any criminal he may defend, still a skilful pleader may often produce an impression that he sincerely believes his client to be innocent: and it remains a question of casuistry how far this kind of hypocrisy is justifiable. But, finally, it cannot be assumed as certain that it is never right to act upon a maxim of which the universal application would be an undoubted evil. This assumption may seem to be involved in what was previously admitted as an ethical axiom, that what is right for me must be right for ‘all persons under similar conditions.’[242] But reflection will show that there is a special case within the range of the axiom in which its[319] application is necessarily self-limiting, and excludes the practical universality which the axiom appears to suggest: i.e. where the agent’s conditions include (1) the knowledge that his maxim is not universally accepted, and (2) a reasoned conviction that his act will not tend to make it so, to any important extent. For in this case the axiom will practically only mean that it will be right for all persons to do as the agent does, if they are sincerely convinced that the act will not be widely imitated; and this conviction must vanish if it is widely imitated. It can hardly be said that these conditions are impossible: and if they are possible, the axiom that we are discussing can only serve, in its present application, to direct our attention to an important danger of unveracity, which constitutes a strong—but not formally conclusive—utilitarian ground for speaking the truth.[243]
It’s said that if it were commonly accepted that lies were justifiable under certain situations, then telling lies would become pointless because no one would believe them. The moralist can’t set a rule that, if generally accepted, would be self-destructive. There seem to be three responses to this notion. First, it’s not necessarily bad if people’s trust in each other's statements is, under certain peculiar circumstances, weakened or destroyed; it could even be the outcome we most want: e.g. it’s clearly a strong protection for legitimate secrets that it’s widely understood and expected that those who ask inappropriate questions will be lied to. Moreover, we shouldn’t shy away from saying it’s okay to counter deceit with deceit just because we fear it might undermine the security that frauds currently get from the honesty of good people. No doubt, the end result of widespread dishonesty in these situations would be a scenario where such falsehoods would no longer be necessary, but unless that end result is undesirable, the possibility of it doesn’t justify not telling lies as long as they serve a purpose. Secondly, since people’s beliefs aren’t formed purely on rational grounds, experience shows that dishonesty can remain somewhat effective even when it’s generally accepted as permissible. We see this in court. Although jurors know that an advocate is expected to present as convincingly as possible whatever they’ve been instructed to say on behalf of any defendant, a skilled lawyer can often create the impression that they genuinely believe their client is innocent, raising questions about how justifiable this kind of hypocrisy is. Lastly, it can’t be assumed as a given that it’s never right to act on a principle of which universal application would clearly be harmful. This assumption might seem tied to an ethical principle we previously acknowledged: that what’s right for me must be right for ‘everyone in similar situations.’[242] But upon reflection, it becomes clear that there’s a specific scenario within this principle where its application inherently limits itself, excluding the practical universality that the principle seems to imply: i.e. when the agent’s circumstances include (1) the awareness that their principle isn’t universally accepted and (2) a reasoned belief that their action won’t significantly change that. In this case, the principle essentially means that it’s right for everyone to do as the agent does if they sincerely believe that the action won’t be widely emulated; this belief must disappear if it is widely followed. It’s hard to say these conditions are impossible; if they are possible, then the principle we’re discussing can only serve, in its current application, to highlight a significant risk of dishonesty, providing a strong—but not definitively conclusive—utilitarian argument for truthfulness.[243]
Note.—Mr. Stephen (Science of Ethics, chap. v. § 33) explains the exceptions to the rule of truth-speaking as follows:—
Note.—Mr. Stephen (Science of Ethics, chap. v. § 33) explains the exceptions to the rule of telling the truth as follows:—
“The rule, ‘Lie not,’ is the external rule, and corresponds approximately to the internal rule, ‘Be trustworthy.’ Cases occur where the rules diverge, and in such cases it is the internal rule which is morally approved. Truthfulness is the rule because in the vast majority of cases we trust a man in so far as he speaks the truth; in the exceptional cases, the mutual confidence would be violated when the truth, not when the lie, is spoken.”
“The rule, ‘Don’t lie,’ is the external rule, and it roughly matches the internal rule, ‘Be trustworthy.’ There are situations where these rules conflict, and in those cases, the internal rule is what is considered morally right. Truthfulness is the standard because, in most cases, we trust someone as long as they speak the truth; in the rare cases, mutual trust would be broken when the truth is told, not when a lie is told.”
This explanation seems to me for several reasons inadequate. (1) If we may sometimes lie to defend the life or secrets of others, it is paradoxical to say that we may not do so to defend our own; but a falsehood in self-defence obviously cannot be justified as an application of the maxim “be trustworthy.” (2) Even when the falsehood is in legitimate defence of others against attacks, we cannot say that the speaker manifests “trustworthiness” without qualification; for the deceived assailant trusts his veracity, otherwise he would not be deceived: the question therefore is under what circumstances the confidence of A that I shall speak the truth may legitimately be disappointed in order not to disappoint the confidence of B that I shall defend his life and honour. This question Mr. Stephen’s explanation does not in any way aid us to answer.
This explanation seems inadequate to me for several reasons. (1) If we can sometimes lie to protect the life or secrets of others, it’s contradictory to say we can’t do the same to protect ourselves; however, a lie in self-defense obviously can't be justified as following the principle of “be trustworthy.” (2) Even when the lie is a legitimate defense of others against attacks, we can’t say the speaker shows “trustworthiness” without exceptions; because the deceived attacker trusts the speaker's honesty, or else they wouldn’t be deceived. So the question is under what circumstances the trust of A that I will tell the truth may be justifiably broken in order not to betray the trust of B that I will protect his life and honor. This question is not addressed at all by Mr. Stephen’s explanation.
The general question raised by Mr. Stephen, as to the value of “internal rules,” expressed in the form “Be this,” in contrast to external rules, expressed in the form “Do this,” will be dealt with in a subsequent chapter (xiv. § 1).
The main question brought up by Mr. Stephen about the importance of “internal rules,” stated as “Be this,” compared to external rules, stated as “Do this,” will be addressed in a later chapter (xiv. § 1).
CHAPTER VIII
OTHER SOCIAL RESPONSIBILITIES AND VALUES
§ 1. When we proceed to inquire how far the minor social duties and virtues recognised by Common Sense appear on examination to be anything more than special applications of the Benevolence—general or particular—discussed in chap. iv., the department of duty which most prominently claims our attention, is that which deals with the existence, and determines the legitimacy, of feelings antithetical to the benevolent.
§ 1. When we look into how much the minor social duties and virtues recognized by Common Sense seem to be more than just specific examples of Benevolence—whether general or specific—discussed in chap. iv., the area of duty that stands out the most is the one that addresses the existence of feelings that are opposed to benevolence and helps determine their legitimacy.
For it seems that malevolent affections are as natural to man as the benevolent: not indeed in the same sense—for man tends to have normally some kindly feeling for any fellow-man, when there is no special cause operating to make him love or hate, (though this tendency is obscured in the lower stages of social development by the habitual hostility between strange tribes and races); but still such special causes of malevolent feeling continually occur, and, in the main, exemplify a psychological law analogous to that by which the growth of benevolent feelings is explained. For just as we are apt to love those who are the cause of pleasure to us whether by voluntary benefits or otherwise: so by strict analogy we naturally dislike those who have done us harm, either consciously from malevolence or mere selfishness, or even unconsciously, as when another man is an obstacle to our attainment of a much-desired end. Thus we naturally feel ill-will to a rival who deprives us of an object of competition: and so in persons in whom the desire of superiority is strong, a certain dislike of any one who is more successful or prosperous than themselves is easily aroused: and this[321] envy, however repulsive to our moral sense, seems as natural as any other malevolent emotion. And it is to be observed that each of the elements into which we can analyse malevolent affection finds its exact counterpart in the analysis of the benevolent: as the former includes a dislike of the presence of its object and a desire to inflict pain on it, and also a capacity of deriving pleasure from the pain thus inflicted.[244]
It seems that negative feelings are just as natural to humans as positive ones: not in the exact same way—typically, people have some friendly feelings towards others when there’s no particular reason to love or hate, (even though this tendency can be overshadowed in earlier stages of social development by the ongoing hostility between different tribes and races); yet specific reasons for negative feelings often arise, and they largely illustrate a psychological principle similar to that which explains the development of positive feelings. Just as we tend to love those who bring us pleasure, either through deliberate kindness or otherwise, we naturally dislike those who have harmed us, whether out of malice, selfishness, or even unconsciously—like when someone blocks us from achieving a goal we really want. For instance, we may feel animosity towards a rival competing for something we want: similarly, individuals who strongly desire to feel superior can easily develop a dislike for anyone who is more successful or prosperous than they are. This envy, although distasteful to our moral sense, appears just as natural as any other negative emotion. It’s also important to note that every component we can break down in negative feelings has a corresponding element in positive feelings: negative emotions include not just a dislike for their object, but also a desire to inflict pain on it and a capacity to take pleasure in that inflicted pain.
If now we ask how far indulgence of malevolent emotions is right and proper, the answer of Common Sense is not easy to formulate. For some would say broadly that they ought to be repressed altogether or as far as possible. And no doubt we blame all envy (though sometimes to exclude it altogether requires a magnanimity which we praise): and we regard as virtues or natural excellences the good-humour which prevents one from feeling even pain to a material extent—not to say resentment—from trifling annoyances inflicted by others, the meekness which does not resent even graver injuries, the mildness and gentleness which refrain from retaliating them, and the placability which accords forgiveness rapidly and easily. We are even accustomed to praise the mercy which spares even deserved punishment: because though we never exactly disapprove of the infliction of deserved punishment, and hold it to be generally a duty of government—and in certain cases of private persons—to inflict it, we do not think that this duty admits of no exceptions; we think that in exceptional cases considerations not strictly relevant to the question of justice may be properly regarded as reasons for remitting punishment, and we admire the sympathetic nature that eagerly avails itself of these legitimate occasions for remission.
If we now ask how far it's appropriate to indulge in negative emotions, it's not easy to answer. Some might argue that we should suppress them altogether or as much as possible. We often criticize envy, although sometimes completely eliminating it requires a level of generosity that we admire. We value traits like good humor, which helps us not feel too much pain—or even resentment—from minor annoyances caused by others; meekness, which doesn't hold grudges even for more serious offenses; mildness and gentleness, which choose not to retaliate; and placability, which offers forgiveness quickly and easily. We even tend to praise mercy that spares someone from punishment they deserve. While we don't typically oppose administering deserved punishment, believing it's generally a duty for governments—and sometimes individuals—to carry it out, we recognize that this duty can have exceptions. We believe that in unusual situations, factors not directly related to justice can be valid reasons for reducing punishment, and we admire those who take advantage of these rightful opportunities for leniency.
On the other hand Common Sense admits instinctive resent[322]ment for wrong to be legitimate and proper: and even a more sustained and deliberate malevolence is commonly approved as virtuous indignation. The problem, then, is how to reconcile these diverse approvals. Even as regards external duty, there is some difficulty; since, though it is clear to common sense that in a well-ordered society punishment of adults ought generally to be inflicted by government, and that a private individual wronged ought not to “take the law into his own hands,”—still there are in all societies injuries to individuals which the law does not punish at all or not adequately, and for which effective requital is often possible without transgressing the limits of legality; and there seems to be no clear agreement as to the right manner of dealing with these. For the Christian code is widely thought to prescribe a complete and absolute forgiveness of such offences, and many Christians have endeavoured to carry out this rule by dismissing the offences as far as possible from their minds, or at least allowing the memory of them to have no effect on their outward conduct. Few, however, would deny that, so far as a wrong done to me gives ground for expecting future mischief from the offender to myself or to others, I am bound as a rational being to take due precautions against this future mischief; and probably most would admit that such precautions for the future, in the case we are considering, may include the infliction of punishment for the past, where impunity would give a dangerous temptation to a repetition of the unpunished offence. If we ask, therefore, how far forgiveness is practically possible, the answer seems admittedly to depend on two considerations: (1) how far the punishment to which resentment prompts is really required in the interests of society, and (2) how far, if so, it will be adequately inflicted if the person wronged refrains from inflicting it. But, obviously, so far as we allow the question to be settled by these considerations we are introducing a method difficult to distinguish from the Utilitarian.
On the other hand, common sense acknowledges that instinctive resentment towards wrongdoing is legitimate and appropriate; even a more sustained and deliberate malice is often seen as virtuous indignation. The challenge, then, is to reconcile these differing viewpoints. Regarding external duties, there is some confusion; although it is clear to common sense that in a well-ordered society, the government should generally punish adults and that a private individual who has been wronged shouldn't "take the law into their own hands," injuries to individuals still exist in all societies that the law either ignores or doesn't adequately address, and effective retribution is often possible without breaking the law. There seems to be no clear consensus on how to handle these issues. The Christian doctrine is often thought to advocate for complete and absolute forgiveness of such offenses, and many Christians have tried to follow this principle by pushing the offenses as far from their minds as possible or at least ensuring that memories of them do not affect their outward behavior. However, few would deny that when a wrong done to me raises the possibility of future harm from the offender to myself or others, I, as a rational being, have a responsibility to take reasonable precautions against this potential harm; and likely most would agree that such future precautions may include punishing past wrongdoings, especially since letting the offender go unpunished could create a dangerous temptation for them to repeat their offense. Therefore, if we ask how far forgiveness is realistically achievable, the answer seems to hinge on two factors: (1) how much the punishment that resentment demands is genuinely necessary for society's well-being, and (2) how effectively that punishment can be applied if the wronged individual chooses not to impose it. But clearly, as we base our approach on these factors, we are introducing a method that's hard to distinguish from utilitarianism.
And we seem led to a similar result in discussing the legitimacy of malevolent feeling. Here again we find much disagreement among thoughtful persons: for many would say that though the emotion of anger is legitimate, it ought to be directed always against wrong acts as such, and not against the agent: for even where the anger may legitimately prompt[323] us to punish him, it ought never to overcome our kindly feeling towards him. And certainly if this state of mind is possible, it seems the simplest reconciliation of the general maxim of Benevolence with the admitted duty of inflicting punishment. On the other hand, it is urged, with some reason, that to retain a genuine kindly feeling towards a man, while we are gratifying a strong impulse of aversion to his acts by inflicting pain on him, requires a subtle complexity of emotion too far out of the reach of ordinary men to be prescribed as a duty: and that we must allow as right and proper a temporary suspension of benevolence towards wrong-doers until they have been punished. Some, again, make a distinction between Instinctive and Deliberate Resentment: saying that the former is legitimate in so far as it is required for the self-defence of individuals and the repression of mutual violence, but that deliberate resentment is not similarly needed, for if we act deliberately we can act from a better motive. Others, however, think that a deliberate and sustained desire to punish wrong-doers is required in the interests of society, since the mere desire to realise Justice will not practically be strong enough to repress offences: and that it is as serious a mistake to attempt to substitute the desire of Justice for natural resentment as it would be to substitute prudence for natural appetite in eating and drinking, or mere dutifulness for filial affection.[245]
And it seems we come to a similar conclusion when discussing the legitimacy of negative feelings. Again, we find a lot of disagreement among thoughtful people: many would argue that while the feeling of anger is justified, it should always be directed at wrongful actions, not the person committing them. Even when anger may justifiably motivate us to punish someone, it should never override our goodwill towards them. If this state of mind is achievable, it appears to be the simplest way to reconcile the general principle of kindness with the accepted duty of administering punishment. On the flip side, it is argued, with some validity, that maintaining genuine goodwill towards a person while acting on a strong urge to retaliate by inflicting pain on them requires a level of emotional complexity that most people cannot be expected to achieve, suggesting that it's acceptable to temporarily set aside kindness towards wrongdoers until they have been punished. Some also draw a line between instinctive and deliberate resentment, claiming that instinctive resentment is valid as it serves individuals' self-defense and the prevention of mutual violence, but that deliberate resentment isn’t necessary, because when we act consciously, we can do so from a better motive. Others believe, however, that a deliberate and sustained desire to punish wrongdoers is essential for societal interests, since merely wanting to achieve justice might not be strong enough to deter wrongdoing. They argue that it is just as serious a mistake to replace the desire for justice with natural resentment as it would be to substitute caution for natural appetite in eating and drinking, or mere obligation for genuine familial love.[245]
Again, a distinction may be taken between the impulse to inflict pain and the desire of the antipathetic pleasure which the agent will reap from this infliction; so that, while we approve the former under certain circumstances, we may still regard the latter as altogether inadmissible. It would seem, however, that a man under the influence of a strong passion of resentment can hardly exclude from his mind altogether an anticipation of the pleasure that he will feel when the passion is gratified; and if so, he can hardly exclude altogether the desire of this gratification. If, therefore, it is important for the well-being of society that men should derive hearty satisfaction from the punishment of a nefarious criminal, it is perhaps going too far to prohibit absolutely the desire of this satisfaction; though we may say[324] that a man ought not to cherish this desire, and gloat over the anticipated pleasure.
Again, we can distinguish between the urge to cause pain and the enjoyment that the person inflicting pain expects to get from it. While we may approve of the first in certain situations, we might find the second completely unacceptable. However, it seems that a person consumed by strong feelings of anger can hardly avoid thinking about the satisfaction they will feel when those feelings are acted upon; and if this is the case, they can hardly eliminate the desire for that satisfaction. Therefore, while it’s important for society that people feel genuine satisfaction from punishing a heinous criminal, it might be too much to completely ban this desire for satisfaction; still, we can say[324] that a person shouldn’t hold onto this desire or revel in the anticipated pleasure.
On the whole we may perhaps sum up by saying that a superficial view of the matter naturally leads us to condemn sweepingly all malevolent feelings and the acts to which they prompt, as contrary to the general duty of benevolence: but that the common sense of reflective persons recognises the necessity of relaxing this rule in the interests of society: only it is not clear as to the limits or principles of this relaxation, though inclined to let it be determined by considerations of expediency.
Overall, we might conclude that a superficial look at the situation often leads us to harshly judge all harmful emotions and the actions they inspire as being against our general duty to be kind. However, the common sense of thoughtful individuals acknowledges the need to ease this rule for the sake of society. The challenge lies in defining the boundaries or principles of this flexibility, although there is a tendency to let it be guided by practical considerations.
§ 2. The remaining virtues that are clearly and exclusively social, will be easily seen to have no independent maxims; the conduct in which they are respectively realised being merely the fulfilment, under special conditions, of the rules already discussed. We need not, then, enter upon an exhaustive examination of these minor virtues—for it is not our object to frame a complete glossary of ethical terms—: but for illustration’s sake it may be well to discuss one or two of them; and I will select for examination Liberality with its cognate notions, partly on account of the prominence that it has had in the earlier ages of thought, and partly because of a certain complexity in the feelings with which it is usually regarded. Considered as a Virtue, Liberality seems to be merely Benevolence, as exhibited in the particular service of giving money, beyond the limits of strict duty as commonly recognised:—for in so far as it can be called a duty to be liberal, it is because in the performance of the more or less indefinite duties enumerated in chap. iv. we do not like exactness to be sought; a certain excess is needful if the duty is to be well done. And perhaps in the case of the poor this graceful excess is excluded by prudence: for though a poor man might make a great sacrifice in a small gift we should call this generous but scarcely liberal; Liberality appears to require an external abundance in the gift even more than a self-sacrificing disposition. It seems therefore to be possible only to the rich: and, as I have hinted, in the admiration commonly accorded to it there seems to be mingled an element rather æsthetic than moral. For we are all apt to admire power, and we recognise the latent power of wealth gracefully exhibited in a certain degree of careless profusion when the object is to give happiness to others. Indeed the[325] vulgar admire the same carelessness as manifested even in selfish luxury.
§ 2. The remaining virtues that are clearly social don’t really have independent principles; they are just the application of the rules we've already talked about under specific circumstances. So, there’s no need to dive deep into these smaller virtues—not that we aim to create a complete list of ethical terms—but for the sake of illustration, it might be useful to discuss one or two of them. I will choose to examine Liberality and its related ideas, partly because of its significance in earlier philosophical thought and partly due to the complexity of feelings surrounding it. When viewed as a virtue, Liberality seems to be just Benevolence shown through the act of giving money beyond what is considered a strict duty. As far as it can be regarded as a duty to be generous, it’s because, in fulfilling the more or less vague duties mentioned in chap. iv., we don't typically seek exactness; a bit of excess is necessary for the duty to be fulfilled well. Perhaps in the case of poor individuals, this graceful excess is kept in check by practicality: while a poor person might make a significant sacrifice with a small gift, we would call that generous but hardly liberal. Liberality seems to require a certain abundance in the gift more than a self-sacrificing attitude. Consequently, it appears to be attainable only by the wealthy: and, as I’ve suggested, the admiration usually shown for it carries a more aesthetic than moral element. We tend to admire power, recognizing the inherent power of wealth that is beautifully displayed through a level of casual generosity aimed at making others happy. In fact, many people admire the same kind of carelessness even when it’s displayed through selfish luxury.
The sphere of Liberality, then, lies generally in the fulfilment of the indefinite duties of Benevolence. But there is a certain borderground between Justice and Benevolence where it is especially shown; namely, in the full satisfaction of all customary expectations, even when indefinite and uncertain; as (e.g.) in the remuneration of services, in so far as this is governed by custom; and even where it is left entirely to free contract, and therefore naturally determined by haggling and bargaining (as market value generally), it is characteristic of a liberal man to avoid this haggling and to give somewhat higher remuneration than the other party might be induced to take, and similarly to take for his own services a somewhat lower payment than he might persuade the other to give. And again, since laws and promises and especially tacit understandings are sometimes doubtful and ambiguous, a liberal man will in such cases unhesitatingly adopt the interpretation which is least in his own favour, and pay the most that he can by any fairminded person be thought to owe, and exact the least that reasonably can be thought to be due to himself: that is, if the margin be, relatively to his resources, not considerable.[246] And of a man who does the opposite of all this we predicate Meanness; this being the vice antithetical to Liberality. Here again there seems no place for this particular vice if the amount at stake be considerable; for then we think it not mean to exact one’s own rights to the full, and worse than mean to refuse another what he ought to have; in fact in such cases we think that any indefiniteness as to rights should be practically removed by the decision of a judge or arbitrator. The vice of meanness then is, we may say, bounded on the side of vice by injustice: the mean man is blamed not for violation of Justice, but, because he chooses a trifling gain to himself rather than the avoidance of disappointment to others. And here, again, it should be observed, an element not strictly moral is included in the common disapprobation of meanness. For, as we have seen,[326] a certain carelessness of money is admired as a sign of power and superiority: and the opposite habit is a symbol of inferiority. The mean man then is apt to be despised as having the bad taste to show this symbol needlessly, preferring a little gain to the respect of his fellow-men.
The area of generosity is generally about fulfilling the endless responsibilities of kindness. However, there's a specific overlap between justice and kindness where this is especially evident; namely, in fully meeting all ordinary expectations, even when they are vague and uncertain. For example, in the payment for services, as determined by custom; and even when it’s left entirely to free agreement, which is often shaped by negotiation (like market value). A generous person tends to avoid that negotiation and offer a little more than the other party might be willing to accept, and likewise, to receive a bit less for their own services than they might persuade someone to pay. Additionally, since laws, promises, and especially unspoken agreements can sometimes be unclear and ambiguous, a generous person will confidently interpret these in the least favorable way for themselves. They’ll pay as much as a reasonable person would think they owe and ask for the least that can reasonably be considered due to them, provided the difference isn’t significant relative to their resources. And when someone does the opposite of all this, we consider them stingy; this is the vice opposite of generosity. Again, it seems this particular vice doesn't apply when the stakes are high; in those cases, we don't think it's stingy to fully assert one's rights or worse than stingy to deny someone what they deserve. In fact, we believe that any ambiguity regarding rights should typically be clarified by a judge or arbitrator. So, we can say the vice of stinginess is bordered by injustice: a stingy person is criticized not for breaching justice, but for choosing a small benefit for themselves over sparing others disappointment. Moreover, it's important to note that there’s a non-moral element included in the common disapproval of stinginess. As we’ve seen, a certain disregard for money is admired as a sign of strength and superiority, while the opposite behavior is seen as a sign of inferiority. Consequently, a stingy person tends to be looked down upon for displaying this symbol unnecessarily, choosing a small gain over the respect of others.
Meanness, however, has a wider sphere than Liberality, and refers not merely to the taking or refusing of money, but to taking advantages generally: in this wider sense the opposite virtue is Generosity.
Meanness, however, has a broader scope than Liberality, and it’s not just about taking or refusing money, but about taking advantages in general. In this broader sense, the opposite virtue is Generosity.
In so far as the sphere of Generosity coincides with that of Liberality, the former seems partly to transcend the latter, partly to refer more to feelings than to outward acts, and to imply a completer triumph of unselfish over selfish impulses. In the wider sense it is strikingly exhibited in conflict and competition of all kinds. Here it is sometimes called Chivalry. Reflection shows us that the essence of this beautiful virtue is the realisation of Benevolence under circumstances which make it peculiarly difficult and therefore peculiarly admirable. For Generosity or Chivalry towards adversaries or competitors seems to consist in showing as much kindness and regard for their well-being as is compatible with the ends and conditions of conflict: one prominent form of this being the endeavour to realise ideal justice in these conditions, not merely by observing all the rules and tacit understandings under which the conflict is conducted, but by resigning even accidental advantages. Such resignation, however, is not considered a strict duty: nor is there any agreement as to how far it is right and virtuous; for what some would praise and approve, others would regard as quixotic and extravagant.
As far as the area of Generosity overlaps with that of Liberality, the former seems to go beyond the latter in some ways and tends to focus more on feelings than on outward actions, indicating a more complete victory of unselfishness over selfish impulses. In a broader sense, it's clearly displayed in various kinds of conflict and competition. Here, it's sometimes referred to as Chivalry. Reflection leads us to understand that the core of this admirable virtue is the realization of Benevolence in situations that are particularly challenging and, therefore, truly commendable. Generosity or Chivalry towards opponents or competitors appears to involve showing as much kindness and concern for their well-being as is possible while still pursuing the goals and conditions of the conflict. A significant aspect of this involves striving for ideal justice under these circumstances, not just by adhering to all the rules and unspoken agreements guiding the conflict, but also by giving up even unintended advantages. However, this act of giving up advantages is not seen as an absolute obligation, and there’s no consensus on how far it is right or virtuous. What some may admire and endorse, others may view as unrealistic and excessive.
To sum up, we may say that the terms Liberality and Generosity, so far as they are strictly ethical, denote the virtue of Benevolence (perhaps including Justice to some extent) as exhibited in special ways and under special conditions. And the examination of the other minor social virtues would evidently lead to similar general results: though it might not always be easy to agree on their definitions.
To sum up, we can say that the terms Liberality and Generosity, as far as they are strictly ethical, refer to the virtue of Benevolence (which may also include Justice to some extent) as displayed in specific ways and under certain conditions. Additionally, looking into the other minor social virtues would likely lead to similar overall conclusions, although it might not always be easy to agree on their definitions.
CHAPTER IX
Self-focused virtues
§ 1. I conceive that according to the morality of Common Sense, an ultimate harmony between (1) Self-interest and (2) Virtue is assumed or postulated; so that the performance of duty and cultivation of Virtue generally may be regarded as a “duty to self,” as being always conducive to the agent’s true interest and well-being. But further, Common Sense (in modern Europe) recognises a strict duty of preserving one’s own life, even when the prospect life offers is one in which pain preponderates over pleasure; it is, indeed, held to be right and praiseworthy to encounter certain death in the performance of strict duty, or for the preservation of the life of another, or for any very important gain to society; but not merely in order to avoid pain to the agent. At the same time, within the limits fixed by this and other duties, Common Sense considers, I think,[247] that it is a duty to seek our own happiness, except in so far as we can promote the welfare of others by sacrificing it. This “due concern about our own interest or happiness” may be called the Duty of Prudence. It should, however, be observed that—since it is less evident that men do not adequately desire their own greatest good, than[328] that their efforts are not sufficiently well directed to its attainment—in conceiving Prudence as a Virtue or Excellence, attention is often fixed almost exclusively on its intellectual side. Thus regarded, Prudence may be said to be merely Wisdom made more definite by the acceptance of Self-interest as its sole ultimate end: the habit of calculating carefully the best means to the attainment of our own interest, and resisting all irrational impulses which may tend to perturb our calculations or prevent us from acting on them.
§ 1. I believe that, according to Common Sense morality, an ultimate harmony between (1) Self-interest and (2) Virtue is assumed; this means that fulfilling our duties and cultivating Virtue can be viewed as a "duty to self," as it is always beneficial for our true interests and well-being. Furthermore, Common Sense (in modern Europe) recognizes a strict obligation to preserve one's own life, even when the prospects life offers are filled with more pain than pleasure. It is considered right and commendable to face certain death while fulfilling a strict duty, saving another person's life, or achieving something very significant for society; but not merely to avoid personal pain. At the same time, within the limits set by this and other duties, I think Common Sense holds that it is a responsibility to seek our own happiness, unless we can enhance the welfare of others by sacrificing it. This “concern for our own interests or happiness” can be termed the Duty of Prudence. However, it should be noted that—since it is less clear that people adequately desire their greatest good than that their efforts are not well-directed towards achieving it—when considering Prudence as a Virtue or Excellence, the focus is often almost entirely on its intellectual aspect. Viewed this way, Prudence can be seen as simply Wisdom made clearer by accepting Self-interest as its ultimate goal: the habit of carefully calculating the best ways to achieve our interests and resisting all irrational impulses that might disrupt our calculations or prevent us from acting on them.
§ 2. There are, however, current notions of particular virtues, which might be called Self-regarding; but yet with respect to which it is not quite clear whether they are merely particular applications of Prudence, or whether they have independent maxims. Of these Temperance, one of the four cardinal virtues anciently recognised, seems the most prominent. In its ordinary use, Temperance is the habit of controlling the principal appetites (or desires which have an immediate corporeal cause). The habit of moderating and controlling our desires generally is recognised by Common Sense as useful and desirable, but with less distinctness and emphasis.
§ 2. There are, however, current ideas about certain virtues that could be called Self-regarding; but it's not entirely clear whether these are just specific applications of Prudence or if they have their own independent principles. Among these, Temperance, one of the four cardinal virtues recognized in ancient times, stands out the most. Generally, Temperance is the practice of managing our main appetites (or desires that have an immediate physical cause). The practice of moderating and controlling our desires, in general, is seen by Common Sense as beneficial and desirable, but with less clarity and emphasis.
All are agreed that our appetites need control: but in order to establish a maxim of Temperance, we have to determine within what limits, on what principle, and to what end they ought to be controlled. Now in the case of the appetites for food, drink, sleep, stimulants, etc., no one doubts that bodily health and vigour is the end naturally subserved by their gratification, and that the latter ought to be checked whenever it tends to defeat this end (including in the notion of health the most perfect condition of the mental faculties, so far as this appears to depend upon the general state of the body). And, further, the indulgence of a bodily appetite is manifestly imprudent, if it involves the loss of any greater gratification of whatever kind: and otherwise wrong if it interferes with the performance of duties; though it is perhaps doubtful how far this latter indulgence would commonly be condemned as ‘intemperance.’
Everyone agrees that we need to control our desires. However, to define a principle of moderation, we must figure out the limits, the reasoning behind it, and the ultimate goal of that control. When it comes to desires like eating, drinking, sleeping, and using stimulants, nobody denies that satisfying these needs is meant to support our physical health and vitality, and that we should rein them in whenever they start to undermine this goal (which includes having our mental faculties in top shape, as much as this depends on our overall physical condition). Additionally, giving in to a physical desire is clearly unwise if it results in missing out on something more rewarding. It can also be considered wrong if it gets in the way of fulfilling our responsibilities, although it’s a bit uncertain how often people would label this kind of indulgence as 'excessive.'
Some, however, deduce from the obvious truth, that the maintenance of bodily health is the chief natural end of the appetites, a more rigid rule of restraint, and one that goes beyond prudence. They say that this end ought to fix not[329] only the negative but the positive limit of indulgence; that the pleasure derived from the gratification of appetite should never be sought per se (even when it does not impair health, or interfere with duty, or with a greater pleasure of a different kind); but only in so far as such gratification is positively conducive to health. When we consider to what a marked divergence from the usual habits of the moral rich this principle would lead, we might be disposed to say that it is clearly at variance with Common Sense: but it often meets with verbal assent.
Some people, however, conclude from the clear truth that keeping our bodies healthy is the primary natural purpose of our desires, a stricter rule of self-control that goes beyond just being sensible. They argue that this purpose should determine not only the limits on what we shouldn’t indulge in but also the limits on what we should. They believe that pleasure from satisfying our desires shouldn’t be pursued for its own sake (even if it doesn’t harm our health, interfere with our responsibilities, or clash with a greater form of enjoyment); instead, it should only be sought to the extent that it positively contributes to our health. Considering how much this principle would contrast with the usual behaviors of the morally affluent, we might say it clearly contradicts Common Sense; yet, it often receives verbal agreement.
There is, again, a third and intermediate view which accepts the principle that the gratification of appetite is not to be sought for its own sake, but admits other ends as legitimate besides the mere maintenance of health and strength:—e.g. “cheerfulness, and the cultivation of the social affections.”[248] Some such principle seems to be more or less consciously held by many persons: hence we find that solitary indulgence in the pleasures of the table is very frequently regarded with something like moral aversion: and that the banquets which are given and enjoyed by moral persons, are vaguely supposed to have for their end not the common indulgence of sensual appetites, but the promotion of conviviality and conversational entertainment. For it is generally believed that the enjoyment in common of a luxurious meal develops social emotions, and also stimulates the faculties of wit and humour and lively colloquy in general; and feasts which are obviously not contrived with a view to such convivial and colloquial gratifications seem to be condemned by refined persons. Still it would be going too far to state, as a maxim supported by Common Sense in respect of sensual pleasures generally, that they are never to be sought except they positively promote those of a higher kind.
There is, once again, a third and intermediate perspective that acknowledges the idea that seeking pleasure from our appetites shouldn’t be done just for its own sake, but also accepts other valid purposes beyond mere health and strength: for example, “happiness and fostering social connections.” Some people seem to hold this idea, even if only partially: thus, we find that indulging alone in food is often looked at with some moral disapproval; and that communal meals enjoyed by virtuous individuals are generally thought to aim not just at satisfying basic appetites, but at enhancing camaraderie and engaging conversations. It’s widely believed that sharing a lavish meal fosters social emotions and boosts our ability for wit, humor, and lively discussions overall; and gatherings that clearly aren’t organized for such social and conversational enjoyment appear to be frowned upon by more cultured individuals. However, it would be too extreme to claim, as a principle backed by Common Sense regarding sensual pleasures in general, that they should only be pursued if they actively promote higher pleasures.
§ 3. In the last section we have spoken chiefly of the appetites for food and drink. It is, however, in the case of the appetite of sex that the regulation morally prescribed most clearly and definitely transcends that of mere prudence: which is indicated by the special notion of Purity or Chastity.[249]
§ 3. In the last section, we mainly talked about the desires for food and drink. However, when it comes to sexual desire, the moral guidelines that are recommended go beyond just being careful: this is highlighted by the specific idea of Purity or Chastity.[249]
At first sight it may perhaps appear that the regulation of the sexual appetite prescribed by the received moral code merely confines its indulgence within the limits of the union sanctioned by law: only that here, as the natural impulse is peculiarly powerful and easily excited, it is especially necessary to prohibit any acts, internal as well as external, that tend even indirectly to the transgression of these limits. And this is to a great extent true: still on reflection it will appear, I think, that our common notion of purity implies a standard independent of law; for, first, conformity to this does not necessarily secure purity: and secondly, all illegitimate sexual intercourse is not thought to be impure,[250] and it is only by inadvertence that the two notions are sometimes confounded. But it is not very clear what this standard is. For when we interrogate the moral consciousness of mankind, we seem to find two views, a stricter and a laxer, analogous to the two interpretations of Temperance last noticed. It is agreed that the sexual appetite ought never to be indulged for the sake of the sensual gratification merely, but as a means to some higher end: but some say that the propagation of the species is the only legitimate, as it is obviously the primary natural, end: while others regard the development of mutual affection in a union designed to be permanent as an end perfectly admissible and right. I need not point out that the practical difference between the two views is considerable; so that this question is one which it is necessary to raise and decide. But it may be observed that any attempt to lay down minute and detailed rules on this subject seems to be condemned by Common Sense as tending to defeat the end of purity; as such minuteness of moral legislation invites men in general to exercise their thoughts on this subject to an extent which is practically dangerous.[251]
At first glance, it might seem like the regulation of sexual desire dictated by the accepted moral code simply restricts its expression to what is legally sanctioned. However, given that the natural impulse is particularly strong and easily triggered, it’s crucial to forbid any actions, whether internal or external, that could even indirectly lead to crossing these boundaries. This is largely true; still, upon further thought, it seems that our common understanding of purity suggests a standard beyond just the law. First, following the law does not automatically ensure purity; and second, not all unlawful sexual acts are considered impure, and it’s only by mistake that the two concepts are sometimes mixed up. But it’s not entirely clear what this standard actually is. When we delve into the moral sense of humanity, we identify two perspectives: a stricter one and a more lenient one, similar to the two interpretations of Temperance noted earlier. There’s a consensus that sexual desire should never be pursued solely for physical pleasure but should serve a higher purpose. Some argue that reproducing the species is the only valid and obviously primary natural goal, while others believe that fostering mutual affection in a committed union is also a completely acceptable and valid aim. I don’t need to emphasize that the practical difference between these two views is significant, making it essential to address and resolve this question. However, it’s worth noting that any effort to establish detailed rules on this topic seems to be frowned upon by Common Sense, as it risks undermining the goal of purity; such detailed moral guidelines encourage people to think about this issue in ways that can be practically harmful.
I ought to point out that the Virtue of Purity is certainly not merely self-regarding, and is therefore properly out of place in this chapter: but the convenience of discussing it[331] along with Temperance has led me to take it out of its natural order. Some, however, would go further, and say that it ought to be treated as a distinctly social virtue: for the propagation and rearing of children is one of the most important of social interests: and they would maintain that Purity merely connotes a sentiment protective of these important functions, supporting the rules which we consider necessary to secure their proper performance. But it seems clear that, though Common Sense undoubtedly recognises this tendency of the sentiment of Purity to maintain the best possible provision for the continuance of the human race, it still does not regard that as the fundamental point in the definition of this rule of duty, and the sole criterion in deciding whether acts do or do not violate the rule.
I should mention that the Virtue of Purity isn't just about self-interest, which is why it doesn't really belong in this chapter. However, it’s convenient to discuss it[331] alongside Temperance, so I’ve included it out of order. Some people would argue that it should be seen as a social virtue because raising children is one of the most important social concerns. They would claim that Purity is about protecting these vital functions and upholding the rules we believe are necessary for their proper execution. Yet, it's clear that while Common Sense recognizes that Purity tends to support the best conditions for the survival of humanity, it doesn’t see that as the main point in defining this duty or as the only standard for determining whether actions violate the rule.
There seem to be no similar special questions with respect to most other desires. We recognise, no doubt, a general duty of self-control: but this is merely as a means to the end of acting rationally (whatever our interpretation of rational action may be); it only prescribes that we should yield to no impulse which prompts us to act in antagonism to ends or rules deliberately accepted. Further, there is a certain tendency among moral persons to the ascetic opinion that the gratification of merely sensual impulse is in itself somewhat objectionable: but this view does not seem to be taken by Common Sense in particular cases;—we do not (e.g.) commonly condemn the most intense enjoyment of muscular exercise, or warmth, or bathing. The only other case, besides that of the appetites above discussed, in which the Common Sense of our age and country seems to regard as right or admirable the repression of natural impulses, beyond what Prudence and Benevolence would dictate, is that of the promptings of pain and fear. An important instance of this is to be found in the before-mentioned rule prohibiting suicide absolutely, even in face of the strongest probability that the rest of a man’s life will be both miserable and burdensome to others. But in other cases also praise is apparently bestowed on endurance of pain and danger, beyond what is conducive to happiness; as we shall have occasion to observe in the next chapter.
There don't seem to be any similar special questions regarding most other desires. We do recognize a general responsibility for self-control, but that's just a way to ensure we act rationally (however we define rational action). It simply suggests that we shouldn't give in to any impulse that leads us to act against goals or rules we’ve accepted. Additionally, there’s a common tendency among moral individuals to view the satisfaction of purely physical impulses as somewhat questionable. However, Common Sense doesn't seem to share this opinion in specific cases—we typically don’t condemn intense enjoyment from physical activities, warmth, or bathing. The only other situation, apart from the appetites we've talked about, where today's Common Sense seems to approve of controlling natural impulses beyond what is wise and kind, is in the face of pain and fear. A key example of this is the previously mentioned rule against suicide, even when there's a strong likelihood that a person's life will be both miserable and burdensome to others. But in other situations, praise appears to be given for enduring pain and danger, beyond what contributes to happiness, as we will note in the next chapter.
CHAPTER X
Courage, humility, etc.
§ 1. Besides the Virtue of Purity, which we found it convenient to discuss in the last chapter, there remain one or two prominent excellences of character which do not seem to be commonly admired and inculcated with any distinct reference either to private or to general happiness; and which, though in most cases obviously conducive to one or other of these ends, sometimes seem to influence conduct in a direction at variance with them.
§ 1. In addition to the Virtue of Purity that we talked about in the last chapter, there are still a couple of key qualities of character that don’t seem to be widely appreciated or emphasized specifically for personal or overall happiness. While they often clearly contribute to one or the other of these goals, sometimes they seem to lead behavior in a way that conflicts with them.
For example, Courage is a quality which excites general admiration, whether it is shown in self-defence, or in aiding others, or even when we do not see any benefit resulting from the particular exhibition of it. Again, in Christian societies, Humility (if believed sincere) often obtains unqualified praise, in spite of the loss that may evidently result from a man’s underrating his own abilities. It will be well, therefore, to examine how far in either case we can elicit a clear and independent maxim defining the conduct commended under each of these notions.
For example, courage is a quality that inspires widespread admiration, whether it’s displayed in self-defense, helping others, or even when there doesn’t seem to be any benefit from it. Similarly, in Christian communities, humility (if genuinely believed) often receives unconditional praise, despite the potential drawbacks of a person undervaluing their own abilities. Therefore, it’s important to explore how far we can establish a clear and independent principle that outlines the behavior encouraged by each of these ideas.
To begin with Courage. We generally denote by this term a disposition to face danger of any kind without shrinking. We sometimes also call those who bear pain unflinchingly courageous: but this quality of character we more commonly distinguish as Fortitude. Now it seems plain that if we seek for a definition of strict duty, as commonly recognised, under the head either of Courage or of Fortitude, we can find none that does not involve a reference to other maxims and ends. For no one would say that it is our duty to face danger or to bear avoidable pain generally, but only[333] if it meets us in the course of duty.[252] And even this needs further qualification: for as regards such duties as those (e.g.) of general Benevolence, it would be commonly allowed that the agent’s pain and danger are to be taken into account in practically determining their extent: it would be held that we are not bound to endure any pain except for the prevention of manifestly greater pain to another, or the attainment of a more important amount of positive good: nor to run any risk, unless the chance of additional benefit to be gained for another outweighs the cost and chance of loss to ourselves if we fail. Indeed it is doubtful whether the common estimate of the duty of Benevolence could be said to amount quite to this.[253]
To start with courage. We typically describe this term as the ability to face any kind of danger without hesitation. We sometimes refer to those who endure pain without flinching as courageous; however, we more commonly identify this character trait as fortitude. It seems clear that if we are looking for a definition of strict duty, as generally understood, under either courage or fortitude, we won't find one that doesn't reference other principles and purposes. No one would claim that it is our duty to confront danger or to endure avoidable pain in general, but only[333] if it arises during the course of our duty.[252] Furthermore, this requires more clarification: regarding duties like those of general benevolence, it is usually accepted that the pain and danger faced by the individual should be considered when practically determining the responsibilities involved. It is generally believed that we are not obligated to endure any pain unless it prevents obviously greater pain to someone else or achieves a significantly greater amount of good. Likewise, we shouldn't take risks unless the potential benefit to others outweighs the costs and chances of loss to ourselves if we fail. In fact, it's debatable whether the common interpretation of the duty of benevolence really aligns entirely with this.[253]
When, however, we consider Courage as an Excellence rather than a duty, it seems to hold a more independent position in our moral estimation. And this view corresponds more completely than the other to the common application of the notion; as there are many acts of courage, which are not altogether within the control of the Will, and therefore cannot be regarded as strict duties. For (1) danger is frequently sudden and needs to be met without deliberation, so that our manner of meeting it can only be semi-voluntary. And (2) though naturally timid persons can perhaps with effort control fear as they can anger or appetite, if time be allowed for deliberation, and can prevent it from taking effect in dereliction of duty: still this result is not all that is required for the performance of such courageous acts as need more than ordinary energy—for the energy of the timid virtuous man is liable to be exhausted in the effort to control his fear: e.g. in battle he can perhaps stand still to be killed as well as the courageous man, but not charge with the same impetuosity or strike with the same vigour and precision.[254]
When we think of courage as a quality instead of a duty, it seems to have a more independent role in how we view morality. This perspective aligns better with how the concept is generally understood, since there are many acts of courage that aren’t entirely within a person's control and therefore can’t be seen as strict obligations. For one, (1) danger often arises suddenly and must be confronted without much thought, which means that our response is only partially voluntary. And (2) while naturally timid people might work to manage their fear like they could with anger or desire—if they have time to think about it—and prevent it from resulting in failure to fulfill their duties, this alone isn’t enough for performing acts of courage that require exceptional energy. The timid virtuous person can get drained from trying to control their fear: for example, in battle, they might be able to stand still to be killed just like a brave person, but they won’t charge forward with the same intensity or hit with the same strength and accuracy.[254]
So far then as Courage is not completely voluntary, we have to consider whether it is a desirable quality rather[334] than whether we are strictly bound to exhibit it. And here there seems no doubt that we commonly find it morally admirable without reference to any end served by it, and when the dangers which call it forth might be avoided without any dereliction of duty. At the same time we call a man foolhardy who runs unnecessarily into danger beyond a certain degree. Where then is the limit to be fixed? On utilitarian principles we should endeavour to strike as exact a balance as possible between the amount of danger incurred in any case and the probable benefit of cultivating and developing by practice a habit so frequently necessary for the due performance of important duties. This will obviously give a different result for different states of society and different callings and professions; as most people need this instinctive courage less in civilised societies than in semi-barbarous ones, and civilians less than soldiers. Perhaps the instinctive admiration of mankind for acts of daring does not altogether observe this limit: but we may say, I think, that in so far as it attempts to justify itself on reflection, it is commonly in some such way as this; and Common Sense does not seem to point to any limit depending on a different principle.
As far as Courage isn’t entirely voluntary, we need to think about whether it’s a quality we want, rather than if we’re strictly obligated to show it. It seems clear that we often find it morally admirable, regardless of any purpose it serves, especially when the dangers that require it could be avoided without neglecting our responsibilities. At the same time, we call someone reckless if they intentionally put themselves in unnecessary danger past a certain point. So where should we draw the line? Based on utilitarian principles, we should try to find as accurate a balance as possible between the level of danger involved in any situation and the potential benefit of fostering and practicing a habit that is often crucial for effectively carrying out important duties. This will naturally yield different results depending on various social conditions and different jobs; for example, most people require this instinctive courage less in civilized societies than in semi-barbaric ones, and civilians need it less than soldiers. Perhaps the general admiration people have for daring acts doesn’t fully recognize this limit; however, we can say that to the extent it tries to justify itself upon reflection, it typically does so in a manner like this, and Common Sense doesn’t appear to indicate any limit based on a different principle.
§ 2. As the Virtue of Courage is prominent in Pagan ethics, and in the Code of Honour which may be regarded as a sort of survival of the pagan view of morality, so Humility especially belongs to the ideal set before mankind by Christianity. The common account, however, of this virtue is somewhat paradoxical. For it is generally said that Humility prescribes a low opinion of our own merits: but if our merits are comparatively high, it seems strange to direct us to have a low opinion of them. It may be replied, that though our merits may be high when compared with those of ordinary men, there are always some to be found superior, and we can compare ourselves with these, and in the extreme case with ideal excellence, of which all fall far short; and that we ought to make this kind of comparison and not the other kind, and contemplate our faults—of which we shall assuredly find a sufficiency—and not our merits. But surely in the most important deliberations which human life offers, in determining what kind of work we shall undertake and to what social functions we shall aspire, it is often necessary that we should compare our qualifications[335] carefully with those of average men, if we are to decide rightly. And it would seem just as irrational to underrate ourselves as to overrate; and though most men are more prone to the latter mistake, there are certainly some rather inclined to the former.
§ 2. Just as the quality of Courage is central in Pagan ethics and in the Code of Honour, which can be seen as a remnant of the pagan perspective on morality, Humility is particularly associated with the ideal presented by Christianity. However, the general understanding of this virtue is somewhat contradictory. It’s usually said that Humility means having a low opinion of our own merits: yet if our merits are relatively high, it seems odd to suggest we should think less of them. One might argue that even if our merits are high compared to average people, there will always be some who surpass us, and we can compare ourselves to them, and in the most extreme case, to the ideal of perfection, which we all fall short of; thus, we should focus on this kind of comparison rather than the other, and reflect on our shortcomings—of which we will undoubtedly find plenty—and not our merits. However, in the most crucial decisions in life, when deciding what kind of work to take on and what social roles to strive for, it's often essential to compare our abilities with those of average people in order to make the right choices. It seems just as unreasonable to underestimate ourselves as it is to overestimate ourselves; and while most people are more likely to make the latter mistake, there are certainly some who tend to lean towards the former.
I think that if we reflect carefully on the common judgments in which the notion of Humility is used, we shall find that the quality commonly praised under this name (which is not always used eulogistically), is not properly regulative of the opinions we form of ourselves—for here as in other opinions we ought to aim at nothing but Truth—but tends to the repression of two different seductive emotions, one entirely self-regarding, the other relating to others and partly taking effect in social behaviour. Partly, the Virtue of Humility is manifested in repressing the emotion of self-admiration, which springs naturally from the contemplation of our own merits, and as it is highly agreeable, prompts to such contemplation. This admiring self-complacency is generally condemned: but not, I think, by an intuition that claims to be ultimate, as it is commonly justified by the reason that such self-admiration, even if well-grounded, tends to check our progress towards higher virtue. The mere fact of our feeling this admiration is thought to be evidence that we have not sufficiently compared ourselves with our ideal, or that our ideal is not sufficiently high: and it is thought to be indispensable to moral progress that we should have a high ideal and should continually contemplate it. At the same time, we obviously need some care in the application of this maxim. For all admit that self-respect is an important auxiliary to right conduct: and moralists continually point to the satisfactions of a good conscience as part of the natural reward which Providence has attached to virtue: yet it is difficult to separate the glow of self-approbation which attends the performance of a virtuous action from the complacent self-consciousness which Humility seems to exclude. Perhaps we may say that the feeling of self-approbation itself is natural and a legitimate pleasure, but that if prolonged and fostered it is liable to impede moral progress: and that what Humility prescribes is such repression of self-satisfaction as will tend on the whole to promote this end. On this view the maxim of Humility is clearly a dependent one: the end to which it is subordinate is[336] progress in Virtue generally. As for such pride and self-satisfaction as are based not on our own conduct and its results, but on external and accidental advantages, these are condemned as involving a false and absurd view as to the nature of real merit.
I think that if we carefully consider the common opinions surrounding the idea of Humility, we'll find that the quality usually praised under this term (which isn't always used positively) doesn't really guide our self-perceptions—just like with other opinions, we should strive for nothing but Truth—but rather aims to suppress two different tempting feelings: one is completely self-focused, while the other relates to others and partly influences social behavior. Part of the virtue of Humility is shown in suppressing the feeling of self-admiration, which naturally arises from reflecting on our own strengths, and because it feels good, it encourages such reflection. This self-pleasing admiration is generally frowned upon; however, I don't believe it's seen as an ultimate truth, since it's usually justified by reasoning that this self-admiration, even if deserved, prevents us from moving toward greater virtue. The fact that we feel this admiration is thought to indicate that we haven't compared ourselves enough with our ideal, or that our ideal isn't high enough. It's believed that for moral growth, we should have a high ideal and constantly reflect on it. At the same time, we clearly need to be cautious in applying this principle. Everyone agrees that self-respect is an important support for proper behavior, and ethicists often highlight the satisfaction that comes from a clear conscience as part of the natural reward Providence ties to virtue. Yet, it’s hard to separate the healthy glow of self-approval that comes from doing a good deed from the self-satisfied awareness that Humility seems to reject. Maybe we can say that the feeling of self-approval itself is natural and a valid pleasure, but if it’s prolonged and nurtured, it can hinder moral growth. What Humility promotes is the suppression of self-satisfaction that, on the whole, will help achieve this goal. From this perspective, the principle of Humility is clearly secondary: its purpose is to support[336] overall progress in Virtue. As for pride and self-satisfaction based not on our own actions and their outcomes, but on external and random advantages, these are criticized for reflecting a false and ridiculous understanding of what real merit is.
But we not only take pleasure in our own respect and admiration, but still more, generally speaking, in the respect and admiration of others. The desire for this, again, is held to be to some extent legitimate, and even a valuable aid to morality: but as it is a dangerously seductive impulse, and frequently acts in opposition to duty, it is felt to stand in special need of self-control. Humility, however, does not so much consist in controlling this desire, as in repressing the claim for its satisfaction which we are naturally disposed to make upon others. We are inclined to demand from others ‘tokens of respect,’ some external symbol of their recognition of our elevated place in the scale of human beings; and to complain if our demands are not granted. Such claims and demands Humility bids us repress. It is thought to be our duty not to exact, in many cases, even the expression of reverence which others are strictly bound to pay. And yet here, again, there is a limit, in the view of Common Sense, at which this quality of behaviour passes over into a fault: for the omission of marks of respect[255] is sometimes an insult which impulses commonly regarded as legitimate and even virtuous (sense of Dignity, Self-respect, Proper Pride, etc.) prompt us to repel. I do not, however, think it possible to claim a consensus for any formula for determining this limit.
But we don't just find joy in our own respect and admiration; we often care even more about the respect and admiration of others. This desire is generally seen as somewhat legitimate and can even help with morality. However, since it's a dangerously tempting urge that often conflicts with our duties, it requires a special kind of self-control. Humility, on the other hand, isn't just about controlling this desire; it's more about holding back our natural inclination to demand satisfaction from others. We tend to expect "tokens of respect," or some external sign of their acknowledgment of our higher status among people, and we complain when our expectations aren’t met. Humility encourages us to suppress such claims and demands. Many believe it’s our duty not to insist on even the expressions of reverence that others are expected to show. Yet, once again, there’s a limit, according to Common Sense, beyond which this behavior can become a fault. Because sometimes, a lack of respect can feel like an insult, prompting us to react with impulses that are generally considered legitimate and even virtuous (like a sense of Dignity, Self-respect, Proper Pride, etc.). However, I don't think it's possible to arrive at a clear consensus on a specific formula for determining this limit.
CHAPTER XI
A REVIEW OF COMMON SENSE MORALITY
§ 1. We have now concluded such detailed examination of the morality of Common Sense as, on the plan laid down in chap. i. of this Book, it seemed desirable to undertake. We have not discussed all the terms of our common moral vocabulary: but I believe that we have omitted none that are important either in themselves or relatively to our present inquiry. For of those that remain we may fairly say, that they manifestly will not furnish independent maxims: for reflection will show that the conduct designated by them is either prescribed merely as a means to the performance of duties already discussed; or is really identical with the whole or part of some of these, viewed in some special aspect, or perhaps specialised by the addition of some peculiar circumstance or condition.
§ 1. We have now finished a thorough examination of the morality of Common Sense as it seemed appropriate to undertake based on the plan outlined in chap. i. of this Book. We haven’t covered every term in our shared moral language, but I believe we haven't left out any that are significant, either in themselves or in relation to our current inquiry. For those that remain, we can confidently say that they clearly won't provide independent principles: reflection will reveal that the actions they describe are either merely a means to fulfill duties we've already discussed, or they are basically the same as some of those duties viewed in a specific way, or perhaps refined by the addition of a unique circumstance or condition.
Let us now pause and survey briefly the process in which we have been engaged, and the results which we have elicited.
Let’s take a moment to look back at the process we've been through and the outcomes we've achieved.
We started with admitting the point upon the proof of which moralists have often concentrated their efforts, the existence of apparently independent moral intuitions. It seemed undeniable that men judge some acts to be right and wrong in themselves, without consideration of their tendency to produce happiness to the agent or to others: and indeed without taking their consequences into account at all, except in so far as these are included in the common notion of the act. We saw, however, that in so far as these judgments are passed in particular cases, they seem to involve (at least for the more reflective part of mankind) a reference of the case to some general rule of duty: and that in the frequent cases of doubt or conflict of[338] judgments as to the rightness of any action, appeal is commonly made to such rules or maxims, as the ultimately valid principles of moral cognition. In order, therefore, to throw the Morality of Common Sense into a scientific form, it seemed necessary to obtain as exact a statement as possible of these generally recognised principles. I did not think that I could dispense myself from this task by any summary general argument, based on the unscientific character of common morality. There is no doubt that the moral opinions of ordinary men are in many points loose, shifting, and mutually contradictory, but it does not follow that we may not obtain from this fluid mass of opinion, a deposit of clear and precise principles commanding universal acceptance. The question, whether we can do this or not, seemed to me one which should not be decided a priori without a fair trial: and it is partly in order to prepare materials for this trial that the survey in the preceding eight chapters has been conducted. I have endeavoured to ascertain impartially, by mere reflection on our common moral discourse, what are the general principles or maxims, according to which different kinds of conduct are judged to be right and reasonable in different departments of life. I wish it to be particularly observed, that I have in no case introduced my own views, in so far as I am conscious of their being at all peculiar to myself: my sole object has been to make explicit the implied premises of our common moral reasoning. I now wish to subject the results of this survey to a final examination, in order to decide whether these general formulæ possess the characteristics by which self-evident truths are distinguished from mere opinions.
We started by acknowledging a point that moralists have often focused on: the existence of moral intuitions that seem independent. It’s clear that people judge certain actions to be right or wrong in themselves, without considering how they affect happiness for the person or others. In fact, they often don't take the consequences into account at all, except as they relate to the general concept of the act. However, we found that when these judgments are made in specific situations, they typically involve a reference to some overarching rule of duty, at least for the more thoughtful individuals. In cases of doubt or conflicting judgments about whether an action is right, people often refer to such rules or maxims as reliable principles of moral understanding. Therefore, to bring the Morality of Common Sense into a scientific framework, it seemed necessary to accurately state these generally accepted principles. I didn’t believe I could skip this task with a general argument about the unscientific nature of common morality. There’s no doubt that the moral views of everyday people can be inconsistent, variable, and contradictory, but that doesn’t mean we can’t extract a set of clear and precise principles that are widely accepted from this fluid pool of opinions. The question of whether we can achieve this shouldn’t be settled a priori without a proper test. Part of the reason for the review in the previous eight chapters was to prepare for this examination. I’ve tried to objectively reflect on our common moral discussions to identify the general principles or maxims that guide judgments of right and reasonable conduct in various areas of life. I want to emphasize that I haven’t introduced my own views, as far as I’m aware; my only goal has been to clarify the implied premises of our shared moral reasoning. Now, I want to put the results of this review to a final test to determine whether these general formulas have the qualities that distinguish self-evident truths from mere opinions.
§ 2. There seem to be four conditions, the complete fulfilment of which would establish a significant proposition, apparently self-evident, in the highest degree of certainty attainable: and which must be approximately realised by the premises of our reasoning in any inquiry, if that reasoning is to lead us cogently to trustworthy conclusions.
§ 2. There appear to be four conditions, the complete fulfillment of which would establish a significant statement, seemingly obvious, with the highest level of certainty achievable: and which must be roughly met by the premises of our reasoning in any inquiry if that reasoning is to lead us effectively to reliable conclusions.
I. The terms of the proposition must be clear and precise. The rival originators of modern Methodology, Descartes and Bacon, vie with each other in the stress that they lay on this point: and the latter’s warning against the “notiones male terminatæ” of ordinary thought is peculiarly needed in ethical[339] discussion. In fact my chief business in the preceding survey has been to free the common terms of Ethics, as far as possible, from objection on this score.
I. The terms of the proposal need to be clear and specific. The competing founders of modern Methodology, Descartes and Bacon, emphasize this point strongly: Bacon’s caution against the “poorly defined concepts” of everyday thinking is especially important in ethical[339] discussions. In fact, my main goal in the previous overview has been to eliminate as much as possible any objections to the common terms used in Ethics.
II. The self-evidence of the proposition must be ascertained by careful reflection. It is needful to insist on this, because most persons are liable to confound intuitions, on the one hand with mere impressions or impulses, which to careful observation do not present themselves as claiming to be dictates of Reason; and on the other hand, with mere opinions, to which the familiarity that comes from frequent hearing and repetition often gives a false appearance of self-evidence which attentive reflection disperses. In such cases the Cartesian method of testing the ultimate premises of our reasonings, by asking ourselves if we clearly and distinctly apprehend them to be true, may be of real use; though it does not, as Descartes supposed, afford a complete protection against error. A rigorous demand for self-evidence in our premises is a valuable protection against the misleading influence of our own irrational impulses on our judgments: while at the same time it not only distinguishes as inadequate the mere external support of authority and tradition, but also excludes the more subtle and latent effect of these in fashioning our minds to a facile and unquestioning admission of common but unwarranted assumptions.
II. We need to determine the self-evidence of the proposition through careful thinking. It's important to stress this because many people tend to confuse intuitions with simple impressions or urges, which don't seem to assert themselves as commands of Reason upon close observation. They also confuse them with mere opinions, which can seem self-evident due to their frequent exposure and repetition, a misconception that careful thought can clarify. In these situations, the Cartesian method of examining the foundational premises of our reasoning by questioning whether we understand them to be true can be genuinely helpful, even though, contrary to Descartes' belief, it doesn't completely guard against error. A strict requirement for self-evidence in our premises serves as a useful safeguard against the misleading effects of our own irrational impulses on our judgments. At the same time, it not only shows that the external support of authority and tradition is inadequate but also counters the more subtle and hidden influences these have on shaping our minds into easily accepting common but unfounded assumptions.
And we may observe that the application of this test is especially needed in Ethics. For, on the one hand, it cannot be denied that any strong sentiment, however purely subjective, is apt to transform itself into the semblance of an intuition; and it requires careful contemplation to detect the illusion. Whatever we desire we are apt to pronounce desirable: and we are strongly tempted to approve of whatever conduct gives us keen pleasure.[256] And on the other hand, among the rules of conduct to which we customarily conform, there are many which reflection shows to be really derived from some external authority: so that even if their obligation be unquestionable, they cannot be intuitively ascertained. This is of course the case with the Positive Law of the community to which we belong. There is no doubt that we ought,—at least generally speaking,—to[340] obey this: but what it is we cannot of course ascertain by any process of abstract reflection, but only by consulting Reports and Statutes. Here, however, the sources of knowledge are so definite and conspicuous, that we are in no danger of confounding the knowledge gained from studying them with the results of abstract contemplation. The case is somewhat different with the traditional and customary rules of behaviour which exist in every society, supplementing the regulative operation of Law proper: here it is much more difficult to distinguish the rules which a moral man is called upon to define for himself, by the application of intuitively known principles, from those as to which some authority external to the individual is recognised as the final arbiter.[257]
And we can see that applying this test is particularly important in Ethics. On one hand, it's undeniable that any strong feeling, no matter how subjective, can easily look like an intuition; it takes careful thought to recognize the illusion. Whatever we desire, we tend to declare it desirable, and we are often inclined to approve of any actions that bring us pleasure.[256] On the other hand, among the behavioral rules that we usually follow, many actually come from some external authority: so even if we can’t question their obligation, we can’t know them intuitively. This is especially true for the Positive Law of our community. There's no doubt that we should—at least in general—obey this: but we can’t determine what it is through abstract thought; we need to consult Reports and Statutes. Here, however, the sources of knowledge are so clear and obvious that we won’t confuse what we learn from studying them with what comes from abstract thinking. The situation is quite different with the traditional and customary behavior rules in every society that supplement the regulatory function of Law: here, it’s much harder to tell apart the rules a moral person should define for themselves using intuitively understood principles from those governed by some external authority recognized as the final judge.[257]
We may illustrate this by referring to two systems of rules which we have before[258] compared with Morality; the Law of Honour, and the Law of Fashion or Etiquette. I noticed that there is an ambiguity in the common terms ‘honourable’ and ‘dishonourable’; which are no doubt sometimes used, like ethical terms, as implying an absolute standard. Still, when we speak of the Code of Honour we seem to mean rules of which the exact nature is to be finally determined by an appeal to the general opinion of well-bred persons: we admit that a man is in a sense ‘dishonoured’ when this opinion condemns him, even though we may think his conduct unobjectionable or even intrinsically admirable.[259] Similarly, when we consider from the point of view of reason the rules of Fashion or Etiquette, some may seem useful and commendable, some indifferent and arbitrary, some perhaps absurd and burdensome: but nevertheless we recognise that the final authority on matters of Etiquette is the custom of polite society; which feels itself under no obligation of reducing its rules to rational principles. Yet it must be observed that each individual in any society commonly finds in himself a knowledge not obviously incomplete of the rules of Honour and Etiquette, and an impulse to conform to them without requiring any further reason for doing so. Each often seems to see at a glance what[341] is honourable and polite just as clearly as he sees what is right: and it requires some consideration to discover that in the former cases custom and opinion are generally the final authority from which there is no appeal. And even in the case of rules regarded as distinctly moral, we can generally find an element that seems to us as clearly conventional as the codes just mentioned, when we contemplate the morality of other men, even in our own age and country. Hence we may reasonably suspect a similar element in our own moral code: and must admit the great importance of testing rigorously any rule which we find that we have a habitual impulse to obey; to see whether it really expresses or can be referred to a clear intuition of rightness.
We can illustrate this by looking at two systems of rules that we've previously compared to Morality: the Law of Honour and the Law of Fashion or Etiquette. I've noticed an ambiguity in the common terms ‘honourable’ and ‘dishonourable’; they are often used, like ethical terms, to suggest an absolute standard. However, when we talk about the Code of Honour, it seems we refer to rules that are ultimately defined by the general opinion of well-bred individuals: we acknowledge that a person is somewhat ‘dishonoured’ when this opinion condemns them, even if we believe their behavior is acceptable or even admirable. Similarly, when we evaluate the rules of Fashion or Etiquette from a rational standpoint, some may appear useful and commendable, some indifferent and arbitrary, and others perhaps absurd and burdensome. Nonetheless, we recognize that the ultimate authority on Etiquette is the customs of polite society, which doesn’t feel obligated to base its rules on rational principles. Yet, it is important to note that each individual in any society usually possesses an understanding of the rules of Honour and Etiquette that isn't clearly incomplete, along with a natural inclination to conform to them without needing any further justification. Individuals often seem to instantly recognize what is honourable and polite just as clearly as they understand what is right: it takes some thought to realize that in these cases, custom and opinion are generally the final authority to which there is no appeal. Even when it comes to rules that we consider distinctly moral, we can typically find an element that appears just as conventional as the codes we've mentioned when we think about the morality of others, even in our own time and place. Therefore, we might reasonably suspect a similar element in our moral code and must acknowledge the significant importance of rigorously testing any rule to which we feel a habitual impulse to adhere, to see if it truly reflects or can be linked to a clear sense of rightness.
III. The propositions accepted as self-evident must be mutually consistent. Here, again, it is obvious that any collision between two intuitions is a proof that there is error in one or the other, or in both. Still, we frequently find ethical writers treating this point very lightly. They appear to regard a conflict of ultimate rules as a difficulty that may be ignored or put aside for future solution, without any slur being thrown on the scientific character of the conflicting formulæ. Whereas such a collision is absolute proof that at least one of the formulæ needs qualification: and suggests a doubt whether the correctly qualified proposition will present itself with the same self-evidence as the simpler but inadequate one; and whether we have not mistaken for an ultimate and independent axiom one that is really derivative and subordinate.
III. The ideas we accept as obvious must be consistent with each other. Again, it's clear that if two beliefs clash, it indicates that there’s an error in one or both. However, we often see ethical writers treating this issue quite casually. They seem to think that a conflict of fundamental rules is a problem that can be ignored or postponed for later resolution, without reflecting poorly on the scientific nature of the conflicting statements. But such a conflict is clear evidence that at least one of the statements needs some adjustment and raises doubts about whether the properly adjusted statement will be as obviously true as the simpler but inadequate one. It also makes us wonder if we have confused a truly fundamental and independent principle with one that is actually derived and subordinate.
IV. Since it is implied in the very notion of Truth that it is essentially the same for all minds, the denial by another of a proposition that I have affirmed has a tendency to impair my confidence in its validity. And in fact ‘universal’ or ‘general’ consent has often been held to constitute by itself a sufficient evidence of the truth of the most important beliefs; and is practically the only evidence upon which the greater part of mankind can rely. A proposition accepted as true upon this ground alone has, of course, neither self-evidence nor demonstrative evidence for the mind that so accepts it; still, the secure acceptance that we commonly give to the generalisations of the empirical sciences rests—even[342] in the case of experts—largely on the belief that other experts have seen for themselves the evidence for these generalisations, and do not materially disagree as to its adequacy. And it will be easily seen that the absence of such disagreement must remain an indispensable negative condition of the certainty of our beliefs. For if I find any of my judgments, intuitive or inferential, in direct conflict with a judgment of some other mind, there must be error somewhere: and if I have no more reason to suspect error in the other mind than in my own, reflective comparison between the two judgments necessarily reduces me temporarily to a state of neutrality. And though the total result in my mind is not exactly suspense of judgment, but an alternation and conflict between positive affirmation by one act of thought and the neutrality that is the result of another, it is obviously something very different from scientific certitude.
IV. Since the concept of Truth implies that it’s essentially the same for everyone, when someone denies a statement I’ve accepted, it tends to shake my confidence in its validity. In fact, 'universal' or 'general' agreement has often been considered sufficient proof of the truth of key beliefs, and it's basically the only evidence most people can depend on. A statement accepted as true solely on this basis doesn't have self-evidence or demonstrative evidence for the person who accepts it; however, the solid acceptance we generally give to the generalizations of empirical sciences relies—even for experts—largely on the belief that other experts have personally examined the evidence for these generalizations and don't significantly disagree about how adequate it is. It's clear that the lack of such disagreement must remain a necessary negative condition for the certainty of our beliefs. If I find any of my judgments, whether intuitive or inferential, in direct conflict with someone else's judgment, there has to be a mistake somewhere: and if I have no more reason to suspect error in the other person's mind than in my own, reflecting on the two judgments inevitably leaves me temporarily neutral. Although the overall effect in my mind isn’t exactly a suspension of judgment, but rather a back-and-forth conflict between positive affirmation from one thought and neutrality resulting from another, it’s clearly something quite different from scientific certainty.
Now if the account given of the Morality of Common Sense in the preceding chapters be in the main correct, it seems clear that, generally speaking, its maxims do not fulfil the conditions just laid down. So long as they are left in the state of somewhat vague generalities, as we meet them in ordinary discourse, we are disposed to yield them unquestioning assent, and it may be fairly claimed that the assent is approximately universal—in the sense that any expression of dissent is eccentric and paradoxical. But as soon as we attempt to give them the definiteness which science requires, we find that we cannot do this without abandoning the universality of acceptance. We find, in some cases, that alternatives present themselves, between which it is necessary that we should decide; but between which we cannot pretend that Common Sense does decide, and which often seem equally or nearly equally plausible. In other cases the moral notion seems to resist all efforts to obtain from it a definite rule: in others it is found to comprehend elements which we have no means of reducing to a common standard, except by the application of the Utilitarian—or some similar—method. Even where we seem able to educe from Common Sense a more or less clear reply to the questions raised in the process of definition, the principle that results is qualified in so complicated a way that its[343] self-evidence becomes dubious or vanishes altogether. And thus in each case what at first seemed like an intuition turns out to be either the mere expression of a vague impulse, needing regulation and limitation which it cannot itself supply, but which must be drawn from some other source: or a current opinion, the reasonableness of which has still to be shown by a reference to some other principle.
If the explanation of the Morality of Common Sense in the previous chapters is mostly accurate, it’s clear that, generally speaking, its maxims don’t meet the conditions we just discussed. As long as they remain somewhat vague generalities, like we find in everyday conversation, we tend to accept them without question, and it can be fairly said that this acceptance is nearly universal—in the sense that any disagreement seems odd and paradoxical. However, once we try to give them the clarity that science demands, we discover that we can’t do this without giving up that universal acceptance. In some cases, we face alternatives that we need to decide between, but we can’t claim that Common Sense makes that decision, and those options often seem equally or almost equally reasonable. In other situations, the moral idea seems to resist all attempts to derive a clear rule from it; in some, it includes elements that we can’t bring down to a common standard without using the Utilitarian method—or something similar. Even when we manage to derive a fairly clear answer from Common Sense to the questions posed during definition, the resulting principle is so complicated that its self-evidence becomes questionable or disappears entirely. Therefore, in each case, what initially seemed like an intuition turns out to be either simply a vague impulse needing guidance and limits that it cannot provide itself but must come from another source: or a popular opinion, the reasonableness of which still needs to be demonstrated by reference to another principle.
In order that this result may be adequately exhibited, I must ask the reader to travel with me again through the series of principles elicited from Common Sense in the previous chapters, and to examine them from a somewhat different point of view. Before, our primary aim was to ascertain impartially what the deliverances of Common Sense actually are: we have now to ask how far these enunciations can claim to be classed as Intuitive Truths.
To adequately show this result, I need to ask the reader to join me once more as we go through the series of principles drawn from Common Sense in the earlier chapters and look at them from a slightly different perspective. Previously, our main goal was to fairly determine what the conclusions of Common Sense really are; now we need to explore how much these statements can be considered Intuitive Truths.
The reader should observe that throughout this examination a double appeal is made; on the one hand to his individual moral consciousness, and, on the other hand, to the Common Sense of mankind, as expressed generally by the body of persons on whose moral judgment he is prepared to rely. I ask him (1) whether he can state a clear, precise, self-evident first principle, according to which he is prepared to judge conduct under each head: and (2) if so, whether this principle is really that commonly applied in practice, by those whom he takes to represent Common Sense.[260]
The reader should notice that throughout this examination, a double appeal is made: first to his individual moral sense, and second to the common sense of humanity, as generally expressed by the group of people whose moral judgment he is willing to trust. I ask him (1) if he can clearly and precisely state a self-evident first principle that he is ready to use to judge behavior in each case; and (2) if he can, whether this principle is actually the one commonly applied in practice by those he views as representing common sense.[260]
§ 3. If we begin by considering the duty of acting wisely, discussed in chap. iii., we may seem perhaps to have before us an axiom of undoubted self-evidence. For acting wisely appeared to mean taking the right means to the best ends; i.e. taking the means which Reason indicates to the ends which Reason prescribes. And it is evident that it must be right to act reasonably. Equally undeniable is the immediate[344] inference from, or negative aspect of, this principle; that it is wrong to act in opposition to rational judgment. This, taken in connexion with the empirical fact of impulses in our minds conflicting with Reason, gives—as another self-evident principle—the maxim of Temperance or Self-control in its widest interpretation; i.e. ‘That reason should never give way to Appetite or Passion.’[261] And these principles have sometimes been enounced with no little solemnity as answering the fundamental question of Ethics and supplying the basis or summary of a doctrine of Practice.
§ 3. If we start by thinking about the responsibility of acting wisely, discussed in chap. iii., it might seem that we have a clearly obvious principle before us. Acting wisely seems to mean choosing the right means to achieve the best outcomes; i.e. using the methods that Reason suggests to accomplish the goals that Reason sets. It's clear that it must be right to act reasonably. Equally undeniable is the immediate[344] conclusion from, or negative aspect of, this principle; that it's wrong to act against rational judgment. This, connected with the observable fact of our impulses often conflicting with Reason, leads to—another self-evident principle—the idea of Temperance or Self-control in its broadest sense; i.e. ‘That reason should never yield to Appetite or Passion.’[261] And these principles have sometimes been stated with great seriousness as addressing the fundamental question of Ethics and providing the foundation or summary of a doctrine of Practice.
But this statement of principles turns out to be one of those stages, so provokingly frequent in the course of ethical reflection, which, as far as practical guidance is concerned, are really brief circuits, leading us back to the point from which we started. Or rather, to prevent misapprehension, it should be observed that the maxims just given may be understood in two senses: in one sense they are certainly self-evident, but they are also insignificant: in another sense they include more or less distinctly a direction to an important practical duty, but as so understood they lose their self-evidence. For if the rules of Wisdom and Self-control mean (1) that we ought always to do what we see to be reasonable, and (2) that we are not to yield to any impulse urging us in an opposite direction; they simply affirm that it is our duty (1) generally, and (2) under special temptations, to do what we judge to be our duty;[262] and convey no information as to the method and principles by which duty is to be determined.
But this statement of principles turns out to be one of those stages that frequently pop up during ethical reflection, which, in terms of practical guidance, are really just loops that bring us back to where we started. To clarify, it should be noted that the maxims just given can be understood in two ways: one way is that they are clearly self-evident, but they are also trivial; the other way is that they provide more or less clear direction towards an important practical duty, but when understood this way, they lose their self-evidence. Because if the rules of Wisdom and Self-control mean (1) that we should always do what we recognize as reasonable, and (2) that we shouldn’t give in to any impulse pushing us in the opposite direction; they simply state that it is our duty (1) in general, and (2) under specific temptations, to do what we believe is our duty;[262] and they don’t provide any information about the methods and principles for determining what our duty is.
But if these rules are further understood (as they sometimes are understood) to prescribe the cultivation of a habit of acting rationally; that is, of referring each act to definitely conceived principles and ends, instead of allowing it to be determined by instinctive impulses; then I cannot see that the affirmation of[345] this as an universal and absolute rule of duty is self-evidently true. For when Reason is considered not in the present as actually commanding, but as an End of which a fuller realisation has to be sought in the future; the point of view from which its sovereignty has to be judged is entirely changed. The question is no longer whether the dictates of Reason ought always to be obeyed, but whether the dictation of Reason is always a Good; whether any degree of predominance of Reason over mere Impulse must necessarily tend to the perfection of the conscious self of which both are elements. And it is surely not self-evident that this predominance cannot be carried too far; and that Reason is not rather self-limiting, in the knowledge that rational ends are sometimes better attained by those who do not directly aim at them as rational. Certainly Common Sense is inclined to hold that in many matters instinct is a better spring of action than reason: thus it is commonly said that a healthy appetite is a better guide to diet than a doctor’s prescription: and, again, that marriage is better undertaken as a consequence of falling in love than in execution of a tranquil and deliberate design: and we before observed (chap. iv.) that there is a certain excellence in services springing from spontaneous affection which does not attach to similar acts done from pure sense of duty. And in the same way experience seems to show that many acts requiring promptitude and vigour are likely to be more energetic and effective, and that many acts requiring tact and delicacy are likely to be more graceful and pleasant to others, if they are done not in conscious obedience to the dictates of Reason but from other motives. It is not necessary here to decide how far this view is true: it suffices to say that we do not know intuitively that it is not true to some extent; we do not know that there may not be—to use Plato’s analogy—over-government in the individual soul no less than in the state. The residuum, then, of clear intuition which we have so far obtained, is the insignificant proposition that it is our duty to do what we judge to be our duty.
But if these rules are further understood (as they sometimes are) to mean developing the habit of acting rationally; that is, connecting each action to clearly defined principles and goals, instead of letting it be driven by instinctive impulses; then I can't see how affirming this as a universal and absolute duty is obviously true. Because when we view Reason not as something that currently commands but as a goal that we need to pursue more fully in the future, the perspective from which we judge its authority completely shifts. The question stops being whether we should always follow the guidance of Reason and becomes whether the guidance of Reason is always a good thing; whether having Reason take precedence over mere Impulse always leads to the improvement of the conscious self that includes both. And it’s definitely not obvious that this dominance can’t go too far; and that Reason isn’t rather self-limiting, knowing that rational goals are sometimes better achieved by those who don’t directly aim for them as rational. Common Sense tends to believe that in many cases, instinct is a better motivator than reason: for instance, it's often said that a healthy appetite is a better guide to eating than a doctor’s advice; and that marriage is usually better when it results from falling in love than from a calm and deliberate plan. We've also noted (chap. iv.) that there’s a certain value in actions that stem from spontaneous affection that isn’t present in similar actions performed simply out of duty. Similarly, experience seems to suggest that many actions needing promptness and energy are likely to be more vigorous and effective, and many actions requiring tact and sensitivity may be more graceful and pleasant to others, if they come from motives other than conscious obedience to Reason. It’s not necessary to decide how true this view is here: it’s enough to say that we don’t intuitively know that it isn’t at least partially true; we don’t know that there isn’t—using Plato’s analogy—over-government in the individual soul just as there is in the state. Therefore, the basic point we’ve gathered so far is the trivial assertion that it’s our duty to do what we believe is our duty.
§ 4. Let us pass now to what I have called the duties of the Affections, the rules that prescribe either love itself in some degree, or the services that naturally spring from it in those relations where it is expected and desired. Here, in the[346] first place, the question how far we are bound to render these services when we do not feel the affection is answered differently in many cases by different persons, and no determination of the limit seems self-evident. And similarly if we ask whether affection itself is a duty; for on the one hand it is at least only partially within the control of the will, and in so far as it can be produced by voluntary effort, there is thought to be something unsatisfactory and unattractive in the result; and on the other hand, in certain relations it seems to be commonly regarded as a duty. On those points the doctrine of Common Sense is rather a rough compromise between conflicting lines of thought than capable of being deduced from a clear and universally accepted principle. And if we confine ourselves to the special relations where Common Sense admits no doubt as to the broad moral obligation of at least rendering such services as affection naturally prompts, still the recognised rules of external duty in these relations are, in the first place, wanting in definiteness and precision: and secondly, they do not, when rigorously examined, appear to be, or to be referable to, independent intuitions so far as the particularity of the duties is concerned. Let us take, for example, the duty of parents to children. We have no doubt about this duty as a part of the present order of society, by which the due growth and training of the rising generation is distributed among the adults. But when we reflect on this arrangement itself, we cannot see intuitively that it is the best possible. It may be plausibly maintained that children would be better trained, physically and mentally, if they were brought up under the supervision of physicians and philosophers, in large institutions maintained out of the general taxes. We cannot decide a priori which of these alternatives is preferable; we have to refer to psychological and sociological generalisations, obtained by empirical study of human nature in actual societies. If, however, we consider the duty of parents by itself, out of connexion with this social order, it is certainly not self-evident that we owe more to our own children than to others whose happiness equally depends on our exertions. To get the question clear, let us suppose that I am thrown with my family upon a desert island, where I find an abandoned orphan. Is it evident that I am less bound to[347] provide this child, as far as lies in my power, with the means of subsistence, than I am to provide for my own children? According to some, my special duty to the latter would arise from the fact that I have brought them into being: but, if so, it would seem that on this principle I have a right to diminish their happiness, provided I do not turn it into a negative quantity; since, as without me they would not have existed at all, they can, as my children, have no claim upon me for more than an existence on the whole above zero in respect of happiness. We might even deduce a parental right (so far as this special claim is concerned) to extinguish children painlessly at any point of their existence, if only their life up to that point has been on the whole worth having; for how can persons who would have had no life at all but for me fairly complain that they are not allowed more than a certain quantity?[263] I do not mean to assert that these doctrines are even implicitly held by Common Sense: but merely to show that here, as elsewhere, the pursuit of an irrefragable intuition may lead us unaware into a nest of paradoxes.
§ 4. Let’s move on to what I call the duties of Affection, the rules that either suggest some degree of love or the actions that naturally come from it in relationships where it is expected and desired. Here, first off, the question of how far we are obligated to perform these actions when we don’t feel the affection has different answers from different people, and there doesn’t seem to be a clear limit. Similarly, if we ask whether feeling affection itself is a duty, on one hand, it’s at least partially beyond our control, and when it can be produced by willful effort, the outcome often feels unsatisfactory. On the other hand, in some relationships, it’s commonly seen as a duty. On these matters, Common Sense tends to be more of a rough compromise between differing viewpoints rather than something that can be derived from a clear and universally accepted principle. If we focus on the specific relationships where Common Sense sees no doubt about the general moral obligation of providing at least the services that affection naturally encourages, we find that the established rules for external duty in these cases lack clarity and precision. Moreover, when closely examined, they don’t seem to arise from independent intuitions regarding the specific nature of the duties. For example, consider the duty of parents to their children. We have no doubt about this duty as a part of our current social order, where the proper growth and education of the next generation is shared among the adults. However, when we reflect on this structure, it’s not intuitively clear that it’s the best system possible. One could argue that children might be better physically and mentally raised if they were cared for by professionals like doctors and philosophers in large institutions funded by taxes. We can’t determine a priori which option is better; we must rely on psychological and sociological insights gathered through empirical studies of human nature in actual societies. If we look at the duty of parents on its own, disconnected from this social order, it’s not obvious that we owe more to our own children than to others whose well-being also relies on our efforts. To clarify the question, let’s imagine that I am stranded with my family on a deserted island and come across an abandoned orphan. Is it clear that I’m less obligated to provide for this child’s needs than for my own children? Some argue that my special duty to my children comes from the fact that I brought them into this world. But if that’s the case, it seems I have the right to reduce their happiness as long as it doesn’t drop below a certain point; since without me, they wouldn’t exist at all, they can’t rightfully demand more from me than finding some level of happiness. We could even suggest that, under this specific claim, I have a parental right to end my children’s lives painlessly at any point if their lives so far have been overall worth living; after all, how can those who owe their existence to me fairly complain if they aren’t allowed more than a certain amount of happiness? I don’t mean to imply that these ideas are even subtly accepted by Common Sense; I’m merely illustrating that, as in other contexts, the search for an undeniable intuition can unknowingly lead us into a web of contradictions.
It seems, then, that we cannot, after all, say that the special duty of parents to children, considered by itself, possesses clear self-evidence: and it was easy to show (cf. chap. iv.) that as recognised by Common Sense its limits are indeterminate.
It seems that we can't say, after all, that the specific responsibility of parents to their children, taken on its own, is obviously clear: and it was easy to demonstrate (cf. chap. iv.) that, as understood by Common Sense, its boundaries are uncertain.
The rule prescribing the duty of children to parents need not detain us; for to Common Sense it certainly seems doubtful whether this is not merely a particular case of gratitude; and we certainly have no clear intuition of what is due to parents who do not deserve gratitude. Again, the moral relation of husband and wife seems to depend chiefly upon contract and definite understanding. It is, no doubt, usually thought that Morality, as well as law prescribes certain conditions for all connubial contracts: and in our own age and country it is held that they should be (1) monogamic and (2) permanent. But it seems clear that neither of these opinions would be maintained to be a primary intuition. Whether these or any other legal regulations of the union of the sexes[348] can be deduced from some intuitive principle of Purity, we will presently consider: but as for such conjugal duties as are not prescribed by Law, probably no one at the present day would maintain that there is any such general agreement as to what these are, as would support the theory that they may be known a priori.[264]
The rule that requires children to take care of their parents doesn’t need to hold our attention; it really seems questionable whether it’s just a specific case of gratitude. We certainly don’t have a clear understanding of what we owe parents who don’t deserve to be appreciated. Likewise, the moral relationship between husband and wife mainly seems to rely on a contract and clear agreements. It’s commonly believed that morality, as well as law, sets certain conditions for all marriage contracts: and in our time and place, it’s seen that they should be (1) monogamous and (2) lasting. However, it seems obvious that neither of these ideas would be considered a fundamental intuition. We’ll look into whether these or any other legal rules regarding the union of the sexes[348] can be derived from some intuitive principle of purity, but as for the marital duties that aren’t outlined by law, probably no one today would argue that there is a widespread consensus on what they are, which would support the idea that they can be known a priori.[264]
If, then, in these domestic relations—where the duties of affection are commonly recognised as so imperative and important—we can find no really independent and self-evident principles for determining them, I need not perhaps spend time in showing that the same is the case in respect of the less intimate ties (of kindred, neighbourhood, etc.) that bind us to other human beings. Indeed, this was made sufficiently manifest in our previous discussion of those other duties.
If, in these family relationships—where the responsibilities of love are usually seen as crucial and significant—we can’t find any truly independent and obvious principles for figuring them out, I probably don’t need to take time to show that the same applies to the less close connections (like family, neighbors, etc.) that link us to other people. In fact, this was made quite clear in our earlier discussion of those other responsibilities.
No doubt there are certain obligations towards human beings generally which are, speaking broadly, unquestionable: as, for example, the negative duty of abstaining from causing pain to others against their will, except by way of deserved punishment (whether this is to be placed under the head of Justice or Benevolence); and of making reparation for any pain which we may have caused. Still, when we consider the extent of these duties and try to define their limits,—when we ask how far we may legitimately cause pain to other men (or other sentient beings) in order to obtain happiness for ourselves or third persons, or even to confer a greater good on the sufferer himself, if the pain be inflicted against his will,—we do not seem able to obtain any clear and generally accepted principle for deciding this point, unless the Utilitarian formula be admitted as such. Again, as regards Reparation, there is, as we have seen, a fundamental doubt how far this is due for harm that has been involuntarily caused.
There are definitely certain obligations we have towards others that are, broadly speaking, indisputable. For instance, we should not cause pain to others against their will, except in cases of deserved punishment (whether that falls under Justice or Benevolence), and we should make amends for any pain we may have caused. However, when we think about the extent of these responsibilities and try to define their limits—when we consider how much pain we can justifiably inflict on other people (or other sentient beings) to achieve our happiness or that of others, or even to provide a greater benefit to the person suffering, if that pain is inflicted against their will—we can't seem to find any clear and universally accepted principle to resolve this issue, unless we accept the Utilitarian approach. Furthermore, concerning Reparation, as we've noticed, there's a fundamental uncertainty about how much is owed for harm that was caused unintentionally.
Similarly, all admit that we have a general duty of rendering services to our fellow-men and especially to those who are in special need, and that we are bound to make sacrifices for them, when the benefit that we thereby confer very decidedly[349] outweighs the loss to ourselves; but when we ask how far we are bound to give up our own happiness in order to promote that of our fellows, while it can hardly be said that Common Sense distinctly accepts the Utilitarian principle, it yet does not definitely affirm any other.
Similarly, everyone agrees that we have a general obligation to help our fellow human beings, especially those in need, and that we should be willing to make sacrifices for them when the benefits we provide clearly outweigh the costs to ourselves. However, when we question how much we should give up our own happiness to support the happiness of others, it’s hard to say that common sense fully endorses the Utilitarian principle, yet it doesn’t clearly support any other one either.[349]
And even the common principle of Gratitude, though its stringency is immediately and universally felt, seems yet essentially indeterminate: owing to the unsolved question whether the requital of a benefit ought to be proportionate to what it cost the benefactor, or to what it is worth to the recipient.
And even the basic principle of Gratitude, although its importance is immediately and universally recognized, still seems fundamentally unclear: due to the unresolved question of whether the return of a favor should match what it cost the giver or what it is worth to the receiver.
§ 5. When we pass to consider that element of Justice which presented itself as Gratitude universalised, the same difficulty recurs in a more complicated form. For here, too, we have to ask whether the Requital of Good Desert ought to be proportioned to the benefit rendered, or to the effort made to render it. And if we scrutinise closely the common moral notion of Retributive Justice, it appears, strictly taken, to imply the metaphysical doctrine of Free Will; since, according to this conception, the reasonableness of rewarding merit is considered solely in relation to the past, without regard to the future bad consequences to be expected from leaving merit without encouragement: and if every excellence in any one’s actions or productions seems referable ultimately to causes other than himself, the individual’s claim to requital, from this point of view, appears to vanish. On the other hand it is obviously paradoxical in estimating Desert to omit the moral excellences due to hereditary transmission and education: or even intellectual excellences, since good intention without foresight is commonly held to constitute a very imperfect merit. Even if we cut through this speculative difficulty by leaving the ultimate reward of real Desert to Divine Justice, we still seem unable to find any clear principles for framing a scale of merit. And much the same may be said, mutatis mutandis, of the scale of Demerit which Criminal Justice seems to require.
§ 5. When we look at that aspect of Justice which appears as universal Gratitude, we encounter the same issue in a more complicated form. Here, we need to consider whether the reward for Good Desert should be based on the benefit provided or the effort put forth to provide it. If we closely examine the common moral idea of Retributive Justice, it seems to imply the philosophical belief in Free Will; this is because, according to this view, the reasonableness of rewarding merit is judged solely in relation to the past, ignoring future negative consequences that might arise from failing to encourage merit. If every excellence in someone's actions or creations can ultimately be traced back to influences beyond their control, their claim to reward, from this perspective, seems to disappear. On the flip side, it’s clearly contradictory to evaluate Desert without considering moral qualities that come from hereditary traits and education; or even intellectual qualities, as good intentions without foresight are usually seen as a very limited form of merit. Even if we navigate this theoretical difficulty by assigning the final reward of true Desert to Divine Justice, we still struggle to establish any clear guidelines for creating a merit scale. The same can be said, mutatis mutandis, about the scale of Demerit that Criminal Justice appears to necessitate.
And even if these difficulties were overcome, we should still be only at the commencement of the perplexities in which the practical determination of Justice on self-evident principles is involved. For the examination of the contents[350] of this notion, which we conducted in chap. v., furnished us not with a single definite principle, but with a whole swarm of principles, which are unfortunately liable to come into conflict with each other; and of which even those that when singly contemplated have the air of being self-evident truths, do not certainly carry with them any intuitively ascertainable definition of their mutual boundaries and relations. Thus, for example, in constructing an ideally perfect distribution of the means of happiness, it seems necessary to take into account the notion (as I called it) of Fitness, which, though often confounded with Desert, seems essentially distinct from it. For the social ‘distribuend’ includes not merely the means of obtaining pleasurable passive feelings, but also functions and instruments, which are important sources of happiness, but which it is obviously reasonable to give to those who can perform and use them. And even as regards the material means of comfort and luxury—wealth, in short—we do not find that the same amount produces the same result of happiness in every case: and it seems reasonable that the means of refined and varied pleasure should be allotted to those who have the corresponding capacities for enjoyment.[265] And yet these may not be the most deserving, so that this principle may clearly conflict with that of requiting Desert.
And even if we managed to get past these challenges, we would still be just at the beginning of the complexities involved in practically determining Justice based on obvious principles. The analysis of this concept, which we carried out in chap. v., didn’t give us a single clear principle, but rather a whole bunch of principles that can unfortunately clash with each other. Even those that seem like self-evident truths when looked at individually don’t have any clear, intuitive definitions of their boundaries and relationships. For example, when creating an ideally perfect distribution of happiness resources, it seems necessary to consider the idea (as I referred to it) of Fitness, which is often confused with Desert but is actually quite different. The social ‘distribuend’ includes not just the means to achieve pleasurable feelings but also roles and tools that are important sources of happiness, and it makes sense to give these to those who can perform and use them. Even with the physical means of comfort and luxury—basically, wealth—we don’t see that the same amount results in the same level of happiness for everyone. It seems reasonable that the means for refined and varied pleasure should go to those who have the corresponding abilities to enjoy them.[265] Yet, those may not be the most deserving, which means this principle could clearly conflict with the idea of rewarding Desert.
And either principle, as we saw, is liable to come into collision with the widely-accepted doctrine that the proper ultimate end of Law is to secure the greatest possible Freedom of action to all members of the community: and that all that any individual, strictly speaking, owes to any other is non-interference, except so far as he has further bound himself by free contract. But further, when we come to examine this principle in its turn, we find that, in order to be capable at all of affording a practical basis for social construction, it needs limitations and qualifications which make it look less like an independent principle than a “middle axiom” of Utilitarianism; and that it cannot without a palpable strain be made to cover the most important rights which Positive Law secures. For[351] example, the justification of permanent appropriation is surely rather that it supplies the only adequate motive for labour than that it, strictly speaking, realises Freedom: nor can the questions that arise in determining the limits of the right of property—such as whether it includes the right of bequest—be settled by any deductions from this supposed fundamental principle. Nor again, can even the enforcement of contracts be fairly said to be a realisation of Freedom; for a man seems, strictly speaking, freer when no one of his volitions is allowed to cause an external control of any other. And if we disregard this as a paradoxical subtlety, we are met on the opposite side by the perplexity that if abstract Freedom is consistent with any engagement of future services, it must on the same grounds be consistent with such as are perpetual and unqualified, and so even with actual slavery. And this question becomes especially important when we consider that the duty of obeying positive laws has by many been reconciled with the abstract right of Freedom, by supposing a ‘tacit compact’ or understanding between each individual and the rest of his community. This Compact, however, seems on examination too clearly fictitious to be put forward as a basis of moral duty: as is further evident from the indefinitely various qualifications and reservations with which the ‘understanding’ has by different thinkers been supposed to be ‘understood.’ Hence many who maintain the ‘Birthright of Freedom’ consider that the only abstractedly justifiable social order is one in which no laws are imposed without the express consent of those who are to obey them. But we found it impossible really to construct society upon this basis: and such Representative Governments as have actually been established only appear to realise this idea by means of sweeping limitations and transparent fictions. It was manifest, too, that the maximum of what may be called Constitutional Freedom—i.e. the most perfect conformity between the action of a government and the wishes of the majority of its subjects—need by no means result in the realisation of the maximum of Civil Freedom in the society so governed.
And either principle, as we've seen, can conflict with the widely accepted belief that the ultimate goal of law is to secure the greatest possible freedom of action for everyone in the community: that all anyone truly owes to another is non-interference, apart from any additional commitments made through free contracts. However, when we examine this principle, we discover that in order to provide a practical foundation for social structure, it requires limitations and qualifications that make it seem less like an independent principle and more like a "middle axiom" of Utilitarianism; it can't, without significant strain, encompass the most crucial rights that Positive Law protects. For example, the justification for permanent ownership is clearly that it provides the only sufficient motivation for labor rather than that it, strictly speaking, achieves freedom; nor can the questions that arise in defining the limits of property rights—like whether it includes the right to bequeath—be resolved through deductions from this supposed fundamental principle. Moreover, even the enforcement of contracts can't fairly be described as a realization of freedom; because a person seems, strictly speaking, freer when none of their choices are subject to external control by others. If we dismiss this as a challenging nuance, we face the opposite issue that if abstract freedom aligns with any commitment to future services, it must, for the same reasons, also align with perpetual and unrestricted commitments, including actual slavery. This question becomes especially significant when we consider that the duty to obey positive laws has been reconciled by many with the abstract right to freedom through the idea of a 'tacit agreement' or understanding among individuals and their community. However, this agreement appears too clearly fictitious to serve as a foundation for moral obligation, as is evident from the countless variations and conditions different thinkers have suggested for what this 'understanding' entails. As a result, many who assert the 'Birthright of Freedom' believe that the only socially justifiable order is one where no laws are enacted without the express consent of those who must follow them. Yet, we found it impossible to actually build society on this foundation: and the Representative Governments that have been established seem to realize this idea only through broad limitations and obvious fictions. It was also clear that the maximum of what could be considered Constitutional Freedom—i.e. the closest alignment between a government's actions and the preferences of the majority of its people—does not necessarily lead to the greatest level of Civil Freedom in the governed society.
But even if we could delineate to our satisfaction an ideal social order, including an ideal form of government, we have still to reconcile the duty of realising this with the conformity[352] due to the actual order of society. For we have a strong conviction that positive laws ought, generally speaking, to be obeyed: and, again, our notion of Justice seemed to include a general duty of satisfying the expectations generated by custom and precedent. Yet if the actual order of society deviates very much from what we think ought to exist, the duty of conforming to it seems to become obscure and doubtful. And apart from this we cannot say that Common Sense regards it as an axiom that Laws ought to be obeyed. Indeed, all are agreed that they ought to be disobeyed when they command what is wrong: though we do not seem able to elicit any clear general view as to what remains wrong after it has been commanded by the sovereign. And, again, the positive laws that ought to be obeyed as such must be the commands issued by a (morally) rightful authority: and though these will ordinarily coincide with the commands legally enforced, we cannot say that this is always the case; for the courts may be temporarily subservient to a usurper; or, again, the sovereign hitherto habitually obeyed may be one against whom it has become right to rebel (since it is generally admitted that this is sometimes right). We require, then, principles for determining when usurpation becomes legitimate and when rebellion is justifiable: and we do not seem able to elicit these from Common Sense—except so far as it may be fairly said that on this whole subject Common Sense inclines more to the Utilitarian method than it does in matters of private morality.
But even if we could clearly outline an ideal social system, including the perfect type of government, we still need to figure out how to balance the duty of making this a reality with the obligation to follow the current social structure. We strongly believe that, generally speaking, laws should be obeyed, and our idea of Justice seems to involve a general duty to meet the expectations created by customs and traditions. However, if the existing social order deviates significantly from what we think should be, the duty to conform to it becomes unclear and questionable. Moreover, we can’t say that Common Sense considers it a given that laws must be followed. In fact, everyone agrees that laws should be disobeyed when they are unjust; yet we struggle to clearly define what constitutes wrong after a law has been enacted by those in power. Additionally, the laws we should obey must come from a (morally) rightful authority, and while these usually align with legally enforced commands, that’s not always the case. Courts might temporarily serve a usurper, or a ruler who has been traditionally followed might become one against whom rebellion is justified (as it is generally accepted that this can be the case at times). Therefore, we need principles to determine when usurpation is justified and when rebellion is warranted, and we don’t seem able to derive these from Common Sense—except to the extent that Common Sense tends to lean more towards a Utilitarian approach on this issue than it does in matters of personal morality.
Still less can we state the general duty of satisfying ‘natural expectations’—i.e. such expectations as an average man would form under given circumstances—in the form of a clear and precise moral axiom. No doubt a just man will generally satisfy customary claims: but it can hardly be maintained that the mere existence of a custom renders it clearly obligatory that any one should conform to it who has not already promised to do so; especially since bad customs can only be abolished by individuals venturing to disregard them.
It’s even harder to define the overall responsibility of meeting ‘natural expectations’—that is, the expectations that an average person would have in particular situations—as a clear and straightforward moral principle. While a fair person usually meets social expectations, it’s difficult to argue that just because a custom exists, it's clearly mandatory for someone to follow it if they haven't already agreed to do so; especially since harmful customs can only be changed when individuals are brave enough to ignore them.
§ 6. We have still to examine (whether as a branch of Justice or under a separate head) the duty of fulfilling express promises and distinct understandings. The peculiar confidence[353] which moralists have generally felt in this principle is strikingly illustrated by those endeavours to extend its scope which we have just had occasion to notice: and it certainly seems to surpass in simplicity, certainty, and definiteness the moral rules that we have hitherto discussed. Here, then, if anywhere, we seem likely to find one of those ethical axioms of which we are in search. Now we saw that the notion of a Promise requires several qualifications not commonly noticed to make it precise: but this alone is no reason why it may not be fitly used in framing a maxim, which when enunciated and understood will properly claim universal acceptance as self-evident. For similarly the uninstructed majority of mankind could not define a circle as a figure bounded by a line of which every point is equidistant from the centre: but nevertheless, when the definition is explained to them, they will accept it as expressing the perfect type of that notion of roundness which they have long had in their minds. And the same potential universality of acceptance may, I think, be fairly claimed for the propositions that the promise which the Common Sense of mankind recognises as binding must be understood by promiser and promisee in the same sense at the time of promising, and that it is relative to the promisee and capable of being annulled by him, and that it cannot override determinate[266] prior obligations.
§ 6. We still need to look into (whether as part of Justice or a separate topic) the responsibility of keeping clear promises and specific agreements. The unique trust that ethicists generally have in this principle is clearly shown by the efforts to broaden its application that we recently discussed. It definitely seems to be more straightforward, certain, and clear-cut than the moral guidelines we've talked about so far. So, here, if anywhere, we might find one of those ethical truths we’re searching for. We noted that the idea of a Promise requires several specific details that aren’t often recognized to make it clear: but this alone doesn’t mean it can’t be appropriately used in creating a principle that, once stated and understood, can rightfully demand universal acceptance as self-evident. Just as the average person may not define a circle as a shape surrounded by a line where every point is equally distant from the center, once this definition is clarified, they'll accept it as the perfect representation of the concept of roundness they have long held in their minds. Similarly, we can reasonably argue that the principles stating that a promise acknowledged by the Common Sense of humanity must be understood by both the promiser and promisee in the same way at the time of making the promise, that it is related to the promisee and can be canceled by them, and that it cannot override clear prior obligations, could be universally accepted.
But the case is different with the other qualifications which we had to discuss. When once the question of introducing these has been raised, we see that Common Sense is clearly divided as to the answer. If we ask (e.g.) how far our promise is binding if it was made in consequence of false statements, on which, however, it was not understood to be conditional; or if important circumstances were concealed, or we were in any way led to believe that the consequences of keeping the promise would be different from what they turn out to be; or if the promise was given under compulsion; or if circumstances have materially altered since it was given, and we find that the results of fulfilling it will be different from what we foresaw when we promised; or even if it be only our knowledge of consequences which has altered, and we now see that fulfil[354]ment will entail on us a sacrifice out of proportion to the benefit received by the promisee; or perhaps see that it will even be injurious to him though he may not think so;—different conscientious persons would answer these and other[267] questions (both generally and in particular cases) in different ways: and though we could perhaps obtain a decided majority for some of these qualifications and against others, there would not in any case be a clear consensus either way. And, moreover, the mere discussion of these points seems to make it plain that the confidence with which the “unsophisticated conscience” asserts unreservedly “that promises ought to be kept,” is due to inadvertence; and that when the qualifications to which we referred are fairly considered, this confidence inevitably changes into hesitation and perplexity. It should be added, that some of these qualifications themselves suggest a reference to the more comprehensive principle of Utilitarianism, as one to which this particular rule is naturally subordinate.
But the situation is different with the other qualifications we need to discuss. Once we bring up the issue of introducing these, it's clear that common sense is divided on what the answer should be. If we ask, for example, how binding our promise is if it was made based on false statements that weren’t understood to be conditional; or if important circumstances were hidden, or if we were somehow led to believe that the outcomes of keeping the promise would differ from what they actually turn out to be; or if the promise was given under pressure; or if circumstances have significantly changed since the promise was made, and we find that fulfilling it will lead to different results than we anticipated; or even if it's just our understanding of the consequences that has changed, making us realize that fulfilling the promise will require a sacrifice that outweighs the benefit to the promisee; or perhaps we can see that it might even harm him despite him not realizing it—different conscientious individuals would answer these and other questions (both in general and in specific instances) differently. While we might get a clear majority supporting some of these qualifications over others, there still wouldn’t be a clear consensus either way. Moreover, the mere discussion of these issues seems to show that the confidence with which the "unsophisticated conscience" claims without reservation that "promises ought to be kept," comes from a lack of awareness; and that when we fairly consider the qualifications we mentioned, this confidence inevitably turns into uncertainty and confusion. It's also worth noting that some of these qualifications hint at a broader principle of Utilitarianism, which this particular rule is naturally connected to.
Again, reflection upon the place of this duty in a classified system of moral obligations tends to confirm our distrust of the ordinary enunciations of Common Sense in respect of it. For, as was seen, Fidelity to promises is very commonly ranked with Veracity; as though the mere fact of my having said that I would do a thing were the ground of my duty to do it. But on reflection we perceive that the obligation must be regarded as contingent on the reliance that another has placed on my assertion: that, in fact, the breach of duty is constituted by the disappointment of expectations voluntarily raised. And when we see this we become less disposed to maintain the absoluteness of the duty: it seems now to depend upon the amount of harm done by disappointing expectations; and we shrink from saying that the promise ought to be kept, if the keeping it would involve an amount of harm that seems decidedly to outweigh this.
Once again, thinking about where this duty fits in a categorized system of moral obligations reinforces our skepticism about the usual statements of Common Sense regarding it. As we saw, being faithful to promises is often placed alongside truthfulness, as if just saying I would do something is the basis for my duty to follow through. However, upon further reflection, we realize that the obligation depends on the trust that another person has placed in my statement: in fact, failing to fulfill the duty occurs when I let down the expectations I intentionally raised. When we recognize this, we feel less inclined to assert that the duty is absolute: it now seems to hinge on how much harm is caused by letting down those expectations; and we hesitate to claim that the promise must be kept if doing so would result in harm that clearly outweighs the obligation.
The case of Veracity we may dismiss somewhat more briefly, as here it was still more easy to show that the common enunciation of the unqualified duty of Truth-speaking is made without full consideration, and cannot approve itself to the[355] reflective mind as an absolute first principle. For, in the first place, we found no clear agreement as to the fundamental nature of the obligation; or as to its exact scope, i.e. whether it is our actual affirmation as understood by the recipient which we are bound to make correspondent to fact (as far as we can), or whatever inferences we foresee that he is likely to draw from this, or both. To realise perfect Candour and Sincerity, we must aim at both: and we no doubt admire the exhibition of these virtues: but few will maintain that they ought to be exhibited under all circumstances. And, secondly, it seems to be admitted by Common Sense, though vaguely and reluctantly, that the principle, however defined, is not of universal application; at any rate it is not thought to be clearly wrong that untruths should be told to children, or madmen, or invalids, or by advocates, or to enemies or robbers, or even to persons who ask questions which they have no right to ask (if a mere refusal to answer would practically reveal an important secret). And when we consider the limitations generally admitted, it seems still more plain than in the last case, that they are very commonly determined by utilitarian reasonings, implicit or explicit.
The case of Veracity can be discussed a bit more briefly, as it’s easier to show that the general claim about the absolute duty to speak the truth is made without full consideration and doesn’t really hold up as a strict first principle for thoughtful people. First, there’s no clear agreement on the fundamental nature of this obligation or its exact limits; for example, whether we’re supposed to ensure our actual statements match the recipient's understanding of the facts (as much as we can), or whether we need to consider the implications they might draw from what we say, or both. To achieve perfect openness and honesty, we should strive for both: we certainly appreciate the demonstration of these virtues, but few would argue they should always be displayed in every situation. Secondly, it seems that Common Sense, albeit vaguely and hesitantly, accepts that this principle, however it’s defined, doesn’t apply universally; for instance, it’s generally not considered clearly wrong to tell falsehoods to children, or the mentally ill, or the sick, or by lawyers, or to enemies or thieves, or even to people who ask inappropriate questions (especially if simply refusing to answer would reveal a significant secret). When we look at the generally accepted limitations, it becomes clearer than in the previous case that these limits are often based on utilitarian reasoning, either implicitly or explicitly.
§ 7. If, then, the prescriptions of Justice, Good Faith, and Veracity, as laid down by Common Sense, appear so little capable of being converted into first principles of scientific Ethics, it seems scarcely necessary to inquire whether such axioms can be extracted from the minor maxims of social behaviour, such as the maxim of Liberality or the rules restraining the Malevolent Affections: or, again, from such virtues as Courage and Humility, which we found it difficult to class as either social or self-regarding. Indeed, it was made plain in chap. viii. that as regards the proper regulation of resentment, Common Sense can only be saved from inconsistency or hopeless vagueness by adopting the ‘interest of society’ as the ultimate standard: and in the same way we cannot definitely distinguish Courage from Foolhardiness except by a reference to the probable tendency of the daring act to promote the wellbeing of the agent or of others, or to some definite rule of duty prescribed under some other notion.
§ 7. If the principles of Justice, Good Faith, and Truth, as defined by Common Sense, seem too weak to serve as foundational ideas in scientific Ethics, it hardly seems necessary to explore whether such principles can be derived from the smaller maxims of social behavior, like the principle of Generosity or the rules limiting Negative Emotions: or, again, from virtues like Courage and Humility, which we find challenging to categorize as either social or self-focused. In fact, it was clearly stated in chap. viii. that concerning the appropriate management of anger, Common Sense can only avoid inconsistencies or confusion by using the ‘interest of society’ as the ultimate standard: and similarly, we cannot clearly differentiate Courage from Foolishness without referencing the likely impact of the bold action on the wellbeing of the individual or others, or to some specific duty defined by another standard.
It is true that among what are commonly called “duties to self” we find the duty of self-preservation prescribed with[356] apparent absoluteness,—at least so far as the sacrifice of one’s life is not imperatively required for the preservation of the lives of others, or for the attainment of some result conceived to be very important to society. I think, however, that when confronted with the question of preserving a life which we can foresee will be both miserable and burdensome to others—e.g. the life of a man stricken with a fatal disease which precludes the possibility of work of any kind, during the weeks or months of agony that remain to him,—though Common Sense would still deny the legitimacy of suicide, even under these conditions, it would also admit the necessity of finding reasons for the denial. This admission would imply that the universal wrongness of suicide is at any rate not self-evident. And the reasons that would be found—so far as they did not ultimately depend upon premises drawn from Revelational Theology—would, I think, turn out to be utilitarian, in a broad sense of the term: it would be urged that if any exceptions to the rule prohibiting suicide were allowed, dangerous encouragement would be given to the suicidal impulse in other cases in which suicide would really be a weak and cowardly dereliction of social duty: it would also probably be urged that the toleration of suicide would facilitate secret murders. In short, the independent axiom of which we are in search seems to disappear on close examination in this case no less than in others.
It's true that among what we often call “duties to self,” we find the duty of self-preservation stated with[356] apparent absoluteness,—at least as long as sacrificing one’s life isn’t absolutely necessary for saving others or achieving something deemed very important for society. However, I believe that when faced with the question of preserving a life that we can foresee will be both miserable and burdensome to others—like the life of a person suffering from a terminal illness that makes any kind of work impossible during the painful weeks or months left to him,—even though Common Sense would still reject the validity of suicide under these circumstances, it would also recognize the need to find justifications for that rejection. This recognition would suggest that the universal wrongness of suicide isn’t self-evident after all. The reasons provided—unless they ultimately relied on principles from Revelational Theology—would likely turn out to be utilitarian, broadly speaking: it would be argued that allowing any exceptions to the rule against suicide would dangerously encourage suicidal tendencies in situations where it would genuinely be a weak and cowardly abandonment of social responsibility: it would probably also be claimed that tolerating suicide would make it easier to carry out secret murders. In short, the independent principle we’re looking for seems to vanish upon closer examination in this instance just like in others.
So again, reflection seems to show that the duties of Temperance, Self-control, and other cognate virtues, are only clear and definite in so far as they are conceived as subordinate either to Prudence (as is ordinarily the case), or to Benevolence or some definite rule of social duty, or at least to some end—such as ‘furtherance of moral progress’[268]—of which the conception involves the notion of duty supposed to be already determinate. Certainly the authority of Common Sense cannot be fairly claimed for any restriction even of the bodily appetites for food and drink, that is not thus subordinated.
So again, reflection seems to show that the responsibilities of Temperance, Self-control, and other related virtues are only clear and specific as they are seen as subordinate either to Prudence (which is usually the case), or to Benevolence, or some specific rule of social duty, or at least to some goal—like ‘furtherance of moral progress’[268]—which involves the idea of duty that is supposedly already set. Certainly, the authority of Common Sense cannot justifiably support any limits on even the physical appetites for food and drink that aren’t thus subordinated.
In the case, however, of the sexual appetite, a special regulation seems to be prescribed on some independent principle under the notion of Purity or Chastity. In chap. ix.[357] of this Book, where we examined this notion, it appeared that Common Sense is not only not explicit, but actually averse to explicitness, on this subject. As my aim in the preceding chapters was to give, above all things, a faithful exposition of the morality of Common Sense, I allowed my inquiry to be checked by this (as it seemed) clearly recognisable sentiment. But when it becomes our primary object to test the intuitive evidence of the moral principles commonly accepted, it seems necessary to override this aversion: for we can hardly ascertain whether rational conviction is attainable as to the acts allowed and forbidden under this notion and its opposite, without subjecting it to the same close scrutiny that we have endeavoured to give to the other leading notions of Ethics. Here the briefest account of such a scrutiny will be sufficient. I am aware that in giving even this I cannot but cause a certain offence to minds trained in good moral habits: but I trust I may claim the same indulgence as is commonly granted to the physiologist, who also has to direct the student’s attention to objects which a healthy mind is naturally disinclined to contemplate.
In the case of sexual desire, there seems to be a specific guideline based on the idea of Purity or Chastity. In chap. ix.[357] of this Book, where we examined this idea, it became clear that Common Sense is not only not straightforward but actually resistant to being explicit about this topic. Since my goal in the earlier chapters was to provide a true explanation of the morality of Common Sense, I let my investigation be influenced by this easily recognizable sentiment. However, when our main aim is to evaluate the intuitive support for the moral principles generally accepted, it seems necessary to move past this reluctance: we can hardly determine if a rational understanding can be achieved regarding the actions that are allowed and forbidden under this idea and its opposite without applying the same careful analysis that we have tried to apply to the other main concepts of Ethics. A brief overview of this examination will be enough here. I know that even offering this may offend those with well-established moral views, but I hope to receive the same understanding that is typically extended to physiologists, who also have to draw students' attention to subjects that a healthy mind is naturally hesitant to consider.
§ 8. What, then, is the conduct which Purity forbids (for the principle is more easily discussed in its negative aspect)? As the normal and obvious end of sexual intercourse is the propagation of the species, some have thought that all indulgence of appetite, except as a means to this end, should be prohibited. But this doctrine would lead to a restriction of conjugal intercourse far too severe for Common Sense. Shall we say, then, that Purity forbids such indulgence except under the conditions of conjugal union defined by Law? But this answer, again, further reflection shows to be unsatisfactory. For, first, we should not, on consideration, call a conjugal union impure, merely because the parties had wilfully omitted to fulfil legal conditions, and had made a contract which the law declined to enforce. We might condemn their conduct, but we should not apply to it this notion. And, secondly, we feel that positive law may be unfavourable to Purity, and that in fact Purity, like Justice, is something which the law ought to maintain, but does not always. We have to ask, then, what kind of sexual relations we are to call essentially impure, whether countenanced or not by Law and Custom? There appear to be no distinct principles,[358] having any claim to self-evidence, upon which the question can be answered so as to command general assent. It would be difficult even to state such a principle for determining the degree of consanguinity between husband and wife which constitutes a union incestuous; although the aversion with which such unions are commonly regarded is a peculiarly intense moral sentiment; and the difficulty becomes indefinitely greater when we consider the rationale of prohibited degrees of affinity. Again, probably few would stigmatise a legal polygynous connexion as impure, however they might disapprove of the law and of the state of society in which such a law was established: but if legal Polygyny is not impure, is Polyandry, when legal and customary—as is not unfrequently the case among the lower races of man—to be so characterised? and if not, on what rational principle can the notion be applied to institutions and conduct? Again, where divorce by mutual consent, with subsequent marriage, is legalised, we do not call this an offence against Purity: and yet if the principle of free change be once admitted, it seems paradoxical to distinguish purity from impurity merely by less rapidity of transition;[269] and to condemn as impure even ‘Free Love,’ in so far as it is earnestly advocated as a means to a completer harmony of sentiment between men and women, and not to mere sensual license.
§ 8. So, what kind of behavior does Purity prohibit (since it's easier to discuss the principle in its negative form)? Since the typical and obvious purpose of sexual intercourse is to reproduce, some have argued that any indulgence of desire, unless it's for that purpose, should be banned. But this idea would lead to a restriction of marital relations that is way too strict for Common Sense. Should we say, then, that Purity prohibits such indulgence except in the context of marriage as defined by Law? However, upon further thought, this answer also seems inadequate. For one, we shouldn't describe a marriage as impure just because the people involved deliberately chose not to meet legal requirements and formed a contract that the law won’t enforce. We might criticize their behavior, but we wouldn’t label it with that term. Secondly, we recognize that positive law may not support Purity, and in fact, Purity, like Justice, is something that the law should uphold, but doesn’t always. We need to ask, then, what kinds of sexual relationships we should consider fundamentally impure, whether they are endorsed by Law and Custom or not. There don’t seem to be clear principles that are self-evident on which this question can be resolved with widespread agreement. It would even be tough to outline a principle to determine the degree of relatedness between husband and wife that makes a union incestuous; although the strong aversion to such unions is a particularly intense moral sentiment. The challenge becomes even greater when we consider the reasoning behind the prohibited degrees of affinity. Moreover, probably few would label a legal polygamous relationship as impure, regardless of their disapproval of the law and the social conditions that allowed such a law to exist: but if legal polygamy isn’t impure, then should polyandry, when it's legal and customary—as is often the case among lower races of humans—not be labeled the same way? And if not, on what logical basis can that label apply to various institutions and behaviors? Additionally, where divorce by mutual consent followed by remarriage is made legal, we don't consider this an offense against Purity: yet if we accept the principle of free change, it seems contradictory to differentiate purity from impurity just by the speed of transitions; and to label even 'Free Love' as impure, insofar as it is genuinely promoted as a means to achieve a more complete harmony of feelings between men and women, rather than just being about physical pleasure.
Shall we, then, fall back upon the presence of mutual affection (as distinguished from mere appetite) as constituting the essence of pure sexual relations? But this, again, while too lax from one point of view, seems from another too severe for Common Sense: as we do not condemn marriages without affection as impure, although we disapprove of them as productive of unhappiness. Such marriages, indeed, are sometimes stigmatised as “legalised prostitution,” but the phrase is felt to be extravagant and paradoxical; and it is even doubtful whether we do disapprove of them under all circumstances; as (e.g.) in the case of royal alliances.
Should we then rely on mutual affection (as different from just physical desire) as the foundation of genuine sexual relationships? Yet, this perspective seems too relaxed from one viewpoint while appearing too harsh from another for Common Sense: we don’t label marriages without affection as impure, even though we disapprove of them for leading to unhappiness. Indeed, such marriages are sometimes labeled as “legalized prostitution,” but that term feels exaggerated and contradictory; it’s even questionable whether we disapprove of them in all situations, such as in the case of royal unions.
Again, how shall we judge of such institutions as those of Plato’s Commonwealth, establishing community of women and children, but at the same time regulating sexual indulgence[359] with the strictest reference to social ends? Our habitual standards seem inapplicable to such novel circumstances.
Again, how should we evaluate institutions like Plato's Commonwealth, which establishes community ownership of women and children while also strictly regulating sexual behavior to serve social goals? Our usual standards seem irrelevant to such new situations.
The truth seems to be, that reflection on the current sexual morality discovers to us two distinct grounds for it: first and chiefly, the maintenance of a certain social order, believed to be most conducive to the prosperous continuance of the human race: and, secondly, the protection of habits of feeling in individuals believed to be generally most important to their perfection or their happiness. We commonly conceive that both these ends are to be attained by the same regulations: and in an ideal state of society this would perhaps be the case: but in actual life there is frequently a partial separation and incompatibility between them. But further, if the repression of sexual license is prescribed merely as a means to these ends, it does not seem that we can affirm as self-evident that it is always a necessary means in either case: on the contrary, it seems clear that such an affirmation would be unreliable apart from empirical confirmation. We cannot reasonably be sure, without induction from sociological observations, that a certain amount of sexual license will be incompatible with the maintenance of population in sufficient numbers and good condition. And if we consider the matter in its relation to the individual’s perfection, it is certainly clear that he misses the highest and best development of his emotional nature, if his sexual relations are of a merely sensual kind: but we can hardly know a priori that this lower kind of relation interferes with the development of the higher (nor indeed does experience seem to show that this is universally the case). And this latter line of argument has a further difficulty. For the common opinion that we have to justify does not merely condemn the lower kind of development in comparison with the higher, but in comparison with none at all. Since we do not positively blame a man for remaining celibate (though we perhaps despise him somewhat unless the celibacy is adopted as a means to a noble end): it is difficult to show why we should condemn—in its bearing on the individual’s emotional perfection solely—the imperfect development afforded by merely sensual relations.
The truth seems to be that thinking about current sexual morality reveals two main reasons for it: firstly, maintaining a certain social order that is believed to be most beneficial for the survival of the human race, and secondly, protecting individual feelings that are thought to be crucial for personal growth or happiness. We often assume that both of these goals can be achieved through the same rules, and in an ideal society, this might be true. However, in real life, there’s often a separation and conflict between the two. Furthermore, if limiting sexual freedom is merely a way to achieve these goals, it’s not clear that it’s always a necessary method for either purpose. In fact, it seems evident that claiming this would be unreliable without empirical evidence. We can’t be sure, based on sociological observations, that a certain level of sexual freedom would be incompatible with maintaining a sufficient and healthy population. And when we look at the individual’s growth, it’s clear that a purely physical sexual relationship hinders the fullest development of their emotional self. Yet, we can’t assume that this lower form of relationship necessarily obstructs the growth of the higher kind (and experience doesn’t seem to indicate that this is universally true). This argument faces another challenge. The common view we’re trying to defend doesn’t just criticize lower forms of development compared to higher forms, but against having none at all. Since we don’t actually blame someone for being celibate (though we might look down on them unless their celibacy serves a noble purpose), it’s hard to justify why we should condemn—concerning the individual's emotional growth—the limited development offered by purely physical relationships.
§ 9. Much more might be said to exhibit the perplexities in which the attempt to define the rule of Purity or Chastity[360] involves us. But I do not desire to extend the discussion beyond what is necessary for the completion of my argument. It seems to me that the conclusion announced in § 2 of this chapter has now been sufficiently justified. We have examined the moral notions that present themselves with a prima facie claim to furnish independent and self-evident rules of morality: and we have in each case found that from such regulation of conduct as the Common Sense of mankind really supports, no proposition can be elicited which, when fairly contemplated, even appears to have the characteristic of a scientific axiom. It is therefore scarcely needful to proceed to a systematic examination of the manner in which Common Sense provides for the co-ordination of these principles. In fact, this question seems to have been already discussed as far as is profitable: for the attempt to define each principle singly has inevitably led us to consider their mutual relations: and it was in the cases where two moral principles came into collision that we most clearly saw the vagueness and inconsistency with which the boundaries of each are determined by Common Sense. For example, the distinction between perfectly stringent moral obligations, and such laxer duties as may be modified by a man’s own act, is often taken: and it is one which, as we saw, is certainly required in formulating the Common-Sense view of the effect of a promise in creating new obligations: but it is one which we cannot apply with any practical precision, because of the high degree of indeterminateness which we find in the common notions of duties to which the highest degree of stringency is yet commonly attributed.
§ 9. There's much more that could be said to highlight the confusion involved in trying to define the rule of Purity or Chastity[360]. However, I don’t want to extend the discussion beyond what's necessary to complete my argument. It seems to me that the conclusion stated in § 2 of this chapter has been sufficiently justified. We have looked at the moral concepts that seem to provide independent and self-evident rules of morality: and in each case, we've found that there are no clear principles of conduct supported by the Common Sense of humanity that can genuinely be recognized as scientific axioms when thoughtfully considered. Therefore, it’s hardly necessary to carry out a detailed analysis of how Common Sense aligns these principles. In fact, this question seems to have already been discussed to the extent that is useful: for our effort to define each principle individually has inevitably led us to examine their relationships with each other. It was especially where two moral principles conflicted that we clearly saw the ambiguity and inconsistency in how Common Sense defines each one’s boundaries. For instance, the distinction between strict moral obligations and more lenient duties that can be altered by a person's actions is often made; and as we noted, this distinction is essential for formulating the Common-Sense perspective on how promises create new obligations. Yet, we can’t apply it with any real accuracy due to the significant amount of uncertainty in the common understanding of duties that are typically regarded as having the highest level of strictness.
It only remains to guard my argument from being understood in a more sweeping sense than it has been intended or is properly able to bear. Nothing that I have said even tends to show that we have not distinct moral impulses, claiming authority over all others, and prescribing or forbidding kinds of conduct as to which there is a rough general agreement, at least among educated persons of the same age and country. It is only maintained that the objects of these impulses do not admit of being scientifically determined by any reflective analysis of common sense. The notions of Benevolence, Justice, Good Faith, Veracity, Purity, etc., are not necessarily emptied of significance for us, because we have found it impossible to define[361] them with precision. The main part of the conduct prescribed under each notion is sufficiently clear: and the general rule prescribing it does not necessarily lose its force because there is in each case a margin of conduct involved in obscurity and perplexity, or because the rule does not on examination appear to be absolute and independent. In short, the Morality of Common Sense may still be perfectly adequate to give practical guidance to common people in common circumstances: but the attempt to elevate it into a system of Intuitional Ethics brings its inevitable imperfections into prominence without helping us to remove them.[270]
It only remains to clarify my argument so it's not understood in a broader way than I intended or that it can actually support. Nothing I’ve said suggests that we don’t have distinct moral impulses that claim authority over others, guiding or prohibiting behaviors that generally align among educated people of the same age and country. It’s only argued that the objects of these impulses can’t be scientifically defined through any reflective analysis of common sense. The concepts of Benevolence, Justice, Good Faith, Veracity, Purity, etc., don’t lose their meaning for us just because we can’t define them precisely. The main aspects of the conduct prescribed by each concept are clear enough: and the overall principle guiding it doesn’t lose its relevance just because some actions involved may be unclear or confusing, or because the rule doesn’t seem absolute or independent upon closer examination. In short, the Morality of Common Sense can still provide practical guidance to everyday people in typical situations: but trying to turn it into a system of Intuitional Ethics highlights its unavoidable flaws without helping us resolve them.[361]
CHAPTER XII
MOTIVES OR DRIVERS OF ACTION VIEWED AS SUBJECTS OF MORAL JUDGMENT
§ 1. In the first chapter of this third Book I was careful to point out that motives, as well as intentions, form part of the subject-matter of our common moral judgments: and indeed in our notion of ‘conscientiousness’ the habit of reflecting on motives, and judging them to be good or bad, is a prominent element. It is necessary, therefore, in order to complete our examination of the Intuitional Method, to consider this comparison of motives, and ascertain how far it can be made systematic, and pursued to conclusions of scientific value. And this seems a convenient place for treating of this part of the subject: since it has been maintained by an important school of English moralists that Desires and Affections rather than Acts are the proper subjects of the ethical judgment: and it is natural to fall back upon this view when systematic reflection on the morality of Common Sense has shown us the difficulty of obtaining a precise and satisfactory determination of rightness and wrongness in external conduct.
§ 1. In the first chapter of this third book, I pointed out that motives, along with intentions, are part of what we consider in our moral judgments. In fact, when we talk about ‘conscientiousness,’ the habit of reflecting on motives and judging them as good or bad is a key element. Therefore, to fully examine the Intuitional Method, we need to look at this comparison of motives and see how systematic it can be and whether it can lead to scientifically valuable conclusions. This seems like a good point to discuss this part of the topic since an important group of English moralists has argued that Desires and Affections, rather than Actions, are the right subjects for ethical judgment. It makes sense to revisit this perspective when systematic reflection on the morality of Common Sense has revealed the challenge of accurately determining right and wrong in external behavior.
To avoid confusion, it should be observed that the term ‘motive’ is commonly used in two ways. It is sometimes applied to those among the foreseen consequences of any act which the agent desired in willing: and sometimes to the desire, or conscious impulse itself. The two meanings are in a manner correspondent, as, where impulses are different, there must always be some sort of difference in their respective objects. But for our present purpose it is more convenient to take the latter meaning: as it is our own impulsive nature that we have practically to deal with, in the way of control[363]ling, resisting, indulging the different impulses; and therefore it is the ethical value of these that we are primarily concerned to estimate: and we often find that two impulses, which would be placed very far apart in any psychological list, are directed towards an end materially identical, though regarded from a different point of view in each case. As (e.g.) both appetite and Rational self-love may impel a man to seek a particular sensual gratification; though in the latter case it is regarded under the general notion of pleasure, and as forming part of a sum called Happiness. In this chapter, then, I shall use the term Motive to denote the desires of particular results, believed to be attainable as consequences of our voluntary acts, by which desires we are stimulated to will those acts.[271]
To avoid confusion, it's important to note that the term ‘motive’ is used in two ways. Sometimes it refers to the anticipated outcomes of any action that the person wishes to achieve, and sometimes it refers to the desire or conscious impulse itself. These two meanings are somewhat related, as different impulses usually indicate some kind of difference in their respective objects. However, for our current purpose, it’s more practical to focus on the latter meaning: since we are mainly dealing with our own impulsive nature in terms of controlling, resisting, or giving in to different impulses. Therefore, we are primarily concerned with assessing their ethical value. We often see that two impulses, which might be very different in a psychological context, can actually aim towards the same material outcome, even though they are viewed differently in each case. For example, both appetite and rational self-love may drive a person to pursue a specific sensual pleasure; in the latter case, it’s seen as part of a broader concept of pleasure that contributes to a total called Happiness. In this chapter, I will use the term Motive to refer to the desires for specific results that we believe can be achieved as consequences of our voluntary actions, which motivate us to act on those desires.[363]
The first point to notice in considering the ethical result of a comprehensive comparison of motives is, that the issue in any internal conflict is not usually thought to be between[364] positively good and bad, but between better and less good, more or less estimable or elevated motives. The only kind of motive which (if any) we commonly judge to be intrinsically bad, apart from the circumstances under which it operates, is malevolent affection; that is, the desire, however aroused, to inflict pain or harm on some other sentient being. And reflection shows (as we saw in chap. viii. of this Book) that Common Sense does not pronounce even this kind of impulse absolutely bad: since we commonly recognise the existence of ‘legitimate resentment’ and ‘righteous indignation’; and though moralists try to distinguish between anger directed ‘against the act’ and ‘against the agent,’ and between the impulse to inflict pain and the desire of the antipathetic pleasure that the agent will reap from this infliction, it may be fairly doubted whether it is within the capacity of ordinary human nature to maintain these distinctions in practice. At any rate there is no other motive except deliberate malevolence which Common Sense condemns as absolutely bad. The other motives that are commonly spoken of in ‘dyslogistic’ terms seem to be most properly called (in Bentham’s language) ‘Seductive’ rather than bad. That is, they prompt to forbidden conduct with conspicuous force and frequency: but when we consider them carefully we find that there are certain limits, however narrow, within which their operation is legitimate.
The first point to notice when considering the ethical outcome of a thorough comparison of motives is that the conflict we encounter is typically not seen as one between clearly good and bad options, but rather between better and worse options, and between motives that are more or less admirable. The only type of motive we usually judge to be intrinsically bad, regardless of the circumstances, is malevolent intent; that is, the desire to cause pain or harm to another sentient being, no matter how it arises. Reflecting on this (as we discussed in chap. viii. of this Book) shows that Common Sense doesn’t even consider this kind of impulse to be absolutely bad: we often recognize the existence of ‘legitimate resentment’ and ‘righteous indignation.’ While moralists try to draw a line between anger directed ‘against the act’ and ‘against the agent,’ as well as between the wish to inflict pain and the enjoyment the agent gets from that pain, it may be questionable whether ordinary human nature can truly maintain these distinctions in practice. In any case, the only motive that Common Sense condemns as absolutely bad is deliberate malevolence. The other motives often described in negative terms should more accurately be called (in Bentham’s terms) ‘Seductive’ rather than bad. This means they strongly encourage forbidden behavior, but upon closer examination, we find that there are certain limits, however narrow, within which their influence is acceptable.
The question, then, is how far the intuitive knowledge that our common judgments seem to imply of the relative goodness of different kinds of motives is found on reflection to satisfy the conditions laid down in the preceding chapter. I have before[272] argued that it is incorrect to regard this comparison of motives as the normal form of our common moral judgments, nor do I see any ground for holding it to be the original form. I think that in the normal development of man’s moral consciousness, both in the individual and in the race, moral judgments are first passed on outward acts, and that motives do not come to be definitely considered till later; just as external perception of physical objects precedes introspection. At the same time, in my view, it does not therefore follow that the comparison of motives is not the final and most perfect form of the moral judgment. It might[365] approve itself as such by the systematic clearness and mutual consistency of the results to which it led, when pursued by different thinkers independently: and by its freedom from the puzzles and difficulties to which other developments of the Intuitional Method seem to be exposed.
The question now is how much the intuitive understanding that our shared judgments suggest about the relative worth of different types of motives meets the criteria outlined in the previous chapter. I've argued before[272] that it's incorrect to see this comparison of motives as the usual way we make moral judgments, nor do I believe it's the original way. I think that in the natural growth of human moral awareness, both individually and collectively, moral judgments are first made about external actions, and motives aren't seriously considered until later; just like how we first perceive physical objects before reflecting on our inner thoughts. However, I believe this doesn't mean that comparing motives can't be the ultimate and most refined form of moral judgment. It could prove to be such through the clear and consistent results it generates when explored by different thinkers independently, and by being free from the challenges and complexities that other approaches of the Intuitional Method seem to encounter.
It appears, however, on examination that, on the one hand, many (if not all) of the difficulties which have emerged in the preceding discussion of the commonly received principles of conduct are reproduced in a different form when we try to arrange Motives in order of excellence: and on the other hand, such a construction presents difficulties peculiar to itself, and the attempt to solve these exhibits greater and more fundamental differences among Intuitive moralists, as regards Rank of Motive, than we found to exist as regards Rightness of outward acts.
It seems that, upon closer look, many (if not all) of the challenges discussed earlier about commonly accepted principles of behavior come up again in a different way when we try to rank Motives by their quality. At the same time, this way of thinking brings its own unique challenges, and the effort to address these reveals deeper and more significant disagreements among Intuitive moralists regarding the Rank of Motive than what we observed about the Rightness of actions.
§ 2. In the first place, it has to be decided whether we are to include in our list of motives the Moral Sentiments, or impulses towards particular kinds of virtuous conduct as such, e.g. Candour, Veracity, Fortitude. It seems unwarrantable to exclude them, as such sentiments are observable as distinct and independent impulses in most well-trained minds, and we sometimes recognise their existence in considerable intensity, as when we speak of a man being ‘enthusiastically brave,’ or ‘intensely veracious,’ or as ‘having a passion for justice.’ At the same time their admission places us in the following dilemma. Either the objects of these impulses are represented by the very notions that we have been examining—in which case, after we have decided that any impulse is better than its rival, all the perplexities set forth in the previous chapters will recur, before we can act on our decision; for what avails it to recognise the superiority of the impulse to do justice, if we do not know what it is just to do?—or if in any case the object which a moral sentiment prompts us to realise is conceived more simply, without the qualifications which a complete reflection on Common Sense forced us to recognise; then, as the previous investigation shows, we shall certainly not find agreement as to the relation between this and other impulses. For example, a dispute, whether the impulse to speak the truth ought or ought not to be followed, will inevitably arise when Veracity seems opposed either to the[366] general good, or to the interests of some particular person; that is, when it conflicts with ‘particular’ or ‘universal’ benevolence. Hutcheson expressly places these latter impulses in a higher rank than “candour, veracity, fortitude”; reserving the highest moral approbation for “the most extensive benevolence” or “calm, stable, universal goodwill to all.”[273] But this view, which coincides practically with Utilitarianism, would certainly be disputed by most Intuitional moralists. Again, some of these moralists (as Kant) regard all actions as bad—or not good—which are not done from pure regard for duty or choice of Right as Right: while Hutcheson, who represents the opposite pole of Intuitional Ethics, equally distinguishes the love of Virtue as a separate impulse; but treats it as at once co-ordinate in rank and coincident in its effects with universal Benevolence.
§ 2. First, we need to decide whether we should include Moral Sentiments or impulses toward specific types of virtuous behavior, such as e.g. honesty, truthfulness, and courage, in our list of motives. It seems unreasonable to leave them out since these sentiments are often seen as separate and independent impulses in most well-trained individuals. We sometimes recognize their significant presence, like when we describe a person as 'enthusiastically brave,' 'intensely truthful,' or 'passionate about justice.' However, including them puts us in a dilemma. Either the targets of these impulses are reflected in the very concepts we've been examining—in which case, once we decide that one impulse is better than another, we'll face the same confusion discussed in previous chapters before we can act on our decision. What good is it to acknowledge the superiority of the impulse to seek justice if we don't know what is just to do?—or if, in some cases, the goal that a moral sentiment urges us to achieve is viewed more simply, without the complexities that a thorough consideration of Common Sense forced us to recognize; then, as shown by the earlier investigation, we won't find consensus on the relationship between this and other impulses. For instance, a debate over whether the impulse to tell the truth should or shouldn't be followed will inevitably arise when truthfulness appears to conflict with either the general good or the interests of a specific individual; that is, when it clashes with 'particular' or 'universal' kindness. Hutcheson specifically ranks these latter impulses above “honesty, truthfulness, courage”; he gives the highest moral approval to “the most widespread kindness” or “calm, stable, universal goodwill toward everyone.”[273] But this perspective, which effectively aligns with Utilitarianism, would definitely be contested by most Intuitional moralists. Additionally, some of these moralists (like Kant) believe that all actions are bad—or not good—if they are not done out of pure regard for duty or the choice of Right as Right: whereas Hutcheson, who represents the opposite end of Intuitional Ethics, also differentiates the love of Virtue as a distinct impulse; but considers it to be both equal in rank and coinciding in its effects with universal Kindness.
So, again, moralists diverge widely in estimating the ethical value of Self-love. For Butler seems to regard it as one of two superior and naturally authoritative impulses, the other being Conscience: nay, in a passage before quoted, he even concedes that it would be reasonable for Conscience to yield to it, if the two could possibly conflict. Other moralists (and Butler elsewhere)[274] appear to place Self-love among virtuous impulses under the name of Prudence: though among these they often rank it rather low, and would have it yield in case of conflict, to nobler virtues. Others, again, exclude it from Virtue altogether: e.g. Kant, in one of his treatises,[275] says that the end of Self-love, one’s own happiness, cannot be an end for the Moral Reason; that the force of the reasonable will, in which Virtue consists, is always exhibited in resistance to natural egoistic impulses.
So, once again, moralists greatly differ in how they assess the ethical value of self-love. Butler seems to see it as one of two primary and naturally authoritative instincts, the other being conscience. In a previously quoted passage, he even admits that it would be reasonable for conscience to bow to it if the two were ever in conflict. Some other moralists (and Butler in other writings) [274] appear to categorize self-love among virtuous instincts under the term prudence. However, within this group, they often rank it quite low and argue that it should yield to higher virtues in case of conflict. Others entirely exclude it from the concept of virtue; for example, Kant, in one of his essays,[275] states that the goal of self-love, which is one’s own happiness, cannot be a goal for moral reasoning. He argues that the strength of reasonable will, which defines virtue, is always shown in resistance to natural self-centered impulses.
Dr. Martineau, whose system is framed on the basis that I am now examining, attempts to avoid some of the difficulties just pointed out by refusing to admit the existence of any virtuous impulses except the “preference for the superior of the competing springs of action in each case” of a conflict[367] of motives. “I cannot admit,” he says, “either the loves of Virtues—of candour, veracity, fortitude—or the virtues themselves, as so many additional impulses over and above those from the conflict of which they are formed. I do not confess my fault in order to be candid ... unless I am a prig, I never think of candour, as predicable, or going to be predicable, of me at all.”[276] I am not, however, sure whether Dr. Martineau really means to deny the existence of persons who act from a conscious desire to realise an ideal of Candour or Fortitude, or whether he merely means to express disapproval of such persons: in the former sense his statement seems to me a psychological paradox, in conflict with ordinary experience: in the latter sense it seems an ethical paradox, affording a striking example of that diversity of judgments as to the rank of motives, to which I am now drawing attention.
Dr. Martineau, whose system is based on the idea I’m examining now, tries to sidestep some of the difficulties mentioned by refusing to acknowledge any virtuous impulses other than the “preference for the superior of the competing springs of action in each case” when there’s a conflict[367] of motives. “I can’t accept,” he says, “either the loves of Virtues—like honesty, truthfulness, bravery—or the virtues themselves, as extra impulses beyond those that arise from the conflict they are formed from. I don’t admit my fault to be honest ... unless I’m a self-righteous person, I never think of honesty as something that applies, or is going to apply, to me at all.”[276] I’m not really sure whether Dr. Martineau truly intends to deny that there are people who act out of a conscious desire to achieve an ideal of Honesty or Bravery, or if he simply aims to express disapproval of such individuals: if it’s the former, his statement seems to contradict common experience, and if it’s the latter, it appears to present an ethical paradox, illustrating the variety of judgments about the value of motives that I’m currently highlighting.
§ 3. But even if we put out of sight the Moral sentiments and Self-love, it is still scarcely possible to frame a scale of motives arranged in order of merit, for which we could claim anything like a clear consent, even of cultivated and thoughtful persons. On one or two points, indeed, we seem to be generally agreed; e.g. that the bodily appetites are inferior to the benevolent affections and the intellectual desires; and perhaps that impulses tending primarily to the well-being of the individual are lower in rank than those which we class as extra-regarding or disinterested. But beyond a few vague statements of this kind, it is very difficult to proceed. For example, when we compare personal affections with the love of knowledge or of beauty, or the passion for the ideal in any form, much doubt and divergence of opinion become manifest. Indeed, we should hardly agree on the relative rank of the benevolent affections taken by themselves; for some would prefer the more intense, though narrower, while others would place the calmer and wider feelings in the highest rank. Or again, since Love, as we saw,[277] is a complex emotion, and commonly includes, besides the desire of the good or happiness of the beloved, a desire for union or intimacy of some kind; some would consider an affection more elevated in proportion as[368] the former element predominated, while others would regard the latter as at least equally essential to the highest kind of affection.
§ 3. But even if we ignore moral feelings and self-interest, it's still nearly impossible to create a ranking of motives based on merit that would receive clear agreement, even from educated and thoughtful people. On a few points, we seem to agree; for example, that physical desires are lower than altruistic feelings and intellectual pursuits; and perhaps that impulses focused primarily on an individual’s well-being rank lower than those we consider to be selfless or altruistic. However, beyond a handful of vague statements like this, it's very tough to move forward. For instance, when we compare personal affections with the love of knowledge, beauty, or passion for ideals in any form, significant doubt and differences in opinion emerge. In fact, we would likely disagree on the relative importance of altruistic feelings on their own; some might prefer the more intense, though narrower, feelings, while others would rank the calmer and broader ones higher. Additionally, since love, as we noted,[277] is a complex emotion and typically includes, besides the desire for the beloved's happiness or well-being, a desire for closeness or intimacy of some sort; some would consider an affection more elevated if the former element is more prominent, while others would see the latter as at least equally important for the highest form of affection.
Again, we may notice the love of Fame as an important and widely operative motive, which would be ranked very differently by different persons: for some would place the former “spur that the clear spirit doth raise” among the most elevated impulses after the moral sentiments; while others think it degrading to depend for one’s happiness on the breath of popular favour.
Again, we can observe that the desire for fame is a significant and powerful motive, which people rank very differently: some might view this "spur that the clear spirit doth raise" as one of the highest impulses after moral feelings, while others see it as degrading to rely on public approval for one’s happiness.
Further, the more we contemplate the actual promptings that precede any volition, the more we seem to find complexity of motive the rule rather than the exception, at least in the case of educated persons: and from this composition of impulses there results a fundamental perplexity as to the principles on which our decision is to be made, even supposing that we have a clear view of the relative worth of the elementary impulses. For the compound will generally contain nobler and baser elements, and we can hardly get rid of the latter; since—as I have before said—though we may frequently suppress and expel a motive by firmly resisting it, it does not seem possible to exclude it if we do the act to which it prompts. Suppose, then, that we are impelled in one direction by a combination of high and low motives, and in another by an impulse that ranks between the two in the scale, how shall we decide which course to follow? Such a case is by no means uncommon: e.g. an injured man may be moved by an impulse of pity to spare his injurer, while a regard for justice and a desire of revenge combined impel him to inflict punishment. Or, again, a Jew of liberal views might be restrained from eating pork by a desire not to shock the feelings of his friends, and might be moved to eat it by the desire to vindicate true religious liberty combined with a liking for pork. How are we to deal with such a case as this? For it will hardly be suggested that we should estimate the relative proportions of the different motives and decide accordingly;—qualitative analysis of our motives is to some extent possible to us, but the quantitative analysis that this would require is not in our power.
Furthermore, the more we think about the actual reasons that come before any decision, the more we seem to find that complexity of motivation is the norm rather than the exception, especially in the case of educated individuals. From this mix of impulses, we end up with a fundamental confusion about the principles we should use to make our decisions, even if we have a clear understanding of the relative importance of the basic impulses. Usually, this mixture will include both higher and lower motives, and we can hardly eliminate the latter; as I mentioned earlier, while we may often suppress and push away a motive by firmly resisting it, it seems impossible to exclude it if we go ahead with the action it encourages. So, let’s say we're driven in one direction by a blend of noble and base motives, and in another by an impulse that sits between the two on the scale—how do we choose which path to take? This scenario is not uncommon: for example, a wronged person might feel compassion and want to spare their offender, while a sense of justice and a desire for revenge push them to inflict punishment. Alternatively, a liberal-minded Jewish person might refrain from eating pork out of a desire not to upset their friends, while being tempted to eat it by a wish to assert true religious freedom along with a liking for pork. How do we handle such a situation? It’s unlikely we would suggest that we should weigh the relative strengths of the different motives and make a decision based on that; we can analyze our motives qualitatively to some extent, but the quantitative analysis this would require is beyond our capabilities.
But even apart from this difficulty arising from complexity[369] of motives, I think it impossible to assign a definite and constant ethical value to each different kind of motive, without reference to the particular circumstances under which it has arisen, the extent of indulgence that it demands, and the consequences to which this indulgence would lead in any particular case. I may conveniently illustrate this by reference to the table, drawn up by Dr. Martineau,[278] of springs of action arranged in order of merit.
But even aside from this challenge due to the complexity of motivations[369], I believe it's impossible to assign a clear and consistent ethical value to each kind of motive without considering the specific circumstances in which it arose, the level of indulgence it requires, and the results that this indulgence would lead to in any given case. I can illustrate this conveniently by referring to the table created by Dr. Martineau,[278] which lists types of actions ranked by their merit.
- 1. Secondary Passions:—Censoriousness, Vindictiveness, Suspiciousness.
- 2. Secondary Organic Propensions:—Love of Ease and Sensual Pleasure.
- 3. Primary Organic Propensions:—Appetites.
- 4. Primary Animal Propension:—Spontaneous Activity (unselective).
- 5. Love of Gain (reflective derivative from Appetite).
- 6. Secondary Affections (sentimental indulgence of sympathetic feelings).
- 7. Primary Passions:—Antipathy, Fear, Resentment.
- 8. Causal energy:—Love of Power, or Ambition; Love of Liberty.
- 9. Secondary Sentiments:—Love of Culture.
- 10. Primary Sentiments of Wonder and Admiration.
- 11. Primary Affections, Parental and Social; with (approximately) Generosity and Gratitude.
- 12. Primary Affection of Compassion.
- 13. Primary Sentiment of Reverence.
This scale seems to me open to much criticism, both from a psychological and from an ethical point of view:[279] but, granting that it corresponds broadly to the judgments that men commonly pass as to the different elevation of different motives, it seems to me in the highest degree paradoxical to lay down that each class of motives is always to be preferred to the class below it, without regard to circumstances and consequences. So far as it is true that “the conscience says to every one, ‘Do not eat till you are hungry and stop when you are hungry no more,’” it is not, I venture to think, because a “regulative right is clearly vested in primary instinctive needs, relatively to their secondaries,” but because[370] experience has shown that to seek the gratification of the palate apart from the satisfaction of hunger is generally dangerous to physical well-being; and it is in view of this danger that the conscience operates. If we condemn “a ship captain,” who, “caught in a fog off a lee shore, neglects, through indolence and love of ease, to slacken speed and take cautious soundings and open his steam-whistle,” it is not because we intuitively discern Fear to be a higher motive than Love of Ease, but because the consequences disregarded are judged to be indefinitely more important than the gratification obtained: if we took a case in which fear was not similarly sustained by prudence, our judgment would certainly be different.
This scale seems to be open to a lot of criticism, both psychologically and ethically:[279] but, assuming it generally reflects the judgments people make about the different levels of different motives, I find it quite paradoxical to assert that each class of motives should always be preferred over the class below it, without considering circumstances and outcomes. While it's true that “the conscience tells everyone, ‘Don’t eat until you’re hungry, and stop when you’re no longer hungry,’” I believe this is not because “a regulative right is clearly vested in primary instinctive needs, relative to their secondary ones,” but rather because[370] experience has shown that seeking pleasure in food without satisfying hunger is usually harmful to our physical well-being; and it is this danger that drives our conscience. If we criticize “a ship captain” who, “caught in a fog off a lee shore, fails, due to laziness and a desire for comfort, to reduce speed and take careful soundings and sound his steam-whistle,” it’s not because we intuitively see Fear as a higher motive than Love of Comfort, but because the overlooked consequences are considered vastly more significant than the immediate gratification attained: if we had a situation where fear wasn’t similarly supported by prudence, our judgment would definitely be different.
The view of Common Sense appears rather to be that most natural impulses have their proper spheres, within which they should be normally operative, and therefore the question whether in any case a higher motive should yield to a lower one cannot be answered decisively in the general way in which Dr. Martineau answers it: the answer must depend on the particular conditions and circumstances of the conflict. We recognise it as possible that a motive which we commonly rank as higher may wrongly intrude into the proper sphere of one which we rank as lower, just as the lower is liable to encroach on the higher; only since there is very much less danger of the former intrusion, it naturally falls into the background in ethical discussions and exhortations that have a practical aim. The matter is complicated by the further consideration that as the character of a moral agent becomes better, the motives that we rank as “higher” tend to be developed, so that their normal sphere of operation is enlarged at the expense of the lower. Hence there are two distinct aims in moral regulation and culture, so far as they relate to motives: (1) to keep the “lower” motive within the limits within which its operation is considered to be legitimate and good on the whole, so long as we cannot substitute for it the equally effective operation of a higher motive; and at the same time (2) to effect this substitution of “higher” for “lower” gradually, as far as can be done without danger,—up to a limit which we cannot definitely fix, but which we certainly conceive, for the most part, as falling short of complete exclusion of the lower motive.
The view of Common Sense seems to suggest that most natural impulses have their appropriate areas where they should typically function. Therefore, whether a higher motive should give way to a lower one can't be answered definitively in the broad manner that Dr. Martineau does; the answer must depend on the specific conditions and circumstances of each situation. We recognize that a motive we usually consider higher might improperly intrude into the area of one we see as lower, just as the lower can intrude on the higher. However, since the risk of the former happening is much less, it tends to take a back seat in ethical discussions and practical advice. The situation is made more complex by the fact that as a person’s moral character improves, the motives we view as "higher" tend to grow stronger, expanding their usual area of operation at the expense of the lower motives. Consequently, there are two main goals in moral guidance and development concerning motives: (1) to keep the “lower” motive within the boundaries we see as legitimate and good overall, as long as we can't replace it with the equally effective operation of a higher motive; and (2) to gradually make this substitution of “higher” for “lower” whenever possible, but without risk—up to a point we can't precisely define, which we mostly understand as not fully excluding the lower motive.
I may illustrate by reference to the passion of resentment of which I before spoke. The view of reflective common sense is, I think, that the malevolent impulse so designated, as long as it is strictly limited to resentment against wrong and operates in aid of justice, has a legitimate sphere of action in the social life of human beings as actually constituted: that, indeed, its suppression would be gravely mischievous, unless we could at the same time intensify the ordinary man’s regard for justice or for social well-being so that the total strength of motives prompting to the punishment of crime should not be diminished. It is, no doubt, “to be wished,” as Butler says, that men would repress wrong from these higher motives rather than from passionate resentment; but we cannot hope to effect this change in human beings generally except by a slow and gradual process of elevation of character: therefore supposing a conflict between “Compassion,” which is highest but one in Dr. Martineau’s scale, and “Resentment,” which he places about the middle, it is by no means to be laid down as a general rule that compassion ought to prevail. We ought rather—with Butler—to regard resentment as a salutary “balance to the weakness of pity,” which would be liable to prevent the execution of justice if resentment were excluded.
I can illustrate this with the feeling of resentment I mentioned earlier. I believe the consensus is that this negative impulse, as long as it’s focused strictly on responding to wrongdoing and supports justice, has a valid place in the social lives of people as we know them. In fact, trying to eliminate it could be quite harmful unless we could simultaneously strengthen an ordinary person's concern for justice or social welfare enough that the overall motivation for punishing crime doesn't lessen. It is certainly "to be wished," as Butler notes, that people would oppose wrongdoing out of these higher motivations rather than from passionate resentment. However, we can't expect to bring about this change in people quickly; it requires a slow and steady process of improving character. So, if there's a conflict between "Compassion," which is high on Dr. Martineau's scale, and "Resentment," which he places in the middle, it’s not a strict rule that compassion should always win out. Instead, we should—like Butler—view resentment as a necessary counterbalance to the potential weakness of pity, which could hinder justice if resentment were absent.
Or we might similarly take the impulse which comes lowest (among those not condemned altogether) in Dr. Martineau’s scale—the “Love of Ease and Sensual Pleasure.” No doubt this impulse, or group of impulses, is continually leading men to shirk or scamp their strict duty, or to fall in some less definite way below their own ideal of conduct; hence the attitude habitually maintained towards it by preachers and practical moralists is that of repression. Still, common sense surely recognises that there are cases in which even this impulse ought to prevail over impulses ranked above it in Dr. Martineau’s scale; we often find men prompted—say by “love of gain”—to shorten unduly their hours of recreation; and in the case of a conflict of motives under such circumstances we should judge it best that victory should remain on the side of the “love of ease and pleasure,” and that the encroachment of “love of gain” should be repelled.
Or we might also consider the impulse that comes lowest (among those not entirely condemned) in Dr. Martineau’s ranking— the “Love of Ease and Sensual Pleasure.” This impulse, or group of impulses, often leads people to avoid or neglect their responsibilities, or to fall short of their own standards for behavior; as a result, preachers and moralists usually advocate for suppressing it. However, common sense acknowledges that there are situations where this impulse should take precedence over those ranked higher in Dr. Martineau’s list; we often see people driven—let’s say by “the desire for profit”—to cut short their leisure time. In cases where motivations conflict under such circumstances, it seems preferable for the “love of ease and pleasure” to prevail, and for “the desire for profit” to be held back.
I do not, however, think that in either of these instances[372] the conflict of motives would remain such as I have just described: I think that though the struggle might begin as a duel between resentment and compassion, or between love of ease and love of gain, it would not be fought out in the lists so drawn; since higher motives would inevitably be called in as the conflict went on, regard for justice and social well-being on the side of resentment, regard for health and ultimate efficiency for work on the side of love of ease; and it would be the intervention of these higher motives that would decide the struggle, so far as it was decided rightly and as we should approve. This certainly is what would happen in my own case, if the supposed conflict were at all serious and its decision deliberate; and this constitutes my final reason for holding that such a scale as Dr. Martineau has drawn up, of motives arranged according to their moral rank, can never have more than a very subordinate ethical importance. I admit that it may serve to indicate in a rough and general way the kinds of desires which it is ordinarily best to encourage and indulge, in comparison with other kinds which are ordinarily likely to compete and collide with them; and we might thus settle summarily some of the comparatively trifling conflicts of motive which the varying and complex play of needs, habits, interests, and their accompanying emotions, continually stirs in our daily life. But if a serious question of conduct is raised, I cannot conceive myself deciding it morally by any comparison of motives below the highest: it seems to me that the question must inevitably be carried up for decision into the court of whatever motive we regard as supremely regulative: so that the comparison ultimately decisive would be not between the lower motives primarily conflicting, but between the effects of the different lines of conduct to which these lower motives respectively prompt, considered in relation to whatever we regard as the ultimate end or ends of reasonable action. And this, I conceive, will be the course naturally taken by the moral reflection not only of utilitarians, but of all who follow Butler in regarding our passions and propensions as forming naturally a “system or constitution,” in which the ends of lower impulses are subordinate as means to the ends of certain governing motives, or are comprehended as parts in these larger ends.
I don’t think that in either of these cases[372] the conflict of motives would stay as I’ve just described. I believe that while the struggle might start as a battle between resentment and compassion, or between the desire for comfort and the desire for success, it wouldn’t remain framed that way for long. As the conflict progressed, higher motives would inevitably come into play, with a sense of justice and concern for social well-being on the side of resentment, and a focus on health and overall work efficiency on the side of those seeking comfort. It would be the involvement of these higher motives that would ultimately resolve the struggle in a way that we would consider right. This is definitely what would happen in my own situation if the supposed conflict were serious and demanded careful consideration. This is why I believe that the scale of motives that Dr. Martineau has laid out, arranged by their moral significance, will always have only a minor ethical relevance. I acknowledge that it might give a rough general idea of the types of desires that are usually best to support and indulge, compared to other types that typically compete with them. We might therefore quickly resolve some of the relatively minor motive conflicts that arise from the varying and complex interplay of needs, habits, interests, and their associated emotions in our daily lives. But if a serious moral question comes up, I can’t see myself making a decision based on any comparison of motives lower than the highest: it seems to me that the question must inevitably be elevated to whatever motive we consider the most important one. Therefore, the ultimately decisive comparison wouldn’t be between the lower motives that are primarily in conflict, but between the outcomes of the different courses of action prompted by these lower motives, viewed in light of whatever we see as the ultimate goals of rational action. I believe this will be the approach taken by moral reflection, not just by utilitarians, but by anyone who follows Butler in viewing our passions and inclinations as forming a “system or constitution,” where the goals of lower impulses are subordinate as means to the ends of certain governing motives, or are understood as part of these larger aims.
CHAPTER XIII
Philosophical Intuitionism
§ 1. Is there, then, no possibility of attaining, by a more profound and discriminating examination of our common moral thought, to real ethical axioms—intuitive propositions of real clearness and certainty?
§ 1. Is there, then, no chance of achieving, through a deeper and more nuanced analysis of our shared moral beliefs, actual ethical principles—intuitive statements that are genuinely clear and certain?
This question leads us to the examination of that third phase of the intuitive method, which was called Philosophical Intuitionism.[280] For we conceive it as the aim of a philosopher, as such, to do somewhat more than define and formulate the common moral opinions of mankind. His function is to tell men what they ought to think, rather than what they do think: he is expected to transcend Common Sense in his premises, and is allowed a certain divergence from Common Sense in his conclusions. It is true that the limits of this deviation are firmly, though indefinitely, fixed: the truth of a philosopher’s premises will always be tested by the acceptability of his conclusions: if in any important point he be found in flagrant conflict with common opinion, his method is likely to be declared invalid. Still, though he is expected to establish and concatenate at least the main part of the commonly accepted moral rules, he is not necessarily bound to take them as the basis on which his own system is constructed. Rather, we should expect that the history of Moral Philosophy—so far at least as those whom we may call orthodox thinkers are concerned—would be a history of attempts to enunciate, in full breadth and clearness, those primary intuitions of Reason, by the scientific application of[374] which the common moral thought of mankind may be at once systematised and corrected.
This question leads us to look at the third phase of the intuitive method, known as Philosophical Intuitionism.[280] We see the philosopher's role as going beyond just defining and expressing the shared moral beliefs of society. Their job is to guide people on what they should think, rather than just reflecting what they currently think. Philosophers are expected to move beyond Common Sense in their foundational ideas and allowed some leeway from Common Sense in their conclusions. It's true that there are clear, though somewhat flexible, boundaries to this deviation: the validity of a philosopher’s ideas will always be judged by how acceptable their conclusions are. If they clash significantly with widely held beliefs, their method might be deemed invalid. However, while philosophers are expected to outline and connect the core commonly accepted moral principles, they aren't strictly required to use these as the foundation for their own philosophical systems. Instead, we should anticipate that the history of Moral Philosophy—at least concerning those we might call orthodox thinkers—will be a record of efforts to express clearly and comprehensively those fundamental intuitions of Reason. This scientific approach can help to systematize and refine the common moral understanding of humanity.[374]
And this is to some extent the case. But Moral Philosophy, or philosophy as applied to Morality, has had other tasks to occupy it, even more profoundly difficult than that of penetrating to the fundamental principles of Duty. In modern times especially, it has admitted the necessity of demonstrating the harmony of Duty with Interest; that is, with the Happiness or Welfare of the agent on whom the duty in each case is imposed. It has also undertaken to determine the relation of Right or Good generally to the world of actual existence: a task which could hardly be satisfactorily accomplished without an adequate explanation of the existence of Evil. It has further been distracted by questions which, in my view, are of psychological rather than ethical importance, as to the ‘innateness’ of our notions of Duty, and the origin of the faculty that furnishes them. With their attention concentrated on these difficult subjects, each of which has been mixed up in various ways with the discussion of fundamental moral intuitions, philosophers have too easily been led to satisfy themselves with ethical formulæ which implicitly accept the morality of Common Sense en bloc, ignoring its defects; and merely express a certain view of the relation of this morality to the individual mind or to the universe of actual existence. Perhaps also they have been hampered by the fear (not, as we have seen, unfounded) of losing the support given by ‘general assent’ if they set before themselves and their readers too rigid a standard of scientific precision. Still, in spite of all these drawbacks, we find that philosophers have provided us with a considerable number of comprehensive moral propositions, put forward as certain and self-evident, and such as at first sight may seem well adapted to serve as the first principles of scientific morality.
And to some extent, this is true. However, Moral Philosophy, or the philosophy applied to Morality, has faced other challenges that are even more profoundly difficult than digging into the fundamental principles of Duty. In modern times especially, it has recognized the need to demonstrate how Duty aligns with Interest; that is, with the Happiness or Welfare of the person who has the duty in each situation. It has also tried to figure out how Right or Good relates generally to the real world: a challenge that can hardly be achieved satisfactorily without adequately explaining the existence of Evil. Furthermore, it has been sidetracked by questions that, in my opinion, are more about psychology than ethics, such as the ‘innateness’ of our ideas of Duty and the origin of the faculty that generates these ideas. With their focus on these difficult issues, each of which has been intertwined in various ways with the discussion of basic moral intuitions, philosophers have often been too quick to settle for ethical formulas that implicitly accept Common Sense morality as a whole, ignoring its flaws; and simply express a certain perspective on how this morality relates to the individual mind or to the actual universe. Perhaps they have also been hindered by the fear (which, as we've seen, isn't unfounded) of losing the backing of ‘general assent’ if they present their readers with a too-rigid standard of scientific accuracy. Still, despite all these obstacles, we can see that philosophers have given us a significant number of comprehensive moral statements, proposed as certain and self-evident, which at first glance may seem suitable to serve as the foundational principles of scientific morality.
§ 2. But here a word of caution seems required, which has been somewhat anticipated in earlier chapters, but on which it is particularly needful to lay stress at this point of our discussion: against a certain class of sham-axioms, which are very apt to offer themselves to the mind that is earnestly seeking for a philosophical synthesis of practical rules, and to delude the unwary with a tempting aspect of clear self-evidence.[375] These are principles which appear certain and self-evident because they are substantially tautological: because, when examined, they are found to affirm no more than that it is right to do that which is—in a certain department of life, under certain circumstances and conditions—right to be done. One important lesson which the history of moral philosophy teaches is that, in this region, even powerful intellects are liable to acquiesce in tautologies of this kind; sometimes expanded into circular reasonings, sometimes hidden in the recesses of an obscure notion, often lying so near the surface that, when once they have been exposed, it is hard to understand how they could ever have presented themselves as important.
§ 2. However, a word of caution is needed here. This has been somewhat addressed in earlier chapters, but it's particularly important to emphasize it at this point in our discussion: beware of a certain type of false axioms that tend to come to mind for anyone earnestly looking for a philosophical framework of practical rules; they can mislead the unsuspecting with their seemingly clear self-evidence.[375] These principles seem obvious and self-evident because they essentially repeat themselves: upon closer examination, they simply state that it's right to do what is—within a specific area of life, under certain circumstances and conditions—right to do. One critical lesson from the history of moral philosophy is that even sharp minds can fall for these kinds of tautologies; sometimes these expand into circular reasoning, sometimes they are concealed within obscure concepts, and often they are so obvious that once they are revealed, it's hard to see how they ever seemed significant.
Let us turn, for illustration’s sake, to the time-honoured Cardinal Virtues. If we are told that the dictates of Wisdom and Temperance may be summed up in clear and certain principles, and that these are respectively,
Let’s look at the classic Cardinal Virtues for illustration. If we say that the guidelines of Wisdom and Temperance can be summed up in clear and definite principles, and that these are respectively,
(1) It is right to act rationally,
(1) It's right to act rationally,
(2) It is right that the Lower parts of our nature should be governed by the Higher,
(2) It's only fair that the lower parts of our nature should be controlled by the higher.
we do not at first feel that we are not obtaining valuable information. But when we find (cf. ante, chap. xi. § 3) that “acting rationally” is merely another phrase for “doing what we see to be right,” and, again, that the “higher part” of our nature to which the rest are to submit is explained to be Reason, so that “acting temperately” is only “acting rationally” under the condition of special non-rational impulses needing to be resisted, the tautology of our “principles” is obvious. Similarly when we are asked to accept as the principle of Justice “that we ought to give every man his own,” the definition seems plausible—until it appears that we cannot define “his own” except as equivalent to “that which it is right he should have.”
At first, we don't realize we're not getting any useful information. But when we discover (see ante, chap. xi. § 3) that “acting rationally” just means “doing what we think is right,” and that the “higher part” of our nature, which the rest must follow, is defined as Reason, it becomes clear that “acting temperately” is simply “acting rationally” in situations where we have to resist certain non-rational urges. The redundancy in our “principles” is clear. Similarly, when we're asked to accept the principle of Justice as “that we ought to give every man his own,” the definition sounds reasonable—until we realize we can't define “his own” without equating it to “what is right for him to have.”
The definitions quoted may be found in modern writers: but it seems worthy of remark that throughout the ethical speculation of Greece,[281] such universal affirmations as are[376] presented to us concerning Virtue or Good conduct seem almost always to be propositions which can only be defended from the charge of tautology, if they are understood as definitions of the problem to be solved, and not as attempts at its solution. For example, Plato and Aristotle appear to offer as constructive moralists the scientific knowledge on ethical matters of which Socrates proclaimed the absence; knowledge, that is, of the Good and Bad in human life. And they seem to be agreed that such Good as can be realised in the concrete life of men and communities is chiefly Virtue,—or (as Aristotle more precisely puts it) the exercise of Virtue: so that the practical part of ethical science must consist mainly in the knowledge of Virtue. If, however, we ask how we are to ascertain the kind of conduct which is properly to be called Virtuous, it does not seem that Plato can tell us more of each virtue in turn than that it consists in (1) the knowledge of what is Good in certain circumstances and relations, and (2) such a harmony of the different elements of man’s appetitive nature, that their resultant impulse may be always in accordance with this knowledge. But it is just this knowledge (or at least its principles and method) that we are expecting him to give us: and to explain to us instead the different exigencies under which we need it, in no way satisfies our expectation. Nor, again, does Aristotle bring us much nearer such knowledge by telling us that the Good in conduct is to be found somewhere between different kinds of Bad. This at best only indicates the whereabouts of Virtue: it does not give us a method for finding it.
The definitions mentioned can be found in modern writers, but it's worth noting that throughout Greek ethical thought, such universal statements about Virtue or Good behavior seem to be claims that can only avoid being considered redundant if they are seen as definitions of the problem at hand rather than as solutions to it. For instance, Plato and Aristotle seem to provide the scientific understanding of ethical matters that Socrates claimed was lacking; this understanding relates to what is Good and Bad in human life. They seem to agree that the Good that can be achieved in the actual life of individuals and communities is primarily Virtue—or, as Aristotle puts it more accurately, the exercise of Virtue. Thus, the practical aspect of ethical science should mainly involve understanding Virtue. However, if we ask how we can determine what kind of behavior is truly Virtuous, it appears that Plato can only tell us for each virtue that it involves (1) knowing what is Good in specific situations and relationships, and (2) achieving a harmony among the various aspects of human desire so that the resulting actions align with this knowledge. But it is exactly this knowledge (or at least its principles and methods) that we are expecting him to provide, and merely explaining the different situations where we need it does not meet our expectations. Similarly, Aristotle does not bring us any closer to this knowledge by claiming that the Good in behavior lies somewhere in between various types of Bad. This at best only suggests the location of Virtue; it doesn’t offer us a method to find it.
On the Stoic system,[282] as constructed by Zeno and Chrysippus, it is perhaps unfair to pronounce decisively, from the accounts given of it by adversaries like Plutarch, and such semi-intelligent expositors as Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, and Stobæus. But, as far as we can judge of it, we must pronounce the exposition of its general principles a[377] complicated enchainment of circular reasonings, by which the inquirer is continually deluded with an apparent approach to practical conclusions, and continually led back to the point from which he set out.
On the Stoic system,[282] as created by Zeno and Chrysippus, it might be unfair to make a firm judgment based solely on the descriptions given by critics like Plutarch, along with less insightful commentators like Cicero, Diogenes Laertius, and Stobæus. However, based on what we can assess, we have to say that the presentation of its core ideas is a[377] complicated mix of circular reasoning that constantly misleads the seeker into thinking they are getting closer to practical conclusions, only to lead them right back to where they started.
The most characteristic formula of Stoicism seems to have been that declaring ‘Life according to Nature’ to be the ultimate end of action. The spring of the motion that sustained this life was in the vegetable creation a mere unfelt impulse: in animals it was impulse accompanied with sensation: in man it was the direction of Reason, which in him was naturally supreme over all merely blind irrational impulses. What then does Reason direct? ‘To live according to Nature’ is one answer: and thus we get the circular exposition of ethical doctrine in its simplest form. Sometimes, however, we are told that it is ‘Life according to Virtue’: which leads us into the circle already noticed in the Platonic-Aristotelian philosophy; as Virtue, by the Stoics also, is only defined as knowledge of Good and Bad in different circumstances and relations. Indeed, this latter circle is given by the Stoics more neatly and perfectly: for with Plato and Aristotle Virtue was not the sole, but only the chief content of the notion Good, in its application to human life: but in the view of Stoicism the two notions are absolutely coincident. The result, then, is that Virtue is knowledge of what is good and ought to be sought or chosen, and of what is bad and ought to be shunned or rejected: while at the same time there is nothing good or properly choice-worthy, nothing bad or truly formidable, except Virtue and Vice respectively. But if Virtue is thus declared to be a science that has no object except itself, the notion is inevitably emptied of all practical content. In order, therefore, to avoid this result and to reconcile their system with common sense, the Stoics explained that there were other things in human life which were in a manner preferable, though not strictly good, including in this class the primary objects of men’s normal impulses. On what principle then are we to select these objects when our impulses are conflicting or ambiguous? If we can get an answer to this question, we shall at length have come to something practical. But here again the Stoic could find no other general answer except either that we were[378] to choose what was Reasonable, or that we were to act in accordance with Nature: each of which answers obviously brings us back into the original circle at a different point.[283]
The main idea of Stoicism seems to be the belief that "Living according to Nature" is the ultimate goal of our actions. The driving force behind this life in plants is just an unconscious impulse; in animals, it's an impulse paired with sensation; and in humans, it's guided by Reason, which is naturally in charge of all blind, irrational impulses. So, what does Reason guide us to do? "To live according to Nature" is one answer, leading us to a simple, circular explanation of ethics. Sometimes, we hear it referred to as "Living according to Virtue," which takes us back into the same circle seen in Platonic-Aristotelian philosophy; for the Stoics also define Virtue as the knowledge of Good and Bad in various situations and relationships. In fact, the Stoics express this latter circle more clearly: while for Plato and Aristotle, Virtue was not the only but the main part of the idea of Good as it relates to human life, Stoicism sees the two concepts as completely the same. The conclusion is that Virtue is the knowledge of what is good and should be sought or chosen, and what is bad and should be avoided or rejected; at the same time, nothing is truly good or worthy of choice, and nothing is truly bad or fearsome, except for Virtue and Vice, respectively. However, if Virtue is presented as a science with no object other than itself, this idea risks losing all practical value. To prevent this and to align their philosophy with common sense, the Stoics argued that there are other things in life that are somewhat preferable, though not strictly good, including the main targets of people's normal impulses. So, how do we choose these targets when our impulses are conflicting or unclear? If we can answer this, we might finally find something practical. Yet again, the Stoics could only reply with the idea that we should either choose what is Reasonable or act in harmony with Nature; each of these answers brings us back to the original circle from a different angle.[378][283]
In Butler’s use of the Stoic formula, this circular reasoning seems to be avoided: but it is so only so long as the intrinsic reasonableness of right conduct is ignored or suppressed. Butler assumes with his opponents that it is reasonable to live according to Nature, and argues that Conscience or the faculty that imposes moral rules is naturally supreme in man. It is therefore reasonable to obey Conscience. But are the rules that Conscience lays down merely known to us as the dictates of arbitrary authority, and not as in themselves reasonable? This would give a surely dangerous absoluteness of authority to the possibly unenlightened conscience of any individual: and Butler is much too cautious to do this: in fact, in more than one passage of the Analogy[284] he expressly adopts the doctrine of Clarke, that the true rules of morality are essentially reasonable. But if Conscience is, after all, Reason applied to Practice, then Butler’s argument seems to bend itself into the old circle: ‘it is reasonable to live according to Nature, and it is natural to live according to Reason.’
In Butler's interpretation of the Stoic perspective, this circular reasoning appears to be avoided, but only as long as the inherent reasonableness of right conduct is overlooked or repressed. Butler assumes, along with his opponents, that living according to Nature is logical, and he argues that Conscience, or the ability that sets moral guidelines, is naturally the highest authority in humans. Therefore, it's reasonable to follow Conscience. However, are the rules that Conscience provides simply regarded as commands from arbitrary authority and not as inherently reasonable? This could dangerously grant absolute power to the possibly uninformed conscience of any individual, and Butler is far too careful to allow that. In fact, in several parts of the Analogy[284], he explicitly adopts Clarke's doctrine that the true principles of morality are fundamentally reasonable. But if Conscience is ultimately Reason applied to Practice, then Butler's argument seems to circle back: "it's reasonable to live according to Nature, and it's natural to live according to Reason."
In the next chapter I shall have to call attention to another logical circle into which we are liable to slide, if we refer to the Good or Perfection, whether of the agent or of others, in giving an account of any special virtue; if we allow ourselves, in explaining Good or Perfection, to use the general notion of virtue (which is commonly regarded as an important element of either). Meanwhile I have already given, perhaps, more than sufficient illustration of one of the most important dangers that beset the students of Ethics. In the laudable attempt to escape from the doubtfulness, disputableness, and[379] apparent arbitrariness of current moral opinions, he is liable to take refuge in principles that are incontrovertible but tautological and insignificant.
In the next chapter, I will point out another logical trap we might fall into if we refer to Good or Perfection—whether in ourselves or others—when discussing any specific virtue. If we permit ourselves to use the general idea of virtue (which is often considered a key part of either) while explaining Good or Perfection, we risk getting stuck. In the meantime, I have probably provided more than enough examples of one of the major risks that students of Ethics face. In a commendable effort to break free from the uncertainty, controversial nature, and apparent randomness of current moral views, one might end up relying on principles that are undeniable but tautological and meaningless.
§ 3. Can we then, between this Scylla and Charybdis of ethical inquiry, avoiding on the one hand doctrines that merely bring us back to common opinion with all its imperfections, and on the other hand doctrines that lead us round in a circle, find any way of obtaining self-evident moral principles of real significance? It would be disheartening to have to regard as altogether illusory the strong instinct of Common Sense that points to the existence of such principles, and the deliberate convictions of the long line of moralists who have enunciated them. At the same time, the more we extend our knowledge of man and his environment, the more we realise the vast variety of human natures and circumstances that have existed in different ages and countries, the less disposed we are to believe that there is any definite code of absolute rules, applicable to all human beings without exception. And we shall find, I think, that the truth lies between these two conclusions. There are certain absolute practical principles, the truth of which, when they are explicitly stated, is manifest; but they are of too abstract a nature, and too universal in their scope, to enable us to ascertain by immediate application of them what we ought to do in any particular case; particular duties have still to be determined by some other method.
§ 3. So, can we find a way to discover clear moral principles of real importance while navigating the pitfalls of ethical inquiry, avoiding, on one side, ideas that just lead us back to flawed common beliefs, and on the other side, ideas that make us go in circles? It would be disappointing to consider the strong instinct of Common Sense, which suggests these principles exist, as completely illusory, along with the well-reasoned views of the many moral thinkers who have expressed them. However, the more we learn about humanity and our surroundings, the more we understand the vast diversity of human nature and circumstances that have existed in different times and places, making us less likely to believe in an absolute set of rules that apply to everyone without exception. I believe the truth is somewhere in between these two ideas. There are some absolute practical principles that become clear when stated, but they are too abstract and broad to help us determine what to do in specific situations; we still need to figure out particular duties through other means.
One such principle was given in chap. i. § 3 of this Book; where I pointed out that whatever action any of us judges to be right for himself, he implicitly judges to be right for all similar persons in similar circumstances. Or, as we may otherwise put it, ‘if a kind of conduct that is right (or wrong) for me is not right (or wrong) for some one else, it must be on the ground of some difference between the two cases, other than the fact that I and he are different persons.’ A corresponding proposition may be stated with equal truth in respect of what ought to be done to—not by—different individuals. These principles have been most widely recognised, not in their most abstract and universal form, but in their special application to the situation of two (or more) individuals similarly related to each other: as so applied, they appear in what is popularly known as the Golden Rule, ‘Do to others as you would have[380] them do to you.’ This formula is obviously unprecise in statement; for one might wish for another’s co-operation in sin, and be willing to reciprocate it. Nor is it even true to say that we ought to do to others only what we think it right for them to do to us; for no one will deny that there may be differences in the circumstances—and even in the natures—of two individuals, A and B, which would make it wrong for A to treat B in the way in which it is right for B to treat A. In short the self-evident principle strictly stated must take some such negative form as this; ‘it cannot be right for A to treat B in a manner in which it would be wrong for B to treat A, merely on the ground that they are two different individuals, and without there being any difference between the natures or circumstances of the two which can be stated as a reasonable ground for difference of treatment.’ Such a principle manifestly does not give complete guidance—indeed its effect, strictly speaking, is merely to throw a definite onus probandi on the man who applies to another a treatment of which he would complain if applied to himself; but Common Sense has amply recognised the practical importance of the maxim: and its truth, so far as it goes, appears to me self-evident.
One principle was outlined in chap. i. § 3 of this Book; where I stated that whatever action any of us considers right for ourselves, we also imply it to be right for all similar people in similar situations. Or, to phrase it differently, ‘if a certain behavior is right (or wrong) for me, it cannot be right (or wrong) for someone else unless there is some difference between the two situations, other than the fact that I am a different person from them.’ A similar idea can be accurately stated regarding what should be done to—not by—different individuals. These principles have been widely recognized, not in their most abstract and universal form, but in their specific application to the situations of two (or more) individuals who are similarly related to each other: as applied this way, they appear in what is commonly known as the Golden Rule, ‘Treat others as you would like[380] them to treat you.’ This statement is obviously vague; because someone might want another’s help in wrongdoing and be willing to reciprocate. It’s also not accurate to say that we should only do to others what we believe is right for them to do to us; because no one will deny that there can be differences in the situations—and even in the characters—of two people, A and B, which could make it wrong for A to treat B the way it is right for B to treat A. In short, the self-evident principle, when stated strictly, must take a negative form like this; ‘it cannot be right for A to treat B in a way that it would be wrong for B to treat A, simply because they are two different individuals, and without any difference between the natures or situations of the two that can be given as a reasonable justification for different treatment.’ Such a principle clearly does not provide complete guidance—in fact, its central effect is to put a specific onus probandi on the person who applies to another a treatment that they would protest against if it were done to them; but Common Sense has recognized the practical significance of the maxim: and its truth, as far as it extends, seems self-evident to me.
A somewhat different application of the same fundamental principle that individuals in similar conditions should be treated similarly finds its sphere in the ordinary administration of Law, or (as we say) of ‘Justice.’ Accordingly in § 1 of chap. v. of this Book I drew attention to ‘impartiality in the application of general rules,’ as an important element in the common notion of Justice; indeed, there ultimately appeared to be no other element which could be intuitively known with perfect clearness and certainty. Here again it must be plain that this precept of impartiality is insufficient for the complete determination of just conduct, as it does not help us to decide what kind of rules should be thus impartially applied; though all admit the importance of excluding from government, and human conduct generally, all conscious partiality and ‘respect of persons.’
A slightly different use of the same basic idea that people in similar situations should be treated the same appears in the everyday application of Law, or what we call ‘Justice.’ In § 1 of chap. v. of this Book, I pointed out the importance of ‘impartiality in the application of general rules’ as a key part of the common understanding of Justice; in fact, it seemed that there was no other aspect that could be recognized so clearly and definitely. Once again, it's clear that this idea of impartiality is not enough to fully define just behavior, as it does not guide us on what types of rules should be applied impartially. However, everyone agrees on the necessity of eliminating conscious bias and favoritism from government and human actions in general.
The principle just discussed, which seems to be more or less clearly implied in the common notion of ‘fairness’ or ‘equity,’ is obtained by considering the similarity of the individuals that make up a Logical Whole or Genus. There[381] are others, no less important, which emerge in the consideration of the similar parts of a Mathematical or Quantitative Whole. Such a Whole is presented in the common notion of the Good—or, as is sometimes said, ‘good on the whole’—of any individual human being. The proposition ‘that one ought to aim at one’s own good’ is sometimes given as the maxim of Rational Self-love or Prudence: but as so stated it does not clearly avoid tautology; since we may define ‘good’ as ‘what one ought to aim at.’ If, however, we say ‘one’s good on the whole,’ the addition suggests a principle which, when explicitly stated, is, at any rate, not tautological. I have already referred to this principle[285] as that ‘of impartial concern for all parts of our conscious life’:—we might express it concisely by saying ‘that Hereafter as such is to be regarded neither less nor more than Now.’ It is not, of course, meant that the good of the present may not reasonably be preferred to that of the future on account of its greater certainty: or again, that a week ten years hence may not be more important to us than a week now, through an increase in our means or capacities of happiness. All that the principle affirms is that the mere difference of priority and posteriority in time is not a reasonable ground for having more regard to the consciousness of one moment that to that of another. The form in which it practically presents itself to most men is ‘that a smaller present good is not to be preferred to a greater future good’ (allowing for difference of certainty): since Prudence is generally exercised in restraining a present desire (the object or satisfaction of which we commonly regard as pro tanto ‘a good’), on account of the remoter consequences of gratifying it. The commonest view of the principle would no doubt be that the present pleasure or happiness is reasonably to be foregone with the view of obtaining greater pleasure or happiness hereafter: but the principle need not be restricted to a hedonistic application; it is equally applicable to any other interpretation of ‘one’s own good,’ in which good is conceived as a mathematical whole, of which the integrant parts are realised in different parts or moments of a lifetime. And therefore it is perhaps better to distinguish it here from the principle ‘that Pleasure is the sole Ultimate Good,’ which does not seem to have any logical connexion with it.
The principle we've just talked about, which is somewhat reflected in the general idea of ‘fairness’ or ‘equity,’ comes from looking at the similarities among the individuals that make up a Logical Whole or Genus. There[381] are other important ideas that arise when we consider the similar parts of a Mathematical or Quantitative Whole. This Whole is captured in the common concept of the Good—or, as it’s sometimes put, ‘good overall’—for any individual person. The idea that ‘one should aim for one’s own good’ is often presented as the principle of Rational Self-love or Prudence; however, this phrasing can sound tautological because we might define ‘good’ as ‘what one should aim for.’ But when we say ‘one’s good overall,’ that adds a dimension suggesting a principle that, when clearly stated, isn’t tautological. I’ve previously mentioned this principle[285] as ‘having impartial concern for all aspects of our conscious life’:—we could summarize it simply by saying ‘the future as such should be regarded no less and no more than the present.’ It doesn’t imply that we can’t reasonably prefer the good of the present due to its greater certainty, or that a week ten years from now can’t be more significant to us than a week now if our means or capacity for happiness have increased. All this principle asserts is that the mere difference in timing isn’t a valid reason to prioritize the experience of one moment over another. The way this principle usually appears to most people is that ‘a smaller present good shouldn’t be preferred over a greater future good’ (considering differences in certainty): since Prudence typically involves restraining a current desire (which we often see as pro tanto ‘a good’) because of the longer-term effects of satisfying it. The most common interpretation of this principle would likely be that present pleasure or happiness is reasonably set aside to achieve greater pleasure or happiness in the future: but the principle doesn’t have to be limited to a hedonistic application; it can apply to any other perspective of ‘one’s own good,’ where good is understood as a mathematical whole, with its components realized at different times in a lifetime. Therefore, it might be better to differentiate it here from the principle ‘that Pleasure is the sole Ultimate Good,’ which doesn’t seem logically connected to it.
So far we have only been considering the ‘Good on the Whole’ of a single individual: but just as this notion is constructed by comparison and integration of the different ‘goods’ that succeed one another in the series of our conscious states, so we have formed the notion of Universal Good by comparison and integration of the goods of all individual human—or sentient—existences. And here again, just as in the former case, by considering the relation of the integrant parts to the whole and to each other, I obtain the self-evident principle that the good of any one individual is of no more importance, from the point of view (if I may say so) of the Universe, than the good of any other; unless, that is, there are special grounds for believing that more good is likely to be realised in the one case than in the other. And it is evident to me that as a rational being I am bound to aim at good generally,—so far as it is attainable by my efforts,—not merely at a particular part of it.
So far, we've only looked at the 'Good on the Whole' of one individual. But just like this idea is formed by comparing and combining the different 'goods' that appear in our conscious experiences, we've developed the idea of Universal Good by comparing and integrating the goods of all individual human—or sentient—lives. Once again, similar to the previous case, by examining how the individual parts relate to the whole and to each other, I arrive at the obvious principle that the good of any one individual is no more significant, from the perspective of the Universe, than the good of any other; unless, of course, there are specific reasons to believe that more good is likely to be achieved in one case versus the other. It’s clear to me that, as a rational being, I should aim for good in general—as much as it can be achieved through my efforts—not just at a specific portion of it.
From these two rational intuitions we may deduce, as a necessary inference, the maxim of Benevolence in an abstract form: viz. that each one is morally bound to regard the good of any other individual as much as his own, except in so far as he judges it to be less, when impartially viewed, or less certainly knowable or attainable by him. I before observed that the duty of Benevolence as recognised by common sense seems to fall somewhat short of this. But I think it may be fairly urged in explanation of this that practically each man, even with a view to universal Good, ought chiefly to concern himself with promoting the good of a limited number of human beings, and that generally in proportion to the closeness of their connexion with him. I think that a ‘plain man,’ in a modern civilised society, if his conscience were fairly brought to consider the hypothetical question, whether it would be morally right for him to seek his own happiness on any occasion if it involved a certain sacrifice of the greater happiness of some other human being,—without any counterbalancing gain to any one else,—would answer unhesitatingly in the negative.
From these two rational intuitions, we can conclude, as a necessary inference, the principle of Benevolence in a straightforward form: that everyone is morally obligated to consider the well-being of others as much as their own, except when they believe that the well-being of others is, upon impartial reflection, less or less certain to be known or achieved by them. I previously noted that the duty of Benevolence recognized by common sense seems to be somewhat insufficient. However, it can be reasonably argued that practically, each person, even with regard to the universal Good, should focus mainly on promoting the well-being of a limited number of individuals, generally in proportion to how closely they are connected to him. I believe that an ordinary person, in a modern civilized society, if they were to reflect on the hypothetical question of whether it would be morally right for them to pursue their own happiness at the cost of sacrificing a certain amount of greater happiness for someone else—without any compensating benefit to anyone else—would answer without hesitation in the negative.
I have tried to show how in the principles of Justice, Prudence, and Rational Benevolence as commonly recognised there is at least a self-evident element, immediately cognisable by abstract intuition; depending in each case on the relation which individuals and their particular ends bear as parts to[383] their wholes, and to other parts of these wholes. I regard the apprehension, with more or less distinctness, of these abstract truths, as the permanent basis of the common conviction that the fundamental precepts of morality are essentially reasonable. No doubt these principles are often placed side by side with other precepts to which custom and general consent have given a merely illusory air of self-evidence: but the distinction between the two kinds of maxims appears to me to become manifest by merely reflecting upon them. I know by direct reflection that the propositions, ‘I ought to speak the truth,’ ‘I ought to keep my promises’—however true they may be—are not self-evident to me; they present themselves as propositions requiring rational justification of some kind. On the other hand, the propositions, ‘I ought not to prefer a present lesser good to a future greater good,’ and ‘I ought not to prefer my own lesser good to the greater good of another,’[286] do present themselves as self-evident; as much (e.g.) as the mathematical axiom that ‘if equals be added to equals the wholes are equal.’
I have tried to show how in the principles of Justice, Prudence, and Rational Benevolence, as they are commonly recognized, there is at least a self-evident aspect that is immediately perceivable through abstract intuition. This depends on the relationship between individuals and their specific goals as parts of their larger wholes, and to other parts of those wholes. I view the awareness, whether clearly or vaguely, of these abstract truths as the lasting foundation of the shared belief that the core principles of morality are fundamentally reasonable. There’s no doubt that these principles are often listed alongside other guidelines that tradition and common agreement have made seem obviously self-evident; however, the difference between these two types of maxims becomes clear simply by reflecting on them. I know from direct contemplation that the statements, ‘I should tell the truth,’ and ‘I should keep my promises’—no matter how true they may be—are not self-evident to me; they come across as statements that require some sort of rational justification. On the other hand, the statements, ‘I should not prefer a present smaller benefit to a future larger benefit,’ and ‘I should not prefer my own smaller benefit to the greater benefit of someone else,’ do appear as self-evident; just as much (e.g.) as the mathematical axiom that 'if you add equals to equals, the totals are equal.'
It is on account of the fundamental and manifest importance, in my view, of the distinction above drawn between (1) the moral maxims which reflection shows not to possess ultimate validity, and (2) the moral maxims which are or involve genuine ethical axioms, that I refrained at the outset of this investigation from entering at length into the psychogonical question as to the origin of apparent moral intuitions. For no psychogonical theory has ever been put forward professing to discredit the propositions that I regard as really axiomatic, by showing that the causes which produced them were such as had a tendency to make them false: while as regards the former class of maxims, a psychogonical proof that they are untrustworthy when taken as absolutely and without qualification true is in my view, superfluous: since direct reflection shows me they have no claim to be so taken. On the other hand, so far as psychogonical theory represents moral rules as, speaking broadly and generally, means to the ends of individual and social good or well-being, it obviously tends to give a general[384] support to the conclusions to which the preceding discussion has brought us by a different method: since it leads us to regard other moral rules as subordinate to the principles of Prudence and Benevolence.[287]
It’s because of the essential and clear importance, in my opinion, of the distinction made between (1) the moral principles that reflection shows aren’t ultimately valid, and (2) the moral principles that are or involve true ethical axioms, that I chose not to dive deeply into the psychological question of where apparent moral intuitions come from at the beginning of this investigation. No psychological theory has been proposed that successfully discredits the statements I consider to be genuinely axiomatic by demonstrating that the causes behind them were likely to make them false. Regarding the first group of principles, a psychological proof that they are untrustworthy when considered absolutely true seems unnecessary to me, since my direct reflection indicates that they shouldn’t be considered that way. On the other hand, as far as psychological theory depicts moral rules as, broadly speaking, means to achieve individual and social good or well-being, it clearly provides general support to the conclusions we reached through different methods in the previous discussion, as it guides us to see other moral rules as subordinate to the principles of Prudence and Benevolence.[384]
§ 4. I should, however, rely less confidently on the conclusions set forth in the preceding section, if they did not appear to me to be in substantial agreement—in spite of superficial differences—with the doctrines of those moralists who have been most in earnest in seeking among commonly received moral rules for genuine intuitions of the Practical Reason. I have already pointed out[288] that in the history of English Ethics the earlier intuitional school show, in this respect, a turn of thought on the whole more philosophical than that which the reaction against Hume rendered prevalent. Among the writers of this school there is no one who shows more earnestness in the effort to penetrate to really self-evident principles than Clarke.[289] Accordingly, I find that Clarke lays down, in respect of our behaviour towards our fellow-men, two fundamental “rules of righteousness”:[290] the first of which he terms Equity, and the second Love or Benevolence. The Rule of Equity he states thus: “Whatever I judge reasonable or unreasonable that another should do for me: that by the same judgment I declare[385] reasonable or unreasonable that I should in the like case do for him”[291]—which is of course, the ‘Golden Rule’ precisely stated. The obligation to “Universal Love or Benevolence” he exhibits as follows:—
§ 4. However, I should be less certain about the conclusions in the previous section if they didn’t seem to align significantly—with some superficial differences—with the beliefs of moralists who have earnestly sought genuine intuitions of Practical Reason among commonly accepted moral rules. I’ve already pointed out[288] that in the history of English Ethics, the earlier intuitional school reflects a more philosophical approach overall compared to the perspective that became prevalent as a reaction against Hume. Among the authors of this school, none shows more dedication to uncovering truly self-evident principles than Clarke.[289] As a result, I find that Clarke establishes two fundamental “rules of righteousness” regarding our conduct towards others:[290] the first he calls Equity, and the second Love or Benevolence. He states the Rule of Equity like this: “Whatever I consider reasonable or unreasonable for another to do for me, I judge the same for what I should in the same situation do for him”[291]—which is, of course, the ‘Golden Rule’ clearly expressed. He explains the obligation to “Universal Love or Benevolence” as follows:—
“If there be a natural and necessary difference between Good and Evil: and that which is Good is fit and reasonable, and that which is Evil is unreasonable, to be done: and that which is the Greatest Good is always the most fit and reasonable to be chosen: then ... every rational creature ought in its sphere and station, according to its respective powers and faculties, to do all the Good it can to its fellow-creatures: to which end, universal Love and Benevolence is plainly the most certain, direct, and effectual means.”[292]
"If there is a natural and necessary difference between Good and Evil, where Good is appropriate and reasonable, and Evil is unreasonable to pursue, and the Greatest Good is always the most appropriate and reasonable choice, then ... every rational being should, within their sphere and position, according to their own abilities and skills, do as much Good as they can for others: to achieve this, universal Love and Benevolence is clearly the most certain, direct, and effective means."[292]
Here the mere statement that a rational agent is bound to aim at universal good is open to the charge of tautology, since Clarke defines ‘Good’ as ’that which is fit and reasonable to be done.’ But Clarke obviously holds that each individual ‘rational creature’ is capable of receiving good in a greater or less degree, such good being an integrant part of universal good. This indeed is implied in the common notion, which he uses, of ‘doing Good to one’s fellow-creatures,’ or, as he otherwise expresses it, ‘promoting their welfare and happiness.’ And thus his principle is implicitly what was stated above, that the good or welfare of any one individual must as such be an object of rational aim to any other reasonable individual no less than his own similar good or welfare.
Here, the simple claim that a rational person should strive for the greater good is vulnerable to being seen as a tautology, since Clarke defines 'Good' as 'what is appropriate and reasonable to do.' However, Clarke clearly believes that each individual 'rational being' can experience good to varying degrees, and this good is an essential part of the universal good. This idea is reflected in the common understanding he refers to, of 'doing good for one’s fellow beings,' or, as he puts it another way, 'promoting their well-being and happiness.' Therefore, his principle implicitly suggests that the good or well-being of any individual should be a rational aim for any other reasonable individual just as much as one's own similar good or well-being.
(It should be observed, however, that the proposition that Universal Benevolence is the right means to the attainment of universal good, is not quite self-evident; since the end may not always be best attained by directly aiming at it. Thus Rational Benevolence, like Rational Self-Love, may be self-limiting; may direct its own partial suppression in favour of other impulses.)
(It should be noted, however, that the idea that Universal Benevolence is the best way to achieve universal good isn't completely obvious; the goal might not always be reached by directly pursuing it. Therefore, Rational Benevolence, much like Rational Self-Love, can be self-restricting; it may intentionally hold back in favor of other motivations.)
Among later moralists, Kant is especially noted for his rigour in separating the purely rational element of the moral code: and his ethical view also appears to me to coincide to a considerable extent, if not completely, with that set forth in the preceding section. I have already[386] noticed that his fundamental principle of duty is the ‘formal’ rule of “acting on a maxim that one can will to be law universal”; which, duly restricted,[293] is an immediate practical corollary from the principle that I first noticed in the preceding section. And we find that when he comes to consider the ends at which virtuous action is aimed, the only really ultimate end which he lays down is the object of Rational Benevolence as commonly conceived—the happiness of other men.[294] He regards it as evident a priori that each man as a rational agent is bound to aim at the happiness of other men: indeed, in his view, it can only be stated as a duty for me to seek my own happiness so far as I consider it as a part of the happiness of mankind in general. I disagree with the negative side of this statement, as I hold with Butler that “one’s own happiness is a manifest obligation” independently of one’s relation to other men; but, regarded on its positive side, Kant’s conclusion appears to agree to a great extent with the view of the duty of Rational Benevolence that I have given:—though I am not altogether able to assent to the arguments by which Kant arrives at his conclusion.[295]
Among later moral thinkers, Kant is particularly known for his strict separation of the purely rational aspects of the moral code. His ethical views seem to align quite a bit, if not completely, with what I've discussed in the previous section. I've already[386] pointed out that his fundamental principle of duty is the 'formal' rule of "acting on a maxim that one can will to be a universal law"; which, when properly limited,[293] is a direct practical consequence of the principle I first mentioned in the previous section. When he examines the goals of virtuous actions, he concludes that the only truly ultimate goal he identifies is the object of Rational Benevolence as it's typically understood—the happiness of other people.[294] He sees it as clear a priori that each person, as a rational agent, is required to aim for the happiness of others: indeed, according to his perspective, the pursuit of my own happiness can only be considered a duty to the extent that I see it as part of the overall happiness of humanity. I disagree with the negative aspect of this statement, as I align with Butler in believing that “one's own happiness is a clear obligation” regardless of one's relations with others; however, when viewed positively, Kant's conclusion largely aligns with the duty of Rational Benevolence that I've outlined—though I'm not entirely convinced by the arguments he uses to reach his conclusion.[295]
§ 5. I must now point out—if it has not long been apparent to the reader—that the self-evident principles laid down in § 3 do not specially belong to Intuitionism in the restricted sense which, for clear distinction of methods, I gave to this term at the outset of our investigation. The axiom of Prudence, as I have given it, is a self-evident principle, implied in Rational Egoism as commonly accepted.[296] Again, the axiom of Justice or Equity as above stated—‘that similar[387] cases ought to be treated similarly’—belongs in all its applications to Utilitarianism as much as to any system commonly called Intuitional: while the axiom of Rational Benevolence is, in my view, required as a rational basis for the Utilitarian system.
§ 5. I need to point out—if it hasn’t already been clear to the reader—that the obvious principles described in § 3 don’t exclusively belong to Intuitionism in the narrow sense that I defined for this term at the beginning of our study. The axiom of Prudence, as I stated, is an obvious principle, implied in Rational Egoism as it is generally understood.[296] Similarly, the axiom of Justice or Equity stated above—‘that similar[387] cases should be treated the same’—applies to Utilitarianism just as much as to any system typically classified as Intuitional. At the same time, I believe that the axiom of Rational Benevolence is necessary as a rational foundation for the Utilitarian system.
Accordingly, I find that I arrive, in my search for really clear and certain ethical intuitions, at the fundamental principle of Utilitarianism. I must, however, admit that the thinkers who in recent times have taught this latter system, have not, for the most part, expressly tried to exhibit the truth of their first principle by means of any such procedure as that above given. Still, when I examine the “proof” of the “principle of Utility” presented by the most persuasive and probably the most influential among English expositors of Utilitarianism,—J. S. Mill,—I find the need of some such procedure to complete the argument very plain and palpable.
Accordingly, I find that in my search for clear and certain ethical intuitions, I arrive at the basic principle of Utilitarianism. However, I must admit that the thinkers who have recently taught this system haven't mostly tried to clearly demonstrate the truth of their main principle using the method I outlined above. Still, when I look at the “proof” of the “principle of Utility” provided by the most convincing and likely the most influential among English exponents of Utilitarianism—J. S. Mill—I see that the argument clearly needs some kind of procedure to be fully complete.
Mill begins by explaining[297] that though “questions of ultimate ends are not amenable” to “proof in the ordinary and popular meaning of the term,” there is a “larger meaning of the word proof” in which they are amenable to it. “The subject,” he says, is “within the cognisance of the rational faculty.... Considerations may be presented capable of determining the intellect to” accept “the Utilitarian formula.” He subsequently makes clear that by “acceptance of the Utilitarian formula” he means the acceptance, not of the agent’s own greatest happiness, but of “the greatest amount of happiness altogether” as the ultimate “end of human action” and “standard of morality”: to promote which is, in the Utilitarian view, the supreme “directive rule of human conduct.” Then when he comes to give the “proof”—in the larger sense before explained—of this rule or formula, he offers the following argument. “The sole evidence it is possible to produce that anything is desirable, is that people do actually desire it.... No reason can be given why the general happiness is desirable, except that each person, so far as he believes it to be attainable, desires his own happiness. This, however, being a fact, we have not only all the proof which the case admits of, but all which it is possible to require, that happiness is a good:[388] that each person’s happiness is a good to that person, and the general happiness, therefore, a good to the aggregate of persons.”[298] He then goes on to argue that pleasure, and pleasure alone, is what all men actually do desire.
Mill begins by explaining[297] that although “questions of ultimate ends are not subject” to “proof in the usual sense of the term,” there is a “broader definition of the word proof” in which they are subject to it. “The subject,” he says, is “within the understanding of rational thought.... Arguments can be presented that might lead the intellect to” accept “the Utilitarian formula.” He goes on to clarify that by “accepting the Utilitarian formula,” he means accepting not just the agent’s own greatest happiness, but rather “the greatest amount of happiness overall” as the ultimate “goal of human action” and “standard of morality”: promoting this is, from the Utilitarian perspective, the primary “guiding principle of human behavior.” Then, when he proceeds to provide the “proof”—in the broader sense explained earlier—of this rule or formula, he presents the following argument. “The only evidence that can be offered that something is desirable is that people do indeed desire it.... There can be no reason provided for why general happiness is desirable, other than that each individual, as long as they believe it can be achieved, desires their own happiness. This, however, being a fact, gives us not only all the proof this case allows, but also all that could possibly be needed, to show that happiness is a good:[388] that each person’s happiness is good for that person, and that the general happiness, therefore, is good for the collective of individuals.”[298] He then continues to argue that pleasure, and pleasure alone, is what all people truly desire.
Now, as we have seen, it is as a “standard of right and wrong,” or “directive rule of conduct,” that the utilitarian principle is put forward by Mill: hence, in giving as a statement of this principle that “the general happiness is desirable,” he must be understood to mean (and his whole treatise shows that he does mean) that it is what each individual ought to desire, or at least—in the stricter sense of ‘ought’—to aim at realising in action.[299] But this proposition is not established by Mill’s reasoning, even if we grant that what is actually desired may be legitimately inferred to be in this sense desirable. For an aggregate of actual desires, each directed towards a different part of the general happiness, does not constitute an actual desire for the general happiness, existing in any individual; and Mill would certainly not contend that a desire which does not exist in any individual can possibly exist in an aggregate of individuals. There being therefore no actual desire—so far as this reasoning goes—for the general happiness, the proposition that the general happiness is desirable cannot be in this way established: so that there is a gap in the expressed argument, which can, I think, only be filled by some such proposition as that which I have above tried to exhibit as the intuition of Rational Benevolence.
Now, as we've seen, Mill presents the utilitarian principle as a "standard of right and wrong" or a "rule for conduct": when he states that "the general happiness is desirable," he means (as his entire work demonstrates) that it is something each person ought to desire, or at least—if we take 'ought' in a stricter sense—something they should aim to realize through their actions.[299] However, this claim isn't supported by Mill's reasoning, even if we assume that what is actually desired can be reasonably inferred to be desirable in this sense. Because a collection of actual desires, each aimed at a different aspect of general happiness, doesn't create a single desire for general happiness within any individual; and Mill would certainly argue that a desire that doesn't exist in any individual can't exist in a collection of individuals. Since there is therefore no actual desire—for the general happiness—according to this reasoning, the claim that general happiness is desirable can't be established in this way: thus, there is a gap in the argument presented, which I believe can only be filled by some proposition like the one I've tried to express above as the intuition of Rational Benevolence.
Utilitarianism is thus presented as the final form into which Intuitionism tends to pass, when the demand for really self-evident first principles is rigorously pressed. In order, however, to make this transition logically complete, we require to interpret ‘Universal Good’ as ‘Universal Happiness.’ And this interpretation cannot, in my view, be justified by arguing, as Mill does, from the psychological fact that Happiness is the sole object of men’s actual desires, to the ethical conclusion[389] that it alone is desirable or good; because in Book i. chap. iv. of this treatise I have attempted to show that Happiness or Pleasure is not the only object that each for himself actually desires. The identification of Ultimate Good with Happiness is properly to be reached, I think, by a more indirect mode of reasoning; which I will endeavour to explain in the next Chapter.
Utilitarianism is therefore seen as the ultimate form that Intuitionism tends to evolve into when the need for genuinely self-evident first principles is strongly emphasized. However, to make this transition logically complete, we need to understand 'Universal Good' as 'Universal Happiness.' I believe this interpretation cannot be justified by arguing, as Mill does, that Happiness is the only thing people actually desire, leading to the ethical conclusion that it is the only thing that is desirable or good. This is because, in Book i. chap. iv. of this treatise, I have tried to show that Happiness or Pleasure is not the only thing that individuals desire for themselves. The connection between Ultimate Good and Happiness should be reached, I think, through a more indirect reasoning approach, which I will attempt to explain in the next Chapter.
Note.—The great influence at present exercised by Kant’s teaching makes it worth while to state briefly the arguments by which he attempts to establish the duty of promoting the happiness of others, and the reasons why I am unable to regard these arguments as cogent. In some passages he attempts to exhibit this duty as an immediate deduction from his fundamental formula—“act from a maxim that thou canst will to be universal law”—when considered in combination with the desire for the kind services of others which (as he assumes) the exigencies of life must arouse in every man. The maxim, he says, “that each should be left to take care of himself without either aid or interference,” is one that we might indeed conceive existing as a universal law: but it would be impossible for us to will it to be such. “A will that resolved this would be inconsistent with itself, for many cases may arise in which the individual thus willing needs the benevolence and sympathy of others” (Grundlegung, p. 50 [Rosenkrantz]). Similarly elsewhere (Metaph. Anfangsgr. d. Tugendlehre, Einleit. § 8 and § 30) he explains at more length that the Self-love which necessarily exists in every one involves the desire of being loved by others and receiving aid from them in case of need. We thus necessarily constitute ourselves an end for others, and claim that they shall contribute to our happiness: and so, according to Kant’s fundamental principle, we must recognise the duty of making their happiness our end.
Note.—The significant impact of Kant’s teachings today makes it worthwhile to briefly outline the arguments he presents to justify the obligation of promoting the happiness of others and to explain why I find these arguments unconvincing. In some sections, he tries to demonstrate that this duty is a direct conclusion from his core principle—“act according to a maxim that you can will to become a universal law”—especially when combined with the desire for assistance from others, which (as he assumes) life’s challenges must evoke in everyone. He claims that “the principle that everyone should be allowed to take care of themselves without assistance or interference” is one we might imagine could exist as a universal law: however, it would be impossible for us to want it to be so. “A will that wanted this would contradict itself, since there are many situations where the individual who wills this needs the kindness and empathy of others” (Grundlegung, p. 50 [Rosenkrantz]). Similarly, elsewhere (Metaph. Anfangsgr. d. Tugendlehre, Introduction. § 8 and § 30), he explains in more detail that the self-love present in everyone includes the need to be loved by others and to receive help in times of need. Thus, we inherently position ourselves as an end for others and assert that they should contribute to our happiness; therefore, based on Kant’s fundamental principle, we must recognize our duty to make their happiness our goal.
Now I cannot regard this reasoning as strictly cogent. In the first place, that every man in need wishes for the aid of others is an empirical proposition which Kant cannot know a priori. We can certainly conceive a man in whom the spirit of independence and the distaste for incurring obligations would be so strong that he would choose to endure any privations rather than receive aid from others. But even granting that every one, in the actual moment of distress, must necessarily wish for the assistance of others; still a strong man, after balancing the chances of life, may easily think that he and such as he have more to gain, on the whole, by the general adoption of the egoistic maxim; benevolence being likely to bring them more trouble than profit.
I can't see this reasoning as completely convincing. First of all, the idea that every person in need wants help from others is something Kant can't know for sure. We can definitely imagine someone who values independence so much and dislikes feeling obligated that they'd rather suffer than accept help from others. But even if we agree that everyone, in a moment of crisis, wishes for assistance from others; a strong person, after weighing their options, might conclude that he and people like him would benefit more overall from following a self-centered approach, as being kind might end up causing them more trouble than good.
In other passages, however, Kant reaches the same conclusion by an apparently different line of argument. He lays down that, as all action of rational beings is done for some end, there must be some absolute end, corresponding to the absolute rule before given, that imposes on our maxims the form of universal law. This absolute end, prescribed by Reason necessarily and a priori for all rational beings as such, can be[390] nothing but Reason itself, or the Universe of Rationals; for what the rule inculcates is, in fact, that we should act as rational units in a universe of rational beings (and therefore on principles conceived and embraced as universally applicable). Or again, we may reach the same result negatively. For all particular ends at which men aim are constituted such by the existence of impulses directed towards some particular objects. Now we cannot tell a priori that any one of these special impulses forms part of the constitution of all men: and therefore we cannot state it as an absolute dictate of Reason that we should aim at any such special object. If, then, we thus exclude all particular empirical ends, there remains only the principle that “all Rational beings as such are ends to each”: or, as Kant sometimes puts it, that “humanity exists as an end in itself.”
In other sections, however, Kant arrives at the same conclusion through what seems to be a different argument. He asserts that since all actions of rational beings are motivated by some purpose, there must be an ultimate purpose that aligns with the absolute rule previously established, which gives our guidelines the form of universal law. This ultimate purpose, commanded by Reason necessarily and a priori for all rational beings, can only be Reason itself, or the Universe of Rationals; because what the rule teaches is essentially that we should act as rational individuals in a universe of rational beings (and therefore based on principles that are thought to be universally applicable). Alternatively, we can arrive at the same conclusion from a negative standpoint. Since all specific goals that people pursue are shaped by the presence of motivations aimed at particular objects, we cannot determine a priori that any of these specific motivations are part of the makeup of all humans; therefore, we cannot assert as an absolute command of Reason that we should strive for any specific object. Thus, if we discard all specific empirical goals, we are left with the principle that “all rational beings as such are ends in themselves”; or, as Kant sometimes expresses it, that “humanity exists as an end in itself.”
Now, says Kant, so long as I confine myself to mere non-interference with others, I do not positively make Humanity my end; my aims remain selfish, though restricted by this condition of non-interference with others. My action, therefore, is not truly virtuous; for Virtue is exhibited and consists in the effort to realise the end of Reason in opposition to mere selfish impulses. Therefore “the ends of the subject, which is itself an end, must of necessity be my ends, if the representation of Humanity as an end in itself is to have its full weight with me” (Grundlegung, p. 59), and my action is to be truly rational and virtuous.
Now, Kant argues that as long as I limit myself to simply not interfering with others, I don’t actually make Humanity my goal; my intentions stay selfish, even though they’re restricted by this idea of not interfering with others. Therefore, my actions aren't truly virtuous; real Virtue is shown and consists in the effort to achieve the purpose of Reason, as opposed to just following selfish urges. So, “the ends of the subject, which is itself an end, must necessarily be my ends if the idea of Humanity as an end in itself is to hold true significance for me” (Grundlegung, p. 59), and my actions must be genuinely rational and virtuous.
Here, again, I cannot accept the form of Kant’s argument. The conception of “humanity as an end in itself” is perplexing: because by an End we commonly mean something to be realised, whereas “humanity” is, as Kant says, “a self-subsistent end”: moreover, there seems to be a sort of paralogism in the deduction of the principle of Benevolence by means of this conception. For the humanity which Kant maintains to be an end in itself is Man (or the aggregate of men) in so far as rational. But the subjective ends of other men, which Benevolence directs us to take as our own ends, would seem, according to Kant’s own view, to depend upon and correspond to their non-rational impulses—their empirical desires and aversions. It is hard to see why, if man as a rational being is an absolute end to other rational beings, they must therefore adopt his subjective aims as determined by his non-rational impulses.
Here, once again, I can’t agree with the way Kant presents his argument. The idea of “humanity as an end in itself” is confusing because when we talk about an End, we usually refer to something that needs to be achieved, while “humanity” is, as Kant puts it, “a self-subsistent end.” Additionally, there seems to be a kind of logical flaw in using this concept to derive the principle of Benevolence. The humanity that Kant argues is an end in itself is Man (or the collective of people) in so far as rational. However, the subjective goals of other people, which Benevolence tells us to consider as our own goals, seem to, according to Kant’s own perspective, rely on and align with their non-rational impulses—their practical desires and dislikes. It's difficult to understand why, if man as a rational being is an absolute end for other rational beings, they must then adopt his personal goals as shaped by his non-rational impulses.
CHAPTER XIV
Ultimate Good
§ 1. At the outset of this treatise[300] I noticed that there are two forms in which the object of ethical inquiry is considered; it is sometimes regarded as a Rule or Rules of Conduct, ‘the Right,’ sometimes as an end or ends, ‘the Good.’ I pointed out that in the moral consciousness of modern Europe the two notions are prima facie distinct; since while it is commonly thought that the obligation to obey moral rules is absolute, it is not commonly held that the whole Good of man lies in such obedience; this view, we may say, is—vaguely and respectfully but unmistakably—repudiated as a Stoical paradox. The ultimate Good or Wellbeing of man is rather regarded as an ulterior result, the connexion of which with his Right Conduct is indeed commonly held to be certain, but is frequently conceived as supernatural, and so beyond the range of independent ethical speculation. But now, if the conclusions of the preceding chapters are to be trusted, it would seem that the practical determination of Right Conduct depends on the determination of Ultimate Good. For we have seen (a) that most of the commonly received maxims of Duty—even of those which at first sight appear absolute and independent—are found when closely examined to contain an implicit subordination to the more general principles of Prudence and Benevolence: and (b) that no principles except these, and the formal principle of Justice or Equity can be admitted as at once intuitively clear and certain; while, again, these principles themselves, so far as they are self-evident, may be stated as precepts to seek (1) one’s own good on the whole, repressing all seductive impulses[392] prompting to undue preference of particular goods, and (2) others’ good no less than one’s own, repressing any undue preference for one individual over another. Thus we are brought round again to the old question with which ethical speculation in Europe began, ‘What is the Ultimate Good for man?’—though not in the egoistic form in which the old question was raised. When, however, we examine the controversies to which this question originally led, we see that the investigation which has brought us round to it has tended definitely to exclude one of the answers which early moral reflection was disposed to give to it. For to say that ‘General Good’ consists solely in general Virtue,—if we mean by Virtue conformity to such prescriptions and prohibitions as make up the main part of the morality of Common Sense—would obviously involve us in a logical circle; since we have seen that the exact determination of these prescriptions and prohibitions must depend on the definition of this General Good.
§ 1. At the beginning of this discussion[300] I noticed that there are two ways to think about the focus of ethical inquiry; sometimes it is seen as a Rule or Rules of Conduct, ‘the Right,’ and sometimes as an end or ends, ‘the Good.’ I pointed out that in the moral awareness of modern Europe, these two ideas are prima facie distinct; while many believe that the obligation to follow moral rules is absolute, it is not widely accepted that a person's entire Good lies in that obedience; this belief is—vaguely and respectfully but unmistakably—dismissed as a Stoic paradox. The ultimate Good or Wellbeing of a person is often viewed as a deeper outcome, which is generally believed to be connected to Right Conduct, but is frequently thought of as something supernatural, thus beyond the reach of independent ethical reasoning. However, if we can trust the conclusions from the previous chapters, it seems that to determine Right Conduct practically depends on identifying Ultimate Good. We have seen that (a) many commonly accepted maxims of Duty—even those that initially seem absolute and independent—upon closer examination are found to implicitly subordinate to more general principles of Prudence and Benevolence; and (b) that the only principles that can be accepted as both intuitively clear and certain are these, along with the formal principle of Justice or Equity; furthermore, these principles themselves, to the extent that they are self-evident, can be expressed as precepts to seek (1) one’s own overall good while resisting all tempting impulses towards an unfair focus on particular goods, and (2) the good of others as much as one’s own, checking any undue preference for one individual over another. Thus, we return to the foundational question that ethical thought in Europe began with, ‘What is the Ultimate Good for man?’—though not in the egoistic way the initial question was posed. However, when we analyze the debates that this question originally sparked, we see that the inquiry which has led us back to it has effectively excluded one of the responses that early moral reflection tended to offer. To suggest that ‘General Good’ consists only of general Virtue—if by Virtue we mean conforming to the rules and prohibitions that form the core of Common Sense morality—would clearly lead us into a logical circle; since we have established that accurately defining these rules and prohibitions relies on the definition of this General Good.
Nor, I conceive, can this argument be evaded by adopting the view of what I have called ‘Æsthetic Intuitionism’ and regarding Virtues as excellences of conduct clearly discernible by trained insight, although their nature does not admit of being stated in definite formulæ. For our notions of special virtues do not really become more independent by becoming more indefinite: they still contain, though perhaps more latently, the same reference to ‘Good’ or ‘Wellbeing’ as an ultimate standard. This appears clearly when we consider any virtue in relation to the cognate vice—or at least non-virtue—into which it tends to pass over when pushed to an extreme, or exhibited under inappropriate conditions. For example, Common Sense may seem to regard Liberality, Frugality, Courage, Placability, as intrinsically desirable: but when we consider their relation respectively to Profusion, Meanness, Foolhardiness, Weakness, we find that Common Sense draws the line in each case not by immediate intuition, but by reference either to some definite maxim of duty, or to the general notion of ‘Good’ or Wellbeing: and similarly when we ask at what point Candour, Generosity, Humility cease to be virtues by becoming ‘excessive.’ Other qualities commonly admired, such as Energy, Zeal, Self-control, Thoughtfulness, are obviously regarded as virtues only when they are directed to[393] good ends. In short, the only so-called Virtues which can be thought to be essentially and always such, and incapable of excess, are such qualities as Wisdom, Universal Benevolence, and (in a sense) Justice; of which the notions manifestly involve this notion of Good, supposed already determinate. Wisdom is insight into Good and the means to Good; Benevolence is exhibited in the purposive actions called “doing Good”: Justice (when regarded as essentially and always a Virtue) lies in distributing Good (or evil) impartially according to right rules. If then we are asked what is this Good which it is excellent to know, to bestow on others, to distribute impartially, it would be obviously absurd to reply that it is just this knowledge, these beneficent purposes, this impartial distribution.
Nor can this argument be avoided by adopting what I call ‘Aesthetic Intuitionism’ and viewing virtues as qualities of behavior that can be clearly recognized by trained insight, even though their nature can’t be expressed in definite formulas. Our ideas about specific virtues don’t really become more independent just because they become more vague; they still contain, though perhaps more subtly, the same connection to ‘Good’ or ‘Well-being’ as an ultimate standard. This is clear when we look at any virtue in relation to its related vice—or at least non-virtue—that it tends to turn into when taken to an extreme or shown under inappropriate conditions. For instance, common sense may view generosity, frugality, courage, and being forgiving as inherently good, but when we consider how they relate to excess, stinginess, recklessness, and weakness, we find that common sense determines the limits not through immediate intuition, but by referring either to a specific rule of duty or to the general idea of ‘Good’ or well-being. The same applies when we ask at what point candor, generosity, and humility stop being virtues because they become ‘excessive.’ Other qualities that are often admired, such as energy, enthusiasm, self-control, and thoughtfulness, are clearly seen as virtues only when directed towards good ends. In short, the only so-called virtues that can be considered inherently virtuous and incapable of excess are qualities like wisdom, universal kindness, and (in a sense) justice; the concepts of which clearly involve the notion of Good, already assumed to be defined. Wisdom is insight into Good and the means to achieve it; kindness is shown in the purposeful actions of “doing Good”; justice (when viewed as inherently virtuous) is about fairly distributing Good (or harm) according to the right principles. So, if we are asked what this Good is that it’s excellent to know, to give to others, to distribute fairly, it would clearly be absurd to say it’s simply this understanding, these helpful intentions, this unbiased distribution.
Nor, again, can I perceive that this difficulty is in any way met by regarding Virtue as a quality of “character” rather than of “conduct,” and expressing the moral law in the form, “Be this,” instead of the form “Do this.”[301] From a practical point of view, indeed, I fully recognise the importance of urging that men should aim at an ideal of character, and consider action in its effects on character. But I cannot infer from this that character and its elements—faculties, habits, or dispositions of any kind—are the constituents of Ultimate Good. It seems to me that the opposite is implied in the very conception of a faculty or disposition; it can only be defined as a tendency to act or feel in a certain way under certain conditions; and such a tendency appears to me clearly not valuable in itself but for the acts and feelings in which it takes effect, or for the ulterior consequences of these,—which consequences, again, cannot be regarded as Ultimate Good, so long as they are merely conceived as modifications of faculties, dispositions, etc. When, therefore, I say that effects on character are important, it is a summary way of saying that by the laws of our mental constitution the present act or feeling is a cause tending to modify importantly our acts and feelings in the indefinite future: the comparatively permanent result supposed to be produced in the mind or soul, being a tendency that will show itself in an indefinite number of particular acts and feelings, may easily be more important, in relation to the ultimate end, than a single act[394] or the transient feeling of a single moment: but its comparative permanence appears to me no ground for regarding it as itself a constituent of ultimate good.
I also don't see how this issue is resolved by thinking of Virtue as a quality of "character" instead of "conduct," and stating the moral law as "Be this" rather than "Do this." From a practical standpoint, I definitely understand the need to encourage people to strive for an ideal of character and to think about how actions impact character. However, I can't conclude that character and its components—abilities, habits, or tendencies—make up Ultimate Good. In fact, it seems to me that the opposite is suggested by the very idea of a skill or tendency; it can only be defined as a tendency to act or feel in a certain way under specific conditions, and this tendency, in itself, doesn't hold value but rather for the actions and feelings it leads to, or for the further consequences of those actions and feelings—these consequences cannot be seen as Ultimate Good as long as they are just viewed as changes in abilities, tendencies, etc. Therefore, when I say that effects on character are significant, it's a shorthand way of stating that according to our mental makeup, the current action or feeling is a cause that significantly influences our future actions and feelings: the relatively lasting effect assumed to be created in the mind or soul, being a tendency that will manifest in countless specific actions and feelings, may well be more significant, regarding the ultimate goal, than a single action or the fleeting feeling of a moment. However, its relative permanence doesn't mean it should be seen as a part of ultimate good.
§ 2. So far, however, I have been speaking only of particular virtues, as exhibited in conduct judged to be objectively right: and it may be argued that this is too external a view of the Virtue that claims to constitute Ultimate Good. It may be said that the difficulty that I have been urging vanishes if we penetrate beyond the particular virtues to the root and essence of virtue in general,—the determination of the will to do whatever is judged to be right and to aim at realising whatever is judged to be best—; since this subjective rightness or goodness of will, being independent of knowledge of what is objectively right or good, is independent of that presupposition of Good as already known and determined, which we have seen to be implied in the common conceptions of virtue as manifested in outward acts. I admit that if subjective rightness or goodness of Will is affirmed to be the Ultimate Good, the affirmation does not exactly involve the logical difficulty that I have been urging. None the less is it fundamentally opposed to Common Sense; since the very notion of subjective rightness or goodness of will implies an objective standard, which it directs us to seek, but does not profess to supply. It would be a palpable and violent paradox to set before the right-seeking mind no end except this right-seeking itself, and to affirm this to be the sole Ultimate Good, denying that any effects of right volition can be in themselves good, except the subjective rightness of future volitions, whether of self or of others. It is true that no rule can be recognised, by any reasonable individual, as more authoritative than the rule of doing what he judges to be right; for, in deliberating with a view to my own immediate action, I cannot distinguish between doing what is objectively right, and realising my own subjective conception of rightness. But we are continually forced to make the distinction as regards the actions of others and to judge that conduct may be objectively wrong though subjectively right: and we continually judge conduct to be objectively wrong because it tends to cause pain and loss of happiness to others,—apart from any effect on the subjective[395] rightness of their volitions. It is as so judging that we commonly recognise the mischief and danger of fanaticism:—meaning by a fanatic a man who resolutely and unswervingly carries out his own conception of rightness, when it is a plainly mistaken conception.
§ 2. So far, I’ve only talked about specific virtues as shown in actions that are considered objectively right. It could be argued that this perspective is too narrow for the Virtue that is supposed to represent Ultimate Good. Some might say that the issue I’ve raised disappears if we look deeper than the specific virtues and get to the fundamental nature of virtue itself—the willingness to do what is seen as right and to strive for what is thought to be best—because this subjective sense of rightness or goodness of will doesn’t rely on understanding what is objectively right or good. It stands apart from the assumption of Good as something already known and fixed, which is a part of the usual ideas about virtue as displayed in outward actions. I agree that if we claim subjective rightness or goodness of will to be the Ultimate Good, then this claim doesn’t exactly lead to the logical problem I’ve mentioned. However, it fundamentally contradicts Common Sense; since the idea of subjective rightness or goodness of will suggests an objective standard that we are meant to seek but does not claim to provide. It would be clearly absurd and extreme to propose that the only goal for someone seeking what is right is the act of seeking itself, and to claim this is the sole Ultimate Good, while denying that any outcomes of right intentions can be inherently good, except for the subjective rightness of future intentions, whether they are one’s own or those of others. Indeed, no reasonable person can see any rule as more authoritative than doing what they believe is right; after all, when I think about my own immediate actions, I can’t differentiate between doing what is objectively right and fulfilling my own subjective idea of rightness. But we constantly have to make this distinction regarding the actions of others, judging that behavior can be objectively wrong even if it seems subjectively right. We often consider actions to be objectively wrong if they cause harm and reduce happiness for others—regardless of their impact on the subjective rightness of those individuals' intentions. By judging this way, we commonly recognize the harm and risk of fanaticism: by a fanatic, I mean someone who stubbornly and unwaveringly follows their own idea of rightness, even when it is clearly mistaken.
The same result may be reached even without supposing so palpable a divorce between subjective and objective rightness of volition as is implied in the notion of fanaticism. As I have already pointed out,[302] though the ‘dictates of Reason’ are always to be obeyed, it does not follow that ‘the dictation of Reason’—the predominance of consciously moral over non-moral motives—is to be promoted without limits; and indeed Common Sense appears to hold that some things are likely to be better done, if they are done from other motives than conscious obedience to practical Reason or Conscience. It thus becomes a practical question how far the dictation of Reason, the predominance of moral choice and moral effort in human life, is a result to be aimed at: and the admission of this question implies that conscious rightness of volition is not the sole ultimate good. On the whole, then, we may conclude that neither (1) subjective rightness or goodness of volition, as distinct from objective, nor (2) virtuous character, except as manifested or realised in virtuous conduct, can be regarded as constituting Ultimate Good: while, again, we are precluded from identifying Ultimate Good with virtuous conduct, because our conceptions of virtuous conduct, under the different heads or aspects denoted by the names of the particular virtues, have been found to presuppose the prior determination of the notion of Good—that Good which virtuous conduct is conceived as producing or promoting or rightly distributing.
The same outcome can be achieved without assuming such a clear division between subjective and objective rightness of choice as is suggested by the idea of fanaticism. As I've already mentioned,[302] while we should always follow the ‘dictates of Reason,’ it doesn’t mean that the ‘dictation of Reason’—the dominance of consciously moral motives over non-moral ones—should be enforced endlessly; in fact, Common Sense seems to suggest that some actions might be better taken when driven by motives other than a conscious adherence to practical Reason or Conscience. Therefore, it becomes a practical question to consider how much the dictation of Reason, and the dominance of moral choice and effort in human life, is something we should strive for: recognizing this question implies that conscious rightness of volition isn’t the only ultimate good. Overall, we can conclude that neither (1) subjective rightness or goodness of choice, distinct from objective, nor (2) virtuous character, except as shown or realized through virtuous actions, can be seen as the Ultimate Good. Additionally, we cannot equate Ultimate Good with virtuous conduct because our ideas of virtuous conduct, under the various categories associated with specific virtues, have been found to rely on a prior understanding of the concept of Good—that Good which virtuous conduct is seen to create, promote, or fairly distribute.
And what has been said of Virtue, seems to me still more manifestly true of the other talents, gifts, and graces which make up the common notion of human excellence or Perfection. However immediately the excellent quality of such gifts and skills may be recognised and admired, reflection shows that they are only valuable on account of the good or desirable conscious life in which they are or will be actualised, or which will be somehow promoted by their exercise.
And what has been said about Virtue seems even more obviously true for the other talents, gifts, and qualities that contribute to our understanding of human excellence or Perfection. While the outstanding nature of these gifts and skills may be quickly recognized and appreciated, thinking about it reveals that they are only valuable because of the good or desirable conscious life in which they are or will be realized, or that will somehow be enhanced by using them.
§ 3. Shall we then say that Ultimate Good is Good[396] or Desirable conscious or sentient Life—of which Virtuous action is one element, but not the sole constituent? This seems in harmony with Common Sense; and the fact that particular virtues and talents and gifts are largely valued as means to ulterior good does not necessarily prevent us from regarding their exercise as also an element of Ultimate Good: just as the fact that physical action, nutrition, and repose, duly proportioned and combined, are means to the maintenance of our animal life, does not prevent us from regarding them as indispensable elements of such life. Still it seems difficult to conceive any kind of activity or process as both means and end, from precisely the same point of view and in respect of precisely the same quality: and in both the cases above mentioned it is, I think, easy to distinguish the aspect in which the activities or processes in question are to be regarded as means from that in which they are to be regarded as in themselves good or desirable. Let us examine this first in the case of the physical processes. It is in their purely physical aspect, as complex processes of corporeal change, that they are means to the maintenance of life: but so long as we confine our attention to their corporeal aspect,—regarding them merely as complex movements of certain particles of organised matter—it seems impossible to attribute to these movements, considered in themselves, either goodness or badness. I cannot conceive it to be an ultimate end of rational action to secure that these complex movements should be of one kind rather than another, or that they should be continued for a longer rather than a shorter period. In short, if a certain quality of human Life is that which is ultimately desirable, it must belong to human Life regarded on its psychical side, or, briefly, Consciousness.
§ 3. So, can we say that the Ultimate Good is Good[396] or the desirable conscious or sentient Life—of which virtuous action is one part, but not the only one? This seems to align with Common Sense; and the fact that specific virtues, talents, and gifts are often valued as ways to achieve further good doesn’t prevent us from seeing their practice as also a part of Ultimate Good: just like the fact that physical actions, nutrition, and rest, when properly balanced and combined, are means to maintain our animal life doesn’t stop us from viewing them as essential parts of that life. However, it’s still challenging to think of any kind of activity or process as both means and end from the same perspective and regarding the same quality: and in both cases mentioned above, I think it’s easy to differentiate between how those activities or processes should be seen as means and how they should be seen as inherently good or desirable. Let’s first look at the physical processes. It’s in their purely physical aspect, as complex processes of bodily change, that they serve as means to sustain life: but as long as we focus solely on their physical aspect—seeing them just as complex movements of certain particles of organized matter—it seems impossible to assign either goodness or badness to these movements when considered in isolation. I can’t imagine that an ultimate aim of rational action is to ensure these complex movements are of one type rather than another, or that they continue for a longer time instead of a shorter one. In short, if a certain quality of human Life is what’s ultimately desirable, it must pertain to human Life when viewed from its psychological aspect, or simply, Consciousness.
But again: it is not all life regarded on its psychical side which we can judge to be ultimately desirable: since psychical life as known to us includes pain as well as pleasure, and so far as it is painful it is not desirable. I cannot therefore accept a view of the wellbeing or welfare of human beings—as of other living things—which is suggested by current zoological conceptions and apparently maintained with more or less definiteness by influential writers; according to which, when we attribute goodness or badness to the manner of existence of[397] any living organism, we should be understood to attribute to it a tendency either (1) to self-preservation, or (2) to the preservation of the community or race to which it belongs—so that what “Wellbeing” adds to mere “Being” is just promise of future being. It appears to me that this doctrine needs only to be distinctly contemplated in order to be rejected. If all life were as little desirable as some portions of it have been, in my own experience and in that (I believe) of all or most men, I should judge all tendency to the preservation of it to be unmitigatedly bad. Actually, no doubt, as we generally hold that human life, even as now lived, has on the average, a balance of happiness, we regard what is preservative of life as generally good, and what is destructive of life as bad: and I quite admit that a most fundamentally important part of the function of morality consists in maintaining such habits and sentiments as are necessary to the continued existence, in full numbers, of a society of human beings under their actual conditions of life. But this is not because the mere existence of human organisms, even if prolonged to eternity, appears to me in any way desirable; it is only assumed to be so because it is supposed to be accompanied by Consciousness on the whole desirable; it is therefore this Desirable Consciousness which we must regard as ultimate Good.
But once again, it’s not all aspects of life from a psychological perspective that we can consider ultimately desirable: psychological life, as we understand it, includes both pain and pleasure, and to the extent that it involves pain, it isn’t desirable. I can’t accept a view of the well-being or welfare of humans—like other living beings—that’s suggested by current zoological ideas and seemingly supported by various influential writers. According to this view, when we attribute goodness or badness to the existence of any living organism, we’re implying a tendency either (1) to self-preservation or (2) to the preservation of the community or species it belongs to—so that what “Wellbeing” adds to mere “Being” is simply a promise of future existence. To me, this belief only needs to be clearly considered to be dismissed. If all life were as undesirable as some parts of it have been, in my own experiences and, I believe, in those of most people, I would see any push for its preservation as entirely negative. In reality, we typically believe that human life, even in its current form, has a general balance of happiness; we tend to see actions that preserve life as good and those that destroy it as bad. I completely acknowledge that a crucial part of morality involves maintaining the habits and feelings necessary for the continued existence, in significant numbers, of a society of humans under their present life conditions. However, this is not because the mere existence of human beings, even if extended indefinitely, seems desirable to me; it’s assumed to be so only because it’s believed to be accompanied by consciousness that is, on the whole, desirable; therefore, it is this Desirable Consciousness that we must view as the ultimate Good.
In the same way, so far as we judge virtuous activity to be a part of Ultimate Good, it is, I conceive, because the consciousness attending it is judged to be in itself desirable for the virtuous agent; though at the same time this consideration does not adequately represent the importance of Virtue to human wellbeing, since we have to consider its value as a means as well as its value as an end. We may make the distinction clearer by considering whether Virtuous life would remain on the whole good for the virtuous agent, if we suppose it combined with extreme pain. The affirmative answer to this question was strongly supported in Greek philosophical discussion: but it is a paradox from which a modern thinker would recoil: he would hardly venture to assert that the portion of life spent by a martyr in tortures was in itself desirable,—though it might be his duty to suffer the pain with a view to the good of others, and even his interest to suffer it with a view to his own ultimate happiness.
Similarly, as far as we see virtuous actions as part of the Ultimate Good, I believe it's because the awareness that comes with it is considered desirable for the virtuous person. However, this view doesn't fully capture the significance of Virtue for human well-being since we must evaluate its value both as a means and as an end. We can clarify this distinction by examining whether a virtuous life would still be generally good for the virtuous person if it were paired with extreme pain. The response to this question was strongly supported in Greek philosophical discussions, but it's a paradox that a modern thinker would likely reject. They would probably hesitate to claim that the time a martyr spends in suffering is inherently desirable, even though they might have a duty to endure the pain for the sake of others and even see a personal benefit in suffering it for their own ultimate happiness.
§ 4. If then Ultimate Good can only be conceived as Desirable Consciousness—including the Consciousness of Virtue as a part but only as a part—are we to identify this notion with Happiness or Pleasure, and say with the Utilitarians that General Good is general happiness? Many would at this point of the discussion regard this conclusion as inevitable: to say that all other things called good are only means to the end of making conscious life better or more desirable, seems to them the same as saying that they are means to the end of happiness. But very important distinctions remain to be considered. According to the view taken in a previous chapter,[303] in affirming Ultimate Good to be Happiness or Pleasure, we imply (1) that nothing is desirable except desirable feelings, and (2) that the desirability of each feeling is only directly cognisable by the sentient individual at the time of feeling it, and that therefore this particular judgment of the sentient individual must be taken as final[304] on the question how far each element of feeling has the quality of Ultimate Good. Now no one, I conceive, would estimate in any other way the desirability of feeling considered merely as feeling: but it may be urged that our conscious experience includes besides Feelings, Cognitions and Volitions, and that the desirability of these must be taken into account, and is not to be estimated by the standard above stated. I think, however, that when we reflect on a cognition as a transient fact of an individual’s psychical experience,—distinguishing it on the one hand from the feeling that normally accompanies it, and on the other hand from that relation of the knowing mind to the object known which is implied in the term “true” or “valid cognition”[305]—it is seen to be an element of consciousness quite neutral in respect of desirability: and the same may be said of Volitions, when we abstract from their concomitant feelings, and their relation to an objective norm or ideal, as well as from all their consequences.[399] It is no doubt true that in ordinary thought certain states of consciousness—such as Cognition of Truth, Contemplation of Beauty, Volition to realise Freedom or Virtue—are sometimes judged to be preferable on other grounds than their pleasantness: but the general explanation of this seems to be (as was suggested in Book ii. chap. ii. § 2) that what in such cases we really prefer is not the present consciousness itself, but either effects on future consciousness more or less distinctly foreseen, or else something in the objective relations of the conscious being, not strictly included in his present consciousness.
§ 4. If Ultimate Good can only be understood as Desirable Consciousness—where the Consciousness of Virtue is just a part of it—should we equate this idea with Happiness or Pleasure, claiming with the Utilitarians that the General Good is general happiness? Many people at this point in the discussion would see this conclusion as inevitable: to claim that everything else considered good is just a means to making conscious life better or more desirable seems to them the same as saying they are means to the end of happiness. However, there are important distinctions to be made. According to the perspective taken in a previous chapter,[303] when we assert that Ultimate Good is Happiness or Pleasure, we imply (1) that nothing is desirable except desirable feelings, and (2) that the desirability of each feeling can only be directly recognized by the person experiencing it at that moment, meaning that this particular judgment from the person must be viewed as final[304] regarding how much each feeling has the quality of Ultimate Good. I don't think anyone would judge the desirability of a feeling as just a feeling in any other way: but it could be argued that our conscious experience includes more than Feelings, such as Cognitions and Volitions, and that the desirability of these must be considered and shouldn't be judged by the previously stated standard. However, I believe that when we think of a cognition as a temporary aspect of an individual's mental experience—distinguishing it, on one hand, from the feeling that normally accompanies it, and on the other hand, from the connection between the knowing mind and the object known implied by the terms “true” or “valid cognition”[305]—it becomes clear that it is a neutral element of consciousness in terms of desirability. The same is true for Volitions when we disregard their accompanying feelings and their relationship to an objective standard or ideal, as well as all their consequences.[399] It’s certainly true that in everyday thinking, certain states of consciousness—like the Cognition of Truth, Contemplation of Beauty, or the Volition to achieve Freedom or Virtue—are sometimes considered to be preferable for reasons other than their pleasantness. But the general explanation for this seems to be (as suggested in Book ii. chap. ii. § 2) that in such cases, what we truly prefer isn’t the current consciousness itself, but either effects on future consciousness more or less clearly anticipated, or something in the objective relationships of the conscious being, which isn't strictly included in their current consciousness.
The second of these alternatives may perhaps be made clearer by some illustrations. A man may prefer the mental state of apprehending truth to the state of half-reliance on generally accredited fictions,[306] while recognising that the former state may be more painful than the latter, and independently of any effect which he expects either state to have upon his subsequent consciousness. Here, on my view, the real object of preference is not the consciousness of knowing truth, considered merely as consciousness,—the element of pleasure or satisfaction in this being more than outweighed by the concomitant pain,—but the relation between the mind and something else, which, as the very notion of ‘truth’ implies, is whatever it is independently of our cognition of it, and which I therefore call objective. This may become more clear if we imagine ourselves learning afterwards that what we took for truth is not really such: for in this case we should certainly feel that our preference had been mistaken; whereas if our choice had really been between two elements of transient consciousness, its reasonableness could not be affected by any subsequent discovery.
The second of these options can be explained more clearly with some examples. A person might prefer the mental state of understanding the truth over the state of relying on commonly accepted fictions,[306] even though the former might be more uncomfortable than the latter, regardless of any impact he thinks either state will have on his future awareness. From my perspective, the real preference isn't just the awareness of knowing the truth as a feeling—because the pleasure or satisfaction in that is more than offset by the accompanying pain—but rather the connection between the mind and something else. This something, as the very idea of ‘truth’ suggests, exists independently of our awareness of it, which is why I refer to it as objective. It becomes clearer if we imagine later discovering that what we believed to be true isn’t actually true; in this situation, we would definitely feel that our choice had been wrong. Conversely, if our decision was genuinely between two fleeting consciousnesses, the reasonableness of that choice wouldn't change with any later revelations.
Similarly, a man may prefer freedom and penury to a life of luxurious servitude, not because the pleasant consciousness of being free outweighs in prospect all the comforts and securities that the other life would afford, but because he has a predominant aversion to that relation between his will and the will of another which we call slavery: or, again, a philosopher may choose what he conceives as ‘inner freedom’—the consistent self-determination of the will—rather than[400] the gratifications of appetite; though recognising that the latter are more desirable, considered merely as transient feelings. In either case, he will be led to regard his preference as mistaken, if he be afterwards persuaded that his conception of Freedom or self-determination was illusory; that we are all slaves of circumstances, destiny, etc.
Similarly, a man might choose freedom and poverty over a life of luxurious subservience, not because the satisfying feeling of being free outweighs all the comforts and securities the other life would bring, but because he has a strong dislike for the relationship between his will and another's will that we call slavery. Or, on the other hand, a philosopher could prefer what he sees as 'inner freedom'—the consistent ability to self-determine—rather than the pleasures of physical desires, even though he acknowledges that the latter are more desirable when viewed just as temporary feelings. In either situation, he may come to see his preference as a mistake if he later comes to believe that his idea of Freedom or self-determination was an illusion; that we are all slaves to circumstances, fate, etc.
So again, the preference of conformity to Virtue, or contemplation of Beauty, to a state of consciousness recognised as more pleasant seems to depend on a belief that one’s conception of Virtue or Beauty corresponds to an ideal to some extent objective and valid for all minds. Apart from any consideration of future consequences, we should generally agree that a man who sacrificed happiness to an erroneous conception of Virtue or Beauty made a mistaken choice.
So once again, the choice between conforming to Virtue or contemplating Beauty, as opposed to simply seeking a more pleasant state of mind, seems to rely on the belief that one’s understanding of Virtue or Beauty aligns with an ideal that is somewhat objective and valid for everyone. Leaving aside any thoughts about future consequences, we would likely all agree that a person who gave up happiness for a flawed idea of Virtue or Beauty made a poor decision.
Still, it may be said that this is merely a question of definition: that we may take ‘conscious life’ in a wide sense, so as to include the objective relations of the conscious being implied in our notions of Virtue, Truth, Beauty, Freedom; and that from this point of view we may regard cognition of Truth, contemplation of Beauty, Free or Virtuous action, as in some measure preferable alternatives to Pleasure or Happiness—even though we admit that Happiness must be included as a part of Ultimate Good. In this case the principle of Rational Benevolence, which was stated in the last chapter as an indubitable intuition of the practical Reason, would not direct us to the pursuit of universal happiness alone, but of these “ideal goods” as well, as ends ultimately desirable for mankind generally.
Still, it can be argued that this is just a matter of definition: we can interpret ‘conscious life’ broadly to include the objective relationships of a conscious being as reflected in our ideas of Virtue, Truth, Beauty, and Freedom. From this perspective, we might see the pursuit of Truth, the appreciation of Beauty, and Free or Virtuous actions as somewhat more desirable than Pleasure or Happiness—even if we agree that Happiness is part of the Ultimate Good. In this context, the principle of Rational Benevolence, which was discussed in the last chapter as a clear intuition of practical Reason, wouldn’t just lead us to seek universal happiness, but also to strive for these “ideal goods” as ultimately desirable goals for humanity as a whole.
§ 5. I think, however, that this view ought not to commend itself to the sober judgment of reflective persons. In order to show this, I must ask the reader to use the same twofold procedure that I before requested him to employ in considering the absolute and independent validity of common moral precepts. I appeal firstly to his intuitive judgment after due consideration of the question when fairly placed before it: and secondly to a comprehensive comparison of the ordinary judgments of mankind. As regards the first argument, to me at least it seems clear after reflection that these objective relations of the conscious subject, when distinguished from the consciousness accompanying and resulting from them, are not ultimately[401] and intrinsically desirable; any more than material or other objects are, when considered apart from any relation to conscious existence. Admitting that we have actual experience of such preferences as have just been described, of which the ultimate object is something that is not merely consciousness: it still seems to me that when (to use Butler’s phrase) we “sit down in a cool hour,” we can only justify to ourselves the importance that we attach to any of these objects by considering its conduciveness, in one way or another, to the happiness of sentient beings.
§ 5. I believe, however, that this perspective should not appeal to the careful judgment of thoughtful individuals. To demonstrate this, I need to ask the reader to follow the same two-step process I previously requested when considering the absolute and independent validity of common moral principles. First, I appeal to his intuitive judgment after thoughtfully contemplating the issue when it’s presented fairly; and second, to a thorough comparison of the ordinary judgments of humanity. Regarding the first argument, it seems clear to me, after reflection, that these objective relations of the conscious subject, when separated from the consciousness that accompanies and arises from them, are not ultimately and intrinsically desirable; just like material or other objects are not when viewed separately from any relation to conscious existence. While we do have actual experiences of such preferences, where the ultimate object is something beyond just consciousness, it still seems to me that when (to use Butler’s phrase) we “take a step back in a calm moment,” we can only justify to ourselves the importance we place on any of these objects by considering how they contribute, in one way or another, to the happiness of sentient beings.
The second argument, that refers to the common sense of mankind, obviously cannot be made completely cogent; since, as above stated, several cultivated persons do habitually judge that knowledge, art, etc.—not to speak of Virtue—are ends independently of the pleasure derived from them. But we may urge not only that all these elements of “ideal good” are productive of pleasure in various ways; but also that they seem to obtain the commendation of Common Sense, roughly speaking, in proportion to the degree of this productiveness. This seems obviously true of Beauty; and will hardly be denied in respect of any kind of social ideal: it is paradoxical to maintain that any degree of Freedom, or any form of social order, would still be commonly regarded as desirable even if we were certain that it had no tendency to promote the general happiness. The case of Knowledge is rather more complex; but certainly Common Sense is most impressed with the value of knowledge, when its ‘fruitfulness’ has been demonstrated. It is, however, aware that experience has frequently shown how knowledge, long fruitless, may become unexpectedly fruitful, and how light may be shed on one part of the field of knowledge from another apparently remote: and even if any particular branch of scientific pursuit could be shown to be devoid of even this indirect utility, it would still deserve some respect on utilitarian grounds; both as furnishing to the inquirer the refined and innocent pleasures of curiosity, and because the intellectual disposition which it exhibits and sustains is likely on the whole to produce fruitful knowledge. Still in cases approximating to this last, Common Sense is somewhat disposed to complain of the misdirection of valuable effort; so that the meed of honour commonly[402] paid to Science seems to be graduated, though perhaps unconsciously, by a tolerably exact utilitarian scale. Certainly the moment the legitimacy of any branch of scientific inquiry is seriously disputed, as in the recent case of vivisection, the controversy on both sides is generally conducted on an avowedly utilitarian basis.
The second argument, which appeals to the common sense of people, clearly can't be fully convincing; since, as mentioned earlier, many educated individuals do often believe that knowledge, art, etc.—not to mention Virtue—are valuable for their own sake, separate from the pleasure they provide. However, we can argue that all these aspects of “ideal good” produce pleasure in different ways; and they seem to gain the approval of Common Sense, generally speaking, in proportion to how much pleasure they create. This is obviously true for Beauty, and it’s hard to deny this in relation to any kind of social ideal: it’s contradictory to claim that any level of Freedom, or any type of social order, would still be viewed as desirable if we were sure it didn’t promote overall happiness. The situation with Knowledge is a bit more complicated; but Common Sense certainly values knowledge more when its ‘productivity’ has been proven. It also recognizes that experience has often shown how knowledge that seems unproductive for a long time can suddenly become useful, and how insights from one area of knowledge can illuminate another seemingly unrelated area: and even if a specific branch of scientific study could be shown to lack any direct utility, it would still earn some respect from a utilitarian perspective; both because it provides the seeker with the refined and innocent pleasures of curiosity, and because the intellectual mindset it fosters is likely to lead to useful knowledge in general. Still, in cases that closely resemble this last scenario, Common Sense tends to complain about the misdirection of valuable effort; so the recognition given to Science seems to be based, perhaps unconsciously, on a fairly precise utilitarian scale. Certainly, the moment the validity of any scientific inquiry is seriously questioned, as in the recent debate over vivisection, the arguments from both sides are generally framed on an openly utilitarian basis.
The case of Virtue requires special consideration: since the encouragement in each other of virtuous impulses and dispositions is a main aim of men’s ordinary moral discourse; so that even to raise the question whether this encouragement can go too far has a paradoxical air. Still, our experience includes rare and exceptional cases in which the concentration of effort on the cultivation of virtue has seemed to have effects adverse to general happiness, through being intensified to the point of moral fanaticism, and so involving a neglect of other conditions of happiness. If, then, we admit as actual or possible such ‘infelicific’ effects of the cultivation of Virtue, I think we shall also generally admit that, in the case supposed, conduciveness to general happiness should be the criterion for deciding how far the cultivation of Virtue should be carried.
The case of Virtue needs special attention: since encouraging each other to develop virtuous traits and habits is a key goal of everyday moral conversations, even questioning whether this encouragement can go too far seems paradoxical. However, our experiences do include rare and exceptional situations where focusing intensely on cultivating virtue has appeared to negatively affect overall happiness, as it can become so extreme that it leads to moral fanaticism, neglecting other important factors for happiness. Therefore, if we recognize that such 'unhappiness-inducing' effects of cultivating Virtue are real or possible, I think we will also generally agree that, in this scenario, the impact on overall happiness should determine how far we take the cultivation of Virtue.
At the same time it must be allowed that we find in Common Sense an aversion to admit Happiness (when explained to mean a sum of pleasures) to be the sole ultimate end and standard of right conduct. But this, I think, can be fully accounted for by the following considerations.
At the same time, we have to acknowledge that in Common Sense, there's a reluctance to accept Happiness (when defined as a collection of pleasures) as the only ultimate goal and measure of proper behavior. However, I believe this can be fully explained by the following points.
I. The term Pleasure is not commonly used so as to include clearly all kinds of consciousness which we desire to retain or reproduce: in ordinary usage it suggests too prominently the coarser and commoner kinds of such feelings; and it is difficult even for those who are trying to use it scientifically to free their minds altogether from the associations of ordinary usage, and to mean by Pleasure only Desirable Consciousness or Feeling of whatever kind. Again, our knowledge of human life continually suggests to us instances of pleasures which will inevitably involve as concomitant or consequent either a greater amount of pain or a loss of more important pleasures: and we naturally shrink from including even hypothetically in our conception of ultimate good these—in Bentham’s phrase—“impure” pleasures; especially since we[403] have, in many cases, moral or æsthetic instincts warning us against such pleasures.
I. The term Pleasure isn't usually used to clearly include all types of consciousness that we want to keep or recreate: in everyday language, it often points too strongly to more basic and common types of feelings; and it's tough, even for those attempting to use it scientifically, to completely separate their thoughts from the common associations and only refer to Pleasure as Desirable Consciousness or Feeling of any kind. Additionally, our understanding of human life constantly shows us examples of pleasures that will inevitably bring about either more pain or the loss of more significant pleasures: and we naturally hesitate to include even hypothetically in our idea of ultimate good these—using Bentham’s term—“impure” pleasures; especially since we[403] often have moral or aesthetic instincts warning us against such pleasures.
II. We have seen[307] that many important pleasures can only be felt on condition of our experiencing desires for other things than pleasure. Thus the very acceptance of Pleasure as the ultimate end of conduct involves the practical rule that it is not always to be made the conscious end. Hence, even if we are considering merely the good of one human being taken alone, excluding from our view all effects of his conduct on others, still the reluctance of Common Sense to regard pleasure as the sole thing ultimately desirable may be justified by the consideration that human beings tend to be less happy if they are exclusively occupied with the desire of personal happiness. E.g. (as was before shown) we shall miss the valuable pleasures which attend the exercise of the benevolent affections if we do not experience genuinely disinterested impulses to procure happiness for others (which are, in fact, implied in the notion of ‘benevolent affections’).
II. We have seen[307] that many significant pleasures can only be experienced if we also have desires for things beyond just pleasure. Therefore, accepting Pleasure as the ultimate goal of our actions means following the practical rule that it shouldn’t always be our conscious aim. So, even if we're just looking at the well-being of one individual, ignoring all the effects of their actions on others, the common sense reluctance to see pleasure as the only thing that’s ultimately desirable makes sense, because people often find themselves less happy when they are solely focused on seeking personal happiness. E.g. (as was previously shown) we will miss out on the valuable pleasures that come from exercising our benevolent feelings if we don't genuinely feel selfless impulses to create happiness for others (which, in fact, are part of what we mean by ‘benevolent affections’).
III. But again, I hold, as was expounded in the preceding chapter, that disinterested benevolence is not only thus generally in harmony with rational Self-love, but also in another sense and independently rational: that is, Reason shows me that if my happiness is desirable and a good, the equal happiness of any other person must be equally desirable. Now, when Happiness is spoken of as the sole ultimate good of man, the idea most commonly suggested is that each individual is to seek his own happiness at the expense (if necessary) or, at any rate, to the neglect of that of others: and this offends both our sympathetic and our rational regard for others’ happiness. It is, in fact, rather the end of Egoistic than of Universalistic Hedonism, to which Common Sense feels an aversion. And certainly one’s individual happiness is, in many respects, an unsatisfactory mark for one’s supreme aim, apart from any direct collision into which the exclusive pursuit of it may bring us with rational or sympathetic Benevolence. It does not possess the characteristics which, as Aristotle says, we “divine” to belong to Ultimate Good: being (so far, at least, as it can be empirically foreseen) so narrow and limited, of such necessarily brief duration, and so shifting and insecure[404] while it lasts. But Universal Happiness, desirable consciousness or feeling for the innumerable multitude of sentient beings, present and to come, seems an End that satisfies our imagination by its vastness, and sustains our resolution by its comparative security.
III. But again, I believe, as explained in the previous chapter, that selfless kindness is not only generally aligned with rational self-interest, but also rational in another way: Reason shows me that if my happiness is desirable and good, then the equal happiness of others must also be equally desirable. When we talk about happiness as the ultimate good for humans, it's often suggested that each person should pursue their own happiness, even if it means disregarding the happiness of others. This idea clashes with our empathy and rational concern for others' happiness. In fact, it aligns more with selfish hedonism than with universal hedonism, which common sense tends to reject. Clearly, focusing solely on one's happiness can be an unsatisfactory goal for one's life, besides any conflict it may create with rational or empathetic kindness towards others. It doesn't have the qualities that, as Aristotle suggests, we "intuitively" think belong to the Ultimate Good: being (at least as far as we can see) too narrow and limited, fleeting, and uncertain while it lasts. On the other hand, Universal Happiness, the feeling or experience of countless sentient beings, both present and future, seems like an End that fulfills our imagination with its vastness and supports our determination with its relative security.
It may, however, be said that if we require the individual to sacrifice his own happiness to the greater happiness of others on the ground that it is reasonable to do so, we really assign to the individual a different ultimate end from that which we lay down as the ultimate Good of the universe of sentient beings: since we direct him to take, as ultimate, Happiness for the Universe, but Conformity to Reason for himself. I admit the substantial truth of this statement, though I should avoid the language as tending to obscure the distinction before explained between “obeying the dictates” and “promoting the dictation” of reason. But granting the alleged difference, I do not see that it constitutes an argument against the view here maintained, since the individual is essentially and fundamentally different from the larger whole—the universe of sentient beings—of which he is conscious of being a part; just because he has a known relation to similar parts of the same whole, while the whole itself has no such relation. I accordingly see no inconsistency in holding that while it would be reasonable for the aggregate of sentient beings, if it could act collectively, to aim at its own happiness only as an ultimate end—and would be reasonable for any individual to do the same, if he were the only sentient being in the universe—it may yet be actually reasonable for an individual to sacrifice his own Good or happiness for the greater happiness of others.[308]
However, it can be said that if we expect an individual to give up their own happiness for the greater happiness of others because it's considered reasonable, we are actually assigning them a different ultimate goal than what we define as the ultimate Good for all sentient beings. We are directing them to prioritize, as ultimate, Happiness for the Universe, while suggesting that they should seek Conformity to Reason for themselves. I acknowledge the significant truth in this statement, although I would avoid this wording as it tends to blur the distinction previously explained between “obeying the dictates” and “promoting the dictation” of reason. Even if we accept this supposed difference, I don’t believe it undermines the argument presented here, since the individual is inherently and fundamentally distinct from the larger whole—the universe of sentient beings—of which they are aware of being a part. They have a clear relationship with other similar parts of the same whole, while the whole itself does not have such a relationship. Therefore, I see no contradiction in stating that while it *would* be reasonable for the collective of sentient beings, if it could act together, to aim for its own happiness as the ultimate goal—and would also be reasonable for any individual to act that way if they were the only sentient being in the universe—it may still be *actually* reasonable for an individual to sacrifice their own Good or happiness for the greater happiness of others.[308]
At the same time I admit that, in the earlier age of ethical thought which Greek philosophy represents, men sometimes judged an act to be ‘good’ for the agent, even while recognising that its consequences would be on the whole painful to him,—as (e.g.) a heroic exchange of a life full of happiness for a painful death at the call of duty. I attribute this partly to a[405] confusion of thought between what it is reasonable for an individual to desire, when he considers his own existence alone, and what he must recognise as reasonably to be desired, when he takes the point of view of a larger whole: partly, again, to a faith deeply rooted in the moral consciousness of mankind, that there cannot be really and ultimately any conflict between the two kinds of reasonableness.[309] But when ‘Reasonable Self-love’ has been clearly distinguished from Conscience, as it is by Butler and his followers, we find it is naturally understood to mean desire for one’s own Happiness: so that in fact the interpretation of ‘one’s own good,’ which was almost peculiar in ancient thought to the Cyrenaic and Epicurean heresies, is adopted by some of the most orthodox of modern moralists. Indeed it often does not seem to have occurred to these latter that this notion can have any other interpretation.[310] If, then, when any one hypothetically concentrates his attention on himself, Good is naturally and almost inevitably conceived to be Pleasure, we may reasonably conclude that the Good of any number of similar beings, whatever their mutual relations may be, cannot be essentially different in quality.
At the same time, I acknowledge that in the earlier era of ethical thinking represented by Greek philosophy, people sometimes viewed an action as ‘good’ for the agent, even while recognizing that the outcome would generally be painful for him—like (e.g.) a heroic choice to trade a life filled with happiness for a painful death in the name of duty. I attribute this partly to a[405] confusion between what it makes sense for an individual to want when focusing solely on his own existence and what he must see as reasonably desired when considering the perspective of a larger whole; and partly to a deeply rooted belief in the moral consciousness of humanity that there can't ultimately be a real conflict between these two kinds of reasonableness.[309] However, when ‘Reasonable Self-love’ is clearly differentiated from Conscience, as Butler and his followers do, it’s understood to mean a desire for one’s own Happiness. Thus, the interpretation of ‘one’s own good,’ which was almost unique to ancient thought in the Cyrenaic and Epicurean views, is accepted by some of the most traditional modern moralists. In fact, it often seems that these latter thinkers have not considered that this idea could have any other interpretation.[310] Therefore, if anyone hypothetically focuses his attention on himself, Good is naturally and almost inevitably perceived as Pleasure, leading us to reasonably conclude that the Good for any number of similar beings, regardless of their relationships, cannot be fundamentally different in quality.
IV. But lastly, from the universal point of view no less than from that of the individual, it seems true that Happiness is likely to be better attained if the extent to which we set ourselves consciously to aim at it be carefully restricted. And this not only because action is likely to be more effective if our effort is temporarily concentrated on the realisation of more limited ends—though this is no doubt an important reason:—but also because the fullest development of happy life for each individual seems to require that he should have other external objects of interest besides the happiness of other conscious beings. And thus we may conclude that the pursuit of the ideal objects before mentioned, Virtue, Truth, Freedom, Beauty, etc., for their own sakes, is indirectly and[406] secondarily, though not primarily and absolutely, rational; on account not only of the happiness that will result from their attainment, but also of that which springs from their disinterested pursuit. While yet if we ask for a final criterion of the comparative value of the different objects of men’s enthusiastic pursuit, and of the limits within which each may legitimately engross the attention of mankind, we shall none the less conceive it to depend upon the degree in which they respectively conduce to Happiness.
IV. But ultimately, from both a universal and individual perspective, it seems true that Happiness is likely to be better achieved if we consciously limit how much we aim for it. This is not only because our actions tend to be more effective when we focus our efforts on achieving smaller goals—though that’s definitely an important reason—but also because a truly fulfilling life for each person seems to require having other interests beyond just the happiness of other conscious beings. Therefore, we can conclude that the pursuit of the ideal objects mentioned earlier, like Virtue, Truth, Freedom, Beauty, etc., for their own sake, is rational in an indirect and secondary way, not in a primary or absolute sense; this is due not only to the happiness that will result from achieving them but also from the joy that comes from pursuing them without selfish motives. However, if we seek a final standard for comparing the value of the various objects of people’s passionate pursuits, and the limits within which each can justifiably capture humanity’s attention, we will still find that it depends on how much they contribute to Happiness.
If, however, this view be rejected, it remains to consider whether we can frame any other coherent account of Ultimate Good. If we are not to systematise human activities by taking Universal Happiness as their common end, on what other principles are we to systematise them? It should be observed that these principles must not only enable us to compare among themselves the values of the different non-hedonistic ends which we have been considering, but must also provide a common standard for comparing these values with that of Happiness; unless we are prepared to adopt the paradoxical position of rejecting happiness as absolutely valueless. For we have a practical need of determining not only whether we should pursue Truth rather than Beauty, or Freedom or some ideal constitution of society rather than either, or perhaps desert all of these for the life of worship and religious contemplation; but also how far we should follow any of these lines of endeavour, when we foresee among its consequences the pains of human or other sentient beings, or even the loss of pleasures that might otherwise have been enjoyed by them.[311]
If we reject this view, we need to think about whether we can come up with another clear explanation for Ultimate Good. If we don't use Universal Happiness as the unifying goal for human activities, what other principles should we use? These principles need to help us compare the values of the different non-hedonistic goals we've discussed, and also give us a standard for comparing these values to Happiness; unless we want to take the strange position of saying happiness is completely worthless. We need to figure out not only if we should seek Truth over Beauty, or Freedom, or some ideal society over those options, or maybe give them all up for a life of worship and spiritual reflection; but also how much we should pursue any of these paths when we anticipate that they might cause suffering to humans or other sentient beings, or even lead to lost pleasures that they could have enjoyed. [311]
I have failed to find—and am unable to construct—any systematic answer to this question that appears to me deserving of serious consideration: and hence I am finally led to the conclusion (which at the close of the last chapter seemed to be premature) that the Intuitional method rigorously applied yields as its final result the doctrine of[407] pure Universalistic Hedonism,[312]—which it is convenient to denote by the single word, Utilitarianism.
I haven't been able to find—or create—any systematic answer to this question that I think is worth serious consideration. So, I'm finally coming to the conclusion (which seemed too early at the end of the last chapter) that the Intuitional method, when strictly applied, ultimately leads to the idea of[407] pure Universalistic Hedonism,[312]—which is conveniently referred to as Utilitarianism.
BOOK IV
Utilitarianism
CHAPTER I
The Meaning of Utilitarianism
§ 1. The term Utilitarianism is, at the present day, in common use, and is supposed to designate a doctrine or method with which we are all familiar. But on closer examination, it appears to be applied to several distinct theories, having no necessary connexion with one another, and not even referring to the same subject-matter. It will be well, therefore, to define, as carefully as possible, the doctrine that is to be denoted by the term in the present Book: at the same time distinguishing this from other doctrines to which usage would allow the name to be applied, and indicating, so far as seems necessary, its relation to these.
§ 1. The term Utilitarianism is commonly used today and is thought to refer to a doctrine or method that we all know. However, upon closer inspection, it seems to refer to several different theories that are not necessarily connected to each other and may not even discuss the same topics. Therefore, it’s important to clearly define the doctrine that this term will refer to in this Book, while also distinguishing it from other doctrines that the term might apply to and outlining its relationship to them as necessary.
By Utilitarianism is here meant the ethical theory, that the conduct which, under any given circumstances, is objectively right, is that which will produce the greatest amount of happiness on the whole; that is, taking into account all whose happiness is affected by the conduct. It would tend to clearness if we might call this principle, and the method based upon it, by some such name as “Universalistic Hedonism”: and I have therefore sometimes ventured to use this term, in spite of its cumbrousness.
By Utilitarianism, we mean the ethical theory that the behavior which, in any given situation, is objectively right, is the one that will create the most overall happiness; that is, considering everyone whose happiness is impacted by that behavior. It would promote clarity if we could refer to this principle, and the method built on it, by a term like “Universalistic Hedonism”: and I have sometimes taken the liberty of using this term, despite its awkwardness.
The first doctrine from which it seems necessary to distinguish this, is the Egoistic Hedonism expounded and discussed in Book ii. of this treatise. The difference, however, between the propositions (1) that each ought to seek his own happiness, and (2) that each ought to seek the happiness of all,[412] is so obvious and glaring, that instead of dwelling upon it we seem rather called upon to explain how the two ever came to be confounded, or in any way included under one notion. This question and the general relation between the two doctrines were briefly discussed in a former chapter.[313] Among other points it was there noticed that the confusion between these two ethical theories was partly assisted by the confusion with both of the psychological theory that in voluntary actions every agent does, universally or normally, seek his own individual happiness or pleasure. Now there seems to be no necessary connexion between this latter proposition and any ethical theory: but in so far as there is a natural tendency to pass from psychological to ethical Hedonism, the transition must be—at least primarily—to the Egoistic phase of the latter. For clearly, from the fact that every one actually does seek his own happiness we cannot conclude, as an immediate and obvious inference, that he ought to seek the happiness of other people.[314]
The first doctrine that we need to differentiate from this is the Egoistic Hedonism discussed in Book II of this treatise. The difference between the ideas (1) that everyone should pursue their own happiness, and (2) that everyone should pursue the happiness of all,[412] is so clear and striking that instead of focusing on it, we should explain how the two became confused or categorized under the same concept. This issue and the overall relationship between the two doctrines were briefly addressed in a previous chapter.[313] Among other points, it was mentioned there that the misunderstanding between these two ethical theories was partly influenced by the confusion with the psychological theory that in voluntary actions, every person generally seeks their own happiness or pleasure. There appears to be no necessary connection between this last statement and any ethical theory: however, if there is a natural tendency to move from psychological to ethical Hedonism, the transition will likely begin—at least initially—with the Egoistic aspect of the latter. Clearly, just because everyone seeks their own happiness, we can't immediately conclude that they should seek the happiness of others.[314]
Nor, again, is Utilitarianism, as an ethical doctrine, necessarily connected with the psychological theory that the moral sentiments are derived, by “association of ideas” or otherwise, from experiences of the non-moral pleasures and pains resulting to the agent or to others from different kinds of conduct. An Intuitionist might accept this theory, so far as it is capable of scientific proof, and still hold that these moral sentiments, being found in our present consciousness as independent impulses, ought to possess the authority that they seem to claim over the more primary desires and aversions from which they have sprung: and an Egoist on the other hand might fully admit the altruistic element of the derivation, and still hold that these and all other impulses (including even Universal Benevolence) are properly under the rule of Rational Self-love: and that it is really only reasonable to gratify them in so far as we may expect to find our private happiness in such gratification. In short, what is often called the “utilitarian” theory of the origin of the moral sentiments cannot by itself[413] provide a proof of the ethical doctrine to which I in this treatise restrict the term Utilitarianism. I shall, however, hereafter try to show that this psychological theory has an important though subordinate place in the establishment of Ethical Utilitarianism.[315]
Nor is Utilitarianism, as an ethical theory, necessarily linked to the psychological idea that moral feelings come from experiences of non-moral pleasures and pains that result from various actions, either through "association of ideas" or other means. An Intuitionist might agree with this theory, as long as it's scientifically verifiable, and still believe that these moral feelings, which are present in our current awareness as independent drives, should have the authority they appear to claim over the more basic desires and aversions from which they originated. On the other hand, an Egoist might acknowledge the altruistic aspect of this derivation and still argue that these impulses, including even Universal Benevolence, should be governed by Rational Self-love, asserting that it’s only sensible to fulfill them to the extent that we expect to find our own happiness in doing so. In summary, what is often referred to as the “utilitarian” theory of the origin of moral sentiments cannot alone provide proof of the ethical doctrine that I will confine the term Utilitarianism to in this work. However, I will attempt to show later that this psychological theory plays an important, although secondary, role in establishing Ethical Utilitarianism.[413]
Finally, the doctrine that Universal Happiness is the ultimate standard must not be understood to imply that Universal Benevolence is the only right or always best motive of action. For, as we have before observed, it is not necessary that the end which gives the criterion of rightness should always be the end at which we consciously aim: and if experience shows that the general happiness will be more satisfactorily attained if men frequently act from other motives than pure universal philanthropy, it is obvious that these other motives are reasonably to be preferred on Utilitarian principles.
Finally, the idea that Universal Happiness is the ultimate standard shouldn't be taken to mean that Universal Benevolence is the only right or always best motive for action. As we've mentioned before, it’s not necessary for the goal that determines what is right to always be the goal we consciously pursue. If our experiences show that general happiness can be achieved more effectively when people often act from motives other than pure universal kindness, it’s clear that those other motives should be considered better according to Utilitarian principles.
§ 2. Let us now examine the principle itself somewhat closer. I have already attempted (Book ii. chap. i.) to render the notion of Greatest Happiness as clear and definite as possible; and the results there obtained are of course as applicable to the discussion of Universalistic as to that of Egoistic Hedonism. We shall understand, then, that by Greatest Happiness is meant the greatest possible surplus of pleasure over pain, the pain being conceived as balanced against an equal amount of pleasure, so that the two contrasted amounts annihilate each other for purposes of ethical calculation. And of course, here as before, the assumption is involved that all pleasures included in our calculation are capable of being compared quantitatively with one another and with all pains; that every such feeling has a certain intensive quantity, positive or negative (or, perhaps, zero), in respect of its desirableness, and that this quantity may be to some extent known: so that each may be at least roughly weighed in ideal scales against any other. This assumption is involved in the very notion of Maximum Happiness; as the attempt to make ‘as great as possible’ a sum of elements not quantitatively commensurable would be a mathematical absurdity. Therefore whatever weight is to be attached to the objections brought against this assumption (which was discussed in chap. iii. of Book ii.) must of course tell against the present method.
§ 2. Let’s take a closer look at the principle itself. I’ve already tried (Book ii. chap. i.) to make the idea of Greatest Happiness as clear and definite as possible; and the conclusions drawn there apply equally to the discussion of Universalistic as well as Egoistic Hedonism. We should understand that Greatest Happiness refers to the highest possible surplus of pleasure over pain, where pain is considered balanced against an equal amount of pleasure, so that the two contrasting amounts cancel each other out for ethical calculations. Clearly, as before, there is an assumption that all pleasures involved in our calculations can be compared quantitatively with one another and with all pains; that every such feeling has a specific level of intensity, whether positive, negative (or perhaps zero), in terms of how desirable it is, and that this level can be somewhat known: allowing each feeling to be at least roughly measured against any other. This assumption is central to the very idea of Maximum Happiness; attempting to maximize a sum of elements that aren’t quantitatively comparable would be mathematically nonsensical. So, any weight given to the objections raised against this assumption (discussed in chap. iii. of Book ii.) must obviously impact the current method.
We have next to consider who the “all” are, whose happiness is to be taken into account. Are we to extend our concern to all the beings capable of pleasure and pain whose feelings are affected by our conduct? or are we to confine our view to human happiness? The former view is the one adopted by Bentham and Mill, and (I believe) by the Utilitarian school generally: and is obviously most in accordance with the universality that is characteristic of their principle. It is the Good Universal, interpreted and defined as ‘happiness’ or ‘pleasure,’ at which a Utilitarian considers it his duty to aim: and it seems arbitrary and unreasonable to exclude from the end, as so conceived, any pleasure of any sentient being.
We now need to think about who the “all” are whose happiness we should consider. Should we include all beings capable of feeling pleasure and pain whose emotions are impacted by our actions? Or should we limit our focus to human happiness? The first perspective is the one taken by Bentham, Mill, and, as I believe, the Utilitarian school in general. This approach clearly aligns with the universal nature of their principle. It’s the Good Universal, defined as ‘happiness’ or ‘pleasure,’ that a Utilitarian believes it’s their duty to pursue. It seems arbitrary and unreasonable to exclude any pleasure experienced by any sentient being from this goal.
It may be said that by giving this extension to the notion, we considerably increase the scientific difficulties of the hedonistic comparison, which have already been pointed out (Book ii. chap. iii.): for if it be difficult to compare the pleasures and pains of other men accurately with our own, a comparison of either with the pleasures and pains of brutes is obviously still more obscure. Still, the difficulty is at least not greater for Utilitarians than it is for any other moralists who recoil from the paradox of disregarding altogether the pleasures and pains of brutes. But even if we limit our attention to human beings, the extent of the subjects of happiness is not yet quite determinate. In the first place, it may be asked, How far we are to consider the interests of posterity when they seem to conflict with those of existing human beings? It seems, however, clear that the time at which a man exists cannot affect the value of his happiness from a universal point of view; and that the interests of posterity must concern a Utilitarian as much as those of his contemporaries, except in so far as the effect of his actions on posterity—and even the existence of human beings to be affected—must necessarily be more uncertain. But a further question arises when we consider that we can to some extent influence the number of future human (or sentient) beings. We have to ask how, on Utilitarian principles, this influence is to be exercised. Here I shall assume that, for human beings generally, life on the average yields a positive balance of pleasure over pain. This has been denied by thoughtful persons: but the denial seems to me clearly opposed to the[415] common experience of mankind, as expressed in their commonly accepted principles of action. The great majority of men, in the great majority of conditions under which human life is lived, certainly act as if death were one of the worst of evils, for themselves and for those whom they love: and the administration of criminal justice proceeds on a similar assumption.[316]
It can be said that by expanding this idea, we significantly increase the scientific challenges of the hedonistic comparison, which have already been mentioned (Book ii. chap. iii.): because if it’s hard to accurately compare the pleasures and pains of others with our own, comparing either with the pleasures and pains of animals is obviously even more complex. Still, the challenge is at least no greater for Utilitarians than it is for any other moralists who shy away from the paradox of completely ignoring the pleasures and pains of animals. But even if we focus only on humans, the range of happiness subjects is still not clearly defined. First off, we might ask how much we should consider the interests of future generations when they appear to conflict with those of current humans. However, it seems clear that the time a person exists doesn’t influence the value of their happiness from a universal perspective; and that the interests of future generations should matter to a Utilitarian just as much as those of people alive today, except that the impact of their actions on future generations—and even the existence of people to be affected—must naturally be more uncertain. But another question arises when we think about how we can partially influence the number of future human (or sentient) beings. We need to ask how, based on Utilitarian principles, this influence should be exercised. Here, I will assume that, on average, life for human beings yields more pleasure than pain. Some thoughtful people have denied this: but that denial seems to me clearly contrary to the[415] common experience of humanity, as reflected in their widely accepted principles of action. The vast majority of people, in the vast majority of situations where human life is lived, certainly act as if death is one of the worst evils, for themselves and for their loved ones: and the way criminal justice is administered is based on a similar assumption.[316]
Assuming, then, that the average happiness of human beings is a positive quantity, it seems clear that, supposing the average happiness enjoyed remains undiminished, Utilitarianism directs us to make the number enjoying it as great as possible. But if we foresee as possible that an increase in numbers will be accompanied by a decrease in average happiness or vice versa, a point arises which has not only never been formally noticed, but which seems to have been substantially overlooked by many Utilitarians. For if we take Utilitarianism to prescribe, as the ultimate end of action, happiness on the whole, and not any individual’s happiness, unless considered as an element of the whole, it would follow that, if the additional population enjoy on the whole positive happiness, we ought to weigh the amount of happiness gained by the extra number against the amount lost by the remainder. So that, strictly conceived, the point up to which, on Utilitarian principles, population ought to be encouraged to increase, is not that at which average happiness is the greatest possible,—as appears to be often assumed by political economists of the school of Malthus—but that at which the product formed by[416] multiplying the number of persons living into the amount of average happiness reaches its maximum.
Assuming that the average happiness of people is a positive thing, it’s clear that if the average happiness stays the same, Utilitarianism tells us to increase the number of people experiencing that happiness as much as we can. But if we think it’s possible that adding more people will lower average happiness, or the other way around, we hit a point that hasn’t really been formally acknowledged and seems to have been largely ignored by many Utilitarians. If we see Utilitarianism as aiming for overall happiness and not just one person’s happiness—unless that happiness contributes to the overall happiness—it follows that if the extra population experiences positive happiness overall, we should compare the happiness gained by the extra people with the happiness lost by the current population. Thus, strictly speaking, the point at which, according to Utilitarian principles, the population should be encouraged to grow isn’t when average happiness is at its highest—like many economists of Malthus's school often assume—but rather when the total happiness, calculated by multiplying the number of people by the average happiness, is at its maximum.
It may be well here to make a remark which has a wide application in Utilitarian discussion. The conclusion just given wears a certain air of absurdity to the view of Common Sense; because its show of exactness is grotesquely incongruous with our consciousness of the inevitable inexactness of all such calculations in actual practice. But, that our practical Utilitarian reasonings must necessarily be rough, is no reason for not making them as accurate as the case admits; and we shall be more likely to succeed in this if we keep before our mind as distinctly as possible the strict type of the calculation that we should have to make, if all the relevant considerations could be estimated with mathematical precision.
It might be helpful to note something that applies widely in Utilitarian discussions. The conclusion we've just reached seems absurd from a Common Sense perspective because its appearance of precision is comically mismatched with our awareness of the unavoidable inaccuracy in all such calculations in real life. However, just because our practical Utilitarian reasoning will always be rough doesn't mean we shouldn't strive to make it as accurate as possible. We're more likely to succeed at this if we keep in mind as clearly as we can the ideal type of calculation we would do if all the relevant factors could be measured with mathematical accuracy.
There is one more point that remains to be noticed. It is evident that there may be many different ways of distributing the same quantum of happiness among the same number of persons; in order, therefore, that the Utilitarian criterion of right conduct may be as complete as possible, we ought to know which of these ways is to be preferred. This question is often ignored in expositions of Utilitarianism. It has perhaps seemed somewhat idle, as suggesting a purely abstract and theoretical perplexity, that could have no practical exemplification; and no doubt, if all the consequences of actions were capable of being estimated and summed up with mathematical precision, we should probably never find the excess of pleasure over pain exactly equal in the case of two competing alternatives of conduct. But the very indefiniteness of all hedonistic calculations, which was sufficiently shown in Book ii., renders it by no means unlikely that there may be no cognisable difference between the quantities of happiness involved in two sets of consequences respectively; the more rough our estimates necessarily are, the less likely we shall be to come to any clear decision between two apparently balanced alternatives. In all such cases, therefore, it becomes practically important to ask whether any mode of distributing a given quantum of happiness is better than any other. Now the Utilitarian formula seems to supply no answer to this question: at least we have to supplement the principle of seeking the greatest happiness on the whole by some principle of Just or[417] Right distribution of this happiness. The principle which most Utilitarians have either tacitly or expressly adopted is that of pure equality—as given in Bentham’s formula, “everybody to count for one, and nobody for more than one.” And this principle seems the only one which does not need a special justification; for, as we saw, it must be reasonable to treat any one man in the same way as any other, if there be no reason apparent for treating him differently.[317]
There’s one more point to consider. It’s clear that there are many different ways to distribute the same amount of happiness among the same number of people. Therefore, to make the Utilitarian standard for right actions as complete as possible, we should figure out which of these methods is preferable. This issue is often overlooked in discussions of Utilitarianism. It may seem somewhat pointless, as if it’s just an abstract and theoretical dilemma that has no practical application; and certainly, if we could measure all the consequences of actions with mathematical precision, we would probably never find the pleasure outweighing the pain exactly equal for two competing options. However, the inherent uncertainty in hedonistic calculations, which was sufficiently demonstrated in Book ii, makes it likely that there may be no noticeable difference between the amounts of happiness linked to two different sets of consequences. The rougher our estimates are, the less likely we will be able to make a clear decision between two seemingly equal choices. In such situations, it becomes essential to ask whether one way of distributing a given amount of happiness is better than another. Now, the Utilitarian formula doesn’t seem to provide an answer to this question; at least we need to add the principle of seeking a fair or just distribution of happiness to the idea of promoting the greatest happiness overall. The principle most Utilitarians have either implicitly or explicitly embraced is pure equality, as stated in Bentham’s formula: “Everyone counts for one, and nobody counts for more than one.” This principle appears to be the only one that doesn’t require special justification since, as we noted, it’s reasonable to treat one person the same way as another if there’s no apparent reason to treat them differently.[317]
CHAPTER II
The Evidence for Utilitarianism
In Book ii., where we discussed the method of Egoistic Hedonism, we did not take occasion to examine any proof of its first principle: and in the case of Universalistic Hedonism also, what primarily concerns us is not how its principle is to be proved to those who do not accept it, but what consequences are logically involved in its acceptance. At the same time it is important to observe that the principle of aiming at universal happiness is more generally felt to require some proof, or at least (as Mill puts it) some “considerations determining the mind to accept it,” than the principle of aiming at one’s own happiness. From the point of view, indeed, of abstract philosophy, I do not see why the Egoistic principle should pass unchallenged any more than the Universalistic. I do not see why the axiom of Prudence should not be questioned, when it conflicts with present inclination, on a ground similar to that on which Egoists refuse to admit the axiom of Rational Benevolence. If the Utilitarian has to answer the question, ‘Why should I sacrifice my own happiness for the greater happiness of another?’ it must surely be admissible to ask the Egoist, ‘Why should I sacrifice a present pleasure for a greater one in the future? Why should I concern myself about my own future feelings any more than about the feelings of other persons?’ It undoubtedly seems to Common Sense paradoxical to ask for a reason why one should seek one’s own happiness on the whole; but I do not see how the demand can be repudiated as absurd by those who adopt the views of the extreme empirical school of psychologists, although those views are[419] commonly supposed to have a close affinity with Egoistic Hedonism. Grant that the Ego is merely a system of coherent phenomena, that the permanent identical ‘I’ is not a fact but a fiction, as Hume and his followers maintain; why, then, should one part of the series of feelings into which the Ego is resolved be concerned with another part of the same series, any more than with any other series?
In Book II, where we discussed the method of Egoistic Hedonism, we didn’t take the opportunity to examine any proof of its fundamental principle. In the case of Universalistic Hedonism as well, what mainly concerns us isn’t how its principle can be proven to those who don’t accept it, but rather what consequences logically follow from accepting it. At the same time, it’s important to note that the principle of aiming for universal happiness is more often felt to require some proof, or at least (as Mill puts it) some “considerations that encourage the mind to accept it,” than the principle of pursuing one’s own happiness. From the perspective of abstract philosophy, I don’t see why the Egoistic principle should go unchallenged any more than the Universalistic one. I don’t see why the axiom of Prudence shouldn’t be questioned when it conflicts with current desires, just like Egoists reject the axiom of Rational Benevolence. If the Utilitarian has to answer the question, ‘Why should I sacrifice my own happiness for the greater happiness of another?’ it must certainly be fair to ask the Egoist, ‘Why should I give up a present pleasure for a greater one in the future? Why should I care about my future feelings any more than about the feelings of other people?’ It definitely seems paradoxical to Common Sense to ask for a reason why someone should seek their own happiness overall; but I don’t see how the demand can be dismissed as absurd by those who adopt the extreme empirical views of psychologists, even though those views are[419] often thought to be closely related to Egoistic Hedonism. Assuming that the Ego is just a system of coherent phenomena, and that the permanent identical ‘I’ is not a fact but a fiction, as Hume and his followers claim; then, why should one part of the series of feelings that make up the Ego be concerned with another part of the same series, any more than with any other series?
However, I will not press this question now; since I admit that Common Sense does not think it worth while to supply the individual with reasons for seeking his own interest.[318] Reasons for doing his duty—according to the commonly accepted standard of duty—are not held to be equally superfluous: indeed we find that utilitarian reasons are continually given for one or other of the commonly received rules of morality. Still the fact that certain rules are commonly received as binding, though it does not establish their self-evidence, renders it generally unnecessary to prove their authority to the Common Sense that receives them: while for the same reason a Utilitarian who claims to supersede them by a higher principle is naturally challenged, by Intuitionists no less than by Egoists, to demonstrate the legitimacy of his claim. To this challenge some Utilitarians would reply by saying that it is impossible to “prove” a first principle; and this is of course true, if by proof we mean a process which exhibits the principle in question as an inference from premises upon which it remains dependent for its certainty; for these premises, and not the inference drawn from them, would then be the real first principles. Nay, if Utilitarianism is to be proved to a man who already holds some other moral principles,—whether he be an Intuitional moralist, who regards as final the principles of Truth, Justice, Obedience to authority, Purity, etc., or an Egoist who regards his own interest as the ultimately reasonable end of his conduct,—it would seem that the process must be one which establishes a conclusion actually superior in validity to the premises from which it starts. For the Utilitarian prescriptions of duty are prima facie in conflict, at certain points and under certain circumstances, both with rules which the Intuitionist regards as self-evident, and with the[420] dictates of Rational Egoism; so that Utilitarianism, if accepted at all, must be accepted as overruling Intuitionism and Egoism. At the same time, if the other principles are not throughout taken as valid, the so-called proof does not seem to be addressed to the Intuitionist or Egoist at all. How shall we deal with this dilemma? How is such a process—clearly different from ordinary proof—possible or conceivable? Yet there certainly seems to be a general demand for it. Perhaps we may say that what is needed is a line of argument which on the one hand allows the validity, to a certain extent, of the maxims already accepted, and on the other hand shows them to be not absolutely valid, but needing to be controlled and completed by some more comprehensive principle.
However, I won’t push this question right now; since I admit that Common Sense doesn’t think it’s worth providing individuals with reasons for pursuing their own interests.[318] Reasons for fulfilling one's duties—according to the typical standards of duty—are not seen as equally unnecessary: in fact, we often find utilitarian reasons offered for various commonly accepted moral rules. Still, the fact that certain rules are generally acknowledged as obligatory, while it doesn’t confirm their obviousness, makes it usually unneeded to prove their authority to the Common Sense that accepts them. For the same reasons, a Utilitarian who claims to replace them with a higher principle is naturally challenged by both Intuitionists and Egoists to validate their claim. Some Utilitarians might respond to this challenge by saying that it’s impossible to “prove” a first principle; and this is true if by proof we mean a process that shows the principle in question as an inference from premises that it relies on for its certainty. In this case, those premises, not the inference derived from them, would be the real first principles. Moreover, if Utilitarianism is to be proven to someone who already holds different moral principles—whether they are an Intuitional moralist who views the principles of Truth, Justice, Obedience to authority, Purity, etc., as final, or an Egoist who sees their own interest as the ultimately reasonable purpose of their actions—it seems like the process must establish a conclusion that is actually superior in validity to the premises from which it begins. This is because the Utilitarian guidelines for duty are prima facie in conflict, at certain points and under specific circumstances, both with the rules that the Intuitionist considers self-evident and with the[420] dictates of Rational Egoism. If Utilitarianism is accepted at all, it must be accepted as overriding both Intuitionism and Egoism. At the same time, if the other principles aren’t universally seen as valid, the so-called proof doesn’t seem to target the Intuitionist or Egoist at all. How should we approach this dilemma? How can such a process—clearly different from ordinary proof—be possible or conceivable? Yet there does seem to be a general demand for it. Perhaps we could say that what’s needed is a line of reasoning that, on one hand, acknowledges the validity, to some extent, of the maxims already accepted, while on the other hand shows them to not be absolutely valid, but needing to be guided and enhanced by some more comprehensive principle.
Such a line of argument, addressed to Egoism, was given in chap. xiii. of the foregoing book. It should be observed that the applicability of this argument depends on the manner in which the Egoistic first principle is formulated. If the Egoist strictly confines himself to stating his conviction that he ought to take his own happiness or pleasure as his ultimate end, there seems no opening for any line of reasoning to lead him to Universalistic Hedonism as a first principle;[319] it cannot be proved that the difference between his own happiness and another’s happiness is not for him all-important. In this case all that the Utilitarian can do is to effect as far as possible a reconciliation between the two principles, by expounding to the Egoist the sanctions of rules deduced from the Universalistic principle,—i.e. by pointing out the pleasures and pains that may be expected to accrue to the Egoist himself from the observation and violation respectively of such rules. It is obvious that such an exposition has no tendency to make him accept the greatest happiness of the greatest number as his ultimate end; but only as a means to the end of his own happiness. It is therefore totally different from a proof (as above explained) of Universalistic Hedonism. When, however, the Egoist puts forward, implicitly or explicitly, the proposition that his happiness or pleasure is Good, not only for him but from the point of view of the Universe,—as (e.g.)[421] by saying that ‘nature designed him to seek his own happiness,’—it then becomes relevant to point out to him that his happiness cannot be a more important part of Good, taken universally, than the equal happiness of any other person. And thus, starting with his own principle, he may be brought to accept Universal happiness or pleasure as that which is absolutely and without qualification Good or Desirable: as an end, therefore, to which the action of a reasonable agent as such ought to be directed.
Such an argument aimed at Egoism was presented in chap. xiii. of the previous book. It's important to note that the effectiveness of this argument depends on how the Egoistic first principle is stated. If the Egoist strictly maintains that his ultimate goal is to pursue his own happiness or pleasure, there doesn't seem to be any way to persuade him toward Universalistic Hedonism as a primary principle; [319] it's impossible to demonstrate that the difference between his happiness and someone else's is not fundamentally significant to him. In this situation, the Utilitarian can only attempt to reconcile the two principles by explaining to the Egoist the sanctions of rules derived from the Universalistic principle—specifically, by highlighting the pleasures and pains he can expect in relation to observing or violating these rules. It's clear that such an explanation does not encourage him to accept the greatest happiness for the greatest number as his ultimate goal; rather, it positions it merely as a means to his own happiness. This is fundamentally different from a proof (as previously described) of Universalistic Hedonism. However, when the Egoist asserts, either implicitly or explicitly, that his happiness or pleasure is Good, not just for him but from the perspective of the Universe—such as by claiming that ‘nature intended him to seek his own happiness’—it becomes relevant to point out that his happiness cannot be considered more crucial to the universal concept of Good than the equal happiness of anyone else. Thus, starting from his own principle, he may be guided to acknowledge Universal happiness or pleasure as that which is absolutely and without exception Good or Desirable: as an end toward which a rational agent's actions should be directed.
This, it will be remembered, is the reasoning[320] that I used in chap. xiii. of the preceding book in exhibiting the principle of Rational Benevolence as one of the few Intuitions which stand the test of rigorous criticism. It should be observed, however, that as addressed to the Intuitionist, this reasoning only shows the Utilitarian first principle to be one moral axiom: it does not prove that it is sole or supreme. The premises with which the Intuitionist starts commonly include other formulæ held as independent and self-evident. Utilitarianism has therefore to exhibit itself in the twofold relation above described, at once negative and positive, to these formulæ. The Utilitarian must, in the first place, endeavour to show to the Intuitionist that the principles of Truth, Justice,[321] etc. have only a dependent and subordinate validity: arguing either that the principle is really only affirmed by Common Sense as a general rule admitting of exceptions and qualifications, as in the case of Truth, and that we require some further principle for systematising these exceptions and qualifications; or that the fundamental notion is vague and needs further determination, as in the case of Justice;[321] and further, that the different rules are liable to conflict with each other, and that we require some higher principle to decide the issue thus raised; and again, that the rules are differently formulated by different persons, and that these differences admit of no Intuitional solution, while they show the vague[422]ness and ambiguity of the common moral notions to which the Intuitionist appeals.
This, as you may recall, is the reasoning[320] that I used in chapter xiii. of the previous book to illustrate the principle of Rational Benevolence as one of the few intuitions that can withstand rigorous criticism. It should be noted, however, that when addressing the Intuitionist, this reasoning only demonstrates that the Utilitarian first principle is one moral axiom; it does not prove that it is the only or the most important. The premises that the Intuitionist starts with usually include other principles regarded as independent and self-evident. Therefore, Utilitarianism must present itself in the twofold relationship described above, both negative and positive, to these principles. The Utilitarian must, first, attempt to show the Intuitionist that the principles of Truth, Justice,[321] etc., only have a dependent and subordinate validity: arguing either that the principle is really only supported by Common Sense as a general rule allowing for exceptions and qualifications, as in the case of Truth, and that we need some further principle to systematize these exceptions and qualifications; or that the fundamental idea is vague and requires further clarification, as in the case of Justice;[321] and furthermore, that the different rules can conflict with each other, necessitating a higher principle to resolve the issues raised; and again, that these rules are formulated differently by different people, and that these differences cannot be resolved through Intuition, while demonstrating the vagueness and ambiguity of the common moral concepts to which the Intuitionist appeals.
This part of the argument I have perhaps sufficiently developed in the preceding book. It remains to supplement this line of reasoning by developing the positive relation that exists between Utilitarianism and the Morality of Common Sense: by showing how Utilitarianism sustains the general validity of the current moral judgments, and thus supplements the defects which reflection finds in the intuitive recognition of their stringency; and at the same time affords a principle of synthesis, and a method for binding the unconnected and occasionally conflicting principles of common moral reasoning into a complete and harmonious system. If systematic reflection upon the morality of Common Sense thus exhibits the Utilitarian principle as that to which Common Sense naturally appeals for that further development of its system which this same reflection shows to be necessary, the proof of Utilitarianism seems as complete as it can be made. And since, further—apart from the question of proof—it is important in considering the method of Utilitarianism to determine exactly its relation to the commonly received rules of morality, it will be proper to examine this relation at some length in the following chapter.
I have already explored this part of the argument in the previous book. Now, I need to enhance this reasoning by discussing the positive connection between Utilitarianism and Common Sense Morality. I will show how Utilitarianism supports the overall validity of current moral judgments, addressing the shortcomings that reflection reveals in our intuitive understanding of their importance. At the same time, it provides a principle for synthesizing and unifying the disconnected and sometimes conflicting principles of everyday moral reasoning into a complete and harmonious system. If systematic reflection on Common Sense Morality demonstrates that the Utilitarian principle is what Common Sense naturally turns to for further development of its system—which reflection reveals to be necessary—then the case for Utilitarianism seems as robust as it can be. Additionally, since it’s important to clarify Utilitarianism's relationship with commonly accepted moral rules, it will be appropriate to examine this relationship in detail in the next chapter.
CHAPTER III
THE CONNECTION BETWEEN UTILITARIANISM AND COMMON SENSE MORALITY
§ 1. It has been before observed (Book i. chap. vi.) that the two sides of the double relation in which Utilitarianism stands to the Morality of Common Sense have been respectively prominent at two different periods in the history of English ethical thought. Since Bentham we have been chiefly familiar with the negative or aggressive aspect of the Utilitarian doctrine. But when Cumberland, replying to Hobbes, put forward the general tendency of the received moral rules to promote the “common Good[322] of all Rationals” his aim was simply Conservative: it never occurs to him to consider whether these rules as commonly formulated are in any way imperfect, and whether there are any discrepancies between such common moral opinions and the conclusions of Rational Benevolence. So in Shaftesbury’s system the “Moral” or “Reflex Sense” is supposed to be always pleased with that “balance” of the affections which tends to the good or happiness of the whole, and displeased with the opposite. In Hume’s treatise this coincidence is drawn out more in detail, and with a more definite assertion that the perception of utility[323] (or the reverse)[424] is in each case the source of the moral likings (or aversions) which are excited in us by different qualities of human character and conduct. And we may observe that the most penetrating among Hume’s contemporary critics, Adam Smith, admits unreservedly the objective coincidence of Rightness or Approvedness and Utility: though he maintains, in opposition to Hume, that “it is not the view of this utility or hurtfulness, which is either the first or the principal source of our approbation or disapprobation.” After stating Hume’s theory that “no qualities of the mind are approved of as virtuous, but such as are useful or agreeable either to the person himself or to others, and no qualities are disapproved of as vicious but such as have a contrary tendency”; he remarks that “Nature seems indeed to have so happily adjusted our sentiments of approbation and disapprobation to the conveniency both of the individual and of the society, that after the strictest examination it will be found, I believe, that this is universally the case.”
§ 1. It has been noted before (Book i. chap. vi.) that the two aspects of the relationship between Utilitarianism and Common Sense Morality have been highlighted at different times in the history of English ethical thought. Since Bentham, we’ve mainly focused on the negative or challenging aspect of the Utilitarian doctrine. However, when Cumberland responded to Hobbes, he emphasized the general tendency of the accepted moral rules to promote the “common Good[322] of all Rationals.” His goal was simply Conservative: he never thinks to question whether these commonly stated rules are flawed in any way, or if there are differences between common moral beliefs and the conclusions of Rational Benevolence. Similarly, in Shaftesbury’s system, the “Moral” or “Reflex Sense” is supposed to always favor that “balance” of feelings that promotes the good or happiness of the whole, and disapprove of the opposite. In Hume’s work, this coincidence is explored in greater detail, with a clearer assertion that the perception of utility[323] (or the opposite)[424] is the source of the moral likes (or dislikes) we feel towards different traits of human character and behavior. Moreover, we can note that Adam Smith, one of the most insightful critics of Hume's time, fully acknowledges the objective connection between Rightness or Approvedness and Utility: although he argues against Hume, stating that “it is not the view of this utility or harmfulness that is either the first or main source of our approval or disapproval.” After outlining Hume’s theory that “no qualities of the mind are approved as virtuous except those that are useful or agreeable either to the person themselves or to others, and no qualities are disapproved as vicious except those that have the opposite effect,” he comments that “Nature seems indeed to have so well aligned our feelings of approval and disapproval with the convenience of both the individual and society that after the closest examination, it will be found, I believe, that this is universally true.”
And no one can read Hume’s Inquiry into the First Principles of Morals without being convinced of this at least, that if a list were drawn up of the qualities of character and conduct that are directly or indirectly productive of pleasure to ourselves or to others, it would include all that are commonly known as virtues. Whatever be the origin of our notion of moral goodness or excellence, there is no doubt that “Utility” is a general characteristic of the dispositions to which we apply it: and that, so far, the Morality of Common Sense may be truly represented as at least unconsciously Utilitarian. But it may still be objected, that this coincidence is merely general and qualitative, and that it breaks down when we attempt to draw it out in detail, with the quantitative precision which Bentham introduced into the discussion. And no doubt there is a great difference between the assertion that virtue is always productive of happiness, and the assertion that the right action is under all circumstances that which will produce the greatest possible[425] happiness on the whole. But it must be borne in mind that Utilitarianism is not concerned to prove the absolute coincidence in results of the Intuitional and Utilitarian methods. Indeed, if it could succeed in proving as much as this, its success would be almost fatal to its practical claims; as the adoption of the Utilitarian principle would then become a matter of complete indifference. Utilitarians are rather called upon to show a natural transition from the Morality of Common Sense to Utilitarianism, somewhat like the transition in special branches of practice from trained instinct and empirical rules to the technical method that embodies and applies the conclusions of science: so that Utilitarianism may be presented as the scientifically complete and systematically reflective form of that regulation of conduct, which through the whole course of human history has always tended substantially in the same direction. For this purpose it is not necessary to prove that existing moral rules are more conducive to the general happiness than any others: but only to point out in each case some manifest felicific tendency which they possess.
And no one can read Hume’s Inquiry into the First Principles of Morals without being convinced of at least this: if we made a list of the character traits and behaviors that bring pleasure to ourselves or others, it would include everything we commonly recognize as virtues. Regardless of where our idea of moral goodness or excellence comes from, it's clear that “Utility” is a common trait of the dispositions we associate with it. Thus, we can say that the Morality of Common Sense can be considered at least unconsciously Utilitarian. However, one might argue that this overlap is only general and qualitative, and it fails when we try to break it down in detail, using the precise quantities that Bentham brought into the discussion. There is certainly a big difference between saying that virtue always brings happiness and claiming that the right action, under all circumstances, is the one that maximizes overall happiness. But it's important to remember that Utilitarianism isn't focused on demonstrating an absolute agreement in outcomes between Intuitionism and Utilitarianism. In fact, if it could prove that, it would undermine its practical relevance since adopting the Utilitarian principle would then become a matter of total indifference. Instead, Utilitarians should aim to show a natural progression from the Morality of Common Sense to Utilitarianism, somewhat like how certain areas of practice evolve from instinct and empirical rules to the technical methods that integrate and apply scientific conclusions. This way, Utilitarianism can be viewed as the scientifically complete and systematically thoughtful form of the behavioral guidelines that have historically pointed in the same direction. To achieve this, it’s not necessary to prove that current moral rules are more beneficial for overall happiness than any others; we just need to highlight the clear happiness-promoting tendencies they possess in each case.
Hume’s dissertation, however, incidentally exhibits much more than a simple and general harmony between the moral sentiments with which we commonly regard actions and their foreseen pleasurable and painful consequences. And, in fact, the Utilitarian argument cannot be fairly judged unless we take fully into account the cumulative force which it derives from the complex character of the coincidence between Utilitarianism and Common Sense.
Hume’s dissertation, however, shows a lot more than just a simple and general agreement between the moral feelings we usually have about actions and their expected pleasurable and painful outcomes. In fact, the Utilitarian argument can't be properly assessed unless we fully consider the combined impact it gains from the intricate relationship between Utilitarianism and Common Sense.
It may be shown, I think, that the Utilitarian estimate of consequences not only supports broadly the current moral rules, but also sustains their generally received limitations and qualifications: that, again, it explains anomalies in the Morality of Common Sense, which from any other point of view must seem unsatisfactory to the reflective intellect; and moreover, where the current formula is not sufficiently precise for the guidance of conduct, while at the same time difficulties and perplexities arise in the attempt to give it additional precision, the Utilitarian method solves these difficulties and perplexities in general accordance with the vague instincts of Common Sense, and is naturally appealed to for such solution in ordinary moral discussions. It may be shown further, that it not only[426] supports the generally received view of the relative importance of different duties, but is also naturally called in as arbiter, where rules commonly regarded as co-ordinate come into conflict: that, again, when the same rule is interpreted somewhat differently by different persons, each naturally supports his view by urging its Utility, however strongly he may maintain the rule to be self-evident and known a priori: that where we meet with marked diversity of moral opinion on any point, in the same age and country, we commonly find manifest and impressive utilitarian reasons on both sides: and that finally the remarkable discrepancies found in comparing the moral codes of different ages and countries are for the most part strikingly correlated to differences in the effects of actions on happiness, or in men’s foresight of, or concern for, such effects. Most of these points are noticed by Hume, though in a somewhat casual and fragmentary way: and many of them have been incidentally illustrated in the course of the examination of Common Sense Morality, with which we were occupied in the preceding Book. But considering the importance of the present question, it may be well to exhibit in systematic detail the cumulative argument which has just been summed up, even at the risk of repeating to some extent the results previously given.
It can be demonstrated, I believe, that the Utilitarian perspective on consequences not only broadly supports the current moral rules but also upholds their generally accepted limitations and qualifications. Additionally, it explains inconsistencies in Common Sense Morality, which from any other viewpoint might seem unsatisfactory to thoughtful individuals. Moreover, when the current guidelines are not precise enough to guide behavior and when challenges arise in trying to make them clearer, the Utilitarian approach effectively addresses these challenges in a way that aligns with the general instincts of Common Sense and is often referenced for solutions in everyday moral discussions. It can be further shown that it not only backs the generally accepted view of the relative importance of different duties but also serves as a mediator when rules that are usually seen as equal come into conflict. Additionally, when the same rule is interpreted in slightly different ways by different people, each tends to support his position by emphasizing its Utility, no matter how strongly he claims the rule is self-evident and known a priori. When we encounter significant differences of moral opinion on any issue within the same time period and place, we often find clear and compelling utilitarian arguments on both sides. Finally, the significant discrepancies observed when comparing the moral codes of different times and cultures often correlate strikingly with differences in the effects of actions on happiness, or in people's awareness or concern for those effects. Most of these points are noted by Hume, although in a somewhat casual and fragmented manner. Many of them have been indirectly illustrated throughout the examination of Common Sense Morality, which we addressed in the previous Book. However, given the significance of the current issue, it might be beneficial to present in a systematic manner the cumulative argument that has just been summarized, even at the risk of repeating some of the previously stated results.
§ 2. We may begin by replying to an objection which is frequently urged against Utilitarianism. How, it is asked, if the true ground of the moral goodness or badness of actions lies in their utility or the reverse, can we explain the broad distinction drawn by Common Sense between the moral and other parts of our nature? Why is the excellence of Virtue so strongly felt to be different in kind, not merely from the excellence of a machine, or a fertile field, but also from the physical beauties and aptitudes, the intellectual gifts and talents of human beings. I should answer that—as was argued in an earlier chapter (Book iii. chap. ii.)—qualities that are, in the strictest sense of the term, Virtuous, are always such as we conceive capable of being immediately realised by voluntary effort, at least to some extent; so that the prominent obstacle to virtuous action is absence of adequate motive. Hence we expect that the judgments of moral goodness or badness, passed either by the agent himself or by others, will—by the fresh motive which they supply on the side of virtue—have[427] an immediate practical effect in causing actions to be at least externally virtuous: and the habitual consciousness of this will account for almost any degree of difference between moral sentiments and the pleasure and pain that we derive from the contemplation of either extra-human or non-voluntary utilities and inutilities. To this, however, it is replied, that among the tendencies to strictly voluntary actions there are many not commonly regarded as virtuous, which are yet not only useful but on the whole more useful than many virtues. “The selfish instinct that leads men to accumulate confers ultimately more advantage on the world than the generous instinct that leads men to give.... It is scarcely doubtful that a modest, diffident, and retiring nature, distrustful of its own abilities, and shrinking with humility from conflict, produces on the whole less benefit to the world than the self-assertion of an audacious and arrogant nature, which is impelled to every struggle, and develops every capacity. Gratitude has no doubt done much to soften and sweeten the intercourse of life, but the corresponding feeling of revenge was for centuries the one bulwark against social anarchy, and is even now one of the chief restraints to crime. On the great theatre of public life, especially in periods of great convulsions where passions are fiercely roused, it is neither the man of delicate scrupulosity and sincere impartiality, nor yet the single-minded religious enthusiast, incapable of dissimulation or procrastination, who confers most benefit on the world. It is much rather the astute statesman, earnest about his ends, but unscrupulous about his means, equally free from the trammels of conscience and from the blindness of zeal, who governs because he partly yields to the passions and the prejudices of his time. But ... it has scarcely yet been contended that the delicate conscience which in these cases impairs utility constitutes vice.”[324]
§ 2. Let's start by addressing a common criticism of Utilitarianism. People often ask how we can explain the clear distinction that Common Sense draws between moral aspects and other parts of our nature if the true basis of moral goodness or badness lies in their utility or the opposite. Why do we feel that the value of Virtue is fundamentally different, not only from the value of a machine or a fertile field, but also from the physical beauty and abilities, as well as the intellectual talents of individuals? My answer, as discussed in an earlier chapter (Book iii. chap. ii.), is that qualities we strictly consider Virtuous are always ones we believe can be realized through voluntary effort, at least to some degree. Therefore, the main barrier to virtuous action is a lack of adequate motivation. This is why we expect that judgments of moral goodness or badness, made either by the agent or by others, will—through the new motivation they provide toward virtue—have an immediate practical effect in prompting actions to be at least externally virtuous. The ongoing awareness of this leads to a significant difference between our moral feelings and the pleasure or pain we experience from considering either non-human or involuntary utilities and inutilities. In response, however, it is pointed out that among the motivations for strictly voluntary actions, there are many that aren't typically seen as virtuous, yet they are not only useful but generally more useful than many virtues. “The selfish instinct that drives people to accumulate ultimately provides more benefits to the world than the generous instinct that encourages people to give.... It's hardly debatable that a modest, shy, and reserved nature—distrustful of its own abilities and hesitant to confront challenges—brings less overall benefit to the world than the self-assertive and arrogant nature that is driven to face every struggle and develop every skill. Gratitude has, without a doubt, contributed significantly to improving social interactions, but the corresponding feeling of revenge was for centuries a crucial defense against social chaos and is still one of the main deterrents to crime today. In the arena of public life, particularly during times of great upheaval where emotions run high, it is not the person with delicate scruples and genuine impartiality, nor the single-minded religious enthusiast, who benefits the world the most. Instead, it's more likely the shrewd politician, passionate about their goals but unscrupulous about the methods, who operates free from the constraints of conscience and the blindness of zeal, governing because they partially pander to the passions and prejudices of their era. However... it has hardly been argued that the delicate conscience which impairs utility in these cases constitutes vice.”[324]
These objections are forcibly urged; but they appear to me not very difficult to answer, it being always borne in mind that the present argument does not aim at proving an exact coincidence between Utilitarian inferences and the intuitions of Common Sense, but rather seeks to represent the latter as inchoately and imperfectly Utilitarian.
These objections are strongly presented, but I find them not too hard to address, keeping in mind that the current argument doesn't try to show a perfect match between Utilitarian conclusions and Common Sense intuitions; instead, it attempts to portray the latter as somewhat and imperfectly Utilitarian.
In the first place, we must carefully distinguish between the recognition of goodness in dispositions, and the recognition of rightness in conduct. An act that a Utilitarian must condemn as likely to do more harm than good may yet show a disposition or tendency that will on the whole produce more good than harm. This is eminently the case with scrupulously conscientious acts. However true it may be that unenlightened conscientiousness has impelled men to fanatical cruelty, mistaken asceticism, and other infelicific conduct, I suppose no Intuitionist would maintain that carefulness in conforming to accepted moral rules has not, on the whole, a tendency to promote happiness. It may be observed, however, that when we perceive the effects of a disposition generally felicific to be in any particular case adverse to happiness, we often apply to it, as so operating, some term of condemnation: thus we speak, in the case above noticed, of ‘over-scrupulousness’ or ‘fanaticism.’ But in so far as we perceive that the same disposition would generally produce good results, it is not inconsistent still to regard it, abstracting from the particular case, as a good element of character. Secondly, although, in the view of a Utilitarian, only the useful is praiseworthy, he is not bound to maintain that it is necessarily worthy of praise in proportion as it is useful. From a Utilitarian point of view, as has been before said, we must mean by calling a quality ‘deserving of praise,’ that it is expedient to praise it, with a view to its future production: accordingly, in distributing our praise of human qualities, on utilitarian principles, we have to consider primarily not the usefulness of the quality, but the usefulness of the praise: and it is obviously not expedient to encourage by praise qualities which are likely to be found in excess rather than in defect. Hence (e.g.) however necessary self-love or resentment may be to society, it is quite in harmony with Utilitarianism that they should not be recognised as virtues by Common Sense, in so far as it is reasonably thought that they will always be found operating with at least sufficient intensity. We find, however, that when self-love comes into conflict with impulses seen to be on the whole pernicious, it is praised as Prudence: and that when a man seems clearly deficient in resentment, he is censured for tameness: though as malevolent impulses are much more[429] obviously productive of pain than pleasure, it is not unnatural that their occasional utility should be somewhat overlooked. The case of Humility and Diffidence may be treated in a somewhat similar way. As we saw[325] it is only inadvertently that Common Sense praises the tendency to underrate one’s own powers: on reflection it is generally admitted that it cannot be good to be in error on this or any other point. But the desires of Superiority and Esteem are so strong in most men, that arrogance and self-assertion are both much commoner than the opposite defects, and at the same time are faults peculiarly disagreeable to others: so that humility gives us an agreeable surprise, and hence Common Sense is easily led to overlook the more latent and remote bad consequences of undue self-distrust.
First, we need to clearly differentiate between recognizing goodness in intentions and recognizing rightness in actions. An action that a Utilitarian would criticize for possibly causing more harm than good might still reflect an intention or tendency that generally leads to more good than harm. This is particularly true with extremely conscientious actions. While it's true that misguided conscientiousness has driven people to fanatical cruelty, misguided self-denial, and other harmful behaviors, I doubt any Intuitionist would argue that being careful to follow accepted moral rules doesn't generally promote happiness. However, when we see that the effects of a generally positive disposition specifically harm happiness, we often label that as something negative: for example, we refer to ‘over-scrupulousness’ or ‘fanaticism.’ But as long as we understand that the same disposition would typically lead to positive outcomes, it’s still reasonable to consider it a good character trait, aside from the specific situation. Secondly, although a Utilitarian believes that only what is useful deserves praise, they aren’t required to claim that something is worthy of praise strictly based on its usefulness. From a Utilitarian standpoint, when we say a quality is ‘worthy of praise,’ we mean it’s beneficial to praise it to encourage its future expression. Therefore, when we distribute praise for human qualities based on utilitarian principles, we must first consider not just the quality’s usefulness but the usefulness of the praise itself: and it clearly isn’t wise to encourage through praise qualities that are likely to be excessive rather than deficient. Thus, for example, although self-love or resentment may be essential to society, it aligns with Utilitarian beliefs that these should not be considered virtues by Common Sense, as they’re thought to always be present at least in sufficient amounts. However, we see that when self-love clashes with impulses deemed largely harmful, it’s praised as Prudence. When someone is perceived as lacking in resentment, they are criticized for being too passive, even though harmful impulses are much more evidently linked to pain than pleasure, which may lead to their occasional usefulness being overlooked. The situation with Humility and Diffidence can be looked at similarly. As we observed, it’s only by chance that Common Sense appreciates the tendency to undervalue one's own abilities: upon reflection, it’s generally accepted that being mistaken on this or any issue isn’t good. But the desires for Superiority and Esteem are so strong in most people that arrogance and self-assertion are much more common than their opposites, and these traits are particularly off-putting to others. This makes humility surprising and refreshing, leading Common Sense to overlook the more subtle and distant negative effects of excessive self-doubt.
We may observe further that the perplexity which we seemed to find in the Morality of Common Sense, as to the relation of moral excellence to moral effort, is satisfactorily explained and removed when we adopt a Utilitarian point of view: for on the one hand it is easy to see how certain acts—such as kind services—are likely to be more felicific when performed without effort, and from other motives than regard for duty: while on the other hand a person who in doing similar acts achieves a triumph of duty over strong seductive inclinations, exhibits thereby a character which we recognise as felicific in a more general way, as tending to a general performance of duty in all departments. So again, there is a simple and obvious utilitarian solution of another difficulty which I noticed, as to the choice between Subjective and Objective rightness in the exceptional case in which alone the two can be presented as alternatives,—i.e. when we are considering whether we shall influence another to act contrary to his conviction as to what is right. A utilitarian would decide the question by weighing the felicific consequences of the particular right act against the infelicific results to be apprehended hereafter from the moral deterioration of the person whose conscientious convictions were overborne by other motives: unless the former effects were very important he would reasonably regard the danger to character as the greater: but if the other’s mistaken sense of duty threatened to cause a grave disaster, he would not hesitate to overbear it by any motives which it was in his power to apply.[430] And in practice I think that the Common Sense of mankind would come to similar conclusions by more vague and semi-conscious reasoning of the same kind.
We can further observe that the confusion we found in the Morality of Common Sense regarding the relationship between moral excellence and moral effort is clearly explained and resolved when we take a Utilitarian perspective. On one hand, it’s easy to understand how certain actions—like acts of kindness—are likely to lead to greater happiness when done effortlessly and for reasons other than a sense of duty. On the other hand, someone who accomplishes similar acts by overcoming strong temptations to do otherwise demonstrates a character that we recognize as contributing to overall happiness, as it promotes a consistent performance of duty in all areas. Additionally, there’s a straightforward utilitarian solution to another challenge I noticed regarding the choice between Subjective and Objective rightness in the rare cases where these can be seen as alternatives—specifically, when we're deciding whether to influence someone to act against their own belief about what is right. A utilitarian would resolve this by weighing the positive outcomes of the right action against the negative consequences that might arise in the future from the moral decline of the person whose conscientious beliefs were overridden by other motivations. Unless the positive effects were very significant, they would reasonably see the risk to character as more serious; however, if the other person’s incorrect sense of duty could lead to a major disaster, they wouldn’t hesitate to override it with any motivations they could apply.[430] In practice, I believe the common sense of people would arrive at similar conclusions through more vague and semi-conscious reasoning of the same kind.
In order, however, to form a precise estimate of the extent to which Utilitarianism agrees or disagrees with Common Sense, it seems best to examine the more definite judgments of right and wrong in conduct, under the particular heads represented by our common notions of virtues and duties. I may begin by pointing out once more that so far as any adequately precise definitions of these notions are found to involve, implicitly or explicitly, the notion of ‘good’ or of ‘right’ supposed already determinate, they can afford no ground for opposing a Utilitarian interpretation of these fundamental conceptions. For example, we saw this to be the case with the chief of the intellectual excellences discussed in Book iii. chap. iii. Wisdom, as commonly conceived, is not exactly the faculty of choosing the right means to the end of universal happiness; rather, as we saw, its notion involves an uncritical synthesis of the different ends and principles that are distinguished and separately examined in the present treatise. But if its import is not distinctly Utilitarian, it is certainly not anything else as distinct from Utilitarian: if we can only define it as the faculty or habit of choosing the right or best means to the right or best end, for that very reason our definition leaves it quite open to us to give the notions ‘good’ and ‘right’ a Utilitarian import.
To accurately assess how Utilitarianism aligns or conflicts with Common Sense, it’s best to look at the specific judgments of right and wrong in behavior, based on our shared understanding of virtues and duties. Let me reiterate that if any clear definitions of these concepts implicitly or explicitly rely on the notion of ‘good’ or ‘right’ already assumed to be clear, they don’t provide a basis for rejecting a Utilitarian view of these core ideas. For instance, as we saw with the main intellectual virtues discussed in Book iii. chap. iii., wisdom, as commonly understood, isn’t simply the ability to choose the right means to achieve universal happiness; instead, its idea involves an unexamined blend of various ends and principles that have been identified and explored separately in this discussion. However, if wisdom isn’t clearly Utilitarian, it also doesn’t represent anything distinct from Utilitarianism. If we can only define it as the ability or tendency to select the right or best means to the right or best end, then our definition allows us to interpret the notions of ‘good’ and ‘right’ in a Utilitarian way.
§ 3. Let us then examine first the group of virtues and duties discussed in Book iii. chap. iv., under the head of Benevolence. As regards the general conception of the duty, there is, I think, no divergence that we need consider between the Intuitional and Utilitarian systems. For though Benevolence would perhaps be more commonly defined as a disposition to promote the Good of one’s fellow-creatures, rather than their Happiness (as definitely understood by Utilitarians); still, as the chief element in the common notion of good (besides happiness) is moral good or Virtue,[326] if we can show that the other virtues are—speaking broadly—all qualities conducive to the happiness of the agent himself or of others, it is evident that Benevolence, whether it prompts us to promote the virtue[431] of others or their happiness, will aim directly or indirectly at the Utilitarian end.[327]
§ 3. Let’s first look at the group of virtues and responsibilities discussed in Book iii. chap. iv., under the topic of Benevolence. When it comes to the overall idea of this duty, I believe there’s no significant difference we need to address between the Intuitional and Utilitarian systems. While Benevolence is often more commonly defined as a tendency to promote the well-being of others, rather than their Happiness (as Utilitarians specifically define it); still, since the main component in the shared understanding of good (beyond happiness) is moral good or Virtue,[326] if we can demonstrate that the other virtues are—broadly speaking—all qualities that contribute to the happiness of the individual or others, it’s clear that Benevolence, whether it encourages us to promote the virtue[431] of others or their happiness, will directly or indirectly aim at the Utilitarian goal.[327]
Nor, further, does the comprehensive range which Utilitarians give to Benevolence, in stating as their ultimate end the greatest happiness of all sentient beings, seem to be really opposed to Common Sense; for in so far as certain Intuitional moralists restrict the scope of the direct duty of Benevolence to human beings, and regard our duties to brute animals as merely indirect and derived “from the duty of Self-culture,” they rather than their Utilitarian opponents appear paradoxical. And if, in laying down that each agent is to consider all other happiness as equally important with his own, Utilitarianism seems to go beyond the standard of duty commonly prescribed under the head of Benevolence, it yet can scarcely be said to conflict with Common Sense on this point. For the practical application of this theoretical impartiality of Utilitarianism is limited by several important considerations. In the first place, generally speaking, each man is better able to provide for his own happiness than for that of other persons, from his more intimate knowledge of his own desires and needs, and his greater opportunities of gratifying them. And besides, it is under the stimulus of self-interest that the active energies of most men are most easily and thoroughly drawn out: and if this were removed, general happiness would be diminished by a serious loss of those means of happiness which are obtained by labour; and also, to some extent, by the diminution of the labour itself. For these reasons it would not under actual circumstances promote the universal happiness if each man were to concern himself with the happiness of others as much as with his own. While if I consider the duty abstractly and ideally, even Common Sense morality seems to bid me “love my neighbour as myself.”
Nor does the broad scope that Utilitarians give to Benevolence, in stating that the ultimate goal is the greatest happiness of all sentient beings, really oppose Common Sense. In fact, when certain Intuitional moralists limit the direct duty of Benevolence to human beings and see our duties to animals as merely indirect, stemming “from the duty of Self-culture,” they appear more paradoxical than their Utilitarian counterparts. Even if Utilitarianism suggests that each person should consider everyone’s happiness as equally important as their own, this doesn't seem to clash with Common Sense. The practical application of Utilitarianism's theoretical impartiality is restricted by several key factors. First, generally, each person is better equipped to ensure their own happiness than that of others, due to their deeper understanding of their own desires and needs, as well as greater opportunities to fulfill them. Moreover, it’s mainly self-interest that effectively drives most people's active efforts; without it, overall happiness would decrease due to a significant loss of the happiness that comes from work, and also somewhat from a reduction in the work itself. For these reasons, in real-life situations, it wouldn’t promote universal happiness if everyone focused on the happiness of others as much as their own. Yet, if I consider the duty in an abstract and ideal sense, even Common Sense morality seems to tell me to “love my neighbor as myself.”
It might indeed be plausibly objected, on the other hand, that under the notions of Generosity, Self-sacrifice, etc., Common Sense praises (though it does not prescribe as obligatory) a suppression of egoism beyond what Utilitarianism approves: for we perhaps admire as virtuous a man who gives up his own happiness for another’s sake, even when the happiness that he[432] confers is clearly less than that which he resigns, so that there is a diminution of happiness on the whole. But (1) it seems very doubtful whether we do altogether approve such conduct when the disproportion between the sacrifice and the benefit is obvious and striking: and (2) a spectator is often unable to judge whether happiness is lost on the whole, as (a) he cannot tell how far he who makes the sacrifice is compensated by sympathetic and moral pleasure, and (b) the remoter felicific consequences flowing from the moral effects of such a sacrifice on the agent and on others have to be taken into account: while (3) even if there be a loss in the particular case, still our admiration of self-sacrifice will admit of a certain Utilitarian justification, because such conduct shows a disposition far above the average in its general tendency to promote happiness, and it is perhaps this disposition that we admire rather than the particular act.
It could be argued, however, that according to the ideas of Generosity, Self-sacrifice, and similar concepts, Common Sense praises (though does not demand as necessary) a level of selflessness that goes beyond what Utilitarianism supports. We might admire a person who sacrifices their own happiness for someone else’s benefit, even when the happiness they provide is clearly less than what they give up, resulting in an overall reduction in happiness. However, (1) it seems questionable whether we fully approve of such actions when the gap between the sacrifice and the benefit is obvious and substantial; and (2) an observer often can’t determine if happiness is truly lost overall, since (a) they can’t assess how much the person making the sacrifice gains from the satisfaction and moral pleasure of selflessness, and (b) the longer-term positive outcomes of the moral effects of that sacrifice on the person and others must also be considered; and (3) even if there is a loss in this specific instance, our admiration for self-sacrifice can still have a certain Utilitarian rationale, because such actions reflect a level of disposition that is well above average in promoting happiness overall, and it may be this underlying disposition that we value more than the specific act.
It has been said,[328] however, that the special claims and duties belonging to special relations, by which each man is connected with a few out of the whole number of human beings, are expressly ignored by the rigid impartiality of the Utilitarian formula: and hence that, though Utilitarianism and Common Sense may agree in the proposition that all right action is conducive to the happiness of some one or other, and so far beneficent, still they are irreconcileably divergent on the radical question of the distribution of beneficence.
It has been said,[328] however, that the special claims and responsibilities that come with unique relationships, through which each person is linked to a select few out of the entire population, are completely overlooked by the strict neutrality of the Utilitarian approach. Therefore, although Utilitarianism and Common Sense might both agree on the idea that every right action contributes to someone’s happiness and is thus beneficial, they fundamentally disagree on the core issue of the distribution of benefits.
Here, however, it seems that even fair-minded opponents have scarcely understood the Utilitarian position. They have attacked Bentham’s well-known formula, “every man to count for one, nobody for more than one,” on the ground that the general happiness will be best attained by inequality in the distribution of each one’s services. But so far as it is clear that it will be best attained in this way, Utilitarianism will necessarily prescribe this way of aiming at it; and Bentham’s dictum must be understood merely as making the conception of the ultimate end precise—laying down that one person’s happiness is to be counted for as much as another’s (supposed equal in degree) as an element of the general happiness—not as directly prescribing the rules of conduct by which this end will be best attained. And the reasons why it is, generally speak[433]ing, conducive to the general happiness that each individual should distribute his beneficence in the channels marked out by commonly recognised ties and claims, are tolerably obvious.
Here, however, it seems that even fair-minded critics have hardly understood the Utilitarian viewpoint. They've challenged Bentham’s famous saying, “every person counts for one, nobody counts for more than one,” arguing that overall happiness is best achieved through unequal distribution of everyone’s contributions. But as it is clear that this might be the best approach, Utilitarianism would necessarily endorse it; Bentham’s statement should be understood simply as clarifying the concept of the ultimate goal—asserting that one person’s happiness is worth the same as another’s (assuming they are equal) as part of the overall happiness—not as directly dictating the rules of behavior that would best achieve this goal. The reasons why, generally speaking, it promotes overall happiness for each individual to direct their generosity toward the connections and obligations recognized by society are fairly evident.
For first, in the chief relations discussed in chap. iv. of Book iii.—the domestic, and those constituted by consanguinity, friendship, previous kindnesses, and special needs,—the services which Common Sense prescribes as duties are commonly prompted by natural affection, while at the same time they tend to develop and sustain such affection. Now the subsistence of benevolent affections among human beings is itself an important means to the Utilitarian end, because (as Shaftesbury and his followers forcibly urged) the most intense and highly valued of our pleasures are derived from such affections; for both the emotion itself is highly pleasurable, and it imparts this quality to the activities which it prompts and sustains, and the happiness thus produced is continually enhanced by the sympathetic echo of the pleasures conferred on others. And again, where genuine affection subsists, the practical objections to spontaneous beneficence, which were before noticed, are much diminished in force. For such affection tends to be reciprocated, and the kindnesses which are its outcome and expression commonly win a requital of affection: and in so far as this is the case, they have less tendency to weaken the springs of activity in the person benefited; and may even strengthen them by exciting other sources of energy than the egoistic—personal affection, and gratitude, and the desire to deserve love, and the desire to imitate beneficence. And hence it has been often observed that the injurious effects of almsgiving are at least much diminished if the alms are bestowed with unaffected sympathy and kindliness, and in such a way as to elicit a genuine response of gratitude. And further, the beneficence that springs from affection is less likely to be frustrated from defect of knowledge: for not only are we powerfully stimulated to study the real conditions of the happiness of those whom we love, but also such study is rendered more effective from the sympathy which naturally accompanies affection.
For starters, in the main relationships discussed in chap. iv. of Book iii.—the domestic ones, and those formed by family ties, friendships, past kindnesses, and specific needs—the duties that Common Sense suggests are usually motivated by natural affection, and in turn, they help to develop and maintain that affection. The presence of caring feelings among people is itself a key factor in achieving Utilitarian goals because, as Shaftesbury and his followers pointed out, our most intense and treasured pleasures come from such feelings; both the emotion itself is highly enjoyable, and it adds this enjoyment to the actions it inspires and supports, with the happiness generated being continually boosted by the shared joy that our kindness brings to others. Moreover, when genuine affection exists, the practical objections to spontaneous kindness that were previously mentioned are significantly lessened. This is because such affection tends to be mutual, and the kindness that results from it often earns a return of feelings; to the extent that this happens, it lessens the tendency to weaken the motivation of the person receiving help and may even strengthen their motivation by tapping into other sources of energy besides self-interest—like personal affection, gratitude, the desire to deserve love, and the wish to reciprocate kindness. Consequently, it has often been noted that the harmful effects of giving charity are at least much reduced when the aid is given with genuine sympathy and kindness, in a way that encourages a real sense of gratitude in return. Furthermore, the kindness that arises from affection is less likely to fail due to a lack of understanding: not only are we strongly motivated to learn about the true conditions of the happiness of those we care about, but also this understanding is made more effective by the sympathy that naturally comes with affection.
On these grounds the Utilitarian will evidently approve of the cultivation of affection and the performance of affectionate services. It may be said, however, that what we ought to approve is not so much affection for special individuals, but[434] rather a feeling more universal in its scope—charity, philanthropy, or (as it has been called) the ‘Enthusiasm of Humanity.’ And certainly all special affections tend occasionally to come into conflict with the principle of promoting the general happiness: and Utilitarianism must therefore prescribe such a culture of the feelings as will, so far as possible, counteract this tendency. But it seems that most persons are only capable of strong affections towards a few human beings in certain close relations, especially the domestic: and that if these were suppressed, what they would feel towards their fellow-creatures generally would be, as Aristotle says, “but a watery kindness” and a very feeble counterpoise to self-love: so that such specialised affections as the present organisation of society normally produces afford the best means of developing in most persons a more extended benevolence, to the degree to which they are capable of feeling it. Besides, each person is for the most part, from limitation either of power or knowledge, not in a position to do much good to more than a very small number of persons; it therefore seems, on this ground alone, desirable that his chief benevolent impulses should be correspondingly limited.
On these grounds, a Utilitarian would clearly support the development of affection and acts of kindness. However, it could be argued that what we should support is not so much affection for specific individuals, but rather a feeling that is more universal—charity, philanthropy, or what has been referred to as the ‘Enthusiasm of Humanity.’ Indeed, special affections can sometimes conflict with the principle of promoting general happiness. Therefore, Utilitarianism must advocate for a cultivation of feelings that, as much as possible, counteracts this tendency. Yet, it seems that most people can only form strong attachments to a few individuals in certain close relationships, particularly within the home. If these feelings were suppressed, what they would feel towards their fellow humans would be, as Aristotle puts it, “but a watery kindness” — a very weak balance to self-love. Thus, special affections that the current structure of society typically nurtures provide the best opportunity for most people to develop a broader sense of goodwill, to the extent that they are capable of feeling it. Additionally, each individual is, due to limitations in power or knowledge, usually unable to do much good for more than a small number of people. Therefore, it seems reasonable that their main benevolent impulses should be similarly limited.
And this leads us to consider, secondly, the reasons why, affection apart, it is conducive to the general happiness that special claims to services should be commonly recognised as attaching to special relations; so as to modify that impartiality in the distribution of beneficence which Utilitarianism prima facie inculcates. For clearness’ sake it seems best to take this argument separately, though it cannot easily be divided from the former one, because the services in question are often such as cannot so well be rendered without affection. In such cases, as we saw,[329] Common Sense regards the affection itself as a duty, in so far as it is capable of being cultivated: but still prescribes the performance of the services even if the affection be unhappily absent. Indeed we may properly consider the services to which we are commonly prompted by the domestic affections, and also those to which we are moved by gratitude and pity, as an integral part of the system of mutual aid by which the normal life and happiness of society is maintained, under existing circumstances; being an indispensable supplement to the still more essential services which are definitely[435] prescribed by Law, or rendered on commercial terms as a part of an express bargain. As political economists have explained, the means of happiness are immensely increased by that complex system of co-operation which has been gradually organised among civilised men: and while it is thought that under such a system it will be generally best on the whole to let each individual exchange such services as he is disposed to render for such return as he can obtain for them by free contract, still there are many large exceptions to this general principle. Of these the most important is constituted by the case of children. It is necessary for the well-being of mankind that in each generation children should be produced in adequate numbers, neither too many nor too few; and that, as they cannot be left to provide for themselves, they should be adequately nourished and protected during the period of infancy; and further, that they should be carefully trained in good habits, intellectual, moral, and physical: and it is commonly believed that the best or even the only known means of attaining these ends in even a tolerable degree is afforded by the existing institution of the Family, resting as it does on a basis of legal and moral rules combined. For Law fixes a minimum of mutual services and draws the broad outlines of behaviour for the different members of the family, imposing[330] on the parents lifelong union and complete mutual fidelity and the duty of providing for their children the necessaries of life up to a certain age; in return for which it gives them the control of their children for the same period, and sometimes lays on the latter the burden of supporting their parents when aged and destitute: so that Morality, in inculcating a completer harmony of interests and an ampler interchange of kindnesses, is merely filling in the outlines drawn by Law. We found, however, in attempting to formulate the different domestic duties as recognised by Common Sense, that there seemed to be in most cases a large vague margin with respect to which general agreement could not be affirmed, and which, in fact, forms an arena for continual disputes. But we have now to observe that it is just this margin which reveals most clearly the latent Utilitarianism[436] of common moral opinion: for when the question is once raised as to the precise mutual duties (e.g.) of husbands and wives, or of parents and children, each disputant commonly supports his view by a forecast of the effects on human happiness to be expected from the general establishment of any proposed rule; this seems to be the standard to which the matter is, by common consent, referred.
And this leads us to think about, secondly, the reasons why, aside from affection, it benefits overall happiness for special claims to help to be generally recognized as belonging to special relationships. This is meant to adjust the impartiality in the distribution of kindness that Utilitarianism initially promotes. For clarity, it seems best to discuss this argument separately, although it’s hard to separate it from the previous one since the services in question are often those that can’t be effectively provided without affection. In such cases, as we saw, Common Sense views the affection itself as a duty, to the extent that it can be developed: but it still insists on performing the services even if the affection is regrettably missing. In fact, we can rightly see the services that are typically encouraged by domestic affections, as well as those motivated by gratitude and compassion, as vital parts of the mutual aid system that supports the normal life and happiness of society under current conditions. This is an essential addition to the even more fundamental services that are explicitly mandated by Law or provided on a commercial basis as part of a clear agreement. As political economists have explained, the means to happiness are greatly enhanced by the intricate system of cooperation that has been gradually established among civilized people. While it is thought that, within such a system, it will generally be best for each person to exchange the services they are willing to give for whatever return they can get through free contracts, there are many significant exceptions to this general principle. The most important of these exceptions involves children. It is vital for humanity that each generation produces a suitable number of children, not too many and not too few; and because they can’t be left to fend for themselves, they need to be adequately nourished and protected during infancy. Additionally, they should be carefully taught good habits—intellectual, moral, and physical. It is widely believed that the best, or even the only known, way to achieve these goals to even a reasonable extent is through the current family structure, which is based on a combination of legal and moral rules. Law sets a minimum standard of mutual services and outlines appropriate behavior for different family members, requiring parents to have a lifelong commitment and complete loyalty to one another and the obligation to provide their children with the necessities of life until a certain age. In return, the law gives parents control over their children during the same time period and sometimes requires children to support their parents when they are old and in need. Therefore, Morality, by promoting a more complete harmony of interests and a greater exchange of kindness, merely fills in the outlines set by Law. However, we found, while trying to clarify the various domestic duties acknowledged by Common Sense, that there often seemed to be a significant ambiguous area where there was no general agreement, which, in fact, becomes a field for ongoing disputes. But now we need to note that it is exactly this ambiguity that most clearly reveals the underlying Utilitarianism of common moral views: because when the question arises about the specific mutual duties (e.g. ) of husbands and wives or parents and children, each party usually backs up their perspective with predictions about the impact on human happiness that would arise from the general adoption of any suggested rule; this seems to be the benchmark to which the issue is, by mutual agreement, referred.
Similarly the claim to services that arises out of special need (which natural sympathy moves us to recognise) may obviously be rested on an utilitarian basis: indeed the proper fulfilment of this duty seems so important to the well-being of society, that it has in modern civilised communities generally been brought to some extent within the sphere of Governmental action. We noticed that the main utilitarian reason why it is not right for every rich man to distribute his superfluous wealth among the poor, is that the happiness of all is on the whole most promoted by maintaining in adults generally (except married women), the expectation that each will be thrown on his own resources for the supply of his own wants. But if I am made aware that, owing to a sudden calamity that could not have been foreseen, another’s resources are manifestly inadequate to protect him from pain or serious discomfort, the case is altered; my theoretical obligation to consider his happiness as much as my own becomes at once practical; and I am bound to make as much effort to relieve him as will not entail a greater loss of happiness to myself or others. If, however, the calamity is one which might have been foreseen and averted by proper care, my duty becomes more doubtful: for then by relieving him I seem to be in danger of encouraging improvidence in others. In such a case a Utilitarian has to weigh this indirect evil against the direct good of removing pain and distress: and it is now more and more generally recognised that the question of providing for the destitute has to be treated as a utilitarian problem of which these are the elements,—whether we are considering the minimum that should be secured to them by law, or the proper supplementary action of private charity.
Similarly, the obligation to provide help that comes from a special need (which natural sympathy encourages us to acknowledge) can clearly be supported by a utilitarian perspective. In fact, fulfilling this duty is so crucial to society's well-being that in modern civilized communities, it has generally been incorporated into government action to some extent. We noted that the primary utilitarian reason why it’s not appropriate for every wealthy person to distribute their excess wealth among the poor is that, on the whole, everyone’s happiness is best promoted by maintaining the expectation that adults (except married women) will rely on their own resources to meet their needs. However, if I become aware that someone’s resources are clearly insufficient to protect them from pain or serious discomfort due to an unforeseen calamity, the situation changes; my theoretical obligation to consider their happiness just as much as my own turns into a practical one, and I am obligated to make as much effort as possible to help them without causing myself or others a greater loss of happiness. On the other hand, if the calamity is one that could have been anticipated and prevented with proper care, my duty becomes less clear: in that case, by helping them, I might inadvertently encourage irresponsibility in others. In such situations, a utilitarian must weigh this indirect harm against the direct benefit of alleviating pain and distress. It is increasingly recognized that addressing the needs of the destitute should be approached as a utilitarian issue, encompassing factors such as the minimum support that should be provided by law or the appropriate additional actions taken by private charity.
Poverty, however, is not the only case in which it is conducive to the general happiness that one man should render unbought services to another. In any condition or calling a[437] man may find himself unable to ward off some evil, or to realise some legitimate or worthy end, without assistance of such kind as he cannot purchase on the ordinary commercial terms;—assistance which, on the one hand, will have no bad effect on the receiver, from the exceptional nature of the emergency, while at the same time it may not be burdensome to the giver. Here, again, some jurists have thought that where the service to be rendered is great, and the burden of rendering it very slight, it might properly be made matter of legal obligation: so that (e.g.) if I could save a man from drowning by merely holding out a hand, I should be legally punishable if I omitted the act. But, however this may be, the moral rule condemning the refusal of aid in such emergencies is obviously conducive to the general happiness.
Poverty, however, isn't the only situation where it promotes overall happiness for one person to provide free help to another. In any situation or job a person might find themselves in, they might be unable to prevent some harm or achieve a legitimate or worthy goal without assistance that they can't buy under normal commercial terms—help that won't negatively impact the receiver due to the unusual nature of the emergency, while also not being a burden to the giver. Again, some legal scholars believe that when the service to be provided is significant, and the effort required to provide it is minimal, it could be made a legal obligation: for example, if I could save someone from drowning just by extending my hand, I could be legally punished for failing to act. Regardless of this, the moral principle that discourages refusing aid in emergencies clearly contributes to general happiness.
Further, besides these—so to say—accidentally unbought services, there are some for which there is normally no market-price; such as counsel and assistance in the intimate perplexities of life, which one is only willing to receive from genuine friends. It much promotes the general happiness that such services should be generally rendered. On this ground, as well as through the emotional pleasures which directly spring from it, we perceive Friendship to be an important means to the Utilitarian end. At the same time we feel that the charm of Friendship is lost if the flow of emotion is not spontaneous and unforced. The combination of these two views seems to be exactly represented by the sympathy that is not quite admiration with which Common Sense regards all close and strong affections; and the regret that is not quite disapproval with which it contemplates their decay.
Additionally, apart from these—let's call them—accidentally unpurchased services, there are some that typically have no market price; like advice and support in the personal struggles of life, which we usually only want from true friends. It greatly enhances overall happiness that such services should be offered freely. For this reason, along with the emotional joy that comes directly from it, we see Friendship as a key way to achieve Utilitarian goals. At the same time, we sense that the magic of Friendship disappears if the emotional exchange isn’t genuine and effortless. This blend of views is perfectly captured by the mixed feelings of Common Sense, which sees all close and intense relationships with a mix of sympathy and a touch of admiration, as well as the slight regret—yet not quite disapproval—that it feels when observing their decline.
In all cases where it is conducive to the general happiness that unbought services should be rendered, Gratitude (if we mean by this a settled disposition to repay the benefit in whatever way one can on a fitting opportunity) is enjoined by Utilitarianism no less than by Common Sense; for experience would lead us to expect that no kind of onerous services will be adequately rendered unless there is a general disposition to requite them. In fact we may say that a general understanding that all services which it is expedient that A should render to B will be in some way repaid by B, is a natural supplement of the more definite contracts by which the main part of the great social[438] interchange of services is arranged. Indeed the one kind of requital merges in the other, and no sharp line can be drawn between the two: we cannot always say distinctly whether the requital of a benefit is a pure act of gratitude or the fulfilment of a tacit understanding.[331] There is, however, a certain difficulty in this view of gratitude as analogous to the fulfilment of a bargain. For it may be said that of the services peculiar to friendship disinterestedness is an indispensable characteristic; and that in all cases benefits conferred without expectation of reward have a peculiar excellence, and are indeed peculiarly adapted to arouse gratitude; but if they are conferred in expectation of such gratitude, they lose this excellence; and yet, again, it would be very difficult to treat as a friend one from whom gratitude was not expected. This seems, at first sight, an inextricable entanglement: but here, as in other cases, an apparent ethical contradiction is found to reduce itself to a psychological complexity. For most of our actions are done from several different motives, either coexisting or succeeding one another in rapid alternation: thus a man may have a perfectly disinterested desire to benefit another, and one which might possibly prevail over all conflicting motives if all hope of requital were cut off, and yet it may be well that this generous impulse should be sustained by a vague trust that requital will not be withheld. And in fact the apparent puzzle really affords another illustration of the latent Utilitarianism of Common Sense. For, on the one hand, Utilitarianism prescribes that we should render services whenever it is conducive to the general happiness to do so, which may often be the case without taking into account the gain to oneself which would result from their requital: and on the other hand, since we may infer from the actual selfishness of average men that such services would not be adequately rendered without expectation of requital, it is also conducive to the general happiness that men should recognise a moral obligation to repay them.
In cases where it's beneficial for overall happiness to provide services without payment, gratitude (meaning a consistent desire to repay the favor in any appropriate way when the chance arises) is encouraged by Utilitarianism just as much as by Common Sense. Experience suggests that no significant services will be properly given unless there's a general willingness to return the favor. We can say that a common understanding that all services A provides to B will somehow be repaid by B naturally complements the more specific agreements that make up the bulk of our social exchange of services. In fact, these two forms of reciprocity blend into one another, making it hard to draw a clear line between them: we can't always clearly determine if repaying a favor is a pure act of gratitude or part of an unspoken agreement. However, there is a challenge in viewing gratitude as similar to fulfilling a contract. It can be argued that genuine selflessness is an essential aspect of services unique to friendship; benefits offered without expecting anything in return have a special value and are particularly effective at inspiring gratitude. Yet, if those benefits are offered with the expectation of gratitude, they lose that special quality; still, it would be quite difficult to consider someone a friend if we didn't expect them to feel grateful. At first glance, this seems like a complicated mess, but, as in other situations, an apparent ethical contradiction can often be traced back to complex psychological factors. Many of our actions are driven by various motives, either existing together or shifting quickly: a person might have a completely selfless wish to help another, which might override any conflicting desires if there were no hope of being repaid, yet it may be beneficial for this noble impulse to be supported by a vague expectation that repayment will not be denied. In reality, this apparent puzzle illustrates the underlying Utilitarian nature of Common Sense. On one hand, Utilitarianism suggests we should provide services whenever it promotes overall happiness, often without considering the personal benefit of being repaid. On the other hand, given the inherent selfishness of the average person, it seems unlikely these services would be adequately offered without an expectation of repayment, so it's also in the interest of overall happiness for people to recognize a moral duty to return favors.
We have discussed only the most conspicuous of the duties of affection: but it is probably obvious that similar reasonings would apply in the case of the others.
We have talked about only the most obvious duties of love: but it's likely clear that similar reasoning would apply to the others.
In all such cases there are three distinct lines of argument which tend to show that the commonly received view of special claims and duties arising out of special relations, though prima facie opposed to the impartial universality of the Utilitarian principle, is really maintained by a well-considered application of that principle. First, morality is here in a manner protecting the normal channels and courses of natural benevolent affections; and the development of such affections is of the highest importance to human happiness, both as a direct source of pleasure, and as an indispensable preparation for a more enlarged “altruism.” And again, the mere fact that such affections are normal, causes an expectation of the services that are their natural expression; and the disappointment of such expectations is inevitably painful. While finally, apart from these considerations, we can show in each case strong utilitarian reasons why, generally speaking, services should be rendered to the persons commonly recognised as having such claims rather than to others.
In all these situations, there are three clear lines of reasoning that suggest the widely accepted view of special claims and responsibilities arising from special relationships, although it seems to contradict the impartial universality of the Utilitarian principle, is actually supported by a thoughtful application of that principle. First, morality is protecting the normal pathways and expressions of natural compassionate feelings; nurturing these feelings is crucial for human happiness, both as a direct source of joy and as a vital preparation for a broader sense of “altruism.” Additionally, the fact that these feelings are normal creates an expectation for the actions that naturally express them, and failing to meet these expectations is inevitably painful. Finally, aside from these points, we can provide strong utilitarian reasons in each case why, as a general rule, services should be offered to those commonly seen as having such claims rather than to others.
We have to observe, in conclusion, that the difficulties which we found in the way of determining by the Intuitional method the limits and the relative importance of these duties are reduced in the Utilitarian system, to difficulties of hedonistic comparison.[332] For each of the preceding arguments has shown us different kinds of pleasures gained and pains averted by the fulfilment of the claims in question. There are, first, those which the service claimed would directly promote or avert: secondly, there is the pain and secondary harm of disappointed expectation, if the service be not rendered: thirdly, we have to reckon the various pleasures connected with the exercise of natural benevolent affections, especially when reciprocated, including the indirect effects on the agent’s character of maintaining such affections. All these different pleasures and pains combine differently, and with almost infinite variation as circumstances vary, into utilitarian reasons for each of the claims in question; none of these reasons being absolute and conclusive, but each having its own weight, while liable to be outweighed by others.
In conclusion, we need to recognize that the challenges we faced in determining the limits and relative importance of these duties using the Intuitional method come down, in the Utilitarian system, to challenges of comparing pleasure and pain.[332] Each of the arguments we just discussed has highlighted different types of pleasures gained and pains avoided through fulfilling these claims. First, we have those that the service itself directly promotes or prevents; second, there’s the pain and secondary harm caused by disappointed expectations if the service isn’t provided; and third, we need to consider the various pleasures tied to expressing natural kindness, especially when it’s mutual, including the indirect effects on the person’s character from maintaining such kindness. All these different pleasures and pains come together in various ways, with nearly limitless variation based on the circumstances, creating utilitarian justifications for each of the claims in question; none of these justifications being absolute or definitive, but each carrying its own significance, while also being subject to being outweighed by others.
§ 4. I pass to consider another group of duties, often[440] contrasted with those of Benevolence, under the comprehensive notion of Justice.
§ 4. I will now look at another group of duties, often[440] contrasted with those of Benevolence, within the broader idea of Justice.
“That Justice is useful to society,” says Hume, “it would be a superfluous undertaking to prove”: what he endeavours to show at some length is “that public utility is the sole origin of Justice”: and the same question of origin has occupied the chief attention of J. S. Mill.[333] Here, however, we are not so much concerned with the growth of the sentiment of Justice from experiences of utility, as with the Utilitarian basis of the mature notion; while at the same time if the analysis previously given be correct, the Justice that is commonly demanded and inculcated is something more complex than these writers have recognised. What Hume (e.g.) means by Justice is rather what I should call Order, understood in its widest sense: the observance of the actual system of rules, whether strictly legal or customary, which bind together the different members of any society into an organic whole, checking malevolent or otherwise injurious impulses, distributing the different objects of men’s clashing desires, and exacting such positive services, customary or contractual, as are commonly recognised as matters of debt. And though there have rarely been wanting plausible empirical arguments for the revolutionary paradox quoted by Plato, that “laws are imposed in the interest of rulers,” it remains true that the general conduciveness to social happiness of the habit of Order or Law-observance, is, as Hume says, too obvious to need proof; indeed it is of such paramount importance to a community, that even where particular laws are clearly injurious it is usually expedient to observe them, apart from any penalty which their breach might entail on the individual. We saw, however, that Common Sense sometimes bids us refuse obedience to bad laws, because “we ought to obey God rather than men” (though there seems to be no clear intuition as to the kind or degree of badness that justifies resistance); and further allows us, in special emergencies, to violate rules generally good, for “necessity has no law,” and “salus populi suprema lex.”
“Justice benefits society,” says Hume, “so proving it would be unnecessary.” What he tries to explain at length is “that public utility is the sole origin of Justice”: and the same issue of origin has captured the primary attention of J. S. Mill.[333] Here, however, we are less focused on how the feeling of Justice develops from experiences of utility, and more on the Utilitarian foundation of the mature concept; while also noting that if the earlier analysis is correct, the Justice that is commonly requested and taught is more complex than these writers have acknowledged. What Hume (e.g.) means by Justice is more aligned with what I would call Order, understood in its broadest sense: the adherence to the actual system of rules, whether strictly legal or customary, that holds together the different members of any society into a cohesive whole, curbing harmful or otherwise damaging impulses, distributing the various objects of people’s conflicting desires, and requiring such positive services, whether customary or contractual, that are generally recognized as debts. And even though there have often been convincing empirical arguments for the revolutionary paradox quoted by Plato, that “laws are established in the interest of rulers,” it remains true that the overall benefit to social happiness from the habit of Order or Law-observance is, as Hume puts it, too evident to need proof; indeed, it is so crucial to a community that even when specific laws are clearly harmful, it is usually wise to follow them, regardless of any penalties that might result from breaking them. We noted, however, that Common Sense sometimes tells us to disobey bad laws, because “we ought to obey God rather than men” (though there seems to be no clear understanding of the type or severity of badness that justifies resistance); and it also allows us, in special circumstances, to break generally good rules, for “necessity has no law,” and “the welfare of the people is the highest law.”
These and similar common opinions seem at least to suggest that the limits of the duty of Law-observance are to be determined by utilitarian considerations. While, again, the[441] Utilitarian view gets rid of the difficulties in which the attempt to define intuitively the truly legitimate source of legislative authority involved us;[334] at the same time that it justifies to some extent each of the different views current as to the intrinsic legitimacy of governments. For, on the one hand, it finds the moral basis of any established political order primarily in its effects rather than its causes; so that, generally speaking, obedience will seem due to any de facto government that is not governing very badly. On the other hand, in so far as laws originating in a particular way are likely to be (1) better, or (2) more readily observed, it is a Utilitarian duty to aim at introducing this mode of origination: and thus in a certain stage of social development it may be right that (e.g.) a ‘representative system’ should be popularly demanded, or possibly (in extreme cases) even introduced by force: while, again, there is expediency in maintaining an ancient mode of legislation, because men readily obey such: and loyalty to a dispossessed government may be on the whole expedient, even at the cost of some temporary suffering and disorder, in order that ambitious men may not find usurpation too easy. Here, as elsewhere, Utilitarianism at once supports the different reasons commonly put forward as absolute, and also brings them theoretically to a common measure, so that in any particular case we have a principle of decision between conflicting political arguments.
These and similar common opinions suggest that the limits of the duty to follow the law are determined by practical considerations. The Utilitarian perspective helps avoid the challenges we face when trying to intuitively define the true, legitimate source of legislative authority; at the same time, it somewhat justifies each of the different perspectives on the intrinsic legitimacy of governments. On one hand, it finds the moral basis of any established political order mainly in its outcomes rather than its origins, so generally speaking, obedience seems warranted to any de facto government that is not governing too poorly. On the other hand, since laws that originate in a particular way are likely to be (1) better or (2) more readily obeyed, it becomes a Utilitarian duty to work towards introducing this mode of origin. Thus, at a certain stage of social development, it may be appropriate for a ‘representative system’ to be demanded by the public or, in extreme cases, even introduced by force. Additionally, there is a practical reason to maintain an ancient way of legislating because people are more likely to comply with it; and loyalty to a deposed government may overall be practical, even at the expense of some temporary hardship and disorder, to prevent ambitious individuals from easily taking control. Here, as elsewhere, Utilitarianism simultaneously supports the various reasons commonly presented as absolute and also brings them theoretically to a common standard, providing a principle for making decisions between conflicting political arguments.
As was before said, this Law-observance, in so far at least as it affects the interests of other individuals, is what we frequently mean by Justice. It seems, however,[335] that the notion of Justice, exhaustively analysed, includes several distinct elements combined in a somewhat complex manner: we have to inquire, therefore, what latent utilities are represented by each of these elements.
As mentioned earlier, this adherence to the law, particularly when it impacts the interests of others, is often what we refer to as Justice. However, it appears that the concept of Justice, when thoroughly analyzed, comprises several different elements interconnected in a rather complex way. We need to explore what hidden benefits each of these elements represents.
Now, first, a constant part of the notion, which appears in it even when the Just is not distinguished from the Legal, is impartiality or the negation of arbitrary inequality. This impartiality, as we saw[336] (whether exhibited in the establishment or in the administration of laws), is merely a special application of the wider maxim that it cannot be right to[442] treat two persons differently if their cases are similar in all material circumstances. And Utilitarianism, as we saw, admits this maxim no less than other systems of Ethics. At the same time, this negative criterion is clearly inadequate for the complete determination of what is just in laws, or in conduct generally; when we have admitted this, it still remains to ask, “What are the inequalities in laws, and in the distribution of pleasures and pains outside the sphere of law, which are not arbitrary and unreasonable? and to what general principles can they be reduced?”
Now, first, a key aspect of the idea, which is present even when the Just isn't distinguished from the Legal, is impartiality or the rejection of arbitrary inequality. This impartiality, as we saw[336] (whether shown in the creation or in the enforcement of laws), is just a specific application of the broader principle that it cannot be right to[442] treat two people differently if their situations are similar in all important ways. And Utilitarianism, as we saw, accepts this principle just like other ethical systems do. At the same time, this negative standard is clearly not enough for fully determining what is just in laws or in behavior in general; having acknowledged this, we still need to ask, “What are the inequalities in laws, and in the distribution of pleasures and pains outside the realm of law, that are not arbitrary and unreasonable? And to what general principles can they be linked?”
Here in the first place we may explain, on utilitarian principles, why apparently arbitrary inequality in a certain part of the conduct of individuals[337] is not regarded as injustice or even—in some cases—as in any way censurable. For freedom of action is an important source of happiness to the agents, and a socially useful stimulus to their energies: hence it is obviously expedient that a man’s free choice in the distribution of wealth or kind services should not be restrained by the fear of legal penalties, or even of social disapprobation, beyond what the interests of others clearly require; and therefore, when distinctly recognised claims are satisfied, it is pro tanto expedient that the mere preferences of an individual should be treated by others as legitimate grounds for inequality in the distribution of his property or services. Nay, as we have before seen, it is within certain limits expedient that each individual should practically regard his own unreasoned impulses as reasonable grounds of action: as in the rendering of services prompted by such affections as are normally and properly spontaneous and unforced.
Here we can explain, based on utilitarian principles, why some seeming arbitrary inequalities in how individuals behave[337] aren't seen as injustice or even—sometimes—as something to criticize. Freedom of action is a key source of happiness for individuals and a useful motivator for their energy. Therefore, it's clear that a person's free choice in how they distribute wealth or provide services shouldn't be limited by the fear of legal penalties or even social disapproval, beyond what the interests of others obviously require. So, when distinct claims are acknowledged, it's pro tanto reasonable for others to consider an individual's preferences as valid reasons for inequality in how they distribute their property or services. Moreover, as we've seen before, within certain limits, it’s beneficial for each person to view their own unreasoned impulses as reasonable justifications for action, like performing services driven by feelings that are typically and appropriately spontaneous and unforced.
Passing to consider the general principles upon which ‘just claims’ as commonly recognised appear to be based, we notice that the grounds of a number of such claims may be brought under the general head of ‘normal expectations’; but that the stringency of such obligations varies much in degree, according as the expectations are based upon definite engagements, or on some vague mutual understanding, or are merely such as an average man would form from past experience of the conduct of other men. In these latter cases Common Sense appeared to be somewhat perplexed as to the validity of the claims. But for the Utilitarian the difficulty has ceased to exist. He will[443] hold any disappointment of expectations to be pro tanto an evil, but a greater evil in proportion to the previous security of the expectant individual, from the greater shock thus given to his reliance on the conduct of his fellow-men generally: and many times greater in proportion as the expectation is generally recognised as normal and reasonable, as in this case the shock extends to all who are in any way cognisant of his disappointment. The importance to mankind of being able to rely on each other’s actions is so great, that in ordinary cases of absolutely definite engagements there is scarcely any advantage that can counterbalance the harm done by violating them. Still, we found[338] that several exceptions and qualifications to the rule of Good Faith were more or less distinctly recognised by Common Sense: and most of these have a utilitarian basis, which it does not need much penetration to discern. To begin, we may notice that the superficial view of the obligation of a promise which makes it depend on the assertion of the promiser, and not, as Utilitarians hold, on the expectations produced in the promisee, cannot fairly be attributed to Common Sense: which certainly condemns a breach of promise much more strongly when others have acted in reliance on it, than when its observance did not directly concern others, so that its breach involves for them only the indirect evil of a bad precedent,—as when a man breaks a pledge of total abstinence. We see, again, how the utilitarian reasons for keeping a promise are diminished by a material change of circumstances,[339] for in that case the expectations disappointed by breaking it are at least not those which the promise originally created. It is obvious, too, that it is a disadvantage to the community that men should be able to rely on the performance of promises procured by fraud or unlawful force, so far as encouragement is thereby given to the use of fraud or force for this end.[340] We saw, again,[341] that when the performance would be injurious to the promisee, Common Sense is disposed to admit that its obligation is superseded; and is at least doubtful whether the promise[444] should be kept, even when it is only the promiser who would be injured, if the harm be extreme;—both which qualifications are in harmony with Utilitarianism. And similarly for the other qualifications and exceptions: they all turn out to be as clearly utilitarian, as the general utility of keeping one’s word is plain and manifest.
When we look at the general principles behind what constitutes ‘just claims’ as commonly recognized, we can see that many of these claims fall under the idea of ‘normal expectations’. However, the strictness of these obligations varies significantly depending on whether the expectations come from definite commitments, vague mutual understandings, or what an average person would assume based on past experiences with others. In the latter cases, Common Sense seems a bit confused about the validity of these claims. But for the Utilitarian, this confusion is resolved. They consider any disappointment of expectations to be, at least partially, an evil, but this evil increases with the previous certainty of the person anticipating a certain outcome, since a greater shock affects their trust in the behavior of others. The disappointment is even more significant when the expectation is widely accepted as normal and reasonable, as this disappointment resonates with everyone aware of it. The ability to rely on one another is so essential that in regular cases of absolute commitments, there is hardly any advantage that can outweigh the damage caused by breaking them. Still, we found that several exceptions and qualifications to the principle of Good Faith are somewhat recognized by Common Sense; most of these have a utilitarian root that is easy to see. For starters, the surface-level view that sees the obligation of a promise depending on the promiser's claim, rather than on the expectations raised in the promisee, cannot be justly attributed to Common Sense. It clearly condemns breaking a promise much more strongly when others have acted based on it, than when keeping the promise doesn't directly affect others, where breaking it only leads to the indirect negative consequence of setting a bad example, like when someone breaks a vow of total abstinence. We also observe that the utilitarian reasons for keeping a promise lessen significantly with substantial changes in circumstances, since in that case, the expectations that get disappointed by breaking the promise aren't those originally created by it. It's clear, too, that it harms the community when people can rely on promises made under fraud or coercion, as this encourages the use of such tactics for that purpose. Moreover, we found that when fulfilling a promise would harm the promisee, Common Sense tends to suggest that the obligation can be dismissed; and it also raises doubt about whether the promise should be kept, even if only the promiser would suffer, if the harm is severe—both of which considerations align with Utilitarian views. The same goes for the other qualifications and exceptions: they all clearly align with utilitarian principles, just as the general benefit of keeping one’s word is obvious.
But further, the expediency of satisfying normal expectations, even when they are not based upon a definite contract, is undeniable; it will clearly conduce to the tranquillity of social existence, and to the settled and well-adjusted activity on which social happiness greatly depends, that such expectations should be as little as possible baulked. And here Utilitarianism relieves us of the difficulties which beset the common view of just conduct as something absolutely precise and definite. For in this vaguer region we cannot draw a sharp line between valid and invalid claims; ‘injustice’ shades gradually off into mere ‘hardship.’ Hence the Utilitarian view that the disappointment of natural expectations is an evil, but an evil which must sometimes be incurred for the sake of a greater good, is that to which Common Sense is practically forced, though it is difficult to reconcile it with the theoretical absoluteness of Justice in the Intuitional view of Morality.
But furthermore, it’s clear that meeting normal expectations, even when they aren’t based on a specific contract, is important; it helps maintain social peace and supports the stable and well-adjusted activities that contribute to social happiness. We should aim to meet those expectations as much as possible. Here, Utilitarianism helps us navigate the challenges that come with viewing just conduct as something completely precise and defined. In this more ambiguous area, we can’t easily distinguish between valid and invalid claims; ‘injustice’ slowly transitions into just ‘hardship.’ Therefore, the Utilitarian perspective that disappointing natural expectations is bad, but sometimes necessary for a greater good, is the approach that Common Sense tends to favor, even though it’s hard to align with the strict concept of Justice in the Intuitional view of Morality.
The gain of recognising the relativity of this obligation will be still more felt, when we consider what I distinguished as Ideal Justice, and examine the general conceptions of this which we find expressed or latent in current criticisms of the existing order of Society.
The benefit of realizing the relativity of this obligation will be even more apparent when we look at what I referred to as Ideal Justice, and explore the general ideas of this that we see expressed or hidden in today's critiques of the current state of society.
We have seen that there are two competing views of an ideally just social order—or perhaps we may say two extreme types between which the looser notions of ordinary men seem to fluctuate—which I called respectively Individualistic and Socialistic. According to the former view an ideal system of Law ought to aim at Freedom, or perfect mutual non-interference of all the members of the community, as an absolute end. Now the general utilitarian reasons for leaving each rational adult free to seek happiness in his own way are obvious and striking: for, generally speaking, each is best qualified to provide for his own interests, since even when he does not know best what they are and how to attain them, he is at any rate most keenly concerned for them: and again, the[445] consciousness of freedom and concomitant responsibility increases the average effective activity of men: and besides, the discomfort of constraint is directly an evil and pro tanto to be avoided. Still, we saw[342] that the attempt to construct a consistent code of laws, taking Maximum Freedom (instead of Happiness) as an absolute end, must lead to startling paradoxes and insoluble puzzles: and in fact the practical interpretation of the notion ‘Freedom,’ and the limits within which its realisation has been actually sought, have always—even in the freest societies—been more or less consciously determined by considerations of expediency. So that we may fairly say that in so far as Common Sense has adopted the Individualistic ideal in politics, it has always been as subordinate to and limited by the Utilitarian first principle.[343]
We’ve observed that there are two competing perspectives on an ideally just social order—or we might say two extremes between which the general ideas of everyday people seem to shift—which I referred to as Individualistic and Socialistic. According to the first view, an ideal legal system should focus on Freedom, or perfect non-interference among all community members, as the ultimate goal. The general utilitarian reasons for allowing each rational adult to pursue happiness in their own way are clear and compelling: generally speaking, each person is best equipped to look after their own interests, since even if they don’t fully understand what those interests are or how to achieve them, they are still the most invested in them. Moreover, the awareness of freedom and the accompanying responsibility boost people's average effectiveness, and the discomfort of being constrained is a direct harm and one to be avoided. However, we also saw that the effort to create a consistent legal code that prioritizes Maximum Freedom (rather than Happiness) as the absolute goal can lead to surprising contradictions and unsolvable dilemmas: in fact, the practical interpretation of what 'Freedom' means and the boundaries within which it has been pursued have always— even in the most free societies—been more or less consciously influenced by considerations of practicality. Thus, we can reasonably say that to the extent that Common Sense has embraced the Individualistic ideal in politics, it has always been subordinate to and limited by the Utilitarian principle.
It seems, however, that what we commonly demand or long for, under the name of Ideal Justice, is not so much the realisation of Freedom, as the distribution of good and evil according to Desert: indeed it is as a means to this latter end that Freedom is often advocated; for it is said that if we protect men completely from mutual interference, each will reap the good and bad consequences of his own conduct, and so be happy or unhappy in proportion to his deserts. In particular, it has been widely held that if a free exchange of wealth and services is allowed, each individual will obtain from society, in money or other advantages, what his services are really worth. We saw, however, that the price which an individual obtains under a system of perfect free trade, for wealth or services exchanged by him, may for several reasons be not proportioned to the social utility of what he exchanges: and reflective Common Sense seems to admit this disproportion as to some extent legitimate, under the influence of utilitarian considerations correcting the unreflective utterances of moral sentiments.
It seems, however, that what we usually seek or desire, under the label of Ideal Justice, is less about achieving Freedom and more about distributing good and evil based on what people deserve. In fact, Freedom is often promoted as a way to achieve this goal; it's said that if we fully protect individuals from interfering with one another, everyone will experience the positive and negative results of their actions and thus be happy or unhappy according to what they deserve. In particular, there’s a common belief that if wealth and services can be freely exchanged, each person will receive from society, in money or other benefits, what their contributions are truly worth. However, we observed that the price someone gets in a completely free market for the goods or services they provide may not align with the social value of what they’re exchanging for various reasons. Reflective common sense seems to recognize this imbalance as somewhat legitimate, taking into account utilitarian perspectives that balance out the unthinking expressions of moral feelings.
To take a particular case: if a moral man were asked how far it is right to take advantage in bargaining of another’s ignorance, probably his first impulse would be to condemn such a procedure altogether. But reflection, I think, would show[446] him that such a censure would be too sweeping: that it would be contrary to Common Sense to “blame A for having, in negotiating with a stranger B, taken advantage of B’s ignorance of facts known to himself, provided that A’s superior knowledge had been obtained by a legitimate use of diligence and foresight, which B might have used with equal success.... What prevents us from censuring in this and similar cases is, I conceive, a more or less conscious apprehension of the indefinite loss to the wealth of the community that is likely to result from any effective social restrictions on the free pursuit and exercise” of economic knowledge. And for somewhat similar reasons of general expediency, if the question be raised whether it is fair for a class of persons to gain by the unfavourable economic situation of any class with which they deal, Common Sense at least hesitates to censure such gains—at any rate when such unfavourable situation is due “to the gradual action of general causes, for the existence of which the persons who gain are not specially responsible.”[344]
To take a specific example: if a moral person were asked how far it’s okay to take advantage of another’s ignorance in bargaining, their first reaction might be to completely condemn such behavior. However, I think that on reflection, they would realize that such a broad condemnation would be too extreme. It wouldn’t make sense to blame A for negotiating with a stranger B and taking advantage of B’s lack of knowledge about facts that A knows, as long as A obtained that knowledge through legitimate diligence and foresight that B could have similarly pursued with success. What holds us back from criticizing this and similar situations is, I believe, a conscious or unconscious understanding of the potential loss to the community’s wealth that could arise from imposing any effective social restrictions on the free pursuit and use of economic knowledge. For similar reasons of overall practicality, if we consider whether it’s fair for a certain group to benefit from the unfavorable economic conditions faced by another group they interact with, Common Sense might at least pause before condemning those gains—especially when those unfavorable conditions are due to broader factors that those benefiting are not specifically responsible for.
The general principle of ‘requiting good desert,’ so far as Common Sense really accepts it as practically applicable to the relations of men in society, is broadly in harmony with Utilitarianism; since we obviously encourage the production of general happiness by rewarding men for felicific conduct; only the Utilitarian scale of rewards will not be determined entirely by the magnitude of the services performed, but partly also by the difficulty of inducing men to perform them. But this latter element seems to be always taken into account (though perhaps unconsciously) by Common Sense: for, as we have been led to notice,[345] we do not commonly recognise merit in right actions, if they are such as men are naturally inclined to perform rather too much than too little. Again, in cases where the Intuitional principle that ill-desert lies in wrong intention conflicts with the Utilitarian view of punishment as purely preventive, we find that in the actual administration of criminal justice, Common Sense is forced, however reluctantly, into practical agreement with Utilitarianism. Thus after a civil war it demands the execution of the most purely[447] patriotic rebels; and after a railway accident it clamours for the severe punishment of unintentional neglects, which, except for their consequences, would have been regarded as very venial.
The general idea of "rewarding good behavior," as long as Common Sense sees it as actually relevant to how people relate in society, aligns well with Utilitarianism; we clearly promote overall happiness by rewarding people for positive actions. However, Utilitarian rewards won’t just be based on how big the services are but also on how hard it is to get people to do them. Still, Common Sense seems to consider this second factor (even if it’s not always aware of it): we usually don't recognize merit in right actions if those actions are things that people are naturally inclined to do too much rather than too little. Additionally, when the Intuitional idea that bad intentions are what make an action wrong clashes with the Utilitarian perspective of punishment being purely preventive, we see that in practice, Common Sense is reluctantly drawn to align with Utilitarianism. For example, after a civil war, it demands the execution of even the most devoted rebels; and after a train accident, it calls for harsh punishment for unintentional mistakes that, except for the outcomes, would normally be seen as minor offenses.
If, however, in any distribution of pleasures and privileges, or of pains and burdens, considerations of desert do not properly come in (i.e. if the good or evil to be distributed have no relation to any conduct on the part of the persons who are to receive either)—or if it is practically impossible to take such considerations into account—then Common Sense seems to fall back on simple equality as the principle of just apportionment.[346] And we have seen that the Utilitarian, in the case supposed, will reasonably accept Equality as the only mode of distribution that is not arbitrary; and it may be observed that this mode of apportioning the means of happiness is likely to produce more happiness on the whole, not only because men have a disinterested aversion to unreason, but still more because they have an aversion to any kind of inferiority to others (which is much intensified when the inferiority seems unreasonable). This latter feeling is so strong that it often prevails in spite of obvious claims of desert; and it may even be sometimes expedient that it should so prevail.
If, however, in any distribution of pleasures and privileges, or of pains and burdens, considerations of merit do not properly apply (i.e. if the good or bad things to be distributed have no connection to the behavior of the people receiving them)—or if it is practically impossible to consider such factors—then Common Sense seems to revert to simple equality as the principle for fair allocation. And we have seen that the Utilitarian, in this situation, will reasonably accept Equality as the only method of distribution that isn’t arbitrary; and it’s worth noting that this way of distributing happiness is likely to produce more overall happiness, not just because people generally dislike unfairness, but even more so because they hate feeling inferior to others (which is much more intense when that inferiority seems unreasonable). This feeling of inferiority is so strong that it often prevails despite clear claims of merit; and it may sometimes even be beneficial for it to prevail.
For, finally, it must be observed that Utilitarianism furnishes us with a common standard to which the different elements included in the notion of Justice may be reduced. Such a standard is imperatively required: as these different elements are continually liable to conflict with each other. The issue, for example, in practical politics between Conservatives and Reformers often represents such a conflict: the question is, whether we ought to do a certain violence to expectations arising naturally out of the existing social order, with the view of bringing about a distribution of the means of happiness more in accordance with ideal justice. Here, if my analysis of the common notion of Justice be sound, the attempt to extract from it a clear decision of such an issue must necessarily fail: as the conflict is, so to say, permanently latent in the very core of Common Sense. But the Utilitarian will[448] merely use this notion of Justice as a guide to different kinds of utilities; and in so far as these are incompatible, he will balance one set of advantages against the other, and decide according to the preponderance.
Finally, it should be noted that Utilitarianism provides us with a common standard to which the various elements of Justice can be simplified. This standard is urgently needed because these elements often conflict with one another. For example, the debate in practical politics between Conservatives and Reformers often reflects such a conflict: the issue is whether we should disrupt the expectations that come naturally from the current social order to create a distribution of happiness that aligns more closely with ideal justice. If my analysis of the common idea of Justice is correct, trying to derive a clear decision from it on this issue will likely fail, as the conflict is inherently present within Common Sense itself. However, the Utilitarian will simply use this idea of Justice as a framework for different types of utilities; and to the extent that these utilities clash, he will weigh one set of benefits against the other and make a decision based on which one outweighs the rest.
§ 5. The duty of Truth-speaking is sometimes taken as a striking instance of a moral rule not resting on a Utilitarian basis. But a careful study of the qualifications with which the common opinion of mankind actually inculcates this duty seems to lead us to an opposite result: for not only is the general utility of truth-speaking so manifest as to need no proof, but wherever this utility seems to be absent, or outweighed by particular bad consequences, we find that Common Sense at least hesitates to enforce the rule. For example, if a man be pursuing criminal ends, it is prima facie injurious to the community that he should be aided in his pursuit by being able to rely on the assertions of others. Here, then, deception is prima facie legitimate as a protection against crime: though when we consider the bad effects on habit, and through example, of even a single act of unveracity, the case is seen to be, on Utilitarian principles, doubtful: and this is just the view of Common Sense. Again, though it is generally a man’s interest to know the truth, there are exceptional cases in which it is injurious to him—as when an invalid hears bad news—and here, too, Common Sense is disposed to suspend the rule. Again, we found it difficult to define exactly wherein Veracity consists; for we may either require truth in the spoken words, or in the inferences which the speaker foresees will be drawn from them, or in both. Perfect Candour, no doubt, would require it in both: but in the various circumstances where this seems inexpedient, we often find Common Sense at least half-willing to dispense with one or other part of the double obligation. Thus we found a respectable school of thinkers maintaining that a religious truth may properly be communicated by means of a historical fiction: and, on the other hand, the unsuitability of perfect frankness to our existing social relations is recognised in the common rules of politeness, which impose on us not unfrequently the necessity of suppressing truths and suggesting falsehoods. I would not say that in any of these cases Common Sense pronounces quite decidedly in favour of unveracity: but then neither is[449] Utilitarianism decided, as the utility of maintaining a general habit of truth-speaking is so great, that it is not easy to prove it to be clearly outweighed by even strong special reasons for violating the rule.
§ 5. The obligation to speak the truth is often seen as a clear example of a moral principle that doesn’t rely on Utilitarian ideas. However, a closer look at how common opinion actually promotes this duty suggests a different conclusion: the overall benefit of truth-telling is so obvious that it doesn’t require proof, but whenever this benefit seems lacking or is overshadowed by specific negative outcomes, we see that Common Sense is hesitant to enforce the rule. For instance, if a person is involved in criminal activity, it is generally harmful to the community if he can trust what others say. In this case, deception is justifiably acceptable as a defense against crime; but upon considering the negative impact on behavior and the influence of a single lie, the situation becomes questionable from a Utilitarian standpoint, and this reflects Common Sense’s perspective. Moreover, while it is usually advantageous for a person to know the truth, there are rare instances where it can be harmful—like when someone who is ill receives bad news—and in these cases, Common Sense tends to relax the rule. Additionally, we struggle to pinpoint exactly what Veracity entails; we could either demand truth in the spoken words or in the implications that the speaker anticipates others will draw from them, or in both. Absolute honesty would, of course, require both, but in various situations where this isn’t practical, we often find Common Sense somewhat willing to excuse one part of this dual responsibility. Thus, we observed a respected group of thinkers arguing that a religious truth can be appropriately conveyed through a historical fiction; conversely, the inappropriateness of complete openness in our current social dynamics is acknowledged in universal etiquette rules, which frequently require us to conceal truths and suggest falsehoods. I wouldn’t say that in any of these instances Common Sense fully endorses dishonesty; however, Utilitarianism also doesn’t reach a clear decision, as the importance of maintaining a general habit of truth-telling is so significant that it’s challenging to prove it is clearly outweighed by strong specific reasons for breaking the rule.
Yet it may be worth while to point out how the different views as to the legitimacy of Malevolent impulses, out of which we found it hard to frame a consistent doctrine for Common Sense, exactly correspond to different forecasts of the consequences of gratifying such impulses. Prima facie, the desire to injure any one in particular is inconsistent with a deliberate purpose of benefiting as much as possible people in general; accordingly, we find that what I may call Superficial Common Sense passes a sweeping condemnation on such desires. But a study of the actual facts of society shows that resentment plays an important part in that repression of injuries which is necessary to social wellbeing; accordingly, the reflective moralist shrinks from excluding it altogether. It is evident, however, that personal ill-will is a very dangerous means to the general happiness: for its direct end is the exact opposite of happiness; and though the realisation of this end may in certain cases be the least of two evils, still the impulse if encouraged is likely to prompt to the infliction of pain beyond the limits of just punishment, and to have an injurious reaction on the character of the angry person. Accordingly, the moralist is disposed to prescribe that indignation be directed always against acts, and not against persons; and if indignation so restricted would be efficient in repressing injuries, this would seem to be the state of mind most conducive to the general happiness. But it is doubtful whether average human nature is capable of maintaining this distinction, and whether, if it could be maintained, the more refined aversion would by itself be sufficiently efficacious: accordingly, Common Sense hesitates to condemn personal ill-will against wrong-doers—even if it includes a desire of malevolent satisfaction.
Yet it might be worthwhile to highlight how the different opinions about the legitimacy of harmful impulses, which make it difficult for us to create a consistent doctrine for Common Sense, align with various predictions about the impact of satisfying such impulses. At first glance, the desire to harm someone specific conflicts with the deliberate intent to benefit people in general. As a result, we see that what I would call Superficial Common Sense condemns such desires outright. However, examining the actual facts of society reveals that resentment plays a key role in the suppression of injuries that is essential for social well-being; thus, the thoughtful moralist hesitates to completely dismiss it. It's clear, though, that personal spite is a risky path to overall happiness because its primary goal is the exact opposite of happiness. While fulfilling this desire might sometimes be the lesser of two evils, indulging the impulse can lead to inflicting pain beyond what is justified in punishment, negatively impacting the character of the angry individual. Therefore, the moralist tends to recommend that outrage be directed toward actions rather than individuals; if such constrained indignation effectively curtails injuries, it seems to foster a mindset that best promotes collective happiness. Still, it's questionable whether typical human nature can consistently keep this distinction, and whether, if it could be maintained, the more refined aversion would be effective enough on its own. As a result, Common Sense is reluctant to condemn personal spite toward wrongdoers, even when it includes a desire for malicious satisfaction.
Finally, it is easy to show that Temperance, Self-control, and what are called the Self-regarding virtues generally, are ‘useful’ to the individual who possesses them: and if it is not quite clear, in the view of Common Sense, to what end that regulation and government of appetites and passions, which moralists have so much inculcated and admired, is to[450] be directed; at least there seems no obstacle in the way of our defining this end as Happiness. And even in the ascetic extreme of Self-control, which has sometimes led to the repudiation of sensual pleasures as radically bad, we may trace an unconscious Utilitarianism. For the ascetic condemnation has always been chiefly directed against those pleasures, in respect of which men are especially liable to commit excesses dangerous to health; and free indulgence in which, even when it keeps clear of injury to health, is thought to interfere with the development of other faculties and susceptibilities which are important sources of happiness.
Finally, it’s easy to see that traits like Temperance, Self-control, and generally what we call the Self-regarding virtues are ‘useful’ for the person who has them. And while it may not be entirely clear, according to Common Sense, what the purpose of managing and controlling our desires and emotions—something moralists often emphasize and admire—should be, we can at least define this purpose as Happiness. Even in the extreme form of Self-control, which sometimes leads to rejecting sensual pleasures as fundamentally bad, we can find an unintentional Utilitarianism. This condemnation by ascetics has always primarily targeted those pleasures that tend to lead people to excesses that are harmful to health. Moreover, indulging freely in these pleasures, even without harming health, is thought to hinder the development of other abilities and sensitivities that are key sources of happiness.
§ 6. An apparent exception to this statement may seem to be constituted in the case of the sexual appetite, by the regulation prescribed under the notion of Purity or Chastity. And there is no doubt that under this head we find condemned, with special vehemence and severity, acts of which the immediate effect is pleasure not obviously outweighed by subsequent pain. But a closer examination of this exception transforms it into an important contribution to the present argument: as it shows a specially complex and delicate correspondence between moral sentiments and social utilities.
§ 6. It might seem that the sexual desire is an exception to this idea due to the rules surrounding Purity or Chastity. There's no denying that we see a strong condemnation of behaviors that result in pleasure with no clear follow-up pain. However, a deeper look at this exception turns it into a significant point for the current discussion: it reveals a particularly intricate and sensitive relationship between moral feelings and social benefits.
In the first place, the peculiar intensity and delicacy of the moral sentiments that govern the relations of the sexes are thoroughly justified by the vast importance to society of the end to which they are obviously a means,—the maintenance, namely, of the permanent unions which are held to be necessary for the proper rearing and training of children. Hence the first and fundamental rule in this department is that which directly secures conjugal fidelity: and the utilitarian grounds for protecting marriage indirectly, by condemning all extra-nuptial intercourse of the sexes, are obvious: for to remove the moral censure that rests on such intercourse would seriously diminish men’s motives for incurring the restraints and burdens which marriage entails; and the youth of both sexes would form habits of feeling and conduct tending to unfit them for marriage; and, if such intercourse were fertile, it would be attended with that imperfect care of the succeeding generation, which it seems the object of permanent unions to prevent; while if it were sterile, the future of the human race would, as far as we can see, be still more profoundly imperilled.
First of all, the unique intensity and sensitivity of the moral sentiments that shape the relationships between the sexes are completely justified by the immense importance of their ultimate purpose: maintaining the lasting partnerships that are deemed necessary for the proper upbringing and education of children. Therefore, the primary and fundamental rule in this area is one that directly ensures marital fidelity. The practical reasons for protecting marriage, by condemning all sexual relations outside of it, are clear: lifting the moral judgment on such relationships would significantly reduce men's incentives to accept the limitations and responsibilities that marriage involves; young people of both genders would develop habits of feeling and behavior that would make them less suitable for marriage; and, if such relationships resulted in children, it would lead to inadequate care of the next generation, which is what permanent unions aim to prevent. If such relationships were childless, the future of humanity would, as far as we can tell, be even more severely threatened.
But, further, it is only on Utilitarian principles that we can account for the anomalous difference which the morality of Common Sense has always made between the two sexes as regards the simple offence of unchastity. For the offence is commonly more deliberate in the man, who has the additional guilt of soliciting and persuading the woman; in the latter, again, it is far more often prompted by some motive that we rank higher than mere lust: so that, according to the ordinary canons of intuitional morality, it ought to be more severely condemned in the man. The actual inversion of this result can only be justified by taking into account the greater interest that society has in maintaining a high standard of female chastity. For the degradation of this standard must strike at the root of family life, by impairing men’s security in the exercise of their parental affections: but there is no corresponding consequence of male unchastity, which may therefore prevail to a considerable extent without imperilling the very existence of the family, though it impairs its wellbeing.
But, furthermore, we can only explain the unusual difference that common sense morality has always made between the two sexes regarding the simple offense of unchastity based on Utilitarian principles. Generally, this offense is more premeditated in men, who bear the extra guilt of seeking and convincing women. On the other hand, women are often motivated by reasons that we consider more significant than mere lust. According to the usual standards of intuitive morality, men should be judged more harshly. The actual reversal of this outcome can only be justified by considering the greater interest society has in upholding a high standard of female chastity. The deterioration of this standard threatens the foundation of family life by undermining men’s confidence in their parental roles. However, there is no similar consequence for male unchastity, which can therefore be more prevalent without jeopardizing the family's very existence, although it does affect its overall wellbeing.
At the same time, the condemnation of unchastity in men by the common moral sense of Christian countries at the present day, is sufficiently clear and explicit: though we recognise the existence of a laxer code—the morality, as it is called, of ‘the world’—which treats it as indifferent, or very venial. But the very difference between the two codes gives a kind of support to the present argument; as it corresponds to easily explained differences of insight into the consequences of maintaining certain moral sanctions. For partly, it is thought by ‘men of the world’ that men cannot practically be restrained from sexual indulgence, at least at the period of life when the passions are strongest: and hence that it is expedient to tolerate such kind and degree of illicit sexual intercourse as is not directly dangerous to the wellbeing of families. Partly, again, it is maintained by some, in bolder antagonism to Common Sense, that the existence of a certain limited amount of such intercourse (with a special class of women, carefully separated, as at present, from the rest of society) is scarcely a real evil, and may even be a positive gain in respect of general happiness; for continence is perhaps somewhat dangerous to health, and in any case involves a loss of pleasure considerable in intensity; while at the same time the maintenance of as numerous a[452] population as is desirable in an old society does not require that more than a certain proportion of the women in each generation should become mothers of families; and if some of the surplus make it their profession to enter into casual and temporary sexual relations with men, there is no necessity that their lives should compare disadvantageously in respect of happiness with those of other women in the less favoured classes of society.
At the same time, the condemnation of unchastity in men by the general moral sense of Christian countries today is quite clear and direct; although we do recognize that there is a more relaxed standard—the so-called morality of ‘the world’—which views it as unimportant or somewhat forgivable. Yet, the difference between these two standards actually supports the current argument, as it aligns with easily explained disparities in understanding the effects of upholding certain moral rules. Partly, ‘men of the world’ believe that men can’t really be restrained from sexual indulgence, at least when their passions are strongest: therefore, it seems sensible to allow a certain level of illicit sexual relations that don't pose a direct threat to family wellbeing. Additionally, some boldly argue against Common Sense that a limited amount of such relations (with a specific group of women, carefully separated from the rest of society, as is the case now) isn’t really a significant issue and might even contribute positively to overall happiness; because being continent could potentially be harmful to health, and in any case, it results in a considerable loss of pleasure. Meanwhile, maintaining a sufficiently large population in an aging society doesn’t necessitate that more than a certain percentage of women in each generation become mothers; and if some of the excess choose to engage in casual and temporary sexual relationships with men, there’s no reason their lives should be less happy compared to those of women in less privileged social classes.
This view has perhaps a superficial plausibility: but it ignores the essential fact that it is only by the present severe enforcement against unchaste women of the penalties of social contempt and exclusion, resting on moral disapprobation, that the class of courtesans is kept sufficiently separate from the rest of female society to prevent the contagion of unchastity from spreading; and that the illicit intercourse of the sexes is restrained within such limits as not to interfere materially with the due development of the race. This consideration is sufficient to decide a Utilitarian to support generally the established rule against this kind of conduct, and therefore to condemn violations of the rule as on the whole infelicific, even though they may perhaps appear to have this quality only in consequence of the moral censure attached to them.[347] Further, the ‘man of the world’ ignores the vast importance to the human race of maintaining that higher type of sexual relations which is not, generally speaking, possible, except where a high value is set upon chastity in both sexes. From this point of view the Virtue of Purity may be regarded as providing a necessary shelter under which that intense and elevated affection between the sexes, which is most conducive both to the happiness of the individual and to the wellbeing of the family, may grow and flourish.
This perspective might seem reasonable at first glance, but it overlooks the crucial fact that the strict enforcement of social penalties against unchaste women, based on moral disapproval, is what keeps the group of courtesans distinct from the rest of female society, preventing the spread of unchastity. Additionally, it keeps illicit sexual relationships within limits that do not significantly interfere with the proper development of the human race. This insight is enough for a Utilitarian to generally support the established rules against such behavior and to view violations of these rules as detrimental overall, even if they might seem damaging only because of the moral condemnation attached to them.[347] Furthermore, the ‘man of the world’ overlooks the immense importance of sustaining a higher form of sexual relations, which is typically only achievable when both sexes value chastity highly. From this perspective, the virtue of purity can be seen as a necessary foundation that allows a deep and elevated affection between the sexes to develop and thrive, which is essential for individual happiness and the wellbeing of families.
And in this way we are able to explain what must have perplexed many reflective minds in contemplating the common-sense regulation of conduct under the head of Purity: viz. that on the one hand the sentiment that supports these rules is very intense, so that the subjective difference between right and wrong in this department is marked with peculiar strength:[453] while on the other hand it is found impossible to give a clear definition of the conduct condemned under this notion. For the impulse to be restrained is so powerful and so sensitive to stimulants of all kinds, that, in order that the sentiment of purity may adequately perform its protective function, it is required to be very keen and vivid; and the aversion to impurity must extend far beyond the acts that primarily need to be prohibited, and include in its scope everything (in dress, language, social customs, etc.) which may tend to excite lascivious ideas. At the same time it is not necessary that the line between right and wrong in such matters should be drawn with theoretical precision: it is sufficient for practical purposes if the main central portion of the region of duty be strongly illuminated, while the margin is left somewhat obscure. And, in fact, the detailed regulations which it is important to society to maintain depend so much upon habit and association of ideas, that they must vary to a great extent from age to age and from country to country.
And this way, we can explain what has likely confused many thoughtful people when considering the straightforward rules of behavior surrounding Purity: on one hand, the feelings that support these rules are very strong, so the subjective distinction between right and wrong in this area is particularly clear; on the other hand, it's impossible to provide a clear definition of the behavior that is frowned upon in this context. The impulse that needs to be controlled is so powerful and so responsive to all sorts of triggers that, for the sentiment of purity to effectively perform its protective role, it needs to be very sharp and vivid; and the dislike for impurity must cover much more than just the actions that should be explicitly banned, including everything (in clothing, language, social norms, etc.) that could spark lewd thoughts. At the same time, it’s not necessary to clearly define the line between right and wrong in these situations; it's enough for practical purposes if the main area of responsibility is well highlighted, while the edges are left a bit unclear. In fact, the specific rules that are important for society to uphold depend so much on habits and associations that they can greatly vary from one era to another and from one country to another.
§ 7. The preceding survey has supplied us with several illustrations of the manner in which Utilitarianism is normally introduced as a method for deciding between different conflicting claims, in cases where common sense leaves their relative importance obscure,—as (e.g.) between the different duties of the affections, and the different principles which analysis shows to be involved in our common conception of Justice—: and we have also noticed how, when a dispute is raised as to the precise scope and definition of any current moral rule, the effects of different acceptations of the rule on general happiness or social wellbeing are commonly regarded as the ultimate grounds on which the dispute is to be decided. In fact these two arguments practically run into one; for it is generally a conflict between maxims that impresses men with the need of giving each a precise definition. It may be urged that the consequences to which reference is commonly made in such cases are rather effects on ‘social wellbeing’ than on ‘general happiness’ as understood by Utilitarians; and that the two notions ought not to be identified. I grant this: but in the last chapter of the preceding Book I have tried to show that Common Sense is unconsciously utilitarian in its practical determination of those very elements in the notion of Ultimate[454] Good or Wellbeing which at first sight least admit of a hedonistic interpretation. We may now observe that this hypothesis of ‘Unconscious Utilitarianism’ explains the different relative importance attached to particular virtues by different classes of human beings, and the different emphasis with which the same virtue is inculcated on these different classes by mankind generally. For such differences ordinarily correspond to variations—real or apparent—in the Utilitarian importance of the virtues under different circumstances. Thus we have noticed the greater stress laid on chastity in women than in men: courage, on the other hand, is more valued in the latter, as they are more called upon to cope energetically with sudden and severe dangers. And for similar reasons a soldier is expected to show a higher degree of courage than (e.g.) a priest. Again, though we esteem candour and scrupulous sincerity in most persons, we scarcely look for them in a diplomatist who has to conceal secrets, nor do we expect that a tradesman in describing his goods should frankly point out their defects to his customers.
§ 7. The previous overview has provided us with several examples of how Utilitarianism is usually introduced as a way to decide between conflicting claims when common sense leaves their relative importance unclear—such as between the various duties of our feelings and the different principles that analysis reveals in our understanding of Justice. We have also noticed that when there is a disagreement about the precise meaning of any current moral rule, the impact of different interpretations of the rule on overall happiness or social wellbeing is often seen as the final basis for resolving the dispute. In fact, these two arguments are effectively the same; it’s typically a clash between maxims that prompts people to seek a clear definition for each. One might argue that the consequences usually mentioned in such cases relate more to ‘social wellbeing’ than to ‘general happiness’ as Utilitarians define it, and that the two ideas shouldn’t be equated. I acknowledge this: but in the last chapter of the previous Book, I tried to demonstrate that Common Sense is unconsciously utilitarian in its practical understanding of those very aspects of the concept of Ultimate Good or Wellbeing that initially seem least compatible with a hedonistic interpretation. We can now see that this idea of ‘Unconscious Utilitarianism’ clarifies the varying importance that different groups of people assign to specific virtues, as well as the different ways in which those virtues are emphasized by society at large. These differences typically correspond to real or perceived variations in the Utilitarian importance of virtues under different circumstances. For example, we have observed that chastity is given more importance for women than for men; conversely, courage is more valued in men, as they are more often required to confront sudden and serious dangers. For similar reasons, a soldier is expected to display a higher level of courage than, say, a priest. Additionally, while we value honesty and strict sincerity in most people, we don't expect these traits from a diplomat who must keep secrets, nor do we anticipate that a retailer will openly point out the flaws in their products to customers.
Finally, when we compare the different moral codes of different ages and countries, we see that the discrepancies among them correspond, at least to a great extent, to differences either in the actual effects of actions on happiness, or in the extent to which such effects are generally foreseen—or regarded as important—by the men among whom the codes are maintained. Several instances of this have already been noticed: and the general fact, which has been much dwelt upon by Utilitarian writers, is also admitted and even emphasised by their opponents. Thus Dugald Stewart[348] lays stress on the extent to which the moral judgments of mankind have been modified by “the diversity in their physical circumstances,” the “unequal degrees of civilisation which they have attained,” and “their unequal measures of knowledge or of capacity.” He points out, for instance, that theft is regarded as a very venial offence in the South Sea Islanders, because little or no labour is there required to support life; that the lending of money for interest is commonly reprehended in societies where commerce is imperfectly developed, because the ‘usurer’ in such communities is commonly in the odious position of wringing a gain out of[455] the hard necessities of his fellows; and that where the legal arrangements for punishing crime are imperfect, private murder is either justified or regarded very leniently. Many other examples might be added to these if it were needful. But I conceive that few persons who have studied the subject will deny that there is a certain degree of correlation between the variations in the moral code from age to age, and the variations in the real or perceived effects on general happiness of actions prescribed or forbidden by the code. And in proportion as the apprehension of consequences becomes more comprehensive and exact, we may trace not only change in the moral code handed down from age to age, but progress in the direction of a closer approximation to a perfectly enlightened Utilitarianism. Only we must distinctly notice another important factor in the progress, which Stewart has not mentioned: the extension, namely, of the capacity for sympathy in an average member of the community. The imperfection of earlier moral codes is at least as much due to defectiveness of sympathy as of intelligence; often, no doubt, the ruder man did not perceive the effects of his conduct on others; but often, again, he perceived them more or less, but felt little or no concern about them. Thus it happens that changes in the conscience of a community often correspond to changes in the extent and degree of the sensitiveness of an average member of it to the feelings of others. Of this the moral development historically worked out under the influence of Christianity affords familiar illustrations.[349]
Finally, when we compare the various moral codes from different times and places, we find that the differences between them largely relate to either the actual impact of actions on happiness or how much these impacts are typically anticipated—or considered significant—by the people who uphold these codes. Several examples of this have already been noted: and the overall idea, which has been heavily discussed by Utilitarian writers, is also recognized and even highlighted by their critics. For instance, Dugald Stewart[348] emphasizes how much moral judgments have been influenced by "the diversity in their physical circumstances," "the unequal levels of civilization they have reached," and "their varying amounts of knowledge or ability." He points out, for example, that theft is seen as a minor offense among the South Sea Islanders, because very little effort is needed to sustain life there; that lending money for interest is often disapproved of in societies where commerce is not well developed, since the 'usurer' in those communities is usually in the unpleasant position of profiting from the dire needs of others; and that where the legal systems for punishing crime are inadequate, private murder is either justified or treated with leniency. Many other examples could be provided if necessary. However, I believe that few people who have studied this topic would deny that there is a certain connection between the changes in moral codes over time and the variations in the real or perceived effects on overall happiness of the actions allowed or prohibited by these codes. And as our understanding of consequences becomes broader and more accurate, we can observe not just changes in the moral codes passed down through the ages, but also progress toward a better approximation of a fully enlightened Utilitarianism. We must also clearly recognize another important factor in this progress, which Stewart did not mention: the increase in the capacity for empathy in an average member of the community. The shortcomings of earlier moral codes are at least as much due to a lack of empathy as to a lack of intelligence; often, the more primitive individual did not realize how his actions affected others; but often, he did perceive these effects to some extent, yet felt little or no concern about them. Thus, changes in the conscience of a community often align with changes in how sensitive an average member is to the feelings of others. The moral development that has historically unfolded under the influence of Christianity provides familiar examples.[349]
I am not maintaining that this correlation between the development of current morality and the changes in the consequences of conduct as sympathetically forecast, is perfect and exact. On the contrary,—as I shall have occasion to point out in the next chapter—the history of morality shows us many evidences of what, from the Utilitarian point of view, appear to be partial aberrations of the moral sense. But even in these instances[456] we can often discover a germ of unconscious Utilitarianism; the aberration is often only an exaggeration of an obviously useful sentiment, or the extension of it by mistaken analogy to cases to which it does not properly apply, or perhaps the survival of a sentiment which once was useful but has now ceased to be so.
I'm not saying that the link between the evolution of modern morality and the changes in the outcomes of behavior is flawless or exact. On the contrary—as I will point out in the next chapter—the history of morality shows us many examples of what, from a Utilitarian perspective, seem to be partial deviations of the moral sense. But even in these cases[456], we can often find a hint of unconscious Utilitarianism; the deviation is often just an exaggeration of an obviously beneficial sentiment, or the incorrect application of it through mistaken analogy to situations where it doesn't really fit, or maybe the remnants of a sentiment that used to be useful but is no longer relevant.
Further, it must be observed that I have carefully abstained from asserting that the perception of the rightness of any kind of conduct has always—or even ordinarily—been derived by conscious inference from a perception of consequent advantages. This hypothesis is naturally suggested by such a survey as the preceding; but the evidence of history hardly seems to me to support it: since, as we retrace the development of ethical thought, the Utilitarian basis of current morality, which I have endeavoured to exhibit in the present chapter, seems to be rather less than more distinctly apprehended by the common moral consciousness. Thus (e.g.) Aristotle sees that the sphere of the Virtue of Courage (ἀνδρεία), as recognised by the Common Sense of Greece, is restricted to dangers in war: and we can now explain this limitation by a reference to the utilitarian importance of this kind of courage, at a period of history when the individual’s happiness was bound up more completely than it now is with the welfare of his state, while the very existence of the latter was more frequently imperilled by hostile invasions: but this explanation lies quite beyond the range of Aristotle’s own reflection. The origin of our moral notions and sentiments lies hid in those obscure regions of hypothetical history where conjecture has free scope: but we do not find that, as our retrospect approaches the borders of this realm, the conscious connexion in men’s minds between accepted moral rules and foreseen effects on general happiness becomes more clearly traceable. The admiration felt by early man for beauties or excellences of character seems to have been as direct and unreflective as his admiration of any other beauty: and the stringency of law and custom in primitive times presents itself as sanctioned by the evils which divine displeasure will supernaturally inflict on their violators, rather than by even a rude and vague forecast of the natural bad consequences of non-observance. It is therefore not as the mode of regulating conduct with which mankind began, but rather as that to which we can now see that human development has been always tending, as the[457] adult and not the germinal form of Morality, that Utilitarianism may most reasonably claim the acceptance of Common Sense.
Furthermore, I want to point out that I have intentionally avoided claiming that the understanding of what is right in any behavior has always—or even usually—come from a conscious deduction of the benefits that follow. This idea naturally arises from the overview provided earlier; however, the historical evidence doesn’t seem to support it. As we trace the evolution of ethical thinking, the Utilitarian foundation of today’s morality, which I’ve tried to highlight in this chapter, appears to be less apparent rather than more in the general moral awareness. For example, Aristotle recognized that the concept of Courage (ἀνδρεία) as understood by the common sense of Greece was limited to dangers in war. We can now explain this limitation by looking at the utilitarian significance of such courage during a time in history when individual happiness was more closely tied to the well-being of the state, while the very existence of that state was often threatened by invasions. However, this explanation was outside the scope of Aristotle’s own reflection. The roots of our moral ideas and feelings lie in those murky areas of hypothetical history where speculation is allowed; still, as we look back toward these boundaries, we don’t find that the connection in people’s minds between accepted moral rules and anticipated effects on overall happiness becomes any clearer. The admiration early humans felt for character traits or virtues seems to have been as immediate and unthinking as their appreciation for any other type of beauty. The strictness of laws and customs in ancient times appears to have been justified by the evils that divine wrath would supposedly impose on those who broke them, rather than by even a rough prediction of the natural negative outcomes of ignoring these rules. Therefore, it’s not as the method of regulating behavior that humanity started out with, but rather as the direction that human development has always been heading toward, that Utilitarianism can reasonably claim to be the adult, rather than the embryonic, form of Morality that Common Sense may accept.
[350] If we consider the relation of Ethics to Politics from a Utilitarian point of view, the question, what rules of conduct for the governed should be fixed by legislators and applied by judges, will be determined by the same kind of forecast of consequences as will be used in settling all questions of private morality: we shall endeavour to estimate and balance against each other the effects of such rules on the general happiness. In so far, however, as we divide the Utilitarian theory of private conduct from that of legislation, and ask which is prior, the answer would seem to be different in respect of different parts of the legal code.
[350] If we look at the connection between Ethics and Politics from a Utilitarian perspective, the question of what rules for the governed should be established by lawmakers and enforced by judges will rely on a similar kind of prediction of outcomes as we use when addressing issues of personal morality: we will try to assess and weigh the impacts of these rules on overall happiness. However, when we separate the Utilitarian approach to personal conduct from that of legislation and consider which should take precedence, the answer appears to differ depending on the various parts of the legal system.
1. To a great extent the rules laid down in a utilitarian code of law will be such as any man sincerely desirous of promoting the general happiness would generally endeavour to observe, even if they were not legally binding. Of this kind is the rule of not inflicting any bodily harm or gratuitous annoyance on any one, except in self-defence or as retribution for wrong; the rule of not interfering with another’s pursuit of the means of happiness, or with his enjoyment of wealth acquired by his own labour or the free consent of others; the rule of fulfilling all engagements freely entered into with any one,—at any rate unless the fulfilment were harmful to others, or much more harmful to oneself than beneficial to him, or unless there were good grounds for supposing that the other party would not perform his share of a bilateral contract—; and the rule of supporting one’s children while helpless, and one’s parents if decrepit, and of educating one’s children suitably to their future life. As regards such rules as these, Utilitarian Ethics seems independent of Politics, and naturally prior to it; we first consider what conduct is right for private individuals, and then to how much of this they can advantageously be compelled by legal penalties.
1. To a large extent, the rules set out in a utilitarian code of law would be ones that anyone genuinely interested in promoting overall happiness would typically try to follow, even if they weren't legally required. For example, there’s the rule against causing physical harm or unnecessary annoyance to others, except in self-defense or as a form of retribution for wrongs; the rule against interfering with someone else's pursuit of happiness or their enjoyment of wealth earned through their own efforts or the voluntary agreement of others; the rule of honoring all commitments made willingly to anyone—unless keeping those commitments would harm others, or would be much more harmful to oneself than beneficial to the other party, or unless there are good reasons to believe the other party wouldn't hold up their end of a mutual agreement; and the rule of supporting one’s children while they are vulnerable, as well as caring for aging parents, and properly educating one’s children for their future lives. Concerning these kinds of rules, Utilitarian Ethics seems to stand apart from Politics and logically comes before it; we first reflect on what behaviors are appropriate for individuals, and then consider how much of this behavior can effectively be enforced through legal penalties.
2. There are other rules again which it is clearly for the general happiness to observe, if only their observance is enforced on others; e.g. abstinence from personal retaliation of injuries, and a more general and unhesitating fulfilment of contracts than would perhaps be expedient if they were not legally enforced.
2. There are other rules that it's clearly important for everyone to follow if we want to ensure general happiness, especially if these rules are enforced on others; for example, avoiding personal revenge for wrongs and ensuring contracts are fulfilled more reliably than might be necessary if there weren’t legal consequences.
3. But again, in the complete determination of the mutual claims of members of society to services and forbearances, there are many points on which the utilitarian theory of right private conduct apart from law would lead to a considerable variety of conclusions, from the great difference in the force of the relevant considerations under different circumstances; while at the same time uniformity is either indispensable, to prevent disputes and disappointments, or at least highly desirable, in order to maintain effectively such rules of conduct as are generally—though not universally—expedient. Under this head would come the exacter definition of the limits of appropriation,—e.g. as regards property in literary compositions and technical inventions,—and a large part of the law of inheritance, and of the law regulating the family relations. In such cases, in so far as they are capable of being theoretically determined, Utilitarian Ethics seems to blend with Utilitarian Politics in a rather complicated way; since we cannot determine the right conduct for a private individual in any particular case, without first considering what rule (if any) it would be on the whole expedient to maintain, in the society of which he is a member, by legal penalties, as well as by the weaker and less definite sanctions of moral opinion. This problem, moreover, in any concrete case is necessarily further complicated by the consideration of the delicate mutual relations of Positive Law and Positive Morality—as we may call the actual moral opinions generally held in a given society at a given time. For on the one hand it is dangerous in legislation to advance beyond Positive Morality, by prohibiting actions (or inactions) that are generally approved or tolerated; on the other hand, up to the point at which this danger becomes serious, legislation is a most effective instrument for modifying or intensifying public opinion, in the direction in which it is desirable that it should progress. Leaving this difficult question of social dynamics, we may say that normally[459] in a well-organised society the most important and indispensable rules of social behaviour will be legally enforced and the less important left to be maintained by Positive Morality. Law will constitute, as it were, the skeleton of social order, clothed upon by the flesh and blood of Morality.
3. But again, when we fully determine the mutual claims of society members to services and restraint, there are many aspects where the utilitarian theory of proper private behavior, separate from law, could lead to significant differences in conclusions due to the varying importance of relevant factors under different conditions. At the same time, consistency is either absolutely necessary to avoid disputes and disappointments or at least very desirable to effectively uphold rules of conduct that are generally—though not universally—beneficial. This includes clearer definitions of the limits of ownership, like for literary works and technical inventions, and a substantial portion of inheritance law and family law. In these situations, to the extent they can be theoretically determined, Utilitarian Ethics seems to merge with Utilitarian Politics in a rather complex way; since we can't identify the right behavior for a private individual in a specific scenario without first considering what rule (if any) would overall be beneficial to maintain, enforced by legal penalties as well as the softer and less defined sanctions of moral opinion. Moreover, this problem in any real case is inevitably made more complex by the delicate interplay between Positive Law and Positive Morality—by which we mean the actual moral views generally held in a particular society at a certain time. On one hand, it can be hazardous for legislation to go beyond Positive Morality by banning actions (or inactions) that are widely accepted or tolerated; on the other hand, legislation is a very effective tool for changing or reinforcing public opinion in the direction it’s preferable for it to move, up to the point where this risk becomes serious. Setting aside this challenging issue of social dynamics, we can say that typically[459] in a well-organized society, the most important and essential rules of social conduct will be legally enforced while the less important ones will rely on Positive Morality. Law will essentially form the structure of social order, supported by the substance and essence of Morality.
CHAPTER IV
Utilitarianism Approach
§ 1. If the view maintained in the preceding chapter as to the general Utilitarian basis of the Morality of Common Sense may be regarded as sufficiently established, we are now in a position to consider more closely to what method of determining right conduct the acceptance of Utilitarianism will practically lead. The most obvious method, of course, is that of Empirical Hedonism, discussed in Book ii. chap. iii.; according to which we have in each case to compare all the pleasures and pains that can be foreseen as probable results of the different alternatives of conduct presented to us, and to adopt the alternative which seems likely to lead to the greatest happiness on the whole.
§ 1. If the viewpoint discussed in the previous chapter about the general Utilitarian foundation of Common Sense Morality is considered well-established, we can now take a closer look at the method for determining right behavior that accepting Utilitarianism will practically lead us to. The most straightforward method, of course, is Empirical Hedonism, which is explored in Book ii. chap. iii.; according to this approach, we need to evaluate all the pleasures and pains that can be expected as likely outcomes of the different choices we face and choose the one that appears to produce the greatest happiness overall.
In Book ii., however, it appeared that even the more restricted application of this method, which we there had to consider, was involved in much perplexity and uncertainty. Even when an individual is only occupied in forecasting his own pleasures, it seems difficult or impossible for him to avoid errors of considerable magnitude; whether in accurately comparing the pleasantness of his own past feelings, as represented in memory, or in appropriating the experience of others, or in arguing from the past to the future. And these difficulties are obviously much increased when we have to take into account all the effects of our actions on all the sentient beings who may be affected by them. At the same time, in Book ii. we could not find any satisfactory substitute for this method of empirical comparison. It did not appear reasonable to take refuge in the uncriticised beliefs of men in general as to the sources of happiness: indeed, it seemed impossible to extract any[461] adequately clear and definite consensus of opinion from the confused and varying utterances of Common Sense on this subject. Nor again could it be shown that the individual would be more likely to attain the greatest happiness open to him by practically confining his efforts to the realisation of any scientifically ascertainable physical or psychical conditions of happiness: nor did it seem possible to infer on empirical grounds that the desired result would be secured by conformity to the accepted principles of morality. But when we consider these latter in relation, not to the happiness of the individual, but to that of human (or sentient) beings generally, it is clear from the preceding chapter that the question of harmony between Hedonism and Intuitionism presents prima facie an entirely different aspect. Indeed from the considerations that we have just surveyed it is but a short and easy step to the conclusion that in the Morality of Common Sense we have ready to hand a body of Utilitarian doctrine; that the “rules of morality for the multitude” are to be regarded as “positive beliefs of mankind as to the effects of actions on their happiness,”[351] so that the apparent first principles of Common Sense may be accepted as the “middle axioms” of Utilitarian method; direct reference being only made to utilitarian considerations, in order to settle points upon which the verdict of Common Sense is found to be obscure and conflicting. On this view the traditional controversy between the advocates of Virtue and the advocates of Happiness would seem to be at length harmoniously settled.
In Book ii., however, it became clear that even the more limited use of this method we had to look at was filled with confusion and uncertainty. Even when someone is just trying to predict their own pleasures, it seems challenging or even impossible to avoid significant mistakes; whether it's accurately comparing the enjoyment of their past experiences, as recalled in memory, or in taking others' experiences into account, or in making predictions about the future based on the past. These challenges are obviously increased when we consider how our actions affect all the sentient beings that might be impacted by them. At the same time, in Book ii., we couldn't find a satisfactory alternative to this method of empirical comparison. It didn't seem reasonable to rely on the unexamined beliefs of people in general about the sources of happiness: in fact, it appeared impossible to extract a clear and definite consensus from the mixed and differing views of Common Sense on this topic. Likewise, it couldn't be shown that an individual would be more likely to achieve the greatest happiness available to them by focusing their efforts on realizing scientifically measurable physical or psychological conditions of happiness; nor did it seem possible to conclude from empirical evidence that the desired outcome would be achieved by following widely accepted moral principles. However, when we consider these later in relation to the happiness of human (or sentient) beings as a whole, it’s clear from the previous chapter that the conflict between Hedonism and Intuitionism presents a completely different viewpoint at first glance. Indeed, from what we've just reviewed, it’s a short and straightforward jump to the conclusion that in the Morality of Common Sense, we have ready access to a set of Utilitarian ideas; that the “rules of morality for the masses” should be seen as “positive beliefs of humanity regarding the effects of actions on their happiness,” so that the apparent foundational principles of Common Sense can be accepted as the “middle axioms” of Utilitarian thought; with direct reference made only to utilitarian concerns to clarify points where Common Sense is unclear and conflicting. From this perspective, the traditional debate between supporters of Virtue and supporters of Happiness seems to be harmoniously resolved at last.
And the arguments for this view which have been already put forward certainly receive support from the hypothesis, now widely accepted, that the moral sentiments are ultimately derived, by a complex and gradual process, from experiences of pleasure and pain. The hypothesis, in a summary form, would seem to be this; (1) in the experience of each member of the human community the pain or alarm caused to him by actions of himself and of others tends by association to excite in him a dislike of such actions, and a similar though feebler effect is produced by his perception of pain or danger caused[462] to others with whom he is connected by blood, or by community of interest, or any special tie of sympathy: (2) experience also tends more indirectly to produce in him sentiments restraining him from actions painful or alarming to others, through his dread of their resentment and its consequences,—especially dread of his chief’s anger, and, where religious influence has become strong, of the anger of supernatural beings: (3) with these latter feelings blends a sympathetic aversion to the pain of other men generally, which—at first comparatively feeble—tends to grow in force as morality develops. In the same way experiences of pleasure and gratitude, and desire of the goodwill of others and its consequences, tend to produce liking for actions that are perceived to cause pleasure to self or to others. The similar aversions and likings that are thus produced in the majority of the members of any society, through the general similarity of their natures and conditions, tend to become more similar through communication and imitation,—the desire of each to retain the goodwill of others operating to repress individual divergencies. Thus common likings for conduct that affects pleasurably the community generally or some part of it, and common dislikes for conduct causing pain and alarm, come to be gradually developed; they are transmitted from generation to generation, partly perhaps by physical inheritance, but chiefly by tradition from parents to children, and imitation of adults by the young; in this way their origin becomes obscured, and they finally appear as what are called the moral sentiments. This theory does not, in my view, account adequately for the actual results of the faculty of moral judgment and reasoning, so far as I can examine them by reflection on my own moral consciousness: for this, as I have before said, does not yield any apparent intuitions that stand the test of rigorous examination except such as, from their abstract and general character, have no cognisable relation to particular experiences of any kind.[352] But that the theory gives a partially true explanation of the historical origin of particular moral sentiments and habits and commonly accepted rules, I see no reason to doubt; and thus regarded it seems to supplement[463] the arguments of the preceding chapter that tend to exhibit the morality of common sense as unconsciously or ‘instinctively’ utilitarian.
And the arguments for this view that have already been presented definitely get support from the now widely accepted idea that moral feelings ultimately come from experiences of pleasure and pain, through a complex and gradual process. In summary, this idea can be stated as follows: (1) Each person in the human community experiences pain or fear caused by their own actions or those of others, which tends to create a dislike for those actions through association. A somewhat similar, though weaker, effect happens when a person sees pain or danger inflicted on others who are related by blood, shared interests, or any strong bond of sympathy; (2) Experience also indirectly encourages feelings that restrain a person from causing pain or fear to others, due to their fear of the resentment and its consequences—especially fear of their leader’s anger, and, where religious beliefs are strong, the anger of supernatural beings; (3) These latter feelings mix with a sympathetic aversion to the pain of others in general, which—initially quite weak—grows stronger as morality develops. Similarly, experiences of pleasure and gratitude, along with the desire for others' goodwill and its benefits, lead to a preference for actions that are seen to bring pleasure to oneself or to others. The similar dislikes and likes produced in most members of any society, due to their shared nature and conditions, tend to become more alike through communication and imitation—the desire of each person to maintain others' goodwill serves to reduce individual differences. Thus, shared preferences for behavior that positively influences the community or parts of it, as well as shared dislikes for behavior that causes pain and fear, gradually develop; they are passed down through generations, perhaps partly by physical inheritance, but mainly through tradition from parents to children and the imitation of adults by the young. In this way, their origins become unclear, and they ultimately appear as what we call moral feelings. In my opinion, this theory does not fully explain the actual outcomes of moral judgment and reasoning, as far as I can reflect on my own moral awareness: this, as I mentioned earlier, does not provide any clear intuitions that withstand rigorous scrutiny, except those that, due to their abstract and general nature, have no discernible connection to any particular experiences. But I have no reason to doubt that the theory offers a partial truth about the historical origins of specific moral feelings and habits, as well as widely accepted rules; viewed this way, it seems to complement the arguments in the previous chapter that aim to show common sense morality as unconsciously or ‘instinctively’ utilitarian.
But it is one thing to hold that the current morality expresses, partly consciously but to a larger extent unconsciously, the results of human experience as to the effects of actions: it is quite another thing to accept this morality en bloc, so far as it is clear and definite, as the best guidance we can get to the attainment of maximum general happiness. However attractive this simple reconciliation of Intuitional and Utilitarian methods may be, it is not, I think, really warranted by the evidence. In the first place, I hold that in a complete view of the development of the moral sense a more prominent place should be given to the effect of sympathy with the impulses that prompt to actions, as well as with the feelings that result from them. It may be observed that Adam Smith[353] assigns to this operation of sympathy,—the echo (as it were) of each agent’s passion in the breast of unconcerned spectators,—the first place in determining our approval and disapproval of actions[354]; sympathy with the effect of conduct on others he treats as a merely secondary factor, correcting and qualifying the former. Without going so far as this, I think that there are certainly many cases where the resulting moral consciousness would seem to indicate a balance or compromise between the two kinds of sympathy; and the compromise may easily be many degrees removed from the rule which Utilitarianism would prescribe. For though the passions and other active impulses are doubtless themselves influenced, no less than the moral sentiments, by experiences of pleasure and pain; still[464] this influence is not sufficient to make them at all trustworthy guides to general, any more than to individual, happiness—as some of our moral sentiments themselves emphatically announce. But even if we consider our common moral sentiments as entirely due—directly or indirectly—to the accumulated and transmitted experiences of primary and sympathetic pains and pleasures; it is obvious that the degree of accuracy with which sentiments thus produced will guide us to the promotion of general happiness must largely depend upon the degree of accuracy with which the whole sum of pleasurable and painful consequences, resulting from any course of action, has been represented in the consciousness of an average member of the community. And it is seen at a glance that this representation has always been liable to errors of great magnitude, from causes that were partly noticed in the previous chapter, when we were considering the progress of morality. We have to allow, first, for limitation of sympathy; since in every age and country the sympathy of an average man with other sentient beings, and even his egoistic regard for their likings and aversions, has been much more limited than the influence of his actions on the feelings of others. We must allow further for limitation of intelligence: for in all ages ordinary men have had a very inadequate knowledge of natural sequences; so that such indirect consequences of conduct as have been felt have been frequently traced to wrong causes, and been met by wrong moral remedies, owing to imperfect apprehension of the relation of means to ends. Again, where the habit of obedience to authority and respect for rank has become strong, we must allow for the possibly perverting influence of a desire to win the favour or avert the anger of superiors. And similarly we must allow again for the influences of false religions; and also for the possibility that the sensibilities of religious teachers have influenced the code of duty accepted by their followers, in points where these sensibilities were not normal and representative, but exceptional and idiosyncratic.[355]
But it's one thing to believe that our current moral standards represent, partly consciously but largely unconsciously, the outcomes of human experience regarding the effects of our actions; it's quite another to fully accept this morality as the best guide we have to achieve maximum general happiness. No matter how appealing this straightforward blending of Intuition and Utilitarian methods may seem, I don't think it's truly supported by the evidence. First of all, I believe that a complete understanding of the development of our moral sense should place greater emphasis on the role of empathy with the impulses driving actions, as well as with the feelings that result from them. Adam Smith assigns this role of empathy—the reflection of each individual's passion in the hearts of bystanders—the top spot in deciding our approval and disapproval of actions; he considers empathy regarding the effects of behavior on others as merely a secondary factor that corrects and qualifies the first. Without going that far, I think that in many cases, the resulting moral awareness appears to show a balance or compromise between the two types of empathy; and this compromise can often differ significantly from the rules that Utilitarianism would suggest. Although passions and active impulses are undoubtedly influenced, just like moral sentiments, by experiences of pleasure and pain, this influence alone isn’t enough to make them reliable guides to general or individual happiness—as some of our moral sentiments clearly state. Even if we view our common moral sentiments as entirely based—either directly or indirectly—on the accumulated experiences of primary and sympathetic pains and pleasures, it's clear that how accurately these feelings will guide us toward promoting general happiness largely depends on how accurately the full range of pleasurable and painful consequences resulting from any course of action has been represented in the consciousness of an average member of society. It's immediately obvious that this representation has always been prone to significant errors, due to causes partially discussed in the previous chapter when we examined moral progress. First, we need to account for the limits of empathy; throughout history, the empathy of an average person for other sentient beings, as well as their self-centered concern for what others like or dislike, has often been much narrower than the impact of their actions on the feelings of others. We also have to account for the limits of knowledge: in every era, ordinary people have had a very limited understanding of natural sequences; as a result, indirect consequences of behavior that have been felt are frequently traced to the wrong causes and are met with incorrect moral solutions due to a poor grasp of the relationship between means and ends. Similarly, when obedience to authority and respect for hierarchy become deeply ingrained, we must consider the potential distortions caused by a desire to win the approval or avoid the anger of those in power. Again, we need to consider the influences of misguided religious beliefs; and it's also possible that the emotional sensitivities of religious leaders have shaped the accepted moral codes of their followers in ways that are not typical or representative, but rather exceptional and personal.
On the other hand, we must suppose that these deflecting influences have been more or less limited and counteracted by the struggle for existence in past ages among different human races and communities; since, so far as any moral habit or sentiment was unfavourable to the preservation of the social organism, it would be a disadvantage in the struggle for existence, and would therefore tend to perish with the community that adhered to it. But we have no reason to suppose that this force would be adequate to keep positive morality always in conformity with a Utilitarian ideal. For (1) imperfect morality would be only one disadvantage among many, and not, I conceive, the most important, unless the imperfection were extreme,—especially in the earlier stages of social and moral development, in which the struggle for existence was most operative: and (2) a morality perfectly preservative of a human community might still be imperfectly felicific, and so require considerable improvement from a Utilitarian point of view.[356] Further, analogy would lead us to expect that however completely adapted the moral instincts of a community may be at some particular time to its conditions of existence, any rapid change of circumstances would tend to derange the adaptation, from survival of instincts formerly useful, which through this change become useless or pernicious. And indeed, apart from any apparent changes in external circumstances, it might result from the operation of some law of human development, that the most completely organised experience of human happiness in the past would guide us but imperfectly to the right means of making it a maximum in the future. For example, a slight decrease in the average strength of some common impulse might render the traditional rules and sentiments, that regulate this impulse, infelicific on the whole. And if, when we turn from these abstract considerations to history, and examine the actual morality of other ages and countries, we undoubtedly find that, considered as an instrument for producing general happiness, it continually seems to exhibit palpable imperfections,—there is surely a strong presumption that there are similar imperfections to be discovered in our own moral[466] code, though habit and familiarity prevent them from being obvious.
On the other hand, we should assume that these conflicting influences have been somewhat limited and countered by the struggle for survival in the past among different human races and communities. If any moral habit or sentiment was detrimental to the survival of the social organism, it would be a disadvantage in the struggle for existence and would likely vanish along with the community that held onto it. However, we have no reason to think that this force would be strong enough to keep positive morality consistently aligned with a Utilitarian ideal. For (1) imperfect morality would only be one disadvantage among many, and I believe it wouldn't be the most significant unless the imperfection was extreme, especially in the earlier stages of social and moral development, when the struggle for existence was most intense; and (2) a morality that perfectly preserves a human community might still be imperfectly fulfilling and thus require significant improvement from a Utilitarian perspective.[356] Furthermore, by analogy, we would expect that even if the moral instincts of a community are perfectly suited to its conditions at a certain time, any rapid change in circumstances would likely disrupt that adaptation, leading to the survival of instincts that were once useful but have become irrelevant or harmful due to this change. Moreover, regardless of any apparent changes in external circumstances, it might happen that some law of human development means that the most thoroughly organized experiences of human happiness from the past will guide us only imperfectly in finding the best ways to maximize happiness in the future. For example, a slight decline in the average strength of some common impulse might make the traditional rules and sentiments that govern this impulse less effective overall. And when we shift from these abstract ideas to history and examine the actual morality of other times and places, we definitely see that, as a tool for producing overall happiness, it continually seems to show clear imperfections—there is certainly a strong indication that there are similar flaws to uncover in our own moral code, even if habits and familiarity make them less obvious.
Finally, we must not overlook the fact that the divergences which we find when we compare the moralities of different ages and countries, exist to some extent side by side in the morality of any one society at any given time. It has already been observed that whenever divergent opinions are entertained by a minority so large, that we cannot fairly regard the dogma of the majority as the plain utterance of Common Sense, an appeal is necessarily made to some higher principle, and very commonly to Utilitarianism. But a smaller minority than this, particularly if composed of persons of enlightenment and special acquaintance with the effects of the conduct judged, may reasonably inspire us with distrust of Common Sense: just as in the more technical parts of practice we prefer the judgment of a few trained experts to the instincts of the vulgar. Yet again, a contemplation of these divergent codes and their relation to the different circumstances in which men live, suggests that Common-Sense morality is really only adapted for ordinary men in ordinary circumstances—although it may still be expedient that these ordinary persons should regard it as absolutely and universally prescribed, since any other view of it may dangerously weaken its hold over their minds. So far as this is the case we must use the Utilitarian method to ascertain how far persons in special circumstances require a morality more specially adapted to them than Common Sense is willing to concede: and also how far men of peculiar physical or mental constitution ought to be exempted from ordinary rules, as has sometimes been claimed for men of genius, or men of intensely emotional nature, or men gifted with more than usual prudence and self-control.
Finally, we shouldn't ignore the fact that the differences we see when comparing the moral values of various eras and cultures also exist to some degree within the morality of any single society at any given time. It has already been noted that whenever a significant minority holds differing opinions, we can’t simply view the beliefs of the majority as the clear expression of Common Sense; instead, we often turn to some higher principle, and frequently to Utilitarianism. However, even a smaller minority, particularly if made up of well-informed individuals who have a deep understanding of the consequences of the behavior in question, can rightly make us skeptical of Common Sense: just as in specialized fields, we trust the judgment of a few trained experts over the instincts of the general public. Moreover, looking at these varying moral codes and their connections to the different situations in which people find themselves suggests that Common-Sense morality is really only suitable for regular people in typical circumstances—though it may still be beneficial for these ordinary people to view it as absolutely and universally binding since any other perspective could dangerously undermine its influence on them. If this is the case, we need to use the Utilitarian approach to determine to what extent people in unique situations require a moral framework that is more specifically tailored to them than what Common Sense is willing to acknowledge: and also to what extent individuals with distinct physical or mental traits should be exempt from standard rules, as has sometimes been argued for exceptionally gifted individuals, those with intense emotions, or those endowed with greater than average prudence and self-control.
Further, it is important to notice, that besides the large amount of divergence that exists between the moral instincts of different classes and individuals, there is often a palpable discrepancy between the moral instincts of any class or individual, and such Utilitarian reasonings as their untrained intellects are in the habit of conducting. There are many things in conduct which many people think right but not expedient, or at least which they would not think expedient if they had not first judged them to be right; in so far as they reason from[467] experience only, their conclusions as to what conduces to the general happiness are opposed to their moral intuitions. It may be said that this results generally from a hasty and superficial consideration of expediency; and that the discrepancy would disappear after a deeper and completer examination of the consequences of actions. And I do not deny that this would often turn out to be the case: but as we cannot tell a priori how far it would be so, this only constitutes a further argument for a comprehensive and systematic application of a purely Utilitarian method.
Furthermore, it’s important to recognize that, besides the significant differences that exist between the moral instincts of various classes and individuals, there is often a clear conflict between the moral instincts of any class or individual and the Utilitarian reasoning that their untrained minds typically employ. Many people consider certain behaviors to be morally right but not practical, or at least they wouldn’t regard them as practical if they hadn’t first deemed them to be right; to the extent that they reason based solely on experience, their conclusions about what contributes to general happiness contradict their moral intuitions. It could be argued that this usually stems from a rushed and shallow consideration of practicality, and that this conflict would vanish after a more thorough and complete examination of the consequences of actions. I don’t deny that this would often be the case, but since we can’t know in advance how far this would apply, it serves as an additional argument for a comprehensive and systematic use of a purely Utilitarian approach.
We must conclude, then, that we cannot take the moral rules of Common Sense as expressing the consensus of competent judges, up to the present time, as to the kind of conduct which is likely to produce the greatest amount of happiness on the whole. It would rather seem that it is the unavoidable duty of a systematic Utilitarianism to make a thorough revision of these rules, in order to ascertain how far the causes previously enumerated (and perhaps others) have actually operated to produce a divergence between Common Sense and a perfectly Utilitarian code of morality.
We must conclude, then, that we can't view the moral rules of Common Sense as reflecting the agreement of knowledgeable judges, up to now, about what kind of behavior is most likely to create the greatest overall happiness. Instead, it seems that a systematic approach to Utilitarianism must take on the essential task of thoroughly revising these rules to determine how far the previously mentioned reasons (and possibly others) have contributed to a difference between Common Sense and a fully Utilitarian moral code.
§ 2. But in thus stating the problem we are assuming that the latter term of this comparison can be satisfactorily defined and sufficiently developed; that we can frame with adequate precision a system of rules, constituting the true moral code for human beings as deduced from Utilitarian principles. And this seems to have been commonly assumed by the school whose method we are now examining. But when we set ourselves in earnest to the construction of such a system, we find it beset with serious difficulties. For, passing over the uncertainties involved in hedonistic comparison generally, let us suppose that the quantum of happiness that will result from the establishment of any plan of behaviour among human beings can be ascertained with sufficient exactness for practical purposes—even when the plan is as yet constructed in imagination alone. It still has to be asked, What is the nature of the human being for whom we are to construct this hypothetical scheme of conduct? For humanity is not something that exhibits the same properties always and everywhere: whether we consider the intellect of man or his feelings, or his physical condition and circumstances, we find them so different in different ages[468] and countries, that it seems prima facie absurd to lay down a set of ideal Utilitarian rules for mankind generally. It may be said that these differences after all relate chiefly to details; and that there is in any case sufficient uniformity in the nature and circumstances of human life always and everywhere to render possible an outline scheme of ideal behaviour for mankind at large. But it must be answered, that it is with details that we are now principally concerned; for the previous discussion has sufficiently shown that the conduct approved by Common Sense has a general resemblance to that which Utilitarianism would prescribe; but we wish to ascertain more exactly how far the resemblance extends, and with what delicacy and precision the current moral rules are adapted to the actual needs and conditions of human life.
§ 2. By stating the problem this way, we're assuming that the latter part of this comparison can be clearly defined and fully developed; that we can put together a precise system of rules that makes up the true moral code for humans based on Utilitarian principles. This assumption seems to be commonly held by the school we're currently examining. However, when we seriously attempt to create such a system, we run into significant challenges. Setting aside the uncertainties involved in hedonistic comparison in general, let’s assume that the amount of happiness resulting from any behavior plan among humans can be determined accurately enough for practical use—even if the plan exists only in theory. We still need to ask, what is the nature of the human being for whom we are developing this theoretical conduct plan? Humanity doesn’t always exhibit the same characteristics everywhere and at all times: whether we look at human intellect, emotions, or physical conditions and situations, we observe such variations across different ages and countries that it seems obviously unreasonable to establish a set of ideal Utilitarian rules for all mankind. It could be argued that these differences mainly pertain to specifics; and that there’s enough uniformity in human nature and circumstances around the world to create a broad outline of ideal behavior for humanity as a whole. But the reply must be that it is the specifics we are currently focused on; for the earlier discussion has shown that the conduct endorsed by Common Sense has a general similarity to what Utilitarianism would advocate; yet we want to find out more precisely how far this similarity goes, and how delicately and accurately the existing moral rules fit the actual needs and circumstances of human life.
Suppose, then, that we contract the scope of investigation, and only endeavour to ascertain the rules appropriate to men as we know them, in our own age and country. We are immediately met with a dilemma: the men whom we know are beings who accept more or less definitely a certain moral code: if we take them as they are in this respect, we can hardly at the same time conceive them as beings for whom a code is yet to be constructed de novo: if, on the other hand, we take an actual man—let us say, an average Englishman—and abstract his morality, what remains is an entity so purely hypothetical, that it is not clear what practical purpose can be served by constructing a system of moral rules for the community of such beings. Could we indeed assume that the scientific deduction of such a system would ensure its general acceptance; could we reasonably expect to convert all mankind at once to Utilitarian principles, or even all educated and reflective mankind, so that all preachers and teachers should take universal happiness as the goal of their efforts as unquestioningly as physicians take the health of the individual body; and could we be sure that men’s moral habits and sentiments would adjust themselves at once and without any waste of force to these changed rules:—then perhaps in framing the Utilitarian code we might fairly leave existing morality out of account. But I cannot think that we are warranted in making these suppositions; I think we have to take the moral habits, impulses, and tastes of men as a material given us to work upon no less than the rest of[469] their nature, and as something which, as it only partly results from reasoning in the past, so can only be partially modified by any reasoning which we can now apply to it. It seems therefore clear that the solution of the hypothetical Utilitarian problem of constructing an ideal morality for men conceived to be in other respects as experience shows them to be, but with their actual morality abstracted, will not give us the result which we practically require.
Suppose we narrow our focus and aim to find the rules that apply to people as we know them in our own time and place. We immediately face a dilemma: the people we know adhere, more or less clearly, to a certain moral code. If we consider them as they are in this regard, it’s hard to imagine them as beings for whom a code still needs to be built from scratch. On the other hand, if we take a real person—say, an average Englishman—and strip away his morality, what we end up with is such a purely hypothetical being that it’s unclear what practical purpose there is in creating a system of moral rules for a community of such entities. Could we truly assume that deriving such a system scientifically would lead to its widespread acceptance? Could we realistically expect to convert all of humanity at once to Utilitarian principles, or even all educated and reflective individuals, so that every preacher and teacher aims for universal happiness as unconditionally as doctors strive for the health of the individual? And could we be confident that people’s moral habits and feelings would immediately align with these new rules without any loss of energy? If that were the case, then perhaps we could construct the Utilitarian code without considering existing morality. But I don’t think we have the right to make these assumptions; I believe we must take the moral habits, impulses, and preferences of people as a given, just like the rest of their nature, and as something that, while partly shaped by past reasoning, can only be partially changed by any reasoning we apply now. Therefore, it’s clear that trying to solve the hypothetical Utilitarian challenge of building an ideal morality for people imagined as they are in experience, but without their actual morality, won’t yield the practical results we need.
It will perhaps be said, “No doubt such an ideal Utilitarian morality can only be gradually, and perhaps after all imperfectly, introduced; but still it will be useful to work it out as a pattern to which we may approximate.” But, in the first place, it may not be really possible to approximate to it: since any particular existing moral rule, though not the ideally best even for such beings as existing men under the existing circumstances, may yet be the best that they can be got to obey: so that it would be futile to propose any other, or even harmful, as it might tend to impair old moral habits without effectively replacing them by new ones. And secondly, the endeavour gradually to approximate to a morality constructed on the supposition that the non-moral part of existing human nature remains unchanged, may lead us wrong: because the state of men’s knowledge and intellectual faculties, and the range of their sympathies, and the direction and strength of their prevailing impulses, and their relations to the external world and to each other, are continually being altered, and such alteration is to some extent under our control and may be felicific in a high degree: and any material modifications in important elements and conditions of human life may require corresponding changes in established moral rules and sentiments, in order that the greatest possible happiness may be attained by the human being whose life is thus modified. In short, the construction of a Utilitarian code, regarded as an ideal towards which we are to progress, is met by a second dilemma:—The nature of man and the conditions of his life cannot usefully be assumed to be constant, unless we are confining our attention to the present or proximate future; while again, if we are considering them in the present or proximate future, we must take into account men’s actual moral habits and sentiments, as a part of their nature not materially more modifiable than the rest.
It might be said, “Surely, such an ideal Utilitarian morality can only be gradually, and perhaps imperfectly, introduced; but it will still be helpful to outline it as a goal we can strive toward.” However, firstly, it may not really be possible to get close to it: because any particular existing moral rule, while not the ideal standard even for individuals like current humans in today’s circumstances, might still be the best they can actually follow. So, it would be pointless to suggest any other rules, or it could even be harmful, as it might disrupt established moral habits without effectively replacing them with new ones. Secondly, trying to gradually move toward a morality built on the assumption that the non-moral aspects of current human nature stay the same could lead us astray: because the state of people’s knowledge and intellectual abilities, the breadth of their sympathies, the direction and strength of their prevailing urges, and their relationships with the outside world and each other are always changing, and we have some control over these changes, which can potentially lead to great benefits. Significant changes in essential aspects and conditions of human life may require corresponding adjustments in established moral rules and feelings to ensure that the greatest possible happiness can be achieved by the individuals whose lives are thus altered. In summary, the creation of a Utilitarian code, seen as an ideal we're supposed to move toward, faces a second dilemma:—the nature of humanity and the conditions of life can't realistically be assumed to be constant unless we're only looking at the present or near future; and if we're considering them in the present or near future, we have to account for people's actual moral habits and feelings, which are not much more changeable than the rest of their nature.
Nor, again, can I agree with Mr. Spencer[357] in thinking that it is possible to solve the problems of practical ethics by constructing the final perfect form of society, towards which the process of human history is tending; and determining the rules of mutual behaviour which ought to be, and will be, observed by the members of this perfect society. For, firstly, granting that we can conceive as possible a human community which is from a utilitarian point of view perfect; and granting also Mr. Spencer’s definition of this perfection—viz. that the voluntary actions of all the members cause “pleasure unalloyed by pain anywhere” to all who are affected by them[358]—; it still seems to me quite impossible to forecast the natures and relations of the persons composing such a community, with sufficient clearness and certainty to enable us to define even in outline their moral code. And secondly, even if it were otherwise, even if we could construct scientifically Mr. Spencer’s ideal morality, I do not think such a construction would be of much avail in solving the practical problems of actual humanity. For a society in which—to take one point only—there is no such thing as punishment, is necessarily a society with its essential structure so unlike our own, that it would be idle to attempt any close imitation of its rules of behaviour. It might possibly be best for us to conform approximately to some of these rules; but this we could only know by examining each particular rule in detail; we could have no general grounds for concluding that it would be best for us to conform to them as far as possible. For even supposing that this ideal society is ultimately to be realised, it must at any rate be separated from us by a considerable interval of evolution; hence it is not unlikely that the best way of progressing towards it will be some other than the apparently directest way, and that we shall reach it more easily if we begin by moving away from it. Whether this is so or not, and to what extent, can only be known by carefully examining the effects of con[471]duct on actual human beings, and inferring its probable effects on the human beings whom we may expect to exist in the proximate future.
Nor can I agree with Mr. Spencer[357] that it’s possible to solve the issues of practical ethics by envisioning a final perfect form of society that human history is moving toward and figuring out the rules of interaction that should and will be followed by the members of this ideal society. First, even if we can imagine a human community that is perfect from a utilitarian perspective, and accept Mr. Spencer’s definition of this perfection—that the voluntary actions of all members bring “pleasure without pain anywhere” to everyone affected by them[358]—it still seems to me completely impossible to predict the natures and relationships of the individuals in such a community clearly and reliably enough to outline their moral code. Second, even if things were different, and we could scientifically create Mr. Spencer’s ideal morality, I doubt that such a creation would be very useful in solving the real problems of humanity. In a society where—just to take one example—there is no such thing as punishment, the fundamental structure would be so different from our own that trying to closely mimic its behavior rules would be pointless. It might be best for us to loosely follow some of these rules; however, we would only know that by examining each specific rule in detail; we wouldn't have broad reasons to conclude that it would be best for us to follow them as much as possible. Even if we assume that this ideal society is eventually going to be realized, it must still be separated from us by a substantial period of evolution; thus, it’s likely that the best route to get there will differ from the seemingly most direct path, and we might reach it more easily by initially moving away from it. Whether this is true or not, and to what extent, can only be determined by carefully analyzing the effects of actions on actual human beings and inferring their likely impacts on the humans we expect to exist in the near future.
§ 3. Other thinkers of the evolutionist school suggest that the difficulties of Utilitarian method might be avoided, in a way more simple than Mr. Spencer’s, by adopting, as the practically ultimate end and criterion of morality, “health” or “efficiency” of the social organism, instead of happiness. This view is maintained, for instance, in Mr. Leslie Stephen’s Science of Ethics;[359] and deserves careful examination. As I understand Mr. Stephen, he means by “health” that state of the social organism which tends to its preservation under the conditions of its existence, as they are known or capable of being predicted; and he means the same by “efficiency”;—since the work for which, in his view, the social organism has to be “efficient” is simply the work of living, the function of “going on.” I say this because “efficiency” might be understood to imply some ‘task of humanity’ which the social organism has to execute, beyond the task of merely living; and similarly “health” might be taken to mean a state tending to the preservation not of existence merely, but of desirable existence—desirability being interpreted in some non-hedonistic manner: and in this case an examination of either term would lead us again over the ground traversed in the discussion on Ultimate Good (in chap. xiv. of the preceding Book).[360] But I do not understand that any such implications were in Mr. Stephen’s mind; and they certainly would not be in harmony with the general drift of his argument. The question, therefore, is whether, if General Happiness be admitted to be the really ultimate end in a system of morality, it is nevertheless reasonable to take Preservation of the social organism as the practically ultimate “scientific criterion” of moral rules.
§ 3. Other thinkers from the evolutionist school suggest that the challenges of the Utilitarian approach could be overcome, in a simpler way than Mr. Spencer suggested, by using “health” or “efficiency” of the social organism as the practically ultimate goal and standard of morality, rather than happiness. This perspective is argued, for example, in Mr. Leslie Stephen’s Science of Ethics;[359] and warrants careful consideration. As I interpret Mr. Stephen, he defines “health” as the state of the social organism that supports its preservation under the known or predictable conditions of its existence; he uses “efficiency” in the same way—since the task for which, in his view, the social organism must be “efficient” is essentially just the process of living, the function of “continuing on.” I mention this because “efficiency” could imply some sort of ‘human task’ that the social organism needs to accomplish beyond just living; similarly, “health” might be interpreted as a condition that aims not just at mere existence, but at a desirable existence—where desirability is understood in a non-hedonistic way. In such a scenario, examining either term would take us back to the discussions on Ultimate Good (in chap. xiv. of the previous Book).[360] However, I don’t believe Mr. Stephen intended any such implications, and they would not align with the overall direction of his argument. Therefore, the question remains whether, if General Happiness is accepted as the truly ultimate goal in a moral system, it is still reasonable to consider the Preservation of the social organism as the practically ultimate “scientific criterion” for moral rules.
My reasons for answering this question in the negative are two-fold. In the first place I know no adequate grounds for supposing that if we aim exclusively at the preservation of the social organism we shall secure the maximum attainable happiness of its individual members: indeed, so far as I know, of two social states which equally tend to be preserved one may be indefinitely happier than the other. As has been before observed[361] a large part of the pleasures which cultivated persons value most highly—æsthetic pleasures—are derived from acts and processes that have no material tendency to preserve the individual’s life:[362] and the statement remains true if we substitute the social organism for the individual. And I may add that much refined morality is concerned with the prevention of pains which have no demonstrable tendency to the destruction of the individual or of society. Hence, while I quite admit that the maintenance of preservative habits and sentiments is the most indispensable function of utilitarian morality—and perhaps almost its sole function in the earlier stages of moral development, when to live at all was a difficult task for human communities—I do not therefore think it reasonable that we should be content with the mere securing of existence for humanity generally, and should confine our efforts to promoting the increase of this security, instead of seeking to make the secured existence more desirable.
My reasons for answering this question negatively are two-fold. First, I do not see sufficient reasons to believe that if we focus solely on preserving the social organism, we will achieve the maximum happiness for its individual members. In fact, as far as I know, among two social states that are equally likely to be preserved, one could be much happier than the other. As noted before[361], a large part of the pleasures that cultured people value the most—like aesthetic pleasures—come from activities and experiences that have no direct impact on preserving an individual’s life:[362]. This holds true if we replace the individual with the social organism. Additionally, much of what we consider refined morality deals with preventing suffering that does not clearly threaten the survival of the individual or society. Therefore, while I fully acknowledge that maintaining protective habits and feelings is the most crucial role of utilitarian morality—and probably its only role in the early stages of moral development when survival was a challenge for human communities—I don’t think it’s reasonable to be satisfied with just ensuring existence for humanity as a whole. We should not limit our efforts to just increasing this security but also strive to make this secured existence more fulfilling.
But, secondly, I do not see on what grounds Mr. Stephen holds that the criterion of ‘tendency to the preservation of the social organism’ is necessarily capable of being applied with greater precision than that of ‘tendency to general happiness,’ even so far as the two ends are coincident: and that the former “satisfies the conditions of a scientific criterion.” I should admit that this would probably be the case, if the Sociology that we know were a science actually constructed, and not merely the sketch of a possible future science: but Mr. Stephen has himself told us that sociology at present “consists of nothing more than a collection of unverified guesses and vague[473] generalisations, disguised under a more or less pretentious apparatus of quasi-scientific terminology.” This language is stronger than I should have ventured to use; but I agree generally with the view that it expresses; and it appears to me difficult for a writer who holds this view to maintain that the conception of “social health,” regarded as a criterion and standard of right conduct, is in any important degree more “scientific” than the conception of “general happiness.”
But, secondly, I don’t understand why Mr. Stephen believes that the standard of “tendency to the preservation of the social organism” can be applied more precisely than “tendency to general happiness,” even when the two goals overlap: and that the former “meets the requirements of a scientific standard.” I would agree this might be true if sociology as we know it were actually a developed science, rather than just a rough outline of a possible future science: but Mr. Stephen has himself pointed out that sociology right now “is nothing more than a collection of unverified guesses and vague[473] generalizations, masked under a somewhat pretentious facade of quasi-scientific language.” This wording is stronger than what I would have dared to use; however, I generally agree with the sentiment it conveys; and it seems difficult for a writer who believes this to argue that the idea of “social health,” seen as a standard for right conduct, is in any significant way more “scientific” than the idea of “general happiness.”
Holding this estimate of the present condition of Sociology, I consider that, from the utilitarian point of view, there are equally decisive reasons against the adoption of any such notion as “development” of the social organism—instead of mere preservation—as the practically ultimate end and criterion of morality. On the one hand, if by “development” is meant an increase in “efficiency” or preservative qualities, this notion is only an optimistic specialisation of that just discussed (involving the—I fear—unwarranted assumption that the social organism tends to become continually more efficient); so that no fresh arguments need be urged against it. If, however, something different is meant by development—as (e.g.) a disciple of Mr. Spencer might mean an increase in “definite coherent heterogeneity,” whether or not such increase was preservative—then I know no scientific grounds for concluding that we shall best promote general happiness by concentrating our efforts on the attainment of this increase. I do not affirm it to be impossible that every increase in the definite coherent heterogeneity of a society of human beings may be accompanied or followed by an increase in the aggregate happiness of the members of the society: but I do not perceive that Mr. Spencer, or any one else, has even attempted to furnish the kind of proof which this proposition requires.[363]
Holding this estimate of the current state of Sociology, I believe that, from a practical perspective, there are equally strong reasons against adopting the idea of "development" of the social organism—instead of just focusing on preservation—as the ultimate goal and standard of morality. On one hand, if by "development" we mean an increase in "efficiency" or qualities that protect society, this idea is just an optimistic variation of what we've just discussed (involving the—I fear—unwarranted assumption that the social organism is consistently becoming more efficient); therefore, no new arguments need to be made against it. However, if development is meant to indicate something different—like how a follower of Mr. Spencer might define it as an increase in "definite coherent heterogeneity," regardless of whether such an increase is preservative—then I don't see any scientific basis for believing that we will best promote overall happiness by focusing on achieving this increase. I don’t claim that it’s impossible for every increase in the definite coherent heterogeneity of a society of humans to be linked to a rise in the overall happiness of its members: but I don't see that Mr. Spencer, or anyone else, has even attempted to provide the kind of proof that this idea needs.[363]
To sum up: I hold that the utilitarian, in the existing state of our knowledge, cannot possibly construct a morality de novo[474] either for man as he is (abstracting his morality), or for man as he ought to be and will be. He must start, speaking broadly, with the existing social order, and the existing morality as a part of that order: and in deciding the question whether any divergence from this code is to be recommended, must consider chiefly the immediate consequences of such divergence, upon a society in which such a code is conceived generally to subsist. No doubt a thoughtful and well-instructed Utilitarian may see dimly a certain way ahead, and his attitude towards existing morality may be to some extent modified by what he sees. He may discern in the future certain evils impending, which can only be effectually warded off by the adoption of new and more stringent views of duty in certain departments: while, on the other hand, he may see a prospect of social changes which will render a relaxation of other parts of the moral code expedient or inevitable. But if he keeps within the limits that separate scientific prevision from fanciful Utopian conjecture, the form of society to which his practical conclusions relate will be one varying but little from the actual, with its actually established code of moral rules and customary judgments concerning virtue and vice.
To sum up: I believe that a utilitarian, given what we currently know, can't possibly create a brand new morality either for humans as they are (setting aside their current morals) or for how humans should be and will be. They must broadly begin with the current social structure and the existing morality that is a part of that structure. When deciding whether to recommend any deviation from this moral code, they must mainly consider the immediate consequences of such a deviation in a society where this code is generally accepted. Certainly, a thoughtful and well-informed utilitarian might see a certain path ahead and their view of the current morality could be somewhat influenced by what they observe. They might identify future dangers that can only be effectively prevented by adopting new and stricter views of duty in certain areas. On the flip side, they might also foresee social changes that would make it reasonable or unavoidable to relax other parts of the moral code. However, if they stay within the boundaries that distinguish scientific foresight from fanciful Utopian speculation, the kind of society their practical conclusions refer to will hardly differ from the present one, with its established moral rules and common judgments about right and wrong.
CHAPTER V
THE METHOD OF UTILITARIANISM—Continued
§ 1. If, then, we are to regard the morality of Common Sense as a machinery of rules, habits, and sentiments, roughly and generally but not precisely or completely adapted to the production of the greatest possible happiness for sentient beings generally; and if, on the other hand, we have to accept it as the actually established machinery for attaining this end, which we cannot replace at once by any other, but can only gradually modify; it remains to consider the practical effects of the complex and balanced relation in which a scientific Utilitarian thus seems to stand to the Positive Morality of his age and country.
§ 1. If we see the morality of Common Sense as a system of rules, habits, and feelings that is generally, but not perfectly, set up to create the most happiness for all sentient beings; and if we also recognize it as the current system in place for achieving this goal, one that we cannot instantly replace but can only gradually change; then we need to think about the practical effects of the complex and balanced relationship in which a scientific Utilitarian appears to exist concerning the Positive Morality of his time and place.
Generally speaking, he will clearly conform to it, and endeavour to promote its development in others. For, though the imperfection that we find in all the actual conditions of human existence—we may even say in the universe at large as judged from a human point of view—is ultimately found even in Morality itself, in so far as this is contemplated as Positive; still, practically, we are much less concerned with correcting and improving than we are with realising and enforcing it. The Utilitarian must repudiate altogether that temper of rebellion against the established morality, as something purely external and conventional, into which the reflective mind is always apt to fall when it is first convinced that the established rules are not intrinsically reasonable. He must, of course, also repudiate as superstitious that awe of it as an absolute or Divine Code which Intuitional moralists inculcate.[364] Still, he will naturally[476] contemplate it with reverence and wonder, as a marvellous product of nature, the result of long centuries of growth, showing in many parts the same fine adaptation of means to complex exigencies as the most elaborate structures of physical organisms exhibit: he will handle it with respectful delicacy as a mechanism, constructed of the fluid element of opinions and dispositions, by the indispensable aid of which the actual quantum of human happiness is continually being produced; a mechanism which no ‘politicians or philosophers’ could create, yet without which the harder and coarser machinery of Positive Law could not be permanently maintained, and the life of man would become—as Hobbes forcibly expresses it—“solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”
In general, he will definitely stick to it and try to encourage its growth in others. Even though the flaws we see in every aspect of human existence—and we could say in the universe as a whole when viewed from a human perspective—are ultimately found even in Morality itself, especially when considered as Positive; still, in practice, we are more focused on realizing and enforcing it than on correcting and improving it. The Utilitarian must completely reject any rebellious attitude toward the established morality, seeing it as merely external and conventional, which the reflective mind often falls into when it first realizes that these established rules aren’t inherently reasonable. He must also dismiss the superstitious fear of it as an absolute or Divine Code that Intuitional moralists teach. Still, he will naturally view it with respect and awe, as an incredible outcome of nature, developed over many centuries, showing in many parts the same fine adaptation of means to complex needs as the most intricate structures of physical organisms do. He will treat it carefully as a system made of the fluid elements of opinions and attitudes, which is essential for the actual amount of human happiness to be constantly produced; a system that no 'politicians or philosophers' could create, and without which the rougher and less refined machinery of Positive Law could not be sustainably maintained, leading to a life that, as Hobbes powerfully puts it, would be “solitary, poor, nasty, brutish, and short.”
Still, as this actual moral order is admittedly imperfect, it will be the Utilitarian’s duty to aid in improving it; just as the most orderly, law-abiding member of a modern civilised society includes the reform of laws in his conception of political duty. We have therefore to consider by what method he will ascertain the particular modifications of positive morality which it would be practically expedient to attempt to introduce, at any given time and place. Here our investigation seems, after all, to leave Empirical Hedonism as the only method ordinarily applicable for the ultimate decision of such problems—at least until the science of Sociology shall have been really constructed. I do not mean that the rudiments of Sociological knowledge which we now possess are of no practical value: for certainly changes in morality might be suggested—and have actually been proposed by persons seriously concerned to benefit their fellow-creatures—which even our present imperfect knowledge would lead us to regard as dangerous to the very existence of the social organism. But such changes for the most part involve changes in positive law as well: since most of the rules of which the observance is fundamentally important for the preservation of an organised community are either directly or indirectly maintained by legal sanctions: and it would be going too far beyond the line which, in my view, separates ethics from politics, to discuss changes of this kind in the present book. The rules[477] with which we have primarily to deal, in considering the utilitarian method of determining private duty, are rules supported by merely moral sanctions; and the question of maintaining or modifying such rules concerns, for the most part, the well-being rather than the very existence of human society. The consideration of this question, therefore, from a utilitarian point of view, resolves itself into a comparison between the total amounts of pleasure and pain that may be expected to result respectively from maintaining any given rule as at present established, and from endeavouring to introduce that which is proposed in its stead. That this comparison must generally be of a rough and uncertain kind, we have already seen; and it is highly important to bear this in mind; but yet we seem unable to find any substitute for it. It is not meant, of course, that each individual is left to his own unassisted judgment in dealing with such questions: there is a mass of traditional experience, which each individual imbibes orally or from books, as to the effects of conduct upon happiness; but the great formulæ in which this experience is transmitted are, for the most part, so indefinite, the proper range of their application so uncertain, and the observation and induction on which they are founded so uncritical, that they stand in continual need of further empirical verification; especially as regards their applicability to any particular case.
Even though this moral order is clearly not perfect, it's the Utilitarian's responsibility to help improve it, just like the most law-abiding citizen in a modern society sees reforming laws as part of their political duty. So, we need to figure out how to identify which adjustments to established morality would be practical to pursue at any specific time and place. In the end, our investigation seems to suggest that Empirical Hedonism is the only method typically feasible for making these decisions—at least until Sociology is fully developed as a science. I don't mean to say that the basic Sociological knowledge we currently have is useless: indeed, there are changes in morality that could be proposed—and have actually been suggested by people genuinely wanting to help others—that our existing, albeit imperfect, knowledge might view as harmful to the very survival of society. However, these changes often also involve adjustments to positive law, since most rules that are essential for the survival of a structured community are maintained directly or indirectly through legal sanctions. Discussing such changes would overstep the boundary I see between ethics and politics for this book. The rules[477] we mainly need to focus on, when looking at the utilitarian approach to determining individual duty, are those upheld by moral sanctions alone; the question of maintaining or changing these rules mainly revolves around the well-being rather than the survival of human society. Thus, considering this question from a utilitarian perspective boils down to comparing the total anticipated pleasure and pain from keeping any given rule as it currently is and from trying to implement a proposed alternative. We’ve already recognized that this comparison is generally rough and uncertain, and it’s crucial to keep that in mind; yet, it seems like there’s no alternative to this approach. Of course, it doesn't mean that each person relies solely on their own judgment for these issues: there is a wealth of traditional knowledge that individuals learn through conversation or reading about how actions affect happiness. However, the broad principles through which this knowledge is conveyed are mostly vague, the appropriate areas for their application are unclear, and the observation and inference on which they are based lack rigor, meaning they constantly require further empirical validation—particularly concerning their relevance to specific situations.
It is perhaps not surprising that some thinkers[365] of the Utilitarian school should consider that the task of hedonistic calculation which is thus set before the utilitarian moralist is too extensive: and should propose to simplify it by marking off a “large sphere of individual option and self-guidance,” to which “ethical dictation” does not apply. I should quite admit that it is clearly expedient to draw a dividing line of this kind: but it appears to me that there is no simple general method of drawing it; that it can only be drawn by careful utilitarian calculation applied with varying results to the various relations and circumstances of human life. To attempt the required division by means of any such general formula as that ‘the individual is not responsible to society for that part of his conduct which concerns himself alone and others only[478] with their free and undeceived consent’[366] seems to me practically futile: since, owing to the complex enlacements of interest and sympathy that connect the members of a civilised community, almost any material loss of happiness by any one individual is likely to affect some others without their consent to some not inconsiderable extent. And I do not see how it is from a utilitarian point of view justifiable to say broadly with J. S. Mill that such secondary injury to others, if merely “constructive or presumptive,” is to be disregarded in view of the advantages of allowing free development to individuality; for if the injury feared is great, and the presumption that it will occur is shown by experience to be strong, the definite risk of evil from the withdrawal of the moral sanction must, I conceive, outweigh the indefinite possibility of loss through the repression of individuality in one particular direction.[367] But further: even supposing that we could mark off the “sphere of individual option and self-guidance” by some simple and sweeping formula, still within this sphere the individual, if he wishes to guide himself reasonably on utilitarian principles, must take some account of all important effects of his actions on the happiness of others; and if he does this methodically, he must, I conceive, use the empirical method which we have examined in Book ii. And—to prevent any undue alarm at this prospect—we may observe that every sensible man is commonly supposed to determine at least a large part of his conduct by what is substantially this method; it is assumed that, within the limits which morality lays down, he will try to get as much happiness as he can for himself and for other human beings, according to the relations in which they stand to him, by combining in some way his own experience with that of other men as to the felicific and infelicific effects of actions. And it is actually in this way that each man usually deliberates (e.g.) what profession to choose for himself, or what mode of education for his children, whether to aim at marriage or remain single, whether to settle in town or country, in England or abroad, etc. No doubt there are, as we saw,[479][368] other ends besides Happiness, such as Knowledge, Beauty, etc., commonly recognised as unquestionably desirable, and therefore largely pursued without consideration of ulterior consequences: but when the pursuit of any of these ends involves an apparent sacrifice of happiness in other ways, the practical question whether under these circumstances such pursuit ought to be maintained or abandoned seems always decided by an application, however rough, of the method of pure empirical Hedonism.
It’s probably not surprising that some thinkers[365] in the Utilitarian school believe that the hedonistic calculation expected of the utilitarian moralist is too broad. They propose to simplify it by establishing a “large sphere of individual choice and self-guidance,” where “ethical dictation” doesn’t apply. I fully admit that it makes sense to draw such a dividing line, but I don’t think there’s a straightforward, one-size-fits-all way to do it. Instead, it can only be delineated through careful utilitarian calculation applied differently to the various relationships and situations in human life. Attempting this division using a broad formula like ‘the individual is not accountable to society for that part of his actions that concerns himself alone and others only[478] with their free and informed consent’[366] seems practically pointless. This is because, due to the complex web of interests and connections that bind members of a civilized community, almost any significant loss of happiness by one individual is likely to impact others without their consent to some significant degree. I don’t see how it’s justifiable from a utilitarian standpoint to broadly agree with J. S. Mill that such indirect harm to others, if merely “constructive or presumptive,” can be ignored in light of the benefits of allowing personal development; if the feared harm is substantial, and the likelihood of it happening is strongly indicated by experience, then the definite risk of harm from removing the moral incentive, I believe, must outweigh the uncertain potential loss caused by restricting individuality in one specific direction.[367] Furthermore, even if we could define the “sphere of individual choice and self-guidance” using some simple and broad formula, within this realm, the individual, if he wants to guide himself reasonably on utilitarian principles, must consider all important effects of his actions on others’ happiness. If he does this methodically, he must, I believe, use the empirical method we discussed in Book ii. And to avoid causing unnecessary alarm about this idea, we can note that every sensible person is generally thought to determine at least a significant portion of their behavior by what amounts to this method; it’s assumed that, within the limits of morality, they will try to maximize happiness for themselves and for others, depending on their relationships, by combining their own experiences with those of others regarding the happy and unhappy outcomes of actions. This is actually how each person typically thinks through decisions (e.g.) regarding what career to pursue, what type of education to provide for their children, whether to seek marriage or stay single, whether to live in the city or the countryside, in England or abroad, etc. Of course, as we’ve seen,[479][368] there are other goals beyond Happiness, such as Knowledge, Beauty, etc., which are commonly recognized as undeniably desirable and are often pursued without considering their long-term implications. However, when pursuing any of these goals seems to involve a clear trade-off of happiness in other areas, the practical question of whether to continue or abandon that pursuit often seems to hinge on a rough application of the method of pure empirical Hedonism.
And in saying that this must be the method of the Utilitarian moralist, I only mean that no other can normally be applied in reducing to a common measure the diverse elements of the problems with which he has to deal. Of course, in determining the nature and importance of each of these diverse considerations, the utilitarian art of morality will lay various sciences under contribution. Thus, for example, it will learn from Political Economy what effects a general censure of usurers, or the ordinary commendation of liberality in almsgiving, is likely to have on the wealth of the community; it will learn from the physiologist the probable consequences to health of a general abstinence from alcoholic liquors or any other restraint on appetite proposed in the name of Temperance; it will learn from the experts in any science how far knowledge is likely to be promoted by investigations offensive to any prevalent moral or religious sentiment. But how far the increase of wealth or of knowledge, or even the improvement of health, should under any circumstances be subordinated to other considerations, I know no scientific method of determining other than that of empirical Hedonism. Nor, as I have said, does it seem to me that any other method has ever been applied or sought by the common sense of mankind, for regulating the pursuit of what our older moralists called ‘Natural Good,’—i.e. of all that is intrinsically desirable except Virtue or Morality, within the limits fixed by the latter; the Utilitarian here only performs somewhat more consistently and systematically than ordinary men the reasoning processes which are commonly admitted to be appropriate to the questions that this pursuit raises. His distinctive characteristic, as a Utilitarian, is that he has to apply the same method to the criticism and correction of the limiting morality itself. The particulars of this criticism will obviously vary almost indefinitely with the variations in[480] human nature and circumstances: I here only propose to discuss the general points of view which a Utilitarian critic must take, in order that no important class of relevant considerations may be omitted.
And when I say that this must be the approach of the Utilitarian moralist, I mean that no other method can typically be used to measure the various elements of the problems he faces. Obviously, in figuring out the nature and significance of each of these different factors, the utilitarian approach to morality will draw on various sciences. For instance, it will learn from Political Economy about the effects of criticizing usurers or generally praising generosity in charitable giving on the community's wealth; it will learn from physiologists about the likely health consequences of a widespread avoidance of alcohol or any other restriction on appetite proposed in the name of Temperance; it will learn from experts in any field how far knowledge can be advanced by studies that go against common moral or religious beliefs. However, I'm not aware of any scientific method to determine how much increasing wealth, knowledge, or even improving health should be prioritized over other factors, except through empirical Hedonism. Also, as I've mentioned, it doesn't seem to me that any other method has ever been used or sought after by common sense to regulate the pursuit of what older moralists referred to as ‘Natural Good’—that is, everything that is intrinsically desirable except for Virtue or Morality, within the limits set by the latter; the Utilitarian simply applies reasoning a bit more consistently and systematically than most people do to the questions that this pursuit raises. His key feature as a Utilitarian is that he must apply the same method to critique and refine the very morality that sets the limits. The details of this critique will obviously vary widely depending on shifts in human nature and circumstances: I simply intend to discuss the general perspectives a Utilitarian critic needs to adopt to ensure no significant class of relevant considerations is overlooked.
§ 2. Let us first recall the distinction previously noticed[369] between duty as commonly conceived,—that to which a man is bound or obliged—, and praiseworthy or excellent conduct; since, in considering the relation of Utilitarianism to the moral judgments of Common Sense, it will be convenient to begin with the former element of current morality, as the more important and indispensable; i.e. with the ensemble of rules imposed by common opinion in any society, which form a kind of unwritten legislation, supplementary to Law proper, and enforced by the penalties of social disfavour and contempt. This legislation, as it does not emanate from a definite body of persons acting in a corporate capacity, cannot be altered by any formal deliberations and resolutions of the persons on whose consensus it rests; any change in it must therefore result from the private action of individuals, whether determined by Utilitarian considerations or otherwise. As we shall presently see, the practical Utilitarian problem is liable to be complicated by the conflict and divergence which is found to some extent in all societies between the moral opinions of different sections of the community: but it will be convenient to confine our attention in the first instance to the case of rules of duty clearly supported by ‘common consent.’ Let us suppose then that after considering the consequences of any such rule, a Utilitarian comes to the conclusion that a different rule would be more conducive to the general happiness, if similarly established in a society remaining in other respects the same as at present—or in one slightly different (in so far as our forecast of social changes can be made sufficiently clear to furnish any basis for practice). And first we will suppose that this new rule differs from the old one not only positively but negatively; that it does not merely go beyond and include it, but actually conflicts with it. Before he can decide that it is right for him (i.e. conducive to the general happiness) to support the new rule against the old, by example and precept, he ought to estimate the force of[481] certain disadvantages necessarily attendant upon such innovations, which may conveniently be arranged under the following heads.
§ 2. Let’s first recall the distinction previously noted[369] between duty as it's commonly understood—that which a person is bound or obligated to do—and commendable or excellent behavior; since, when looking at how Utilitarianism relates to the moral judgments of Common Sense, it's useful to start with the former aspect of current morality, as it is more important and essential; i.e. with the ensemble of rules imposed by common opinion in any society, which creates a sort of unwritten law, supplementary to official Law, and enforced by the penalties of social disfavor and contempt. This unwritten law, since it does not come from a specific body of people acting collectively, cannot be changed through any formal discussions and decisions by those on whose consensus it relies; any change must therefore result from individual actions, whether driven by Utilitarian considerations or not. As we’ll soon see, the practical Utilitarian issue can be complicated by the conflicts and variations found, to some degree, in all societies between the moral views of different segments of the community: but it’s convenient to initially focus on those rules of duty clearly backed by 'common consent.' Let’s then assume that after considering the outcomes of any such rule, a Utilitarian concludes that a different rule would better promote general happiness, if similarly established in a society that remains largely the same as it is now—or in a slightly different one (as far as our predictions of social changes can be made clear enough to provide any basis for action). First, we will assume that this new rule differs from the old one in both positive and negative ways; that it doesn’t just build on and include it, but actually contradicts it. Before he can decide if it is right for him (i.e. conducive to general happiness) to support the new rule over the old, through example and teaching, he should assess the impact of certain disadvantages that come with such changes, which can conveniently be categorized under the following headings.
In the first place, as his own happiness and that of others connected with him form a part of the universal end at which he aims, he must consider the importance to himself and them of the penalties of social disapprobation which he will incur: taking into account, besides the immediate pain of this disapprobation, its indirect effect in diminishing his power of serving society and promoting the general happiness in other ways. The prospect of such pain and loss is, of course, not decisive against the innovation; since it must to some extent be regarded as the regular price that has to be paid for the advantage of this kind of reform in current morality. But here, as in many Utilitarian calculations, everything depends on the quantity of the effects produced; which in the case supposed may vary very much, from slight distrust and disfavour to severe condemnation and social exclusion. It often seems that by attempting change prematurely an innovator may incur the severest form of the moral penalty, whereas if he had waited a few years he would have been let off with the mildest. For the hold which a moral rule has over the general mind commonly begins to decay from the time that it is seen to be opposed to the calculations of expediency: and it may be better for the community as well as for the individual that it should not be openly attacked, until this process of decay has reached a certain point.
First of all, since his own happiness and the happiness of those around him are part of the broader goal he aims for, he needs to think about the significance of the social disapproval penalties he will face for himself and for them. He should consider not only the immediate discomfort from this disapproval but also its indirect impact on his ability to contribute to society and enhance overall happiness in other ways. The potential for such pain and loss isn't necessarily a deal-breaker for the change; it should be seen as the regular cost of pursuing this type of reform in current moral standards. However, like with many Utilitarian calculations, everything relies on the extent of the effects produced, which can vary significantly—from mild distrust and disapproval to harsh condemnation and exclusion from society. It often appears that by trying to create change too soon, an innovator might face the harshest moral consequences, while waiting a few years could lead to only mild repercussions. This is because the grip a moral rule has on the general public usually starts to weaken as soon as it's seen as conflicting with practical considerations. Consequently, it might be better for both the community and the individual if the challenge to this rule isn't made until this weakening has progressed to a certain extent.
It is, however, of more importance to point out certain general reasons for doubting whether an apparent improvement will really have a beneficial effect on others. It is possible that the new rule, though it would be more felicific than the old one, if it could get itself equally established, may be not so likely to be adopted, or if adopted, not so likely to be obeyed, by the mass of the community in which it is proposed to innovate. It may be too subtle and refined, or too complex and elaborate: it may require a greater intellectual development, or a higher degree of self-control, than is to be found in an average member of the community, or an exceptional quality or balance of feelings. Nor can it be said in reply, that by the hypothesis the innovator’s example must be good to whatever extent it[482] operates, since pro tanto it tends to substitute a better rule for a worse. For experience seems to show that an example of this kind is more likely to be potent negatively than positively; that here, as elsewhere in human affairs, it is easier to pull down than to build up; easier to weaken or destroy the restraining force that a moral rule, habitually and generally obeyed, has over men’s minds, than to substitute for it a new restraining habit, not similarly sustained by tradition and custom. Hence the effect of an example intrinsically good may be on the whole bad, because its destructive operation proves to be more vigorous than its constructive. And again, such destructive effect must be considered not only in respect of the particular rule violated, but of all other rules. For just as the breaking of any positive law has an inevitable tendency to encourage lawlessness generally, so the violation of any generally recognised moral rule seems to give a certain aid to the forces that are always tending towards moral anarchy in any society.
It’s more important to highlight some general reasons for doubting whether an apparent improvement will truly benefit others. The new rule, while potentially better than the old one if it becomes well-established, may be less likely to be accepted or, even if accepted, not widely followed by the community where the change is proposed. It might be too subtle and refined or too complex and elaborate; it may require a higher level of intellectual development or greater self-control than what you’d find in an average community member, or a specific balance of feelings. Additionally, one can’t argue that, by definition, the innovator's example must be seen as good to the extent that it has an impact since it tends to replace a worse rule with a better one. However, experience suggests that such an example is more likely to have a negative influence than a positive one; as in many areas of human life, it’s easier to tear something down than to build it up. It is easier to undermine or destroy the influence of a moral rule that is routinely and widely followed than to introduce a new habit that lacks the support of tradition and custom. Therefore, the overall effect of an intrinsically good example may actually be negative, as its destructive impact can be stronger than its constructive one. Moreover, the destructive impact should be evaluated not just in relation to the specific rule that's broken, but also regarding all other rules. Just like breaking any law tends to promote lawlessness in general, violating any widely recognized moral rule seems to bolster the forces that push towards moral chaos in any society.
Nor must we neglect the reaction which any breach with customary morality will have on the agent’s own mind. For the regulative habits and sentiments which each man has received by inheritance or training constitute an important force impelling his will, in the main, to conduct such as his reason would dictate; a natural auxiliary, as it were, to Reason in its conflict with seductive passions and appetites; and it may be practically dangerous to impair the strength of these auxiliaries. On the other hand, it would seem that the habit of acting rationally is the best of all habits, and that it ought to be the aim of a reasonable being to bring all his impulses and sentiments into more and more perfect harmony with Reason. And indeed when a man has earnestly accepted any moral principle, those of his pre-existing regulative habits and sentiments that are not in harmony with this principle tend naturally to decay and disappear; and it would perhaps be scarcely worth while to take them into account, except for the support that they derive from the sympathy of others.
We also shouldn't overlook the effect that breaking away from accepted moral standards has on a person's own mind. The habits and feelings that each person inherits or learns play a significant role in guiding their actions, generally aligning them with what their reason suggests; these habits serve as a natural support for Reason in its struggle against tempting desires and cravings, and weakening these supports can be quite risky. On the flip side, it seems that the habit of acting rationally is the best habit of all, and a rational being should aim to align all their impulses and feelings more closely with Reason. In fact, when someone truly embraces a moral principle, the habits and feelings they had before that don’t align with this principle naturally tend to fade away; it might not even be worth considering them except for the backing they receive from the approval of others.
But this last is a consideration of great importance. For the moral impulses of each individual commonly draw a large part of their effective force from the sympathy of other human beings. I do not merely mean that the pleasures and pains[483] which each derives sympathetically from the moral likings and aversions of others are important as motives to felicific conduct no less than as elements of the individual’s happiness: I mean further that the direct sympathetic echo in each man of the judgments and sentiments of others concerning conduct sustains his own similar judgments and sentiments. Through this twofold operation of sympathy it becomes practically much easier for most men to conform to a moral rule established in the society to which they belong than to one made by themselves. And any act by which a man weakens the effect on himself of this general moral sympathy tends pro tanto to make the performance of duty more difficult for him. On the other hand, we have to take into account—besides the intrinsic gain of the particular change—the general advantage of offering to mankind a striking example of consistent Utilitarianism; since, in this case as in others, a man gives a stronger proof of genuine conviction by conduct in opposition to public opinion than he can by conformity. In order, however, that this effect may be produced, it is almost necessary that the non-conformity should not promote the innovator’s personal convenience; for in that case it will almost certainly be attributed to egoistic motives, however plausible the Utilitarian deduction of its rightness may seem.
But this last point is really important. The moral impulses of each person often get a lot of their power from the sympathy of other people. I don’t just mean that the joys and sorrows[483] that people feel as a result of the moral likes and dislikes of others are significant as reasons for doing good, as well as elements of individual happiness: I also mean that the direct sympathetic response in each person to the judgments and feelings of others about behavior reinforces his own similar judgments and feelings. Because of this two-way operation of sympathy, it becomes much easier for most people to follow a moral rule set by their society than one they create for themselves. Any action that a person takes to lessen the impact of this general moral sympathy tends to make fulfilling their duties more difficult. On the flip side, we also need to consider—beyond the inherent benefits of the specific change—the overall advantage of setting a clear example of consistent Utilitarianism; because, just like in other situations, a person shows greater proof of genuine belief by acting against public opinion than they do by going along with it. However, for this effect to take place, it’s nearly essential that the non-conformity doesn’t benefit the innovator personally; otherwise, it will likely be seen as driven by self-interest, no matter how reasonable the Utilitarian reasoning for its rightness might appear.
The exact force of these various considerations will differ indefinitely in different cases; and it does not seem profitable to attempt any general estimate of them: but on the whole, it would seem that the general arguments which we have noticed constitute an important rational check upon such Utilitarian innovations on Common-Sense morality as are of the negative or destructive kind.
The exact impact of these different factors will vary greatly in different situations, and it doesn't seem worthwhile to try to make any broad assessment of them. However, overall, it appears that the overall arguments we've discussed provide a significant rational check against Utilitarian changes to Common-Sense morality that are negative or destructive.
If now we consider such innovations as are merely positive and supplementary, and consist in adding a new rule to those already established by Common Sense; it will appear that there is really no collision of methods, so far as the Utilitarian’s own observance of the new rule is concerned. For, as every such rule is, ex hypothesi, believed by him to be conducive to the common good, he is merely giving a special and stricter interpretation to the general duty of Universal Benevolence, where Common Sense leaves it loose and indeterminate. Hence the restraining considerations above enumerated do not apply[484] to this case. And whatever it is right for him to do himself, it is obviously right for him to approve and recommend to other persons in similar circumstances. But it is a different question whether he ought to seek to impose his new rule on others, by express condemnation of all who are not prepared to adopt it; as this involves not only the immediate evil of the annoyance given to others, but also the further danger of weakening the general good effect of his moral example, through the reaction provoked by this aggressive attitude. On this point his decision will largely depend on the prospect, as far as he can estimate it, that his innovation will meet with support and sympathy from others.
If we look at innovations that are simply positive and supplementary, involving the addition of a new rule to the ones already set by Common Sense, we can see that there is really no conflict of methods, at least regarding how the Utilitarian adheres to the new rule. Since he believes that each new rule is aimed at benefiting the common good, he’s just giving a more specific and stricter interpretation of the general duty of Universal Benevolence, which Common Sense leaves vague and uncertain. Therefore, the previously mentioned constraints don’t apply here. Whatever actions he considers right for himself are clearly also right for him to endorse and suggest to others in similar situations. However, whether he should try to impose his new rule on others by openly condemning those who aren’t ready to accept it is a different matter. This could not only cause immediate irritation to others but also risk undermining the overall positive impact of his moral example due to the backlash generated by such a confrontational stance. His decision on this issue will greatly rely on his assessment of whether his innovation will receive support and understanding from others.
It should be observed, however, that a great part of the reform in popular morality, which a consistent Utilitarian will try to introduce, will probably lie not so much in establishing new rules (whether conflicting with the old or merely supplementary) as in enforcing old ones. For there is always a considerable part of morality in the condition of receiving formal respect and acceptance, while yet it is not really sustained by any effective force of public opinion: and the difference between the moralities of any two societies is often more strikingly exhibited in the different emphasis attached to various portions of the moral code in each, than in disagreement as to the rules which the code should include. In the case we are considering, it is chiefly conduct which shows a want of comprehensive sympathy or of public spirit, to which the Utilitarian will desire to attach a severer condemnation than is at present directed against it. There is much conduct of this sort, of which the immediate effect is to give obvious pleasure to individuals, while the far greater amount of harm that it more remotely and indirectly causes is but dimly recognised by Common Sense. Such conduct, therefore, even when it is allowed to be wrong, is very mildly treated by common opinion; especially when it is prompted by some impulse not self-regarding. Still, in all such cases, we do not require the promulgation of any new moral doctrine, but merely a bracing and sharpening of the moral sentiments of society, to bring them into harmony with the greater comprehensiveness of view and the more impartial concern for human happiness which characterise the Utilitarian system.
However, it's important to note that a significant part of the reform in public morality that a consistent Utilitarian will seek to implement will likely focus more on enforcing existing rules (whether they contradict the old ones or just add to them) rather than creating new ones. Many aspects of morality exist in a state of receiving formal respect and acceptance, even if they aren't truly supported by a strong public opinion. The difference between the moral frameworks of two societies is often more evident in the varying emphasis placed on different elements of the moral code in each society, rather than in disagreements about which rules should be included in the code. In the scenario we're discussing, it's mainly behaviors that lack broad empathy or a sense of civic responsibility that the Utilitarian will want to condemn more harshly than is currently the case. There are many behaviors of this kind that immediately bring pleasure to individuals, while the much larger amount of harm they cause more indirectly is only vaguely recognized by common sense. Therefore, even when such behavior is acknowledged as wrong, it is usually met with leniency by popular opinion, especially when driven by motivations that aren't self-serving. Yet, in all these instances, we don't need to establish any new moral teachings; instead, we simply need to strengthen and refine society's moral sentiments to align them with the broader perspective and more unbiased concern for human happiness that define the Utilitarian approach.
§ 3. We have hitherto supposed that the innovator is endeavouring to introduce a new rule of conduct, not for himself only, but for others also, as more conducive to the general happiness than the rule recognised by Common Sense. It may perhaps be thought that this is not the issue most commonly raised between Utilitarianism and Common Sense: but rather whether exceptions should be allowed to rules which both sides accept as generally valid. For no one doubts that it is, generally speaking, conducive to the common happiness that men should be veracious, faithful to promises, obedient to law, disposed to satisfy the normal expectations of others, having their malevolent impulses and their sensual appetites under strict control: but it is thought that an exclusive regard to pleasurable and painful consequences would frequently admit exceptions to rules which Common Sense imposes as absolute. It should, however, be observed that the admission of an exception on general grounds is merely the establishment of a more complex and delicate rule, instead of one that is broader and simpler; for if it is conducive to the general good that such an exception be admitted in one case, it will be equally so in all similar cases. Suppose (e.g.) that a Utilitarian thinks it on general grounds right to answer falsely a question as to the manner in which he has voted at a political election where the voting is by secret ballot. His reasons will probably be that the Utilitarian prohibition of falsehood is based on (1) the harm done by misleading particular individuals, and (2) the tendency of false statements to diminish the mutual confidence that men ought to have in each other’s assertions: and that in this exceptional case it is (1) expedient that the questioner should be misled; while (2), in so far as the falsehood tends to produce a general distrust of all assertions as to the manner in which a man has voted, it only furthers the end for which voting has been made secret. It is evident, that if these reasons are valid for any person, they are valid for all persons; in fact, that they establish the expediency of a new general rule in respect of truth and falsehood, more complicated than the old one; a rule which the Utilitarian, as such, should desire to be universally obeyed.
§ 3. Up till now, we've assumed that the innovator is trying to introduce a new standard of behavior, not just for themselves, but for others too, as it's more likely to promote overall happiness than the rule accepted by Common Sense. Some might think this isn't the main debate between Utilitarianism and Common Sense; rather, it’s whether exceptions should be made to rules that both sides consider generally valid. No one disputes that, generally speaking, it contributes to the common good for people to be truthful, keep their promises, obey the law, meet the normal expectations of others, and control their harmful impulses and desires. However, it’s believed that focusing solely on pleasurable and painful outcomes would often allow exceptions to rules that Common Sense treats as absolute. It should be noted, though, that allowing exceptions based on general principles simply creates a more complex and nuanced rule instead of a simpler one; for if it's good for the general good to allow such an exception in one case, it should be equally applicable in all similar cases. For example, let’s say a Utilitarian believes it’s right to lie about how they voted in a political election where voting is private. Their reasoning might be that the Utilitarian ban on lying is based on (1) the harm caused by misleading specific individuals, and (2) the way false statements can erode the mutual trust people should have in each other’s claims. In this exceptional case, it’s (1) beneficial for the questioner to be misled, while (2) even though the lie might lead to general distrust in how people say they’ve voted, it actually supports the purpose of keeping voting secret. It’s clear that if these reasons are valid for anyone, they are valid for everyone; in fact, they establish the practicality of a new general rule regarding truth and lies, which is more complicated than the old one—a rule that the Utilitarian, by definition, should want to be followed universally.
There are, of course, some kinds of moral innovation which, from the nature of the case, are not likely to occur frequently;[486] as where Utilitarian reasoning leads a man to take part in a political revolution, or to support a public measure in opposition to what Common Sense regards as Justice or Good Faith. Still, in such cases a rational Utilitarian will usually proceed on general principles, which he would desire all persons in similar circumstances to carry into effect.
There are definitely some types of moral innovation that, by their very nature, aren't likely to happen often; [486] like when Utilitarian reasoning pushes someone to join a political revolution or to back a public initiative that goes against what Common Sense considers Justice or Good Faith. Even so, in those situations, a rational Utilitarian will typically rely on general principles that he would want everyone in similar situations to follow.
We have, however, to consider another kind of exceptions, differing fundamentally from this, which Utilitarianism seems to admit; where the agent does not think it expedient that the rule on which he himself acts should be universally adopted, and yet maintains that his individual act is right, as producing a greater balance of pleasure over pain than any other conduct open to him would produce.
We need to think about a different type of exception that fundamentally differs from what Utilitarianism seems to allow, where the person doesn’t believe that the rule they are following should be applied universally, but still insists that their own action is right because it results in a greater balance of pleasure over pain than any other option available to them.
Now we cannot fairly argue that, because a large aggregate of acts would cause more harm than good, therefore any single act of the kind will produce this effect. It may even be a straining of language to say that it has a tendency to produce it: no one (e.g.) would say that because an army walking over a bridge would break it down, therefore the crossing of a single traveller has a tendency to destroy it. And just as a prudent physician in giving rules of diet recommends an occasional deviation from them, as more conducive to the health of the body than absolute regularity; so there may be rules of social behaviour of which the general observance is necessary to the well-being of the community, while yet a certain amount of non-observance is rather advantageous than otherwise.
Now we can’t reasonably argue that just because a large number of actions would cause more harm than good, any single action of that kind will create the same effect. It might even be a stretch to say it has a tendency to do so: no one (e.g.) would claim that just because an army crossing a bridge could break it, therefore a single traveler crossing it has a tendency to destroy it. Similarly, a sensible doctor, when giving dietary advice, suggests that occasional deviations are better for health than strict adherence; in the same way, there may be rules of social behavior that the community should generally follow for its well-being, while still allowing for some level of non-compliance that might actually be beneficial.
Here, however, we seem brought into conflict with Kant’s fundamental principle, that a right action must be one of which the agent could “will the maxim to be law universal.”[370] But, as was before[371] noticed in the particular case of veracity, we must admit an application of this principle, which importantly modifies its practical force: we must admit the case where the belief that the action in question will not be widely imitated is an essential qualification of the maxim which the Kantian principle is applied to test. For this principle,—at least so far as I have accepted it as self-evident—means no more than that an act, if right for any individual, must be right on general grounds, and therefore for some class of persons; it therefore[487] cannot prevent us from defining this class by the above-mentioned characteristic of believing that the act will remain an exceptional one. Of course if this belief turns out to be erroneous, serious harm may possibly result; but this is no more than may be said of many other Utilitarian deductions. Nor is it difficult to find instances of conduct which Common Sense holds to be legitimate solely on the ground that we have no fear of its being too widely imitated. Take, for example, the case of Celibacy. A universal refusal to propagate the human species would be the greatest of conceivable crimes from a Utilitarian point of view;—that is, according to the commonly accepted belief in the superiority of human happiness to that of other animals;—and hence the principle in question, applied without the qualification above given, would make it a crime in any one to choose celibacy as the state most conducive to his own happiness. But Common Sense (in the present age at least) regards such preference as within the limits of right conduct; because there is no fear that population will not be sufficiently kept up, as in fact the tendency to propagate is thought to exist rather in excess than otherwise.
Here, however, we seem to clash with Kant’s fundamental principle, which states that a right action must be something the agent could “will the maxim to be a universal law.”[370] But, as was noted earlier[371] in the specific case of honesty, we have to recognize an application of this principle that significantly modifies its practical impact: we must acknowledge the situation where the belief that the action in question won't be widely imitated is a crucial aspect of the maxim tested by the Kantian principle. This principle—at least as I understand it to be obvious—means that an act, if it's right for any individual, must be considered right on general grounds and thus for some class of people; it therefore[487] can't stop us from defining this class by the previously mentioned characteristic of believing that the act will remain exceptional. Of course, if this belief turns out to be wrong, serious harm might result; but this is no more than can be said about many other Utilitarian conclusions. Moreover, it’s not hard to find examples of behavior that Common Sense accepts as legitimate simply because we aren't concerned about it being too widely imitated. Take celibacy, for instance. A universal refusal to reproduce would be the greatest crime imaginable from a Utilitarian perspective—according to the commonly held belief that human happiness is superior to that of other animals—so without the above qualification, the principle in question would imply that anyone choosing celibacy as the state most beneficial for their own happiness would be committing a crime. However, Common Sense (at least in today’s age) considers such a preference to be within the bounds of right conduct, because there's no fear that the population will fail to sustain itself; in fact, it's believed that the inclination to reproduce is more likely to be in excess than otherwise.
In this case it is a non-moral impulse on the average strength of which we think we may reckon: but there does not appear to be any formal or universal reason why the same procedure should not be applied by Utilitarians to an actually existing moral sentiment. The result would be a discrepancy of a peculiar kind between Utilitarianism and Common-Sense morality; as the very firmness with which the latter is established would be the Utilitarian ground for relieving the individual of its obligations. We are supposed to see that general happiness will be enhanced (just as the excellence of a metrical composition is) by a slight admixture of irregularity along with a general observance of received rules; and hence to justify the irregular conduct of a few individuals, on the ground that the supply of regular conduct from other members of the community may reasonably be expected to be adequate.
In this case, it’s a basic impulse of average strength that we think we can rely on: however, there doesn’t seem to be any formal or universal reason why Utilitarians shouldn’t apply the same approach to an existing moral sentiment. The outcome would be a unique kind of mismatch between Utilitarianism and everyday morality; since the very strength of the latter would provide Utilitarians with a reason to relieve individuals of their obligations. We’re expected to see that overall happiness will be improved (just like the quality of a poem) by a small mix of irregularity along with a general adherence to accepted rules; and therefore, to justify the irregular actions of a few individuals, based on the expectation that the regular behavior from other community members will reasonably be sufficient.
It does not seem to me that this reasoning can be shown to be necessarily unsound, as applied to human society as at present constituted: but the cases in which it could really be thought to be applicable, by any one sincerely desirous of pro[488]moting the general happiness, must certainly be rare. For it should be observed that it makes a fundamental difference whether the sentiment in mankind generally, on which we rely to sustain sufficiently a general rule while admitting exceptions thereto, is moral or non-moral; because a moral sentiment is inseparable from the conviction that the conduct to which it prompts is objectively right—i.e. right whether or not it is thought or felt to be so—for oneself and all similar persons in similar circumstances; it cannot therefore coexist with approval of the contrary conduct in any one case, unless this case is distinguished by some material difference other than the mere non-existence in the agent of the ordinary moral sentiment against his conduct. Thus, assuming that general unveracity and general celibacy would both be evils of the worst kind, we may still all regard it as legitimate for men in general to remain celibate if they like, on account of the strength of the natural sentiments prompting to marriage, because the existence of these sentiments in ordinary human beings is not affected by the universal recognition of the legitimacy of celibacy: but we cannot similarly all regard it as legitimate for men to tell lies if they like, however strong the actually existing sentiment against lying may be, because as soon as this legitimacy is generally recognised the sentiment must be expected to decay and vanish. If therefore we were all enlightened Utilitarians, it would be impossible for any one to justify himself in making false statements while admitting it to be inexpedient for persons similarly conditioned to make them; as he would have no ground for believing that persons similarly conditioned would act differently from himself. The case, no doubt, is different in society as actually constituted; it is conceivable that the practically effective morality in such a society, resting on a basis independent of utilitarian or any other reasonings, may not be materially affected by the particular act or expressed opinion of a particular individual: but the circumstances are, I conceive, very rare, in which a really conscientious person could feel so sure of this as to conclude that by approving a particular violation of a rule, of which the general (though not universal) observance is plainly expedient, he will not probably do harm on the whole. Especially as all the objections to innovation, noticed in the previous section, apply[489] with increased force if the innovator does not even claim to be introducing a new and better general rule.
It doesn’t seem to me that this reasoning can be shown to be necessarily flawed when applied to human society as it currently exists; however, the situations in which someone genuinely wanting to promote overall happiness could really think it applies must certainly be rare. It’s important to note that there’s a fundamental difference between whether the shared sentiment among people that we rely on to maintain a general rule while allowing for exceptions is moral or non-moral. A moral sentiment is tied to the belief that the behavior it encourages is objectively right—meaning right regardless of whether it's seen or felt that way— for oneself and others in similar situations. Therefore, it cannot coexist with the approval of contrary behavior in any specific case unless that case is marked by some significant difference beyond just the fact that the agent lacks the usual moral sentiment against their conduct. So, assuming that widespread dishonesty and widespread celibacy would both be major evils, we might still see it as acceptable for people in general to choose celibacy if they want to, due to the strong natural feelings that encourage marriage. The presence of these feelings in regular human beings isn't impacted by a universal acknowledgment of the acceptability of celibacy. However, we can't similarly see it as acceptable for people to lie if they want, no matter how strong the existing sentiment against lying might be, because once that acceptability is generally recognized, the sentiment is likely to weaken and disappear. Therefore, if we were all well-informed Utilitarians, it would be impossible for anyone to justify lying while agreeing that it would be unwise for others in similar situations to lie, as they wouldn’t have any reason to believe that others would behave differently from themselves. The situation is, of course, different in actual society; it’s conceivable that the effective morality in such a society, based on something other than utilitarian or other reasoning, might not be significantly affected by the specific action or expressed opinion of an individual. However, I believe the circumstances in which a genuinely conscientious person could feel confident in this way—concluding that by approving a specific rule violation, of which the overall (though not universal) observance is clearly beneficial, they will likely not cause overall harm—are very rare. Especially since all the objections to change mentioned in the previous section apply even more strongly if the innovator doesn’t even claim to be introducing a new and better general rule.
It appears to me, therefore, that the cases in which practical doubts are likely to arise, as to whether exceptions should be permitted from ordinary rules on Utilitarian principles, will mostly be those which I discussed in the first paragraph of this section: where the exceptions are not claimed for a few individuals, on the mere ground of their probable fewness, but either for persons generally under exceptional circumstances, or for a class of persons defined by exceptional qualities of intellect, temperament, or character. In such cases the Utilitarian may have no doubt that in a community consisting generally of enlightened Utilitarians, these grounds for exceptional ethical treatment would be regarded as valid; still he may, as I have said, doubt whether the more refined and complicated rule which recognises such exceptions is adapted for the community in which he is actually living; and whether the attempt to introduce it is not likely to do more harm by weakening current morality than good by improving its quality. Supposing such a doubt to arise, either in a case of this kind, or in one of the rare cases discussed in the preceding paragraph, it becomes necessary that the Utilitarian should consider carefully the extent to which his advice or example are likely to influence persons to whom they would be dangerous: and it is evident that the result of this consideration may depend largely on the degree of publicity which he gives to either advice or example. Thus, on Utilitarian principles, it may be right to do and privately recommend, under certain circumstances, what it would not be right to advocate openly; it may be right to teach openly to one set of persons what it would be wrong to teach to others; it may be conceivably right to do, if it can be done with comparative secrecy, what it would be wrong to do in the face of the world; and even, if perfect secrecy can be reasonably expected, what it would be wrong to recommend by private advice or example. These conclusions are all of a paradoxical character:[372] there is no doubt that the moral conscious[490]ness of a plain man broadly repudiates the general notion of an esoteric morality, differing from that popularly taught; and it would be commonly agreed that an action which would be bad if done openly is not rendered good by secrecy. We may observe, however, that there are strong utilitarian reasons for maintaining generally this latter common opinion; for it is obviously advantageous, generally speaking, that acts which it is expedient to repress by social disapprobation should become known, as otherwise the disapprobation cannot operate; so that it seems inexpedient to support by any moral encouragement the natural disposition of men in general to conceal their wrong doings; besides that the concealment would in most cases have importantly injurious effects on the agent’s habits of veracity. Thus the Utilitarian conclusion, carefully stated, would seem to be this; that the opinion that secrecy may render an action right which would not otherwise be so should itself be kept comparatively secret; and similarly it seems expedient that the doctrine that esoteric morality is expedient should itself be kept esoteric. Or if this concealment be difficult to maintain, it may be desirable that Common Sense should repudiate the doctrines which it is expedient to confine to an enlightened few. And thus a Utilitarian may reasonably desire, on Utilitarian principles, that some of his conclusions should be rejected by mankind generally; or even that the vulgar should keep aloof from his system as a whole, in so far as the inevitable indefiniteness and complexity of its calculations render it likely to lead to bad results in their hands.
It seems to me that the situations where practical doubts are likely to come up about whether exceptions should be allowed from ordinary rules based on Utilitarian principles will mostly be those I mentioned in the first paragraph of this section: where exceptions aren’t just requested for a few individuals because of their likely small number, but either for people in general under special circumstances, or for a group of people defined by exceptional attributes of intellect, temperament, or character. In these cases, the Utilitarian may have no doubt that in a community made up mostly of enlightened Utilitarians, these reasons for special ethical treatment would be seen as valid. Still, as I said, he might wonder whether the more nuanced and complex rule that recognizes such exceptions is suitable for the community he actually lives in, and whether trying to introduce it might do more harm by weakening current morality than good by enhancing its quality. If such a doubt does come up, either in a situation like this or in one of the rare cases discussed in the previous paragraph, the Utilitarian needs to carefully consider how much his advice or example might influence people in ways that could be harmful. It’s clear that the outcome of this consideration may depend largely on how public he makes either his advice or example. Thus, based on Utilitarian principles, it might be appropriate to do and privately recommend, under certain circumstances, what wouldn’t be right to advocate openly; it might be right to teach openly to one group of people what would be wrong to teach to others; it could even be justifiable to do, if it can be done relatively secretly, what would be wrong to do openly; and even, if complete secrecy can be reasonably expected, what would be wrong to recommend through private advice or example. These conclusions are all somewhat paradoxical: there’s no doubt that the moral conscience of an ordinary person generally rejects the idea of an esoteric morality that differs from what's commonly taught; and it would commonly be agreed that an act which would be bad if done openly is not made good by being done in secret. However, we can see that there are strong utilitarian reasons for generally upholding this common belief; because it’s clearly beneficial that actions which need to be suppressed by social disapproval become known, as otherwise the disapproval can’t work. Therefore, it seems unwise to support through any moral encouragement the natural tendency of people to hide their wrongdoings; plus, this concealment would, in most cases, significantly harm the person's honesty. So, the Utilitarian conclusion, carefully stated, appears to be that the belief that secrecy can make an action right which wouldn’t otherwise be right should itself be kept relatively secret; similarly, it seems wise that the idea that esoteric morality is beneficial should also be kept esoteric. Or if keeping this concealment is hard to maintain, it might be desirable for Common Sense to reject the beliefs that should be limited to an enlightened few. Thus, a Utilitarian may reasonably wish, based on Utilitarian principles, for some of his conclusions to be dismissed by society at large; or even that the general public should stay away from his system as a whole, to the extent that the unavoidable uncertainty and complexity of its calculations are likely to lead to poor outcomes in their hands.
Of course, as I have said, in an ideal community of enlightened Utilitarians this swarm of perplexities and paradoxes would vanish; as in such a society no one can have any ground for believing that other persons will act on moral principles different from those which he adopts. And any enlightened Utilitarian must of course desire this consummation; as all conflict of moral opinion must pro tanto be regarded as an evil, as tending to impair the force of morality generally in its resistance to seductive impulses. Still such conflict may be a necessary evil in the actual condition of civilised communities, in which there are so many different degrees of intellectual and moral development.
Of course, as I've mentioned, in an ideal community of enlightened Utilitarians, this confusion of contradictions would disappear; since, in such a society, no one would have any reason to believe that others would act on moral principles different from their own. And any enlightened Utilitarian must naturally want this outcome; since any clash of moral opinions should be viewed as a problem, as it weakens the overall strength of morality in resisting tempting impulses. However, such conflict may be a necessary issue in the current state of civilized communities, where there are so many varying levels of intellectual and moral development.
We have thus been led to the discussion of the question[491] which we reserved in the last section; viz. how Utilitarianism should deal with the fact of divergent moral opinions held simultaneously by different members of the same society. For it has become plain that though two different kinds of conduct cannot both be right under the same circumstances, two contradictory opinions as to the rightness of conduct may possibly both be expedient; it may conduce most to the general happiness that A should do a certain act, and at the same time that B, C, D should blame it. The Utilitarian of course cannot really join in the disapproval, but he may think it expedient to leave it unshaken; and at the same time may think it right, if placed in the supposed circumstances, to do the act that is generally disapproved. And so generally it may be best on the whole that there should be conflicting codes of morality in a given society at a certain stage of its development. And, as I have already hinted, the same general reasoning, from the probable origin of the moral sense and its flexible adjustment to the varying conditions of human life, which furnished a presumption that Common-Sense morality is roughly coincident with the Utilitarian code proper for men as now constituted, may be applied in favour of these divergent codes also: it may be said that these, too, form part of the complex adjustment of man to his circumstances, and that they are needed to supplement and qualify the morality of Common Sense.
We have now arrived at the discussion of the question[491] that we set aside in the last section: how should Utilitarianism address the fact that different people in the same society hold conflicting moral opinions? It's clear that while two different actions can’t both be right in the same situation, two opposing opinions about the morality of an action might both be useful; it could be that it's best for A to perform a certain action while at the same time B, C, and D disapprove of it. The Utilitarian, of course, can’t actually agree with the disapproval, but may find it useful to keep that disapproval intact, and at the same time may believe that in the given situation, they should perform the action that is generally frowned upon. Thus, it might actually be beneficial overall for there to be conflicting moral codes within a society at a certain stage of its development. Furthermore, as I've already suggested, the same reasoning, based on the likely origin of our moral sense and its adaptable nature to the changing conditions of human life, which suggested that Common-Sense morality aligns roughly with the Utilitarian code fitting for people as they currently are, can also support these differing codes: it can be argued that these codes are part of the complex way humans adjust to their circumstances, and that they help to enhance and shape the morality of Common Sense.
However paradoxical this doctrine may appear, we can find cases where it seems to be implicitly accepted by Common Sense; or at least where it is required to make Common Sense consistent with itself. Let us consider, for example, the common moral judgments concerning rebellions. It is commonly thought, on the one hand, that these abrupt breaches of order are sometimes morally necessary; and, on the other hand, that they ought always to be vigorously resisted, and in case of failure punished by extreme penalties inflicted at least on the ring-leaders; for otherwise they would be attempted under circumstances where there was no sufficient justification for them: but it seems evident that, in the actual condition of men’s moral sentiments, this vigorous repression requires the support of a strong body of opinion condemning the rebels as wrong, and not merely as mistaken in their calculations of the chances of success. For similar reasons it may possibly be[492] expedient on the whole that certain special relaxations of certain moral rules should continue to exist in certain professions and sections of society, while at the same time they continue to be disapproved by the rest of the society. The evils, however, which must spring from this permanent conflict of opinion are so grave, that an enlightened Utilitarian will probably in most cases attempt to remove it; by either openly maintaining the need of a relaxation of the ordinary moral rule under the special circumstances in question; or, on the other hand, endeavouring to get the ordinary rule recognised and enforced by all conscientious persons in that section of society where its breach has become habitual. And of these two courses it seems likely that he will in most cases adopt the latter; since such rules are most commonly found on examination to have been relaxed rather for the convenience of individuals, than in the interest of the community at large.
However paradoxical this idea may seem, we can find instances where it appears to be implicitly accepted by common sense; or at least where it's necessary to keep common sense consistent with itself. For example, let's look at the general moral views on rebellions. It's often believed that these sudden disruptions of order are sometimes morally necessary; yet, it's also thought that they should always be strongly opposed, and if they fail, the leaders should face severe punishments; otherwise, they might be attempted in situations where they aren't justified. But it seems clear that, given people's current moral feelings, this strong opposition requires robust public disapproval of the rebels as being wrong, not just as misguided in their calculations of success. For similar reasons, it may actually be practical that certain exceptions to specific moral rules persist in certain professions and parts of society, while still being disapproved of by the larger community. However, the problems that arise from this ongoing conflict of opinions are so serious that a thoughtful utilitarian will likely try to resolve it in most cases. This might involve either openly supporting the need for an exception to the usual moral rule in the specific situation or working to have the standard rule recognized and enforced by all responsible individuals in the area where its violation has become common. Of these two options, it seems likely that he will usually choose the latter, since such rules are often found on closer inspection to have been relaxed more for individual convenience than for the good of the community as a whole.
§ 4. Finally, let us consider the general relation of Utilitarianism to that part of common morality which extends beyond the range of strict duty; that is, to the Ideal of character and conduct which in any community at any given time is commonly admired and praised as the sum of Excellences or Perfections. To begin, it must be allowed that this distinction between Excellence and Strict Duty does not seem properly admissible in Utilitarianism—except so far as some excellences are only partially and indirectly within the control of the will, and we require to distinguish the realisation of these in conduct from the performance of Duty proper, which is always something that can be done at any moment. For a Utilitarian must hold that it is always wrong for a man knowingly to do anything other than what he believes to be most conducive to Universal Happiness. Still, it seems practically expedient,—and therefore indirectly reasonable on Utilitarian principles,—to retain, in judging even the strictly voluntary conduct of others, the distinction between a part that is praiseworthy and admirable and a part that is merely right: because it is natural to us to compare any individual’s character or conduct, not with our highest ideal—Utilitarian or otherwise—but with a certain average standard and to admire what rises above the standard; and it seems ultimately conducive to the general happiness that such natural sentiments of admiration should be encouraged and[493] developed. For human nature seems to require the double stimulus of praise and blame from others, in order to the best performance of duty that it can at present attain: so that the ‘social sanction’ would be less effective if it became purely penal. Indeed, since the pains of remorse and disapprobation are in themselves to be avoided, it is plain that the Utilitarian construction of a Jural morality is essentially self-limiting; that is, it prescribes its own avoidance of any department of conduct in which the addition that can be made to happiness through the enforcement of rules sustained by social penalties appears doubtful or inconsiderable. In such departments, however, the æsthetic phase of morality may still reasonably find a place; we may properly admire and praise where it would be inexpedient to judge and condemn. We may conclude, then, that it is reasonable for a Utilitarian to praise any conduct more felicific in its tendency than what an average man would do under the given circumstances:—being aware of course that the limit down to which praise worthiness extends must be relative to the particular state of moral progress reached by mankind generally in his age and country; and that it is desirable to make continual efforts to elevate this standard. Similarly, the Utilitarian will praise the Dispositions or permanent qualities of character of which felicific conduct is conceived to be the result, and the Motives that are conceived to prompt to it when it would be a clear gain to the general happiness that these should become more frequent: and, as we have seen,[373] he may without inconsistency admire the Disposition or Motive if it is of a kind which it is generally desirable to encourage, even while he disapproves of the conduct to which it has led in any particular case.
§ 4. Finally, let’s look at how Utilitarianism relates to the part of common morality that goes beyond strict duty; that is, to the ideal of character and behavior that is commonly admired and praised in any community at a given time as the collection of excellences or perfections. To start, we must acknowledge that this distinction between excellence and strict duty doesn’t seem to fit well within Utilitarianism—except to the extent that some excellences are only partially and indirectly under our control, and we need to differentiate their realization in conduct from the performance of actual duty, which can always be done at any moment. A Utilitarian must believe that it’s always wrong for someone to knowingly act against what they think will promote universal happiness the most. However, it seems practically useful—and therefore indirectly reasonable under Utilitarian principles—to maintain the distinction between actions that are admirable and praiseworthy and those that are merely right when judging the strictly voluntary actions of others; because it’s natural for us to compare an individual’s character or conduct not with our highest ideal—Utilitarian or otherwise—but with a certain average standard and to admire what exceeds that standard. It appears ultimately beneficial to general happiness that these natural feelings of admiration should be encouraged and developed. Human nature seems to need both praise and blame from others to perform its duties in the best way possible; therefore, the 'social sanction' would be less effective if it were purely punitive. In fact, since feelings of remorse and disapproval are to be avoided, it’s clear that the Utilitarian view of moral law is essentially self-limiting; it limits itself to areas of conduct where the increase in happiness from enforcing rules upheld by social penalties seems uncertain or insignificant. In these areas, however, the aesthetic aspect of morality can still have a place; we can rightly admire and praise where it would be impractical to judge and condemn. Thus, it is reasonable for a Utilitarian to praise any actions that tend to promote happiness more than what an average person would do in those circumstances—keeping in mind, of course, that the extent of praiseworthiness must relate to the particular level of moral progress reached by humanity in their time and place; and that ongoing efforts to raise this standard are desirable. Likewise, the Utilitarian will praise the dispositions or lasting character traits from which flourishing conduct is thought to arise, and the motives that are believed to drive it when it clearly benefits general happiness to have these traits become more common. As we have seen, he may, without contradiction, admire the disposition or motive if it’s the kind that is generally desirable to encourage, even while disapproving of the actions it has led to in a specific instance.
Passing now to compare the contents of the Utilitarian Ideal of character with the virtues and other excellences recognised by Common Sense, we may observe, first, that general coincidence between the two on which Hume and others have insisted. No quality has ever been praised as excellent by mankind generally which cannot be shown to have some marked felicific effect, and to be within proper limits obviously conducive to the general happiness. Still, it does not follow that such qualities are always fostered and encouraged by society in the proportion[494] which a Utilitarian would desire: in fact, it is a common observation to make, in contemplating the morality of societies other than our own, that some useful qualities are unduly neglected, while others are over-prized and even admired when they exist in such excess as to become, on the whole, infelicific. The consistent Utilitarian may therefore find it necessary to rectify the prevalent moral ideal in important particulars. And here it scarcely seems that he will find any such Utilitarian restrictions on innovation, as appeared to exist in the case of commonly received rules of duty. For the Common-Sense notions of the different excellences of conduct (considered as extending beyond the range of strict duty) are generally so vague as to offer at least no definite resistance to a Utilitarian interpretation of their scope: by teaching and acting upon such an interpretation a man is in no danger of being brought into infelicific discord with Common Sense: especially since the ideal of moral excellence seems to vary within the limits of the same community to a much greater extent than the code of strict duty. For example, a man who in an age when excessive asceticism is praised, sets an example of enjoying harmless bodily pleasures, or who in circles where useless daring is admired, prefers to exhibit and commend caution and discretion, at the worst misses some praise that he might otherwise have earned, and is thought a little dull or unaspiring: he does not come into any patent conflict with common opinion. Perhaps we may say generally that an enlightened Utilitarian is likely to lay less stress on the cultivation of those negative virtues, tendencies to restrict and refrain, which are prominent in the Common-Sense ideal of character; and to set more value in comparison on those qualities of mind which are the direct source of positive pleasure to the agent or to others—some of which Common Sense scarcely recognises as excellences: still, he will not carry this innovation to such a pitch as to incur general condemnation. For no enlightened Utilitarian can ignore the fundamental importance of the restrictive and repressive virtues, or think that they are sufficiently developed in ordinary men at the present time, so that they may properly be excluded from moral admiration; though he may hold that they have been too prominent, to the neglect of other valuable qualities, in the common conception of moral Perfection. Nay,[495] we may even venture to say that, under most circumstances, a man who earnestly and successfully endeavours to realise the Utilitarian Ideal, however he may deviate from the commonly-received type of a perfect character, is likely to win sufficient recognition and praise from Common Sense. For, whether it be true or not that the whole of morality has sprung from the root of sympathy, it is certain that self-love and sympathy combined are sufficiently strong in average men to dispose them to grateful admiration of any exceptional efforts to promote the common good, even though these efforts may take a somewhat novel form. To any exhibition of more extended sympathy or more fervent public spirit than is ordinarily shown, and any attempt to develop these equalities in others, Common Sense is rarely unresponsive; provided, of course, that these impulses are accompanied with adequate knowledge of actual circumstances and insight into the relation of means to ends, and that they do not run counter to any recognised rules of duty.[374] And it seems to be principally in this direction that the recent spread of Utilitarianism has positively modified the ideal of our society, and is likely to modify it further in the future. Hence the stress which Utilitarians are apt to lay on social and political activity of all kinds, and the tendency which Utilitarian ethics have always shown to pass over into politics. For one who values conduct in proportion to its felicific consequences, will naturally set a higher estimate on effective beneficence in public affairs than on the purest manifestation of virtue in the details of private life: while on the other hand an Intuitionist (though no doubt vaguely recognising that a man ought to do all the good he can in public affairs) still commonly holds that virtue may be as fully and as admirably exhibited on a small as on a large scale. A sincere Utilitarian, therefore, is likely to be an eager politician: but on what principles his political action ought to be determined, it scarcely lies within the scope of this treatise to investigate.
Comparing the Utilitarian Ideal of character with the virtues and other qualities recognized by Common Sense, we first notice the general agreement both Hume and others have pointed out. No quality that has been praised by people universally can be shown to lack some clear positive impact, and typically, such qualities contribute to overall happiness. However, that doesn't mean society always supports and promotes these qualities to the degree a Utilitarian would want. In fact, when looking at the morality of societies different from our own, it's common to see some useful traits being overlooked while others are overly valued and even admired when taken to such extremes that they ultimately cause unhappiness. Therefore, a consistent Utilitarian might need to adjust the common moral ideal in significant ways. It seems likely he will not face the same Utilitarian limits on innovation that existed with commonly accepted rules of duty. This is because Common-Sense beliefs about various desirable conduct (when considering them beyond strict duty) are generally so vague that they don’t strongly resist a Utilitarian interpretation. By teaching and acting on such an interpretation, a person is unlikely to clash with Common Sense, especially since the ideal of moral excellence can vary greatly within the same community compared to strict duty codes. For instance, a person who lives in a time when extreme self-denial is valued and instead models a lifestyle of enjoying harmless pleasures, or one who stands out in circles that celebrate reckless bravery by choosing to promote caution and discretion, might at most miss out on some recognition they could’ve received and be seen as a bit dull or unambitious; they won’t likely face outright opposition from popular opinion. We can generally say that an enlightened Utilitarian is likely to focus less on developing negative virtues—tendencies to restrict and refrain—which are central to the Common-Sense ideal of character, and place greater emphasis on qualities that directly create positive pleasure for themselves or others—many of which Common Sense barely acknowledges as virtues. Still, they won't push this innovation so far as to face widespread condemnation. No enlightened Utilitarian can overlook the crucial role of the restrictive and repressive virtues or believe they are well-developed in regular people today to the point they can be excluded from moral admiration; they may argue those virtues have been overly emphasized to the detriment of other valuable traits in the common understanding of moral perfection. In fact, we might say that under most circumstances, a person who sincerely and successfully tries to achieve the Utilitarian Ideal, no matter how much they stray from the typical image of a perfect character, is probably likely to receive plenty of acknowledgment and praise from Common Sense. Whether or not it's true that all morality comes from sympathy, it's clear that a combination of self-interest and sympathy is strong enough in most people to lead them to appreciate any extraordinary attempts to promote the common good, even if those efforts appear somewhat unconventional. Common Sense rarely ignores any display of greater empathy or public spirit than what is usually shown, as long as these motivations are accompanied by adequate knowledge of actual situations and a good understanding of how to achieve goals without conflicting with established rules of duty. It seems primarily in this area that the recent rise of Utilitarianism has positively changed the ideals of our society and is likely to continue doing so in the future. Hence, the emphasis Utilitarians often place on all forms of social and political activity, along with the tendency of Utilitarian ethics to transition into political discourse. For someone who values actions based on their positive outcomes, they will naturally place more importance on effective public beneficence than on the highest expression of virtue in private life; conversely, an Intuitionist (while likely recognizing that a person should do as much good as possible in public matters) usually maintains that virtue can be equally and wonderfully shown on a small scale as on a large one. Thus, a genuine Utilitarian is likely to be an enthusiastic politician. However, what principles should guide their political actions isn’t something this treatise intends to explore.
CONCLUDING CHAPTER
THE MUTUAL RELATIONSHIPS OF THE THREE METHODS
§ 1. In the greater part of the treatise of which the final chapter has now been reached, we have been employed in examining three methods of determining right conduct, which are for the most part found more or less vaguely combined in the practical reasonings of ordinary men, but which it has been my aim to develop as separately as possible. A complete synthesis of these different methods is not attempted in the present work: at the same time it would hardly be satisfactory to conclude the analysis of them without some discussion of their mutual relations. Indeed we have already found it expedient to do this to a considerable extent, in the course of our examination of the separate methods. Thus, in the present and preceding Books we have directly or indirectly gone through a pretty full examination of the mutual relations of the Intuitional and Utilitarian methods. We have found that the common antithesis between Intuitionists and Utilitarians must be entirely discarded: since such abstract moral principles as we can admit to be really self-evident are not only not incompatible with a Utilitarian system, but even seem required to furnish a rational basis for such a system. Thus we have seen that the essence of Justice or Equity (in so far as it is clear and certain), is that different individuals are not to be treated differently, except on grounds of universal application; and that such grounds, again, are supplied by the principle of Universal Benevolence, that sets before each man the happiness of all others as an object of pursuit no less worthy than his own; while other time-honoured virtues seem to be fitly explained as[497] special manifestations of impartial benevolence under various circumstances of human life, or else as habits and dispositions indispensable to the maintenance of prudent or beneficent behaviour under the seductive force of various non-rational impulses. And although there are other rules which our common moral sense when first interrogated seems to enunciate as absolutely binding; it has appeared that careful and systematic reflection on this very Common Sense, as expressed in the habitual moral judgments of ordinary men, results in exhibiting the real subordination of these rules to the fundamental principles above given. Then, further, this method of systematising particular virtues and duties receives very strong support from a comparative study of the history of morality; as the variations in the moral codes of different societies at different stages correspond, in a great measure, to differences in the actual or believed tendencies of certain kinds of conduct to promote the general happiness of different portions of the human race: while, again, the most probable conjectures as to the pre-historic condition and original derivation of the moral faculty seem to be entirely in harmony with this view. No doubt, even if this synthesis of methods be completely accepted, there will remain some discrepancy in details between our particular moral sentiments and unreasoned judgments on the one hand, and the apparent results of special utilitarian calculations on the other; and we may often have some practical difficulty in balancing the latter against the more general utilitarian reasons for obeying the former: but there seems to be no longer any theoretical perplexity as to the principles for determining social duty.
§ 1. In the majority of this treatise, which has now reached its final chapter, we have been focused on examining three methods for determining right conduct. These methods are often found somewhat mixed together in the thinking of everyday people, but my aim has been to clarify them as much as possible. This work doesn’t attempt a complete synthesis of these different methods, but it wouldn’t be satisfying to finish the analysis without discussing how they relate to each other. In fact, we have already found it useful to do this to a large extent while examining the individual methods. Therefore, in the current and previous Books, we have directly or indirectly explored the relationships between the Intuitional and Utilitarian methods quite thoroughly. We’ve established that the typical opposition between Intuitionists and Utilitarians should be completely dismissed, as the abstract moral principles we consider truly self-evident are not only compatible with a Utilitarian system but also appear necessary to provide a rational foundation for such a system. Thus, we have determined that the essence of Justice or Equity (to the extent that it is clear and definite) is that different individuals should not be treated differently unless based on universally applicable grounds. Such grounds, in turn, are provided by the principle of Universal Benevolence, which presents everyone with the happiness of others as a goal no less worthy than their own. Other longstanding virtues can be adequately explained as special expressions of impartial benevolence in various human life circumstances, or as habits and traits that are essential for maintaining prudent or beneficial behavior against various non-rational impulses. Although there are additional rules that our common moral sense initially seems to state as absolutely binding, careful and systematic reflection on this very Common Sense, as shown in the typical moral judgments of everyday people, reveals the actual subordination of these rules to the fundamental principles mentioned above. Moreover, this method of organizing particular virtues and duties receives significant support from a comparative study of the history of morality. The variations in moral codes across different societies and periods largely correspond to differences in the actual or perceived effects of certain types of conduct on promoting the overall happiness of different groups of people. Additionally, the most plausible theories about the prehistoric state and original development of the moral faculty appear to completely align with this perspective. Certainly, even if this synthesis of methods is fully accepted, there will still be some discrepancies in details between our specific moral sentiments and unreasoned judgments on one hand, and the apparent outcomes of special utilitarian calculations on the other. We may often face practical challenges in weighing the latter against the broader utilitarian reasons for adhering to the former. However, there no longer seems to be any theoretical confusion regarding the principles for determining social duty.
It remains for us to consider the relation of the two species of Hedonism which we have distinguished as Universalistic and Egoistic. In chap. ii. of this Book we have discussed the rational process (called by a stretch of language ‘proof’) by which one who holds it reasonable to aim at his own greatest happiness may be determined to take Universal Happiness instead, as his ultimate standard of right conduct. We have seen, however, that the application of this process requires that the Egoist should affirm, implicitly or explicitly, that his own greatest happiness is not merely the rational ultimate end for himself, but a part of Universal Good: and he may avoid the proof of[498] Utilitarianism by declining to affirm this. It would be contrary to Common Sense to deny that the distinction between any one individual and any other is real and fundamental, and that consequently “I” am concerned with the quality of my existence as an individual in a sense, fundamentally important, in which I am not concerned with the quality of the existence of other individuals: and this being so, I do not see how it can be proved that this distinction is not to be taken as fundamental in determining the ultimate end of rational action for an individual. And it may be observed that most Utilitarians, however anxious they have been to convince men of the reasonableness of aiming at happiness generally, have not commonly sought to attain this result by any logical transition from the Egoistic to the Universalistic principle. They have relied almost entirely on the Sanctions of Utilitarian rules; that is, on the pleasures gained or pains avoided by the individual conforming to them. Indeed, if an Egoist remains impervious to what we have called Proof, the only way of rationally inducing him to aim at the happiness of all, is to show him that his own greatest happiness can be best attained by so doing. And further, even if a man admits the self-evidence of the principle of Rational Benevolence, he may still hold that his own happiness is an end which it is irrational for him to sacrifice to any other; and that therefore a harmony between the maxim of Prudence and the maxim of Rational Benevolence must be somehow demonstrated, if morality is to be made completely rational. This latter view, indeed (as I have before said), appears to me, on the whole, the view of Common Sense: and it is that which I myself hold. It thus becomes needful to examine how far and in what way the required demonstration can be effected.
It’s important for us to look at the relationship between the two types of Hedonism that we’ve identified as Universalistic and Egoistic. In chap. ii. of this book, we discussed the reasoning process (referred to, somewhat loosely, as ‘proof’) that allows someone who believes it’s reasonable to pursue their own greatest happiness to instead take Universal Happiness as their ultimate standard for right behavior. However, we noted that applying this reasoning requires the Egoist to assert, either directly or indirectly, that their own highest happiness is not just a rational ultimate goal for themselves, but also part of the Universal Good. They can sidestep the proof of[498] Utilitarianism by refusing to acknowledge this. It would go against Common Sense to deny that there is a real and fundamental distinction between any individual and another, and that therefore “I” am concerned with the quality of my own existence as an individual in a fundamentally important way that does not apply to the existence of others. Given this, I don’t see how it can be proven that this distinction shouldn’t be viewed as fundamental when deciding the ultimate aim of rational action for an individual. Additionally, it’s worth noting that most Utilitarians, despite wanting to persuade people of the reasonableness of aiming for general happiness, have not typically tried to achieve this by logically transitioning from the Egoistic principle to the Universalistic one. They have mostly depended on the consequences of following Utilitarian rules, specifically the pleasures gained or pains avoided by the individual who adheres to them. In fact, if an Egoist remains resistant to what we’ve referred to as Proof, the only way to rationally persuade them to consider the happiness of everyone is to demonstrate that their own highest happiness is best achieved through that. Moreover, even if a person accepts the obvious nature of the principle of Rational Benevolence, they might still believe that their own happiness is an end that it would be irrational to sacrifice for anything else; hence, it must be somehow shown that there is harmony between the principle of Prudence and the principle of Rational Benevolence for morality to be completely rational. This latter perspective, as I’ve mentioned before, seems to align with Common Sense overall: it’s the view I hold as well. Therefore, it becomes necessary to investigate how and to what extent this required demonstration can be accomplished.
§ 2. Now, in so far as Utilitarian morality coincides with that of Common Sense—as we have seen that it does in the main—this investigation has been partly performed in chap. v. of Book ii. It there appeared that while in any tolerable state of society the performance of duties towards others and the exercise of social virtues seem generally likely to coincide with the attainment of the greatest possible happiness in the long run for the virtuous agent, still the universality and completeness of this coincidence are at least incapable of empirical proof:[499] and that, indeed, the more carefully we analyse and estimate the different sanctions—Legal, Social, and Conscientious—considered as operating under the actual conditions of human life, the more difficult it seems to believe that they can be always adequate to produce this coincidence. The natural effect of this argument upon a convinced Utilitarian is merely to make him anxious to alter the actual conditions of human life: and it would certainly be a most valuable contribution to the actual happiness of mankind, if we could so improve the adjustment of the machine of Law in any society, and so stimulate and direct the common awards of praise and blame, and so develop and train the moral sense of the members of the community, as to render it clearly prudent for every individual to promote as much as possible the general good. However, we are not now considering what a consistent Utilitarian will try to effect for the future, but what a consistent Egoist is to do in the present. And it must be admitted that, as things are, whatever difference exists between Utilitarian morality and that of Common Sense is of such a kind as to render the coincidence with Egoism still more improbable in the case of the former. For we have seen that Utilitarianism is more rigid than Common Sense in exacting the sacrifice of the agent’s private interests where they are incompatible with the greatest happiness of the greatest number: and of course in so far as the Utilitarian’s principles bring him into conflict with any of the commonly accepted rules of morality, the whole force of the Social Sanction operates to deter him from what he conceives to be his duty.
§ 2. Now, as far as Utilitarian morality aligns with Common Sense—as we've seen that it mainly does—this investigation has been partly covered in chap. v. of Book ii. It was shown there that while in any decent society, fulfilling duties to others and practicing social virtues generally tends to lead to the greatest possible happiness in the long run for the virtuous individual, the universality and completeness of this alignment are at least impossible to prove empirically: [499] and indeed, the more carefully we analyze and assess the different motivations—Legal, Social, and Conscientious—acting under the actual conditions of human life, the harder it is to believe that they can always ensure this alignment. The natural outcome of this argument for a convinced Utilitarian is simply to make them eager to change the current conditions of human life: and it would certainly be a significant contribution to the overall happiness of humanity, if we could improve the setup of the legal system in any society, and effectively guide and shape social rewards and punishments, as well as develop and train the moral sense of community members, so that it clearly becomes wise for everyone to promote the general good as much as possible. However, we are not currently considering what a consistent Utilitarian will try to achieve for the future, but what a consistent Egoist should do in the present. It must be acknowledged that, as things stand, any difference between Utilitarian morality and that of Common Sense makes the alignment with Egoism even less likely in the case of the former. For we have seen that Utilitarianism is stricter than Common Sense in demanding the sacrifice of the agent’s personal interests when they conflict with the greatest happiness of the greatest number: and of course, to the extent that the Utilitarian’s principles clash with any commonly accepted moral rules, the full weight of Social Sanction works to dissuade them from what they believe is their duty.
§ 3. There are, however, writers of the Utilitarian school[500][375] who seem to maintain or imply, that by due contemplation of the paramount importance of Sympathy as an element of human happiness we shall be led to see the coincidence of the good of each with the good of all. In opposing this view, I am as far as possible from any wish to depreciate the value of sympathy as a source of happiness even to human beings as at present constituted. Indeed I am of opinion that its pleasures and pains really constitute a great part of that internal reward of social virtue, and punishment of social misconduct, which in Book ii. chap. v. I roughly set down as due to the moral sentiments. For, in fact, though I can to some extent distinguish sympathetic from strictly moral feelings in introspective analysis of my own consciousness, I cannot say precisely in what proportion these two elements are combined. For instance: I seem able to distinguish the “sense of the ignobility of Egoism” of which I have before spoken—which, in my view, is the normal emotional concomitant or expression of the moral intuition that the Good of the whole is reasonably to be preferred to the Good of a part—from the jar of sympathetic discomfort which attends the conscious choice of my own pleasure at the expense of pain or loss to others; but I find it impossible to determine what force the former sentiment would have if actually separated from the latter, and I am inclined to think that the two kinds of feeling are very variously combined in different individuals. Perhaps, indeed, we may trace a general law of variation in the relative proportion of these two elements as exhibited in the development of the moral consciousness both in the race and in individuals; for it seems that at a certain stage of this development the mind is more susceptible to emotions connected with abstract moral ideas and rules presented as absolute; while after emerging from this stage and before entering it the feelings that belong to personal relations are stronger.[376] Certainly in a Utilitarian’s mind sympathy tends to become a prominent element of all instinctive moral feelings that refer to social[501] conduct; as in his view the rational basis of the moral impulse must ultimately lie in some pleasure won or pain saved for himself or for others; so that he never has to sacrifice himself to an Impersonal Law, but always for some being or beings with whom he has at least some degree of fellow-feeling.
§ 3. However, there are writers from the Utilitarian school[500][375] who seem to suggest or imply that by properly reflecting on the critical importance of sympathy as a part of human happiness, we will come to recognize that what benefits each individual aligns with what benefits everyone. In opposing this idea, I certainly don't mean to downplay the value of sympathy as a source of happiness, even for humans as they currently are. In fact, I believe that the joys and sorrows associated with sympathy play a significant role in the internal rewards of social virtue and the penalties for social wrongdoing, which I broadly outlined in Book II, chap. v.. Although I can somewhat differentiate between sympathetic feelings and strictly moral emotions when examining my own consciousness, I cannot specify exactly how these two elements combine. For example, I feel I can distinguish the "sense of the ignobility of egoism" that I've mentioned before—which I consider the normal emotional expression of the moral intuition that the well-being of the whole is reasonably prioritized over that of a part—from the unsettling feeling of sympathetic discomfort that accompanies my choice to pursue my own pleasure at the cost of pain or loss to others; however, I find it impossible to determine the strength the former sentiment would hold if it were completely separated from the latter, and I tend to believe that these two feelings can be combined in various ways in different individuals. Indeed, we might be able to identify a general trend in the changing balance of these two elements as seen in the development of moral consciousness in both societies and individuals; it appears that at a certain stage in this development, the mind is more receptive to feelings associated with abstract moral ideas and rules presented as absolute; whereas after moving past this stage and before entering it, feelings related to personal relationships are stronger.[376] Certainly, in a Utilitarian's mind, sympathy tends to become a central component of all instinctive moral feelings regarding social conduct; from their perspective, the rational basis of moral impulses must ultimately reside in some pleasure gained or pain avoided for themselves or for others; thus, they never have to sacrifice themselves to an Impersonal Law, but always for some being or beings with whom they share at least some level of empathy.
But besides admitting the actual importance of sympathetic pleasures to the majority of mankind, I should go further and maintain that, on empirical grounds alone, enlightened self-interest would direct most men to foster and develop their sympathetic susceptibilities to a greater extent than is now commonly attained. The effectiveness of Butler’s famous argument against the vulgar antithesis between Self-love and Benevolence is undeniable: and it seems scarcely extravagant to say that, amid all the profuse waste of the means of happiness which men commit, there is no imprudence more flagrant than that of Selfishness in the ordinary sense of the term,—that excessive concentration of attention on the individual’s own happiness which renders it impossible for him to feel any strong interest in the pleasures and pains of others. The perpetual prominence of self that hence results tends to deprive all enjoyments of their keenness and zest, and produce rapid satiety and ennui: the selfish man misses the sense of elevation and enlargement given by wide interests; he misses the more secure and serene satisfaction that attends continually on activities directed towards ends more stable in prospect than an individual’s happiness can be; he misses the peculiar rich sweetness, depending upon a sort of complex reverberation of sympathy, which is always found in services rendered to those whom we love and who are grateful. He is made to feel in a thousand various ways, according to the degree of refinement which his nature has attained, the discord between the rhythms of his own life and of that larger life of which his own is but an insignificant fraction.
But besides recognizing how important sympathetic pleasures are to most people, I would argue further that, based on practical evidence alone, smart self-interest would lead most individuals to develop their capacity for sympathy more than is typically achieved today. The strength of Butler’s well-known argument against the simplistic contrast between self-love and benevolence is clear: and it hardly seems exaggerated to say that, amidst all the wasteful ways people squander happiness, there’s no foolishness more noticeable than that of selfishness in the usual sense—this excessive focus on one's own happiness that makes it impossible to genuinely care about the joys and sorrows of others. The constant focus on oneself that results from this tends to dull all pleasures, leading to quick boredom and discontent: the selfish person misses out on the sense of growth and expansion that comes from broader interests; they lack the more stable and peaceful satisfaction that comes from engaging in activities aimed at goals more lasting than personal happiness; they miss the unique, rich joy that arises from the kind of deep connection and mutual appreciation found in helping those we love. They feel the mismatch between the rhythms of their own life and that larger life of which their own is just a small part in countless ways, depending on how refined their nature has become.
But allowing[377] all this, it yet seems to me as certain as any conclusion arrived at by hedonistic comparison can be, that[502] the utmost development of sympathy, intensive and extensive, which is now possible to any but a very few exceptional persons, would not cause a perfect coincidence between Utilitarian duty and self-interest. Here it seems to me that what was said in Book ii. chap. v. § 4, to show the insufficiency of the Conscientious Sanction, applies equally, mutatis mutandis, to Sympathy. Suppose a man finds that a regard for the general good—Utilitarian Duty—demands from him a sacrifice, or extreme risk, of life. There are perhaps one or two human beings so dear to him that the remainder of a life saved by sacrificing their happiness to his own would be worthless to him from an egoistic point of view. But it is doubtful whether many men, “sitting down in a cool hour” to make the estimate, would affirm even this: and of course that particular portion of the general happiness, for which one is called upon to sacrifice one’s own, may easily be the happiness of persons not especially dear to one. But again, from this normal limitation of our keenest and strongest sympathy to a very small circle of human beings, it results that the very development of sympathy may operate to increase the weight thrown into the scale against Utilitarian duty. There are very few persons, however strongly and widely sympathetic, who are so constituted as to feel for the pleasures and pains of mankind generally a degree of sympathy at all commensurate with their concern for wife or children, or lover, or intimate friend: and if any training of the affections is at present possible which would materially alter this proportion in the general distribution of our sympathy, it scarcely seems that such a training is to be recommended as on the whole felicific.[378] And thus when Utilitarian Duty calls on us to sacrifice not only our own pleasures but the happiness of those we love to the general good, the very sanction on which Utilitarianism most relies must act powerfully in opposition to its precepts.
But even considering all this, it seems to me as certain as any conclusion based on a hedonistic comparison can be, that the highest development of sympathy, both deep and broad, which is currently possible for all but a very few exceptional people, would not create a complete alignment between Utilitarian duty and self-interest. Here, what was mentioned in Book ii. chap. v. § 4 about the inadequacy of the Conscientious Sanction applies equally, mutatis mutandis, to Sympathy. Suppose a person discovers that caring for the general good—Utilitarian Duty—requires them to make a sacrifice or face extreme danger to their life. There might be one or two individuals so dear to them that the rest of a life saved by sacrificing their happiness would be worthless to them from an egoistic standpoint. But it’s questionable whether many people, “sitting down in a cool hour” to think it through, would even affirm this: and, of course, that particular portion of general happiness which one is asked to sacrifice one’s own for can easily be the happiness of people who aren’t especially important to them. Furthermore, this normal limitation of our strongest sympathy to a very small circle of human beings means that developing sympathy may actually increase the resistance to Utilitarian duty. Very few people, no matter how empathic or broadly sympathetic, feel for the joys and sorrows of humanity as a whole in a way that matches their concern for their spouse, children, partner, or close friend. And if any way of training our emotions can significantly change this imbalance in how we distribute our sympathy, it doesn’t seem like such training is generally a good idea. Therefore, when Utilitarian Duty urges us to sacrifice not only our own pleasures but also the happiness of those we love for the greater good, the very basis that Utilitarianism depends on must work strongly against its principles.
But even apart from these exceptional cases—which are yet sufficient to decide the abstract question—it seems that the course of conduct by which a man would most fully reap the rewards of sympathy (so far as they are empirically ascertainable) will often be very different from that to which a sincere desire to promote the general happiness would direct[503] him. For the relief of distress and calamity is an important part of Utilitarian duty: but as the state of the person relieved is on the whole painful, it would appear that sympathy under these circumstances must be a source of pain rather than pleasure, in proportion to its intensity. It is probably true, as a general rule, that in the relief of distress other elements of the complex pleasure of benevolence decidedly outweigh this sympathetic pain:—for the effusion of pity is itself pleasurable, and we commonly feel more keenly that amelioration of the sufferer’s state which is due to our exertions than we do his pain otherwise caused, and there is further the pleasure that we derive from his gratitude, and the pleasure that is the normal reflex of activity directed under a strong impulse towards a permanently valued end. Still, when the distress is bitter and continued, and such as we can only partially mitigate by all our efforts, the philanthropist’s sympathetic discomfort must necessarily be considerable; and the work of combating misery, though not devoid of elevated happiness, will be much less happy on the whole than many other forms of activity; while yet it may be to just this work that Duty seems to summon us. Or again, a man may find that he can best promote the general happiness by working in comparative solitude for ends that he never hopes to see realised, or by working chiefly among and for persons for whom he cannot feel much affection, or by doing what must alienate or grieve those whom he loves best, or must make it necessary for him to dispense with the most intimate of human ties. In short, there seem to be numberless ways in which the dictates of that Rational Benevolence, which as a Utilitarian he is bound absolutely to obey, may conflict with that indulgence of kind affections which Shaftesbury and his followers so persuasively exhibit as its own reward.
But even aside from these exceptional cases—which are enough to address the abstract question—it appears that the way a person would most fully benefit from sympathy (as much as it can be observed) often differs greatly from what a genuine desire to promote overall happiness would guide him to do. Alleviating suffering and hardship is a key part of Utilitarian duty: however, since the state of the person being helped is generally painful, it seems that sympathy in these situations is more likely to bring about discomfort than joy, proportional to its intensity. It's probably true, as a general rule, that in alleviating suffering, other aspects of the complex pleasure of kindness clearly outweigh this sympathetic pain: the expression of pity is enjoyable in itself, and we usually feel more acutely the improvement in the sufferer’s circumstances due to our efforts than we do their pain caused by other factors, along with the pleasure from their gratitude and the positive feeling that results from acting with a strong impulse towards a valued goal. Still, when the distress is severe and ongoing, and we can only partially ease it through all our efforts, the philanthropist’s sympathetic discomfort must be significant; and the task of fighting misery, although not without moments of elevated happiness, will generally be less joyful than many other activities; yet it may be precisely this task that Duty seems to call us to. Alternatively, a person might find that he can best promote general happiness by working in relative isolation towards goals he never expects to achieve, or by focusing mainly on and helping people he doesn’t feel much affection for, or by doing things that will alienate or upset those he loves most, or that require him to forgo the closest human connections. In summary, there seem to be countless ways in which the principles of Rational Benevolence, which as a Utilitarian he must absolutely follow, may conflict with the nurturing of kind feelings that Shaftesbury and his followers compellingly present as its own reward.
§ 4. It seems, then, that we must conclude, from the arguments given in Book ii. chap. v., supplemented by the discussion in the preceding section, that the inseparable connexion between Utilitarian Duty and the greatest happiness of the individual who conforms to it cannot be satisfactorily demonstrated on empirical grounds. Hence another section of the Utilitarian school has preferred to throw the weight of Duty on the Religious Sanction: and this procedure has been partly[504] adopted by some of those who have chiefly dwelt on sympathy as a motive. From this point of view the Utilitarian Code is conceived as the Law of God, who is to be regarded as having commanded men to promote the general happiness, and as having announced an intention of rewarding those who obey His commands and punishing the disobedient. It is clear that if we feel convinced that an Omnipotent Being has, in whatever way, signified such commands and announcements, a rational egoist can want no further inducement to frame his life on Utilitarian principles. It only remains to consider how this conviction is attained. This is commonly thought to be either by supernatural Revelation, or by the natural exercise of Reason, or in both ways. As regards the former it is to be observed that—with a few exceptions—the moralists who hold that God has disclosed His law either to special individuals in past ages who have left a written record of what was revealed to them, or to a permanent succession of persons appointed in a particular manner, or to religious persons generally in some supernatural way, do not consider that it is the Utilitarian Code that has thus been revealed, but rather the rules of Common-Sense morality with some special modifications and additions. Still, as Mill has urged, in so far as Utilitarianism is more rigorous than Common Sense in exacting the sacrifice of the individual’s happiness to that of mankind generally, it is strictly in accordance with the most characteristic teaching of Christianity. It seems, however, unnecessary to discuss the precise relation of different Revelational Codes to Utilitarianism, as it would be going beyond our province to investigate the grounds on which a Divine origin has been attributed to them.
§ 4. It seems that we must conclude, based on the arguments presented in Book ii. chap. v., supported by the discussion in the previous section, that the close connection between Utilitarian Duty and the greatest happiness of the individual who follows it cannot be convincingly shown through empirical evidence. As a result, another branch of the Utilitarian school has decided to place the emphasis of Duty on Religious Sanction: this approach has been partly adopted by some who primarily focus on sympathy as a motive. From this perspective, the Utilitarian Code is seen as the Law of God, who is viewed as having commanded people to promote general happiness and announced an intention to reward those who follow His commands and punish those who disobey. It’s clear that if we believe an All-Powerful Being has somehow communicated such commands and announcements, a rational egoist wouldn’t need any further motivation to live according to Utilitarian principles. It only remains to consider how this belief is formed. It is commonly thought to happen either through supernatural Revelation or through the natural use of Reason, or both. Regarding the former, it’s worth noting that—with a few exceptions—moralists who believe that God has revealed His law either to specific individuals in the past who documented what was revealed to them, or to a continuous succession of people appointed in a special way, or to religious individuals in general through some supernatural means, don't consider the Utilitarian Code to be what has been revealed. Instead, they believe it is the principles of Common-Sense morality with some specific modifications and additions. Still, as Mill has pointed out, insofar as Utilitarianism is stricter than Common Sense in demanding the sacrifice of individual happiness for the sake of overall humanity, it aligns closely with the most distinctive teachings of Christianity. However, it seems unnecessary to delve into the exact relationship between different Revelational Codes and Utilitarianism, as analyzing the basis for attributing a Divine origin to them would go beyond our scope.
In so far, however, as a knowledge of God’s law is believed to be attainable by the Reason, Ethics and Theology seem to be so closely connected that we cannot sharply separate their provinces. For, as we saw,[379] it has been widely maintained, that the relation of moral rules to a Divine Lawgiver is implicitly cognised in the act of thought by which we discern these rules to be binding. And no doubt the terms (such as ‘moral obligation’), which we commonly use in speaking of these[505] rules, are naturally suggestive of Legal Sanctions and so of a Sovereign by whom these are announced and enforced. Indeed many thinkers since Locke have refused to admit any other meaning in the terms Right, Duty, etc., except that of a rule imposed by a lawgiver. This view, however, seems opposed to Common Sense; as may be, perhaps, most easily shown[380] by pointing out that the Divine Lawgiver is Himself conceived as a Moral Agent; i.e. as prescribing what is right, and designing what is good. It is clear that in this conception at least the notions ‘right’ and ‘good’ are used absolutely, without any reference to a superior lawgiver; and that they are here used in a sense not essentially different from that which they ordinarily bear seems to be affirmed by the consensus of religious persons. Still, though Common Sense does not regard moral rules as being merely the mandates of an Omnipotent Being who will reward and punish men according as they obey or violate them; it certainly holds that this is a true though partial view of them, and perhaps that it may be intuitively apprehended. If then reflection leads us to conclude that the particular moral principles of Common Sense are to be systematised as subordinate to that pre-eminently certain and irrefragable intuition which stands as the first principle of Utilitarianism; then, of course, it will be the Utilitarian Code to which we shall believe the Divine Sanctions to be attached.
As far as a knowledge of God’s law is thought to be reachable through Reason, Ethics and Theology seem so interlinked that we can't clearly separate their areas. As we noticed, it has been widely argued that the connection between moral rules and a Divine Lawgiver is implicitly recognized in the thought process by which we see these rules as binding. The terms we usually use, like ‘moral obligation’, naturally hint at Legal Sanctions and therefore at a Sovereign who announces and enforces these rules. In fact, many thinkers since Locke have insisted that terms like Right, Duty, etc., only mean rules set by a lawgiver. However, this perspective seems to conflict with Common Sense; this might be easiest to show by pointing out that the Divine Lawgiver is seen as a Moral Agent; in other words, as someone who prescribes what is right and determines what is good. It's clear that within this view, at least, the concepts ‘right’ and ‘good’ are used absolutely, without reference to a higher lawgiver; and that these terms are used in a way that is not really different from their usual meanings is supported by the consensus of religious individuals. Still, while Common Sense does not see moral rules as just commands from an Omnipotent Being who will reward or punish people based on their obedience or disobedience; it does maintain that this view is true, although only partial, and may even be understood intuitively. If reflection then leads us to conclude that the specific moral principles of Common Sense should be organized as subordinate to that primarily certain and undeniable intuition which serves as the foundation of Utilitarianism, then, naturally, it will be the Utilitarian Code to which we believe the Divine Sanctions are connected.
Or, again, we may argue thus. If—as all theologians agree—we are to conceive God as acting for some end, we must conceive that end to be Universal Good, and, if Utilitarians are right, Universal Happiness: and we cannot suppose that in a world morally governed it can be prudent for any man to act in conscious opposition to what we believe to be the Divine Design. Hence if in any case after calculating the consequences of two alternatives of conduct we choose that which seems likely to be less conducive to Happiness generally, we shall be acting in a manner for which we cannot but expect to suffer.
Or, we could argue this way. If—like all theologians agree—we think of God as acting for a purpose, we should see that purpose as Universal Good, and if Utilitarians are correct, Universal Happiness. We can't assume that in a morally governed world, it would be wise for anyone to act in conscious opposition to what we believe to be the Divine Plan. Therefore, if in any situation we calculate the outcomes of two choices and opt for the one that appears less likely to promote overall Happiness, we should expect to face consequences for that decision.
To this it has been objected, that observation of the actual world shows us that the happiness of sentient beings is so imperfectly attained in it, and with so large an intermixture of pain and misery, that we cannot really conceive Universal[506] Happiness to be God’s end, unless we admit that He is not Omnipotent. And no doubt the assertion that God is omnipotent will require to be understood with some limitation; but perhaps with no greater limitation than has always been implicitly admitted by thoughtful theologians. For these seem always to have allowed that some things are impossible to God: as, for example, to change the past. And perhaps if our knowledge of the Universe were complete, we might discern the quantum of happiness ultimately attained in it to be as great as could be attained without the accomplishment of what we should then see to be just as inconceivable and absurd as changing the past. This, however, is a view which it belongs rather to the theologian to develop. I should rather urge that there does not seem to be any other of the ordinary interpretations of Good according to which it would appear to be more completely realised in the actual universe. For the wonderful perfections of work that we admire in the physical world are yet everywhere mingled with imperfection, and subject to destruction and decay: and similarly in the world of human conduct Virtue is at least as much balanced by Vice as Happiness is by misery.[381] So that, if the ethical reasoning that led us to interpret Ultimate Good as Happiness is sound, there seems no argument from Natural Theology to set against it.
To this, it has been argued that looking at the real world shows us that the happiness of sentient beings is only imperfectly achieved, mixed heavily with pain and suffering, making it hard to believe that Universal Happiness is God’s ultimate goal unless we accept that He is not all-powerful. It's true that the claim that God is all-powerful needs to be interpreted with some limitations, but probably no more than what thoughtful theologians have always implicitly accepted. They seem to have always acknowledged that certain things are impossible for God, like changing the past. If we had complete knowledge of the Universe, we might find that the level of happiness reached in it is as high as it could be without achieving something that would then seem just as unimaginable and absurd as changing the past. However, this perspective is more suited for theologians to explore. I would argue that there doesn't seem to be any other usual definitions of Good under which it would appear more fully realized in the actual universe. The incredible wonders we admire in the physical world are still mixed with imperfections and are subject to destruction and decay. Similarly, in human behavior, Virtue is balanced just as much by Vice as Happiness is by misery. So, if the ethical reasoning that leads us to view Ultimate Good as Happiness is valid, there doesn’t seem to be any argument from Natural Theology against it.
§ 5. If, then, we may assume the existence of such a Being, as God, by the consensus of theologians, is conceived to be, it seems that Utilitarians may legitimately infer the existence of Divine sanctions to the code of social duty as constructed on a Utilitarian basis; and such sanctions would, of course, suffice to make it always every one’s interest to promote universal happiness to the best of his knowledge. It is, however, desirable, before we conclude, to examine carefully the validity of this assumption, in so far as it is supported on ethical grounds[507] alone. For by the result of such an examination will be determined, as we now see, the very important question whether ethical science can be constructed on an independent basis; or whether it is forced to borrow a fundamental and indispensable premiss from Theology or some similar source.[382] In order fairly to perform this examination, let us reflect upon the clearest and most certain of our moral intuitions. I find that I undoubtedly seem to perceive, as clearly and certainly as I see any axiom in Arithmetic or Geometry, that it is ‘right’ and ‘reasonable’ for me to treat others as I should think that I myself ought to be treated under similar conditions, and to do what I believe to be ultimately conducive to universal Good or Happiness. But I cannot find inseparably connected with this conviction, and similarly attainable by mere reflective intuition, any cognition that there actually is a Supreme Being who will adequately[383] reward me for obeying these rules of duty, or punish me for violating them.[384] Or,—omitting the strictly theological element of the proposition,—I may say that I do not find in my moral consciousness any intuition, claiming to be clear and certain, that the performance of duty will be adequately rewarded and its violation punished. I feel indeed a desire, apparently inseparable from the moral sentiments, that this result may be realised not only in my own case but universally; but the mere existence of the desire would not go far to establish the probability of its fulfilment, considering the[508] large proportion of human desires that experience shows to be doomed to disappointment. I also judge that in a certain sense this result ought to be realised: in this judgment, however, ‘ought’ is not used in a strictly ethical meaning; it only expresses the vital need that our Practical Reason feels of proving or postulating this connexion of Virtue and self-interest, if it is to be made consistent with itself. For the negation of the connexion must force us to admit an ultimate and fundamental contradiction in our apparent intuitions of what is Reasonable in conduct; and from this admission it would seem to follow that the apparently intuitive operation of the Practical Reason, manifested in these contradictory judgments, is after all illusory.
§ 5. If we can assume the existence of a Being, as God is understood to be by the consensus of theologians, it seems that Utilitarians can rightly infer the presence of Divine support for the social duty code based on Utilitarian principles. Such support would, of course, ensure that it’s always in everyone’s interest to promote universal happiness to the best of their ability. However, it’s important to carefully examine the validity of this assumption, particularly as it stands on ethical grounds alone. This examination will determine whether ethical science can exist independently or if it must rely on fundamental and essential premises from Theology or similar sources. To conduct this examination fairly, let’s reflect on the clearest and most certain of our moral intuitions. I find that I clearly perceive, as easily as I see any principle in Arithmetic or Geometry, that it’s ‘right’ and ‘reasonable’ for me to treat others as I believe I should be treated under similar circumstances, and to do what I believe ultimately leads to universal Good or Happiness. However, I can’t find any inseparable connection to this belief, nor anything accessible through mere reflective intuition, that there really is a Supreme Being who will adequately reward me for following these rules of duty or punish me for breaking them. Or—setting aside the strictly theological aspect of the proposition—I can say that I don’t find in my moral awareness any clear and certain intuition that fulfilling duty will be sufficiently rewarded and its violation punished. I do, however, feel a desire, which seems inseparable from moral sentiments, that this outcome should occur not just for me but universally. But the existence of this desire alone doesn’t strongly suggest its likelihood, given the many human desires that experience shows to often end in disappointment. I also believe that, in a certain sense, this result should happen: in this belief, however, ‘should’ isn’t used in a strictly ethical sense; it simply conveys the essential need that our Practical Reason has to establish or assume this connection between Virtue and self-interest if it’s to remain consistent with itself. The denial of this connection must lead us to acknowledge a fundamental contradiction in our apparent intuitions about what is reasonable in behavior; and from that acknowledgment, it would appear that the supposedly intuitive operation of the Practical Reason, reflected in these conflicting judgments, is ultimately illusory.
I do not mean that if we gave up the hope of attaining a practical solution of this fundamental contradiction, through any legitimately obtained conclusion or postulate as to the moral order of the world, it would become reasonable for us to abandon morality altogether: but it would seem necessary to abandon the idea of rationalising it completely. We should doubtless still, not only from self-interest, but also through sympathy and sentiments protective of social wellbeing, imparted by education and sustained by communication with other men, feel a desire for the general observance of rules conducive to general happiness; and practical reason would still impel us decisively to the performance of duty in the more ordinary cases in which what is recognised as duty is in harmony with self-interest properly understood. But in the rarer cases of a recognised conflict between self-interest and duty, practical reason, being divided against itself, would cease to be a motive on either side; the conflict would have to be decided by the comparative preponderance of one or other of two groups of non-rational impulses.
I don’t mean that if we give up on finding a practical solution to this fundamental contradiction, through any valid conclusion or belief about the moral order of the world, it would make sense for us to completely abandon morality. However, it seems necessary to let go of the idea that we can fully rationalize it. We would still, not only out of self-interest but also through sympathy and values that support social well-being, shaped by education and our interactions with others, feel a desire for everyone to follow rules that promote general happiness. Practical reason would still strongly motivate us to fulfill our duties in everyday situations where what is seen as duty aligns with self-interest as it should be understood. But in the less common situations where there is a clear conflict between self-interest and duty, practical reason would become conflicted and would no longer effectively motivate either side; the conflict would then have to be resolved by weighing the stronger influence of one or the other of two groups of non-rational impulses.
If then the reconciliation of duty and self-interest is to be regarded as a hypothesis logically necessary to avoid a fundamental contradiction in one chief department of our thought, it remains to ask how far this necessity constitutes a sufficient reason for accepting this hypothesis. This, however, is a profoundly difficult and controverted question, the discussion of which belongs rather to a treatise on General Philosophy than to a work on the Methods of Ethics: as it could not be[509] satisfactorily answered, without a general examination of the criteria of true and false beliefs. Those who hold that the edifice of physical science is really constructed of conclusions logically inferred from self-evident premises, may reasonably demand that any practical judgments claiming philosophic certainty should be based on an equally firm foundation. If on the other hand we find that in our supposed knowledge of the world of nature propositions are commonly taken to be universally true, which yet seem to rest on no other grounds than that we have a strong disposition to accept them, and that they are indispensable to the systematic coherence of our beliefs,—it will be more difficult to reject a similarly supported assumption in ethics, without opening the door to universal scepticism.
If the reconciliation of duty and self-interest is seen as a necessary idea to avoid a fundamental contradiction in a key area of our thinking, we need to consider whether this necessity gives us a good enough reason to accept this idea. This is a deeply challenging and debated question that really belongs more in a discussion about General Philosophy than in a work on the Methods of Ethics, as it can't be satisfactorily answered without a thorough examination of what we consider true and false beliefs. Those who believe that physical science is built on conclusions logically drawn from self-evident truths might reasonably argue that any practical judgments claiming philosophical certainty should be based on an equally solid foundation. However, if we find that in our understanding of the natural world, certain statements are often taken to be universally true, yet seem to rely solely on our strong tendency to accept them and that they are essential for maintaining the consistency of our beliefs, it becomes much harder to dismiss a similar assumption in ethics without opening the door to widespread skepticism.
APPENDIX
THE KANTIAN VIEW OF FREE WILL
[Reprinted, with some omissions, from Mind, 1888, Vol. XIII., No. 51.]
[Reprinted, with some omissions, from Mind, 1888, Vol. XIII., No. 51.]
My aim is to show that, in different parts of Kant’s exposition of his doctrine, two essentially different conceptions are expressed by the same word freedom; while yet Kant does not appear to be conscious of any variation in the meaning of the term.
My goal is to demonstrate that in different sections of Kant's explanation of his theory, two fundamentally different ideas are conveyed by the same word "freedom"; yet Kant doesn't seem to recognize any differences in the meaning of the term.
[In the one sense, Freedom = Rationality, so that a man is free in proportion as he acts in accordance with Reason.] I do not in the least object to this use of the term Freedom, on account of its deviation from ordinary usage. On the contrary, I think it has much support in men’s natural expression of ordinary moral experience in discourse. In the conflict that is continually going on in all of us, between non-rational impulses and what we recognise as dictates of practical reason, we are in the habit of identifying ourselves with the latter rather than with the former: as Whewell says, “we speak of Desire, Love, Anger, as mastering us, and of ourselves as controlling them”—we continually call men “slaves” of appetite or passion, whereas no one was ever called a slave of reason. If, therefore, the term Freedom had not already been appropriated by moralists to another meaning—if it were merely a question of taking it from ordinary discourse and stamping it with greater precision for purposes of ethical discussion—I should make no objection to the statement that “a man is a free agent in proportion as he acts rationally.” But, what English defenders of man’s free agency have generally been concerned to maintain, is that “man has a freedom of choice between good and evil,” which is realised or manifested when he deliberately chooses evil just as much as when he deliberately chooses good; and it is clear that if we say that a man is a free agent in proportion as he acts rationally, we cannot also say, in the same sense of the term, that it is by his free choice that he acts irrationally when he does so act. The notions of Freedom must be admitted to be fundamentally different in the two statements: and though usage might fairly allow the word Freedom to represent either notion, if only one or other of the above-mentioned propositions were affirmed, to use it to represent both, in affirming both propositions, is obviously inconvenient; and it implies a[512] confusion of thought so to use it, without pointing out the difference of meaning.
[In one sense, Freedom = Rationality, meaning a person is free to the extent that they act according to Reason.] I don’t have any issue with this definition of Freedom, despite its departure from common usage. In fact, I believe it aligns well with how people naturally express their everyday moral experiences in conversation. In the ongoing struggle we all face between irrational impulses and what we recognize as the guidance of practical reason, we tend to identify more with the latter than the former: as Whewell puts it, “we talk about Desire, Love, Anger, as if they control us, while we see ourselves as the ones in charge of them”—we often refer to people as “slaves” to their desires or passions, yet no one is ever labeled a slave of reason. Therefore, if the term Freedom hadn't already been claimed by moralists for another meaning—if it were just a matter of refining its use from everyday talk for ethical discussions—I wouldn’t have any objections to saying that “a person is a free agent to the degree that they act rationally.” However, what English advocates for human free will generally argue is that “people have the freedom of choice between good and evil,” which is expressed when they consciously choose evil just as much as when they consciously choose good; and it’s clear that if we claim a person is a free agent in proportion to their rational actions, we cannot also claim, in the same sense of the term, that it is through their free choice that they act irrationally when they do. The concepts of Freedom must be recognized as fundamentally different between the two statements: and while usage might reasonably allow the word Freedom to represent either idea if only one of the aforementioned propositions were asserted, using it to signify both while affirming both propositions is clearly problematic; and it leads to a[512]confusion of thought to do so, without clarifying the difference in meaning.
If this be admitted, the next thing is to show that Kant does use the term in this double way. In arguing this, it will be convenient to have names for what we admit to be two distinct ideas. Accordingly, the kind of freedom which I first mentioned—which a man is said to manifest more in proportion as he acts more under the guidance of reason—shall be referred to as ‘Good’ or ‘Rational Freedom,’ and the freedom that is manifested in choosing between good and evil shall be called ‘Neutral’ or ‘Moral Freedom.’[385]
If we accept this, the next step is to demonstrate that Kant uses the term in these two different ways. In making this argument, it will help to have names for what we recognize as two distinct concepts. Therefore, the type of freedom I mentioned earlier—where a person is said to show more freedom as they act more according to reason—will be referred to as ‘Good’ or ‘Rational Freedom,’ while the freedom that appears in choosing between good and evil will be called ‘Neutral’ or ‘Moral Freedom.’[385]
But before I proceed to the different passages of Kant’s exposition in which ‘Good Freedom’ and ‘Neutral Freedom’ respectively occur, it seems desirable to distinguish this latter from a wider notion with which it may possibly be confounded, and which it would be clearly wrong to attribute to Kant. I mean the “power of acting without a motive,” which Reid and other writers, on what used to be called the Libertarian side, have thought it necessary to claim. “If a man could not act without a motive,” says Reid, “he could have no power”—that is, in Reid’s meaning, no free agency—“at all.” This conception of Freedom—which I may conveniently distinguish as ‘Capricious Freedom’—is, as I said, certainly not Kantian: not only does he expressly repudiate it, but nowhere—so far as I know—does he unconsciously introduce it. Indeed it is incompatible with any and every part of his explanation of human volition: the originality and interest of his defence of Neutral Freedom—the power of choice between good and evil—lies in its complete avoidance of Capricious Freedom or the power of acting without a motive in any particular volition.
But before I move on to the different sections of Kant’s discussion where ‘Good Freedom’ and ‘Neutral Freedom’ come up, I think it’s important to differentiate the latter from a broader concept that it might be confused with, which would clearly be misattributed to Kant. I’m referring to the “ability to act without a motive,” which Reid and other authors, from what was known as the Libertarian perspective, felt the need to assert. “If a person couldn’t act without a motive,” Reid states, “he wouldn’t have any power”—meaning, in Reid’s terms, no free agency—“at all.” This idea of Freedom—which I’ll call ‘Capricious Freedom’—is definitely not Kant’s view: he not only explicitly rejects it, but as far as I know, he never unintentionally introduces it either. In fact, it contradicts every part of his explanation of human will: the uniqueness and significance of his argument for Neutral Freedom—the ability to choose between good and evil—lies in its complete avoidance of Capricious Freedom or the ability to act without a motive in any specific choice.
[This] distinction helps me to understand how [it is that] many intelligent readers have failed to see in Kant’s exposition the two Freedoms—Good or Rational Freedom and Neutral or Moral Freedom—which I find in Kant. They have their view fixed on the difference between Rational or Moral Freedom, which Kant maintains, and the Freedom of Caprice, which he undoubtedly repudiates: and are thus led to overlook with him the distinction between the Freedom that we realise or manifest in proportion as we do right, and the Freedom that is realised or manifested equally in choosing either right or wrong. When we have once put completely out of view the Freedom of Caprice, the power of acting without a motive, or against the strongest motive when the competition is among merely natural or non-rational desires or aversions,—when we have agreed to exclude this, and to concentrate attention on the difference between Good Freedom and Neutral Freedom—I venture to think that no one can avoid seeing each member of this latter antithesis in Kant. It will be easily understood that, as he does not himself distinguish the two conceptions, it is naturally impossible for the most careful reader always to tell which is to be understood; but there are many passages where his argument unmistakably requires the one, and many other[513] passages where it unmistakably requires the other. Speaking broadly, I may say that, wherever Kant has to connect the notion of Freedom with that of Moral Responsibility or moral imputation, he, like all other moralists who have maintained Free Will in this connexion, means (chiefly, but not solely) Neutral Freedom—Freedom exhibited in choosing wrong as much as in choosing right. Indeed, in such passages it is with the Freedom of the wrong-chooser that he is primarily concerned: since it is the wrong-chooser that he especially wishes to prevent from shifting his responsibility on to causes beyond his control. On the other hand, when what he has to prove is the possibility of disinterested obedience to Law as such, without the intervention of sensible impulses, when he seeks to exhibit the independence of Reason in influencing choice, then in many though not all his statements he explicitly identifies Freedom with this independence of Reason, and thus clearly implies the proposition that a man is free in proportion as he acts rationally.
This distinction helps me understand how many intelligent readers have missed the two types of Freedom—Good or Rational Freedom and Neutral or Moral Freedom—that I see in Kant's work. They're focused on the difference between Rational or Moral Freedom, which Kant upholds, and the Freedom of Caprice, which he clearly rejects; this leads them to overlook the distinction he makes between the Freedom we realize or show by doing the right thing and the Freedom that is shown equally in choosing either right or wrong. Once we completely disregard the Freedom of Caprice—the ability to act without a motive or against the strongest motive when the choice is just between natural or non-rational desires or aversions—and choose to focus on the difference between Good Freedom and Neutral Freedom, I believe no one can help but see each part of this latter contrast in Kant's work. It's clear that since he doesn't distinguish between the two concepts, even the most attentive reader might struggle to identify which one is intended; however, there are many passages where his argument clearly requires one, and many other passages where it clearly requires the other. In general, I can say that whenever Kant connects the idea of Freedom with Moral Responsibility or moral accountability, like other moralists advocating Free Will in this context, he mainly means Neutral Freedom—Freedom shown in choosing wrongly as much as in choosing rightly. Indeed, in such sections, he is primarily concerned with the Freedom of the wrong-chooser, as he especially wants to prevent that person from shifting responsibility to factors beyond their control. Conversely, when he aims to prove the possibility of selfless obedience to Law without relying on sensible impulses, and when he wants to show the independence of Reason in influencing choice, he often explicitly equates Freedom with this independence of Reason and clearly implies that a person is free to the extent that they act rationally.
As an example of the first kind, I will take the passage towards the close of chap. iii. of the “Analytic of Practical Reason,”[386] where he treats, in its bearing on Moral Responsibility, his peculiar metaphysical doctrine of a double kind of causation in human actions. According to Kant, every such action, regarded as a phenomenon determined in time, must be thought as a necessary result of determining causes in antecedent time—otherwise its existence would be inconceivable—but it may be also regarded in relation to the agent considered as a thing-in-himself, as the “noümenon” of which the action is a phenomenon: and the conception of Freedom may be applied to the agent so considered in relation to his phenomena. For since his existence as a noümenon is not subject to time-conditions, nothing in this noümenal existence comes under the principle of determination by antecedent causes: hence, as Kant says, “in this his existence nothing is antecedent to the determination of his will, but every action ... even the whole series of his existence as a sensible being, is in the consciousness of his supersensible existence nothing but the result of his causality as a noümenon.” This is the well-known metaphysical solution of the difficulty of reconciling Free Will with the Universality of physical causation: I am not now concerned to criticise it,—my point is that if we accept this view of Freedom at all, it must obviously be Neutral Freedom: it must express the relation of a noümenon that manifests itself as a scoundrel to a series of bad volitions, in which the moral law is violated, no less than the relation of a noümenon that manifests itself as a saint to good or rational volitions, in which the moral law or categorical imperative is obeyed. And, as I before said, Kant in this passage—being especially concerned to explain the possibility of moral imputation, and justify the judicial sentences of conscience—especially takes as his illustrations noümena that exhibit bad phenomena. The question he expressly raises is “How a man who commits a theft” can “be called quite free” at the moment of committing it? and answers that it is in virtue of his “transcendental freedom” that “the rational being can justly say of every unlawful action that he performs that he could very well have left it undone,” although as[514] phenomenon it is determined by antecedents, and so necessary; “for it, with all the past which determines it, belongs to the one single phenomenon of his character which he makes for himself, in consequence of which he imputes to himself” the bad actions that result necessarily from his bad character taken in conjunction with other causes. Hence, however he may account for his error from bad habits which he has allowed to grow on him, whatever art he may use to paint to himself an unlawful act he remembers as something in which he was carried away by the stream of physical necessity, this cannot protect him from self-reproach:—not even if he have shown depravity so early that he may reasonably be thought to have been born in a morally hopeless condition—he will still be rightly judged, and will judge himself “just as responsible as any other man”: since in relation to his noümenal self his life as a whole, from first to last, is to be regarded as a single phenomenon resulting from an absolutely free choice.
As an example of the first kind, I will refer to the passage near the end of chap. iii. of the “Analytic of Practical Reason,”[386] where he discusses, in relation to Moral Responsibility, his unique metaphysical idea of a twofold causation in human actions. According to Kant, every action, seen as a phenomenon occurring in time, must be understood as a necessary outcome of determining causes from the past—otherwise, its existence would be impossible to conceive—but it can also be regarded concerning the agent as a thing-in-itself, as the “noümenon” of which the action is a phenomenon: and the concept of Freedom can be applied to the agent viewed in relation to his phenomena. Since his existence as a noümenon isn’t bound by time, nothing in this noümenal existence falls under the principle of being determined by prior causes: thus, as Kant puts it, “in this existence, nothing precedes the determination of his will; rather, every action... even the entire series of his existence as a sensible being, is merely the result of his causality as a noümenon in the awareness of his supersensible existence.” This is the well-known metaphysical solution to the problem of reconciling Free Will with the Universality of physical causation: I’m not here to critique it—my point is that if we accept this perspective on Freedom at all, it must clearly be Neutral Freedom: it must reflect the relationship of a noümenon that presents itself as a scoundrel to a series of bad choices that violate the moral law, just as much as the relationship of a noümenon that presents itself as a saint to good or rational choices, in which the moral law or categorical imperative is followed. As I mentioned earlier, Kant in this passage—specifically focused on explaining the possibility of moral attribution and justifying the judgments of conscience—takes as his examples noümena that reveal negative phenomena. The question he specifically raises is “How can a man who commits theft” be considered entirely free at the moment of doing it? He answers that it is because of his “transcendental freedom” that “the rational being can rightly say of every unlawful action that he performs that he could very well have chosen not to do it,” even though as[514] a phenomenon it is determined by prior events and thus necessary; “for it, along with all the past that determines it, is part of the single phenomenon of his character that he creates for himself, as a result of which he holds himself accountable” for the bad actions that necessarily arise from his flawed character combined with other factors. Thus, no matter how he might attribute his mistakes to bad habits that he’s allowed to develop or whatever rationalization he uses to view an unlawful act he remembers as something he was swept away by the current of physical necessity, this cannot shield him from self-blame:—not even if he has shown such moral depravity early on that it may seem reasonable to consider him born into a morally hopeless situation—he will still be justly judged and will judge himself “just as responsible as any other person”: since regarding his noümenal self, his entire life, from beginning to end, should be viewed as a single phenomenon arising from an entirely free choice.
I need not labour this point further; it is evident that the necessities of Kant’s metaphysical explanation of moral responsibility make him express with peculiar emphasis and fulness the notion of what I have called Neutral Freedom, a kind of causality manifested in bad and irrational volitions no less than in the good and rational.
I don’t need to elaborate on this point any more; it’s clear that Kant’s metaphysical framework for moral responsibility requires him to highlight the idea of what I refer to as Neutral Freedom, a type of causality that appears in both bad, irrational choices and good, rational ones.
On the other hand, it is no less easy to find passages in which the term Freedom seems to me most distinctly to stand for Good or Rational Freedom. Indeed, such passages are, I think, more frequent than those in which the other meaning is plainly required. Thus he tells us that “a free will must find its principle of determination in the [moral] ‘Law,’”[387] and that “freedom, whose causality can be determined only by the law, consists just in this, that it restricts all inclinations by the condition of obedience to pure law.”[388] Whereas, in the argument previously examined, his whole effort was to prove that the noümenon or supersensible being, of which each volition is a phenomenon, exercises “free causality” in unlawful acts, he tells us elsewhere, in the same treatise, that the “supersensible nature” of rational beings, who have also a “sensible nature,” is their “existence according to laws which are independent of every empirical condition, and therefore belong to the autonomy of pure [practical] reason.”[389] Similarly, in an earlier work, he explains that “since the conception of causality involves that of laws ... though freedom is not a property of the will depending on physical laws, yet it is not for that reason lawless; on the contrary, it must be a causality according to immutable laws, but of a peculiar kind; otherwise, a free will would be a chimæra (Unding).”[390] And this immutable law of the “free” or “autonomous” will is, as he goes on to say, the fundamental principle of morality, “so that a free will and a will subject to moral laws are one and the same.”
On the other hand, it's just as easy to find sections where the term Freedom clearly represents Good or Rational Freedom. In fact, I believe such sections are more common than those that clearly require the other meaning. He tells us that “a free will must find its principle of determination in the [moral] ‘Law,’”[387] and that “freedom, whose causality can be determined only by the law, is defined by the fact that it restricts all inclinations by the condition of obedience to pure law.”[388] While in the earlier argument, he focused on proving that the noumenon or supersensible being, of which each will is a phenomenon, exercises “free causality” in unlawful actions, he states elsewhere in the same treatise that the “supersensible nature” of rational beings, who also possess a “sensible nature,” exists according to laws that are independent of any empirical conditions and, therefore, relate to the autonomy of pure [practical] reason.”[389] Similarly, in an earlier work, he explains that “since the concept of causality includes that of laws ... even though freedom isn’t a property of the will that depends on physical laws, it doesn’t mean it’s lawless; on the contrary, it must operate according to unchanging laws, but of a unique kind; otherwise, a free will would be an illusion (Unding).”[390] And this unchanging law of the “free” or “autonomous” will is, as he later states, the fundamental principle of morality, “so that a free will and a will subject to moral laws are one and the same.”
I have quoted this last phrase, not because it clearly exhibits the notion of Rational Freedom,—on the contrary, it rather shows how easily this notion may be confounded with the other. A will subject to its own moral laws may mean a will that, so far as free, conforms to these laws; but it also may be conceived as capable of freely disobeying these[515] laws—exercising Neutral Freedom. But when Freedom is said to be a “causality according to immutable laws” the ambiguity is dispelled; for this evidently cannot mean merely a faculty of laying down laws which may or may not be obeyed; it must mean that the will, quâ free, acts in accordance with these laws;—the human being, doubtless, often acts contrary to them; but then, according to this view, its choice in such actions is determined not “freely” but “mechanically,” by “physical” and “empirical” springs of action.
I’ve quoted this last phrase, not because it clearly shows the idea of Rational Freedom—on the contrary, it actually demonstrates how easily this idea can be mixed up with another. A will that follows its own moral laws may mean a will that, as far as being free, conforms to these laws; but it can also may be seen as capable of freely disobeying these laws—exercising Neutral Freedom. But when Freedom is described as a “causality according to immutable laws,” the ambiguity disappears; because this clearly can't just mean having the ability to create laws that may or may not be followed; it must mean that the will, quâ free, acts in accordance with these laws;—the human being, of course, often acts against them; but then, according to this perspective, its choice in such actions is determined not “freely” but “mechanically,” by “physical” and “empirical” motivations for action.
If any further argument is necessary to show that Kantian “Freedom” must sometimes be understood as Rational or Good Freedom, I may quote one or two of the numerous passages in which Kant, either expressly or by implication, identifies Will and Reason; for this identification obviously excludes the possibility of Will’s choosing between Reason and non-rational impulses. Thus in the Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten,[391] he tells us that “as Reason is required to deduce actions from laws, Will is nothing but pure practical reason”; and, similarly, in the Kritik der praktischen Vernunft, he speaks of the “objective reality of a pure Will or, which is the same thing, a pure practical reason.”[392] Accordingly, whereas in some passages[393] the “autonomy” which he identifies with “Freedom” is spoken of as “autonomy of will,” in others we are told that the “moral law expresses nothing else than autonomy of the pure practical reason: that is, Freedom.”[394]
If any further argument is needed to show that Kantian “Freedom” should sometimes be understood as Rational or Good Freedom, I can reference one or two of the many passages where Kant, either directly or indirectly, connects Will and Reason; this connection clearly rules out the possibility of Will choosing between Reason and non-rational impulses. In the Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten,[391] he states that “since Reason is necessary to deduce actions from laws, Will is nothing but pure practical reason”; similarly, in the Kritik der praktischen Vernunft, he refers to the “objective reality of a pure Will or, which is the same thing, a pure practical reason.”[392] Therefore, while in some passages[393] the “autonomy” he links to “Freedom” is described as “autonomy of will,” in others it is stated that the “moral law expresses nothing other than autonomy of the pure practical reason: that is, Freedom.”[394]
I think that I have now established the verbal ambiguity that I undertook to bring home to Kant’s account of Free Will; I have shown that in his exposition this fundamental term oscillates between incompatible meanings. But it may, perhaps, be thought that the defect thus pointed out can be cured by a merely verbal correction: that the substance of Kant’s ethical doctrine may still be maintained, and may still be connected with his metaphysical doctrine. It may still be held that Reason dictates that we should at all times act from a maxim that we can will to be a universal law, and that we should do this from pure regard for reason and reason’s law, admitting that it is a law which we are free to disobey; and it may still be held that the reality of this moral freedom is to be reconciled with the universality of physical causation by conceiving it as a relation between the agent’s noümenal self—independent of time-conditions—and his character as manifested in time; the only correction required being to avoid identifying Freedom and Goodness or Rationality as attributes of agents or actions.
I believe I've successfully pointed out the verbal confusion in Kant's explanation of Free Will; I've demonstrated that this key term shifts between opposing meanings. However, some might think that this issue could be resolved with just a verbal tweak: that the essence of Kant’s ethical theory could still stand and remain linked to his metaphysical ideas. It might still be argued that Reason tells us we should always act according to a principle that we can will to become a universal law, and that we should do this solely out of respect for reason and its law, acknowledging that it’s a law we’re free to ignore; and it may also be argued that the reality of this moral freedom can be reconciled with the universality of physical causation by viewing it as a relationship between the agent’s noumenal self—outside of time—and his character as expressed in time; the only adjustment needed being to refrain from equating Freedom and Goodness or Rationality with traits of agents or actions.
I should quite admit that the most important parts both of Kant’s doctrine of morality, and of his doctrine of Freedom may be saved:—or I should perhaps rather say that the latter may be left to conduct an unequal struggle with the modern notions of heredity and evolution: at any rate I admit that it is not fundamentally affected by my present[516] argument. But I think that a good deal more will have to go from a corrected edition of Kantism than merely the “word” Freedom in certain passages, if the confusion introduced by the ambiguity of this word is to be eliminated in the manner that I have suggested. I think that the whole topic of the “heteronomy” of the will, when it yields to empirical or sensible impulses, will have to be abandoned or profoundly modified. And I am afraid that most readers of Kant will feel the loss to be serious; since nothing in Kant’s ethical writing is more fascinating than the idea—which he expresses repeatedly in various forms—that a man realises the aim of his true self when he obeys the moral law, whereas, when he wrongly allows his action to be determined by empirical or sensible stimuli, he becomes subject to physical causation, to laws of a brute outer world. But if we dismiss the identification of Freedom and Rationality, and accept definitely and singly Kant’s other notion of Freedom as expressing the relation of the human thing-in-itself to its phenomenon, I am afraid that this spirit-stirring appeal to the sentiment of Liberty must be dismissed as idle rhetoric. For the life of the saint must be as much subject—in any particular portion of it—to the necessary laws of physical causation as the life of the scoundrel: and the scoundrel must exhibit and express his characteristic self-hood in his transcendental choice of a bad life, as much as the saint does in his transcendental choice of a good one. If, on the other hand, to avoid this result, we take the other horn of the dilemma, and identify inner freedom with rationality, than a more serious excision will be required. For, along with ‘Neutral’ or ‘Moral’ Freedom, the whole Kantian view of the relation of the noümenon to the empirical character will have to be dropped, and with it must go the whole Kantian method of maintaining moral responsibility and moral imputation: in fact, all that has made Kant’s doctrine interesting and impressive to English advocates of Free Will (in the ordinary sense), even when they have not been convinced of its soundness.
I should definitely admit that the most important parts of both Kant's morality theory and his idea of Freedom can be preserved; or maybe I should say that the latter will have to face an uphill battle against modern concepts of heredity and evolution. At the very least, I acknowledge that my current[516] argument doesn't fundamentally change things. However, I think that quite a bit more will need to be removed from a revised version of Kant's philosophy than just the word "Freedom" in certain contexts if we want to clear up the confusion caused by the ambiguity of that term in the way I've suggested. I believe that the entire issue of "heteronomy" of the will, when it succumbs to empirical or sensory impulses, will need to be either discarded or deeply revised. I'm concerned that most readers of Kant will see this as a significant loss, as nothing in his ethical writings is more captivating than the idea—expressed repeatedly in various ways—that a person realizes the goal of their true self when they follow the moral law, while if they mistakenly let their actions be driven by empirical or sensory stimuli, they fall under physical causation and the laws of a harsh outer world. But if we reject the link between Freedom and Rationality, and fully accept Kant's other concept of Freedom as showing the relationship of the human thing-in-itself to its phenomenon, I'm afraid this inspiring call to the sentiment of Liberty will have to be regarded as empty rhetoric. For the life of a saint is just as subject—in any given part of it—to the inevitable laws of physical causation as the life of a scoundrel: and the scoundrel must reveal and express his distinct selfhood in his transcendental choice of a bad life, just as much as the saint does in his transcendental choice of a good one. Conversely, if we want to avoid this outcome and take the other side of the dilemma, identifying inner freedom with rationality, then a more significant removal will be needed. This would mean that, along with 'Neutral' or 'Moral' Freedom, the entire Kantian perspective on the relationship between the noumenon and empirical character would have to be discarded, along with it the whole Kantian approach to upholding moral responsibility and moral accountability: in fact, all that has made Kant's doctrine appealing and impressive to English supporters of Free Will (in the typical sense), even when they haven't been convinced of its validity.
INDEX
- ‘Absolute’ and ‘Relative’ Ethics, 18 note 2, 177 note 1
- ‘Act,’ meaning of, 200 note 3, 201, 202
- Action, ultimate end of, 3, 4, etc.;
- motive to, may be non-rational, 5;
- instinctive, 24, 61;
- deliberate, 24, 61;
- deliberate and impulsive, 61
- Acuteness, 236
- Æsthetic Intuitionism, 228, 392;
- implicit reference to Ultimate Good in, 392, 393
- Æsthetic sensibility, theories of, 189
- Affections, Duties of the, 345-349
- Affections, social and domestic, 138, 153, 156, 157, 433, 434
- ‘Altruism,’ 439
- ἀνδρεία, 456
- ‘Apathy’ as ideal of happiness, 125
- Aristotle, 59 note 1, 92, 92 note 2, 98-99, 99 note 1, 121-122, 180, 180 note 1, 181 note 1, 215, 224, 231 note 1, 264 note 2, 281, 375 note 1, 376, 403, 456
- Art, Definition of, 4
- ‘Art of conduct,’ 4
- Austin, 300 note 1
- Aversion, 42, 43, 46, 145
- Axioms, 215, 338-343, 379-389 passim;
- must (a) have the terms clear and precise, 338, 339;
- (b) be really self-evident, 339-341;
- (c) not conflict with any other accepted proposition, 341;
- (d) be supported by consensus of experts, 341, 342
- Axiom—of Justice or Equity, and Rational Benevolence, 387;
- of Prudence, the logical basis of Egoism, 386;
- of Rational Benevolence, the logical basis of Utilitarianism, 387, 388;
- -s of Impartiality, 379-383, 496, 497
- Bacon, 338
- Bain, 43 note 2, Note 54-56, Note 87-88, 125, 126, 127, 477 note 1;
- (The Emotions and the Will) 54, 55 Note, 126 note 1;
- (Mental and Moral Science) 127 notes 1-3, 177 note 1
- Bastiat, 278 note 1
- Beauty, 114
- Benevolence, 238-263 passim, 391, 393;
- comprehensiveness and supremacy of, 238, 238 note 2;
- common maxim of, 238-239;
- axiom of, 382, 385, 387, 496;
- prescribes promotion of others’ Happiness rather than Perfection, 240, 241;
- principles of its distribution, 241, 242, 261, 262, 263;
- and Justice, spheres of, 242, 243, 268;
- virtue of, 244, 253;
- duty of, 252, 253, 253 note 1, 258;
- Kant’s view of the duty of, 239, 240;
- intellectual versus emotional excellence of, 244 note 1;
- conflicting claims to, 246;
- duties of, classified, 248;
- rational, cf. Rational Benevolence;
- Intuitional and Utilitarian notions of, reconciled, 430-431
- Benevolent—emotion, 239;
- disposition, 239
- Bentham, 10, 41, 41 note 1, 84, 85, 86, Note 87-88, 92, 94, 119, 124 note 1, 143, 164, 203, 292, 364, 414, 417, 423 note 2, 424;
- (Memoirs) 10 notes 2 and 3,
- (Deontology, Works, Bowring’s edition) 87, 88 Note,
- (Principles of Morals and Legislation) 26 note 1,
- (Constitutional Code) 41 note 2
- Bequest, change of view respecting, 246, 247
- Berkeley, Bishop, 120
- Blackstone, Introduction, 302 note 1
- Bouillier, 180 note 2
- Butler, 7, 39, 44, 44 note 2, 81, 86, 93, 94, 119, 133 note 2, 136, 172, 200, 222, 366, 366 note 3, 371, 372, 378, 386, 401, 405, 501;
- (Analogy) 378;
- (Dissertation Of the Nature of Virtue) 86 note 2, 176 note 1, 327 note 1;
- (Sermons on Human Nature) 7 note 1, 86 note 2, 93 note 2, 120 note 1, 200 note 2, 323 note 1[518]
- Candour, 355
- Cardinal Virtues, 375
- Carelessness, Culpability of, 60, 292
- Casuistry, 99
- Categorical Imperative, 7, 8, 15, 35, 36, 37, 209, 209 note 1
- Caution, 236, 236 note 1, 237
- Celibacy, 487, 488
- Charity (Philanthropy), 222, 239, 430, 431, 434
- Chastity and Purity, 223, 329-331, 329 note 2
- ‘Chief Good’ (Summum Bonum), 134, 407 note 1
- Chivalry, 326
- Chrysippus, 376
- Cicero, 376;
- De Finibus, 125 note 1
- Clarke, 86, 104, 120, 120 note 2, 384, 384 notes 3 and 4, 385;
- Boyle Lectures, 120 note 2, 385 notes 1 and 2
- Classification of Duties, 312-315
- ‘Cognition,’ use of, 34 note 2
- “Common good of all Rationals,” Cumberland’s ultimate end, 104, 423
- Common Morality, 215-216; (cf. Morality of Common Sense)
- Common Sense aversion to admit Happiness as sole ultimate Good, explanation of, 402-406
- Compassion, 262, 371
- Conditional prescriptions (Hypothetical Imperatives), 6, 7
- Conjugal relation, the duties relating to it, 254, 255, 256, 255 notes 1 and 2, 347, 348, 348 note 1
- Conscience, popular view of, 99;
- jural view of, 100-101
- Conscience (Moral Faculty) and Benevolence, Butler’s view of the relation between, 86, 86 note 2;
- and Self-love, Butler’s view of relation between, 119, 120, 200, 200 note 2, 327 note 1, 366
- Conscious Utilitarianism rather the adult than the germinal form of morality, 455-457
- Consciousness not normally without pleasure or pain, 125
- Consequences of actions, ulterior, 96, 97;
- may be judged desirable without reference to pleasure or pain, 97
- Contract, claims arising from, 269;
- and Freedom, 276, 276 note 1
- Courage, 332-334;
- defined, 332;
- Greek view of, 456;
- and Fortitude, are subordinate duties, 332, 333;
- Moral, 333 note 3;
- Virtue of, 313, 333, 334;
- and Foolhardiness, distinguished by Utilitarian considerations, 334, 355
- Courtesy, 253
- Cudworth, 103 Note
- Culture, 157, etc.
- Cumberland, 86, 86 note 1, 104;
- and Utilitarianism, 423, 423 note 1
- Custom, alterations in, 247
- Decision, 236, 237
- Deductive Hedonism, 176-195
- Descartes, 338, 339
- Desert—Good, how determined, 284-290;
- Ill, how determined, 291-292;
- requital of, as principle of Ideal Justice, 280, 281, 283, 294, 349;
- and Freedom, 280, 287;
- and Right of Property, 280, 280 note 1;
- and Determinism, 284, 285;
- Utilitarian interpretation of, 284 note 1;
- and Free Will, 71, 72, 284, 291
- ‘Desirable,’ confusion in Mill’s use of, 388 note 2
- Desirable consciousness is either happiness or certain objective relations of the conscious mind, 398-400
- Desire, 43, 45-47;
- non-rational, 23-24;
- irrational, 23, 24;
- and Pleasure, relation between, 39-56 passim
- Determinism and Free Will, 57 seq.;
- Aristotelian, 59 note 1;
- and Materialism, 62;
- arguments for, 62-65;
- argument against, 65, 66
- Determinist meaning of ‘desert,’ etc., 71, 72, 284 note 1
- Development as ethical aim, 90 seq., 192 seq., 473
- ‘Dictates,’ how used, 96 note 1
- δικαιοσύνη, two meanings of, 264 note 2
- ‘Disinterested action,’ 57
- Distribution, Principle of Equality a prima facie reasonable Principle of, 417
- Divine penalties, 31
- ‘Doing good,’ ambiguity of, 239, 240
- Dualism of the Practical (or Moral) Reason, 200, 205, 206, 366, 404, 404 note 1;
- need of harmonising, 507-509
- Dumont, 180 note 2
- ‘Duties to God’ and ‘duty to man,’ 218
- Duties, division of, into Self-regarding and Social, 163, 312, 313
- ‘Duties to oneself,’ 7
- ‘Duty’—meaning and use of, 78, 217, 218, 220 note 3, 239, 504-505;
- and ‘right conduct’ distinguished, 217
- Duty relativity of, 218, 219;
- and Happiness of agent, 36, 162-175 passim, 495 seq.;
- implies conflict of impulses, 81;
- of self-preservation, 356;
- of promoting others’ happiness, Kant’s arguments for, 389-390;
- most of the received maxims of, involve reference to Ultimate Good, 391, 392
- ‘Egoism,’ 11, 80 note 1, 89 seq.;
- ordinary use, and ambiguity of, 89;
- indefiniteness of, 95;[519]
- and Greek ethical controversy, 91-92
- Egoism, cf. Egoistic Hedonism
- Egoism—meaning of, 120-121;
- and Self-love, 36, 89-95 passim;
- Principle and Method of, 119-122;
- precepts of, not clear and precise, 199-200;
- rationality of, 119-120, 199, 200 note 1;
- sense of ignobility of, 199-200, 200 note 1 (cf. 402 seq.), 501;
- = Pure (or Quantitative) Egoistic Hedonism, 95;
- and Utilitarianism, relation between, 497 seq.;
- and Utilitarian sanctions, 499-503
- ‘Egoist,’ meaning of, 121
- Egoistic End—and Positive Religion, 121;
- and Natural Religion, 121
- Egoistic Hedonism designated as Egoism or as Epicureanism, 11, 84, 95
- Egoistic Hedonism, 42, 119-121;
- End of, 93;
- Pure or Quantitative, defined, 95;
- Fundamental Principle of, 93, 120, 121;
- Empirical-reflective Method of, 121, 122, 131 seq.;
- and Conscience, 161 note 1;
- Fundamental Paradox of, 48, 130, 136, 137, 173-174, 194
- Empirical Hedonism, 123-150;
- fundamental assumption of, 123, 131, 146;
- objections to, 460;
- Method of, takes advantage of traditional experience and of special knowledge, 477, 479
- Empirical Quantitative Hedonism, 146
- Empiricism, 104
- ‘End,’ ethical use of the term, 134
- End, Interdependence of Method and, 8, 83, 84;
- adoption of any, as paramount, a phenomenon distinct from Desire, 39
- Ends accepted as rational by Common Sense, 8, 9
- Energy, 237
- Epicureanism, 11, 84
- Epicurus, 158
- ‘Equal return,’ ambiguity of, 261 (cf. 288 seq.)
- ‘Equality of Happiness,’ as Social End, 284 note 2
- Ethical—judgment, 23-38, 77;
- Principles and Methods, 77-88 passim;
- Method, three principal species of, 83 seq.;
- controversy, ancient and modern, 105, 106, 392;
- Hedonism, fundamental proposition of, 129;
- and Psychological Hedonism, 40-42, 412, 412 note 1;
- and Physical Science, structure of, compared, 509
- Ethics—boundaries of, 1;
- Study or Science? 1, 2;
- forms of the problem of, 2, 3, 391;
- and man’s ‘True Good,’ 3;
- definition of, 4, 15;
- Absolute and Relative, 18 note 2, 177 note 1;
- and geometry, analogy between, 18-19;
- and astronomy, analogy between, 19;
- concerned with Duty under present conditions, 19;
- aim of, 40, 77;
- and Rational or Natural Theology, 504-506;
- mutual relations of the three Methods of, 496-509
- Ethics and Politics (cf. Law), 15-22 passim, 266, 457;
- distinguished from Positive sciences, 1, 2;
- Utilitarian, 457 (cf. 274, 298);
- in an ideal society, 18 seq.
- εὐδαιμονία (= Well-being = the Good attainable in human life), 91, 92;
- misunderstanding of Aristotle’s use of, 92 note 2
- Excellence (cf. Perfection)
- ‘Excellence’ and ‘Perfection,’ 10 note 3
- Excellence beyond strict duty, Utilitarian attitude towards, 492, 493
- Explanation essentially different from Justification, 2
- Fame, 9, 155, 157, 159, 368, (Posthumous) 156 note 1
- Feeling—preferableness of, other than pleasantness, dependent on objective relations of the feeling mind, 127, 128, 399;
- quâ feeling, can only be judged by the person who feels, 128, 129, 398
- Fidelity (cf. Good Faith), 258, 259
- Firmness, 235, 236
- Fitness and Desert, 350
- ‘Formal’ and ‘Material’ Rightness, 206-207, 206 note 1
- Fortitude defined, 332
- Free choice as virtuous, 504 note 1
- Freedom—sentiment of, 39;
- as absolute end of ideal law, 274 seq., 293, 297, 350-351;
- sphere of, must be limited, 275;
- ambiguity of, 275, 276, 293;
- and Contract, 276, 276 note 1;
- and Property, 276, 277;
- Civil and Constitutional, 298, 351
- Free Will—controversy, 57-76 passim, 59, 61-62, 65 note 1, 74, 75;
- conception of, applied (a) in judging the conduct of others, 63 note 1, 66, 67, (b) in forecasting our own future, 64;
- partial illusoriness of the belief in, 64, 65;
- and Happiness, 68;
- and Perfection (or Excellence), 68, 68 note 2;
- and Moral government of the world, 69, 69 note 2, 70;
- and Determinism, practical unimportance of issue between, 67, 68, 72-76, 285;
- and Justice, 71, 72, 284, 291;
- and Desert (or Merit), 68 note 2, 285, 291;
- and Duty, 78;
- (or Freedom of Will)—two senses of, 57-59;
- and Moral responsibility, 58;
- conception of, involved in ordinary meaning of ‘responsibility,’ ‘desert,’ etc., 71;[520]
- metaphysical—ethical import of, as regards (a) choice between rational and irrational alternatives, 67, 68, 70-71, (b) view of what is rational, 68, 69, (c) forecasts of future action, 69, 70, 70 note 1
- Friendship and its duties, 257-259, 257 note 1, 437
- ‘General Good,’ 392
- Generosity, 219, 326
- Gentleness, 253, 321
- God’s Will—conformity to, 79;
- as ultimate reason for action, 79, 80
- ‘Golden Rule,’ the, unpreciseness of, 379-380
- ‘Good,’ 105-115 passim;
- indefiniteness of, 91-92;
- use and force of the term, 86 note 1, 105, 107 seq., 112, 113;
- and not ‘Right’ the fundamental notion in Greek ethics, 105;
- has not the same connotation as ‘pleasant,’ 107, 108, 109, 110;
- implies reference to an universally valid standard, 108-109, 114;
- adjective, and ‘Good’ substantive, 109;
- notion of, distinct from ‘Pleasure’ and ‘the Pleasant,’ and = ‘what ought to be desired,’ 109 seq.
- Good, The, 3, 92, 106;
- (human) or Well-being, its relation to Happiness and to Duty, 3;
- (human) is either (a) Happiness or (b) Perfection or Excellence of human existence, 114, 115;
- the absolute and unconditional, in Kant’s view, 222;
- in English ethical thought, 423 note 1
- Good conduct, 106, 107, 112-113;
- standard of, needed, 113;
- Greek conception of, 107 note 1, 404-405, 405 note 1
- Good Faith, 224, 303-311 passim, 352-354, 355;
- stringency of the duty of, 304-305;
- obligation of, affected by (a) fraud or force, 305-306, 306 note 1, (b) material change of circumstances, 306-308, (c) misapprehension, 309, (d) use of a prescribed formula, 309, 310
- Good Taste, 108
- Good humour, 321
- Goodness, implies relation to consciousness or feeling, 113-114, 113 note 2;
- (Moral) and Beauty, 107-108, 107 note 1, 228
- Government—by Consent of Subjects, 297, 351;
- Aristocratic and Democratic Principles of, 299;
- established, difficulty of identifying, 300, 301
- Governmental Authority, conflicting claims to, 296, 297, 299-301;
- ideal, 297-299
- Grant Allen, 187;
- Physiological Æsthetics, 187 note 1
- Gratitude, 259-261, 437-438;
- universalised, furnishes the principle ‘that desert ought to be requited,’ 279, 279 note 1, 280;
- Kant on, 223, 223 note 1
- ‘Greatest Happinesss,’ meaning of, 121, 413;
- Utilitarian notion of, its extent, 414;
- total and average, distinguished, 415, 416
- ‘Greatest Pleasure,’ explanation of, 44 note 3
- Greek ethical thought, the problem of, 106;
- tautological maxims of, 375-376
- Green, T. H., 132 seq., 134 note 3, 135 note 3;
- (Introduction to Hume’s Treatise on Human Nature) 132 note 2, 133 note 3;
- (Prolegomena to Ethics) 93 note 1, 133 note 1, 134 notes 1 and 2, 135 notes 1 and 2, 363 note 1
- Grote, J., An Examination of the Utilitarian Philosophy, 432 note 1
- Gurney, E., 123, 184; (Tertium Quid) 123 note 1;
- (Power of Sound) 184 note 1
- Hallam, 423 note 1
- Hamilton, 139, 180-182;
- (Lectures on Metaphysics) 180 note 3
- Happiness—as End, 7, 8, 78;
- and Duty, connexion between, 162-175 passim;
- and Duty, are they coincident? 162, 163, 165, 176;
- and Duty, Plato’s view of relation between, 171-172;
- and Virtue, 174-175, 459;
- and Virtue, connexion of, in Aristotle’s view, 121-122;
- determination and measurement of, an inevitable problem for Ethics, 176;
- production of, 176-177;
- relation of, to mental concentration and dissipation, 193;
- and Self-development, 192-193;
- rejection of, as end, leaves us unable to frame a coherent account of Ultimate Good, 406;
- an objection to, as Ultimate Good, considered, 407 note 1;
- principle of distribution of, required, 416, 417;
- universal, as divine end, 503-505;
- Christian view of, 120, 138;
- Sources of, 151 seq.
- ‘Happiness,’ 41 note 1, 92, 92 note 2, 93 note 1;
- ambiguity of, 92;
- precise meaning of, 120
- Harm, 292, 293
- Harmony as cause of Pleasure, 189
- Health, 153, 154, 159
- ‘Hedonism,’ meaning of, 93
- Hedonism (Ethical), the two Methods of, are Universalistic and Egoistic, 11;
- connexion between the two Methods of, 84, 497 seq.;
- objections to, stated and considered:—(a) that the calculation required by the Empirical-reflective method is too complex for practice, 131, 132;[521]
- (b) that “pleasure as feeling cannot be conceived,” 132, 133;
- (c) that “a sum of pleasures is intrinsically unmeaning,” 133, 134;
- (d) that transient pleasures are unsatisfying, 135;
- (e) that the pursuit of pleasure tends to defeat its own end, 136 seq.;
- (f) that the habit of introspective comparison of pleasures is unfavourable to pleasure, 138-140;
- (g) that any quantitative comparison of pleasures is vague and uncertain, 140-150;
- Deductive, 176-195 passim;
- deductive, Spencer’s view of, 177 note 1;
- Method of, must be empirical, 195;
- Empirical, method of, 460;
- and Intuitionism, 461;
- and Pessimism, 131 Note
- Hedonistic Zero (or neutral feeling), 124, 125
- Helvetius, 88
- Highest Good, the (cf. The Good and Ultimate Good), 106
- Hobbes, 44 note 1, 56, 86, 89, 103, 109, 300 note 1, 423, 476;
- (Leviathan) 89 note 1
- Holmes, O. W., jun., The Common Law, 281 note 1
- Honour, Code of, 30, 31, 168, 340
- Hume, 23, 86, 104, 220, 384, 419, 423, 424, 423 notes 1 and 2, 426, 440, 441, 493;
- (Inquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals) 44 note 2, 220 note 2, 424
- Humility, 334-336 passim, 355, 356 note 1, 429
- Hunger, 45, 46
- Hutcheson, 44 note 2, 50, 86, 86 note 2, 104, 366;
- (System of Moral Philosophy) 366 note 1
- Hypothetical Imperatives imply an ulterior end, 6, 7, 37
- Ideal and Actual, relation between, 79;
- connected (a) in the conception of “God’s Will,” 79, (b) in the notion of “Nature,” 80-83
- Ideal—Government, no consensus as to what kind is legitimate, 299 seq.;
- and Traditional Authority, 296;
- Society, ethics of, how far useful, 22-24, 465
- “Idols of the Cave” and “Idols of the Tribe,” 152
- Impulse to do acts quâ recognised as right (= Moral Motive), 77
- Impulses, extra-regarding and self-regarding may conflict, 51, 52, 136
- Indifference (Neutrality) of feeling, cf. Hedonistic Zero
- Individualistic—Ideal, 286-287;
- and Socialistic Ideals, 293, 294, 444-445
- Inequality, Reasonable, 268 seq.
- Ingenuity, 236
- Intention, 60 note 1, 202, 202 note 1
- Interest, meaning of, 7, 120;
- ethical character of, in Butler’s view, 176 note 1
- ‘Internal acts,’ 204
- Instinctive impulses regarded as inherited experience, 193, 194
- Intrinsic value, how determined, 288, 289
- Intuition of rightness of acts, excludes consideration of (a) ulterior consequences, 96, 97, (b) “induction from experience” of pleasures, 97, 98 (cf. 102 note 1)
- Intuitional—Method, cf. Intuitionism;
- moralists, English, may be broadly classified as Dogmatic and Philosophical, 103, 104
- ‘Intuitional’—sense in which used, 96, 97, 98;
- wider and narrower senses of, 97, 102 note 1, 201
- Intuitionism, 3, 8, 17, 20, 96-104 passim, 199-216 passim;
- differences of its method due to two causes, 103;
- its method issues in Universalistic Hedonism (Utilitarianism), 406-407;
- chronological development of the method of, in England, 103-104;
- and Utilitarianism, 85-86, 388-389, 423-457 passim, 496-497;
- Philosophical, 102-104, 373-389 passim;
- Perceptional, 98-100, 102;
- Dogmatic, 100-101 (cf. Intuitionism, Intuitive Morality, Positive Morality, Morality of Common Sense);
- Dogmatic, fundamental assumption of, 101, 200, 201;
- three phases of, 102, 103;
- a variety of, constituted by substituting for ‘right’ the notion ‘good,’ 105-107;
- Æsthetic, 228, 392;
- Jural or Rational, 228-229
- ‘Intuitive’ or ‘a priori’ Morality generally used to mean Dogmatic Intuitionism or Morality of Common Sense, 101-102
- Irrational choice—sometimes conscious and deliberate, 36, 37-38, 41-42, 58, 59, 110;
- Socratic and Aristotelian view compared with modern view of, 59 note 1
- Jural method of Ethics, 100-101
- Just claims—arising from contract, 269;
- arising from natural and normal expectations, 269, 270, 270 note 1
- ‘Justice,’ ‘justify,’ etc., uses of, 264 note 2, 270, 286, 442[522]
- Justice, 20, 99, 264-294 passim, 349-352, 355, 440-448 passim;
- or Equity, essence of, 496;
- specially difficult to define, 264;
- intuitional view of the definition of, 264;
- involves notion of distribution, 265, 266, 268, 271;
- and Law, connexion between, 265, 266, 267 note 1;
- distinct from Order (or Law-observance), 265;
- and Equality, 266, 267, 267 note 1, 268, 268 note 1, 279, 285 note 1;
- and taxation, 266, 266 note 1;
- Conservative and Ideal, 272-273, 273 note 1, 274, 293, 294;
- Ideal, 273, 274, 293, 294, 444, 445;
- Ideal, and Natural Eights, 274, 275;
- Ideal, and Freedom, 278, 279;
- Corrective, 281;
- Reparative, 281, 282, 281 note 1, 282 note 1, 293;
- Reparative and Retributive, distinguished, 282-283, 282 note 2;
- and Free Will, 71, 72, 284, 285;
- and ‘Equity’ or ‘Fairness,’ 285, 286;
- Hume’s treatment of, 440
- Kant, 6, 7, 11 note 1, 36, 58, 58 note 1, 209, 210, 210 note 1, 222, 223, 239, 240, 315, 327 note 1, 366, 385, 386, 386 note 1, 389-390 Note, 486, Appendix 510;
- (Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten) 209 note 1, 389-390 Note;
- (Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Tugendlehre) 223 note 1, 327 note 1, 366 note 3, 386 note 2, 389 Note;
- (Kritik der reinen Vernunft) 366 note 3
- Kant’s Fundamental Moral Rule or Categorical Imperative as criterion of rightness, 209-210, 209 note 1, 210 note 1, 339 note 1, 386, 389 Note, 486
- Knowledge—as an End, 114, 399, 401;
- and Feeling (= Cognition and Pleasure or Pain), relation between, 139, 140;
- and Feeling, Hamilton’s view of the relation between, 139
- Laisser faire and economic production, 445 note 2
- Law, 295-303; and Morality, relation between, 29, 457;
- and Positive Morality, 164;
- Austin’s definition of, 300 note 1
- Laws—just, characteristics of, 266, 267, 271-272;
- that ought to be obeyed, are laid down by rightful authority, 296
- Law-observance (or Order), 295-303 passim, 352, 440, 441;
- and Good Faith, 295, 303;
- in regard to mala prohibita, 302 note 1
- Lecky, History of European Morals, 50 note 1, 399 note 1, 427 note 1
- Legal obligation and punishment, 29
- Liberality, 324-326, 325 note 1, 355
- Libertarian position, 58, 64-65, 66
- Liberty, Sentiment of, 58
- Locke, (Essay) 205, 280 note 1, 503;
- ethical view of, 205, 206
- Love, 50, 244, 245, 367, 368;
- common sense estimate of, 245, 258, 258 note 1
- Loyalty, 223, 244, 254
- Mackenzie, J. S., 47, 48
- Maine, Sir H., (Ancient Law) 461 note 2
- Malevolence—character of, as motive, 364;
- sometimes sweepingly condemned, 321, 324;
- sometimes partially approved on Utilitarian grounds, 322, 323, 324
- Malevolent affections natural and normal, 320, 321
- Marcus Aurelius, 376 note 1
- ‘Market value,’ 286 seq.
- Marriage, Plato’s ideal of, 358-359 (cf. 348 note 1)
- Martineau, 366, 367, 369, 370, 371, 372;
- (Types of Ethical Theory) 367 note 1, 369 note 1
- Maxims—of Virtue, dependence or independence of, 313;
- of Justice, Prudence and Benevolence, self-evident element in, 380-382
- ‘Maximum Happiness’ as criterion of conduct, 134
- Meanness, notion of, examined, 325, 326
- Meekness, 321
- Mercy, 321
- Merit, 68 note 2, 284 seq.;
- (cf. Desert)
- Method of Ethics, definition of, 1;
- only one rational, 6, 12;
- more than one natural, 6
- Methods of Ethics, The, purpose of, 11-14, 78
- Mildness, 321
- Mill, J. S., 44, 85, 87, 94, 121, 177 note 1, 412 notes 1 and 2, 414, 418, 440, 478, 504;
- (Utilitarianism) 93 note 1, 461 note 1, 499 note 1;
- (On Liberty) 478 notes 1 and 2
- Mind, 87 Note, 477 note 1
- Modern ethical thought quasi-jural in character, 106
- Moral Faculty—a function of Reason, 23-38 passim;
- why subject of ethical discussion, 4, 5;
- Utilitarian theory of origin of, 461, 462, 497
- Moral Judgment, 23-38;
- object of, 60, 61, 201-202, 202 note 1, 222, 362, 364;
- (or Practical) Reason, 33-34, 34 notes 1, 2, 3; 39, 40, 100 seq.;
- Sense, 34;
- Reasoning, the most natural type of, 6, 12 seq., 102-103, 493-494;
- Sentiment, 26-28, 77;
- Sentiments, (a) difficulties of admitting or rejecting them as motives, 365-367[523], (b) theory of their derivation from experiences of pleasure and pain, 461, 462;
- and Quasi-moral Sentiments, 28, 173, 174;
- Motive, 77, 204 seq., 223;
- Motive, varying forms of:—(a) Reverence for Authority, (b) Religious Sentiment, (c) Self-respect, (d) sentiment of Freedom, (e) Admiration or Aspiration, 39-40;
- instincts and crude Utilitarian reasonings—discrepancy between, 466, 467;
- Intuitions, 211-216 passim;
- Intuitions, existence of, 211, 212, 337;
- Intuitions, connexion between (a) Existence and Origin of, 211, 212, (b) Origin and Validity of, 34 note 1, 212-213, 212 note 2, 214;
- Intuitions, Particular and General, 99-102, 214-216;
- Rules, imperative and indicative forms of, 101 note 1;
- Rules and Axioms, importance of, 229;
- Axioms, abstract but significant, 379-384, 505;
- Axioms, Kant’s view of, 385-386, 386 notes 1 and 2;
- Maxims, 337-361 passim;
- Maxims which are, and which are not, directly self-evident, distinction between, 383;
- Responsibility, 59-60;
- Obligation, 217;
- and non-moral excellence distinguished, 426, 427
- ‘Moral’ (in narrower sense) and ‘Prudential’ distinguished, 25-26
- Moral Courage, 333 note 3
- Moral Philosophy, some problems of modern, 374
- Morality—‘inductive’ and ‘intuitive,’ double ambiguity of antithesis between, 97-99;
- a priori and a posteriori (or inductive and intuitive), 97;
- and growth of Sympathy, 455-456, 455 note 1
- Morality of Common Sense (Intuitionism), 85, 102, 229, 263 Note, 337-361 passim;
- and Positive Morality, 215;
- and Egoism, 498-499 (cf. Happiness and Duty);
- development of, not perfectly Utilitarian, 455-456;
- axiomatic character of its maxims questioned, 338, 342, 343;
- furnishes valuable practical rules but not ultimate axioms, 360, 361;
- and Utilitarianism, 361 note 1, 423-457 passim, 461, 498, 499;
- first principles of, as “middle axioms” of Utilitarianism, 461;
- Mill’s view of, 461 note 1;
- not to be accepted by Utilitarianism without modification, 461 seq., 467
- Motive meaning of, 202, 362, 363;
- and Intention, 202, 203, 203 note 1;
- -s, different views of Right, 204-207;
- and Desire, Green’s view of, 363 note 1;
- and Disposition, Utilitarian estimate of, 493, 494
- Motives to action, 23;
- as subjects of moral judgment, 362-372;
- as affecting morality of actions, 60-61, 224;
- regarded as better and worse rather than good and bad, 363-364;
- ‘seductive,’ 364;
- (“Springs of action”) Dr. Martineau’s table of (369) ethically estimated, 371, 372;
- ‘higher’ not always to be preferred to ‘lower,’ 369, 370, 371;
- moral regulation of, 370
- Natural, The—Interpretation of, 80 seq.;
- gives no definite practical criterion of right conduct, 82
- Natural—Selection, effect of, on impulses, 194;
- and normal claims, indefiniteness of, 270, 271, 272, 272 note 1;
- expectations, ambiguity of, 272, 273, 352;
- Rights—difficulty of determining, 298;
- Good, 477
- Nature—Life according to, 79 seq., 377, 378;
- conformity to, 80;
- Stoic use of, 377, 378 note 1;
- Butler’s use of, 378
- Neighbourhood and Nationality, duties of, 250, 251, 252
- Neutral excitements, 186 note 1 (cf. Hedonistic Zero)
- ‘Objective’ and ‘subjective,’ ethical application of, 207, 207 note 1, 208 notes 1 and 2, 208, 209, 210, 344 note 2, 394, 395, 429, 430
- Objective Hedonism, meaning of, 151;
- and Common Sense, 151-161;
- advantages of, 151;
- defects of, 151 seq., 458, 459
- Objective relations of conscious mind, how far desirable, 400, 401
- Objectivity of Moral Judgment, 27, 33
- Order, cf. Law-observance
- Origin of Moral Intuitions, ethical importance of, 383, 384, 384 note 1
- ‘Ought,’ 23-38 passim;
- relative and unconditional uses of, 6, 7, 39;
- implies reasonableness, 25;
- and ‘right’ imply the same notion, 1 note 1, 23, 25;
- does not refer to matters of fact, 25;
- implies objectivity, 27, 33;
- does not merely signify (a) appropriateness of means to ends, 26, (b) an emotion of the person judging, 26-28, nor (c) bound under penalties, 29 seq.;
- an elementary and irresolvable notion, 32-33;
- narrower and wider sense of, 33, 34, 34 note 4;
- carries with it an impulse to action, 34;
- implies possible conflict with reason (thus distinguishable from ‘right’), 34, 35, 217;
- determinist sense of, 78;
- loose meaning of, 508
- Owen, Robert, 291[524]
- Pain—definition of, 42-43 note 1, 180, 191;
- the negative quantity of pleasure, 124, 125;
- physical concomitant of, 183 seq.;
- Aristotle’s and Hamilton’s theory of, 180 seq., 180 note 1, 181 note 1;
- Mr. Stout’s theory of, 182, 188, etc.;
- Mr. Spencer’s theory of, 183 seq.;
- Grant Allen’s view of, 187;
- biological theory of, 190 seq.
- Paley, 86, 121
- Parents and children, duties of, 243, 243 note 1, 248-250, 248 note 1, 346, 347
- Patriotism, 223, 244, 245;
- duties of, 251, 252, 252 note 1
- ‘Perception,’ ethical use of, by Dugald Stewart, 103 Note
- Perfection or Excellence as End, 10, 11, 10 notes 3 and 4, 20 note 1, 78, 114, 115;
- and Intuitionism, 11, 83, 84, 97;
- Kant’s treatment of, 386 note 2
- Perfectionists, view of, 97
- Philosophical Intuitionism, its relation to Common Sense Morality, 373
- φρόνησις, 231 note 1
- Pity or Compassion, 262
- Placability, 321
- Plato, (Republic) 21, 171, 172;
- 140, 145, 148, 171, 172, 281, 345, 348 note 1, 358, 375 note 1, 376;
- (Gorgias) 405 note 1; 441
- Pleasure—definitions of, 42, 43, 43 note 1, 125, 127 seq., 131, 190;
- ambiguities of, 43, 44, 93 seq.;
- forecast of, must take account of moral or quasi-moral pleasures, 40, 173;
- the less sometimes chosen in preference to the greater, 41, 42, 42 note 1, 136;
- of Virtue, its ‘disinterestedness’ not abnormal, 50, 51;
- as aim of unconscious action, 52, 53;
- as ‘original’ aim of action, 53, 54;
- application of the term, 93;
- has only quantitative differences, 94, 95, 121;
- maximum, deductive methods of determining, 121, 122;
- rational as opposed to impulsive pursuit of, 124 note 1;
- ‘quality’ of, 94, 95, 121, 128-129, 128 note 1;
- as Feeling, conceivableness of, 132, 133;
- permanent sources of, 135, 136, 153;
- how estimated, 141 seq. (cf. 127, 128, 398);
- from others’ pain, various modes of, 321 note 1;
- and Appetite, identified by Hobbes, 44 note 1;
- and Desire, controversy as to relation between, 39-56;
- Aristotle’s and Hamilton’s theory of, 180 seq., 180 note 1, 181 note 1;
- Mr. Stout’s theory of, 182, 188, etc.;
- Mr. Spencer’s theory of, 183 seq.;
- Grant Allen’s view of, 187;
- biological theory of, 190 seq.;
- and Desire, (a) Mill’s view of, 43-44, (b) Butler’s view of, 44, (c) Bain’s view of, 54-56;
- effect of desire on estimate of, 144, 145;
- and Preservation, 190, etc.;
- (Hobbes’ view of) 89;
- and Perfection or Reality, (Self-development), Spinoza’s view of, 90;
- and ‘quantity of life,’ 192;
- ‘pure’ 143;
- of pursuit, 46 seq., 47 note 1, 55-56;
- of attainment, 47;
- of business, 49;
- intellectual and æsthetic, 107-108, 153, 157, 472;
- benevolent and sympathetic, 49, 50;
- of virtue, 153, 170, 171, 174, 175;
- -s, of the animal life, 154, 157, 159;
- of wealth and greatness, Adam Smith’s view of, 155 note 1—(cf. Health, Wealth, etc.);
- Stoic view of, 129;
- Green’s view of, 132 seq.;
- Plato’s view of its illusoriness, 140;
- Spencer and Grant Allen’s ‘Intermittence’ theory of, 187
- Pleasures and Pains, Moral, 170 seq., 171 note 1;
- of Sympathy, 49, 50, 499-502, 499 note 1;
- scale of, involves assumption of a Hedonistic zero, 124, 125;
- commensurability of, 123-125, 124 note 1, 128 note 1, 131, 132, 140-150;
- difficulties of a clear, definite and consistent evaluation of, 140-150;
- incommensurable intensity of, doubtful, 123, 124;
- intensity of, commensurable with duration, 124;
- Bentham’s four dimensions of, 124 note 1;
- volitional efficacy of, 125-127;
- their relation to normal activities, 185, etc.;
- Aristotle’s and Hamilton’s theory of, 180 seq.;
- Stout’s theory of, 182;
- Wundt’s theory of, 184;
- Spencer’s biological theory of, 190 seq.
- Plutarch, 376
- Politeness (Good Breeding, Fashion, Etiquette), 253;
- Code of, 30, 340, 341
- Political order, Rousseau’s view of an ideally just, 298
- Politics—and Ethics, 15-22;
- definition of, 1 note 1, 15 (cf. Law)
- Positive Morality—and Morality of Common Sense, 215;
- relation of, to preservation and to happiness, 464, 465;
- alteration of, 164, 480
- Power, 156, 157, 159
- Practical efficacy and speculative truth, relation between, 507 note 1
- Practical Empirical Hedonism, an assumption of, 131
- Practical (or Moral) Judgment, 23 seq.
- Practical (or Moral) Reason, 23-38 passim;
- its relation to Interest and to non-rational and irrational desires, 36;
- and Nature, 81;
- a postulate of, 6, 12;
- Dualism of, 404 note 1, 366, 200, 205-206, 499, 507-509 (cf. Happiness and Duty)[525]
- Praise, common sense award of, explained by utility, 428, 429
- Priestley, 88 Note
- Promise, 303-311 passim;
- conditions and meaning of, 304;
- conditions of bindingness of a, 311
- Proof of a first principle, how possible, 419, 420
- Proof—of Egoism may be demanded, 418, 419;
- of ordinary moral rules is often required and given, 419
- Proof of Utilitarianism, 418-422 passim;
- clear demand of common sense for, 418, 419;
- addressed to Egoism, 420, 421, 497-498;
- addressed to Intuitionism, twofold character of, 421, 422
- “Proof” of Utilitarian principle, Mill’s, 387, 388
- Property and Right of Bequest, 277
- Prudence (or Forethought), 7, 36, 96, 391;
- common sense view of, 327, 328;
- Kant’s and Butler’s views of, 327 note 1;
- self-evident maxim of impartiality educible from the rule of, 381;
- and Benevolence, subordination of other virtues to, 496-497
- ‘Prudential’ and ‘Moral,’ 25-26
- Psychological Hedonism, 40 seq.;
- of Bentham, 85;
- ethical import of, 41, 205
- Public Opinion, Code of, 30
- Public and private virtue, Utilitarian and Intuitionist estimates of, 495
- Punishment, 281, 290 seq., 290 note 1, 291 note 1;
- preventive and retributory views of, 71-72
- Purity, 223, 329-331, 329 note 2, 357-359
- Quantitative Hedonism, 129
- Quasi-moral Sentiment, 27-28, 173-174
- Quasi-moral Sentiments and Rational Self-love, 173-174
- Rank of Motives, difficulties of estimating, 365-367, 369;
- conflicting estimates of, by moralists, 366;
- difficulty due to complexity of motive, 368
- Rational action, not to be identified with (a) disinterested or (b) free action, 57;
- Spinoza’s view of the principle of, 89-90
- Rational Benevolence, 96;
- may be self-limiting, 385;
- Kant’s treatment of, 385-386 Note, 389-390
- Rational Self-love (Rational Egoism, Prudence)—and Conscience, 172, 200, 200 note 2, 366;
- and Rational Benevolence, 386 note 4, 498 seq.
- Reason—and Ultimate Ends, 9, 77, 77 note 1;
- relation of, to Will and Desire, 23 seq.;
- reference of moral judgments to, signifies merely their objectivity, 33;
- conflict with, implied in the terms dictate, precept, imperative, ought, duty, moral obligation, 34, 35;
- dictate or precept of, is a rule which may be deviated from, 41;
- dictates or imperatives of, 34, 36, 77;
- and the Divine Will, 79, 80;
- dictate of, implied by right, rightness, and their equivalents, 105;
- and instinct, 193-195;
- may be self-limiting, 345;
- dictates and dictation of, 345, 395, 404
- Reason for doing what is seen to be right, why men demand a, 5-6
- Reasonableness of Self-love, Butler’s view of, 119, 120;
- Clarke’s view of, 120;
- Christian view of, 120;
- common sense view of, 120
- Rebellion, when justifiable?, 299, 300, 301, 352
- Reciprocity, principle of, 167, 168
- Religious deception, 316, 316 note 2
- Renan quoted, 108 note 1
- Reputation, 155
- Resentment, instinctive and deliberate, 322, 323;
- deliberate, Butler’s view of, 323 note 1, 371;
- universalised the principle of retributive (criminal) justice, 281;
- evaluation of, 449
- Resolutions, 37;
- general, may be contradicted by particular volitions, 37-38
- Respect, tokens of, 336, 336 note 1
- Reverence for Authority, 39
- ‘Right’—notion involved in, is unique, 25;
- and ‘good,’ 3, 4;
- and ‘ought,’ distinction between, 34, 35;
- conduct and ‘good’ conduct, 106, 113
- Right Conflict and Ultimate Good, 3
- Rights, 274, etc.
- Rightful authority, how known?, 296;
- what are its limits?, 301, 302
- Rousseau, 298;
- his political ideal, difficulty of realising, 298, 299
- ‘Rule of Equity,’ Clarke’s, 384-385
- ‘Rule of Love or Benevolence,’ Clarke’s, 385
- ‘Rules of Righteousness,’ Clarke’s, 384, 384 note 4, 385
- Rules prescribing actions as good or right open to Utilitarian interpretation, 430
- Sagacity, 236
- Sanctions, 164-175 passim, 498, 499, 500 seq., 502, 505, 507-508;
- conflict of, 164, 165;
- legal, and happiness, 165, 166, 165 note 1;
- social, and happiness, 166, 167;
- social, and extra-legal duty, 167, 168;[526]
- internal, and happiness, 170, 170 note 1, 171, 171 note 1, 172, 173, 501-502
- Scottish School of Ethical Thought, 104
- Self-control, 235-237, 331, 344, 345, 356
- Self-development (Self-realisation), indefiniteness of the notion, 90, 91;
- as ethical aim, 192, 193;
- understood as = yielding to instinctive impulses, 193-194
- Self-evidence, difficulty of discerning real, 339, 340, 341
- Self-interest, 25, 26
- Self-love, ordinary use and ambiguity of, 89;
- and certain elevated impulses, 137-138;
- Butler’s view of, 93;
- and benevolence and affection, 138, 403, 502
- Self-preservation, 89
- Self-realisation, 80, 90, 95
- Self-regarding virtues, 327-331
- Self-sacrifice, 109 note 1, 138, 431, 432
- Self-satisfaction, Green’s view of, 133, 135, 135 note 3
- Selfishness, 499
- Services, comparative worth of, how determined, 286, 287;
- reward of, how determined, 290
- Shaftesbury, 86, 86 notes 1 and 2, 138, 423, 423 note 1, 433, 501
- Sidgwick, Principles of Political Economy, 267 note, 445 note 2, 446 note 1
- Sincerity, 355
- Smith, Adam, 424, 461, (Wealth of Nations, Theory of Moral Sentiments) 155 note 1
- Social Contract, 17, 297-298, 303, 351
- Social rank and status, 153, 155
- Socialistic ideal, 289, 293-294
- Sociology—scope and subject of, 2;
- present condition of, 472, 473
- Socrates, 59 note 1, 98-99, 215, 231 note 1, 299
- Socratic Induction, 98-99
- Socratic principle of “Government by experts,” 299
- σοφία, σοφός, 231, 231 note 1
- Sources of Happiness, 135, 136, 153 seq.;
- judgments of common sense respecting them, only roughly trustworthy, 158-160;
- common sense estimates of (a) at best are only true for ordinary persons, (b) are vitiated by mal-observation, (c) confuse between objects of natural desire and sources of experienced pleasure, 151, 152, (d) mix moral and æsthetic preferences with hedonistic, 153, (e) are found to be full of inconsistencies, 153-158
- Sovereign power, Hobbist and Austinian views of, 300 note 1
- Special moral codes, 30, 31, 168, 169, 340, 341
- Special need, duties arising out of, 261, 262
- Spencer, H., 125-126, 177 note 1, 183 seq., 194 note 1, 470, 471, 470 notes 1 and 2, 473;
- (Social Statics), 18 note 2, 194 note 1;
- (Data of Ethics), 18 note 2, 177 note 1, 194 note 1, 470 note 1
- “Sphere of individual option” determined by Utilitarian calculation, 477-479
- Spinoza, 90
- Stephen, Leslie, 319 Note, 471, 471 note 2, 472, 473;
- (Science of Ethics), 42 note 1, 471
- Stewart, Dugald, 454, 455;
- (Philosophy of the Active and Moral Powers), 92 note 2, 454 note 1
- Stoic system, its place in the development of ethical thought, 106;
- ethics, circular reasonings of, 376, 377
- Stoicism, later compared with earlier, 376 note 1
- Stoics, 92, 105, 129
- Stout, G. F., 180 note 2, 182, 186;
- (Analytic Psychology), 182 note 1
- Subjective, cf. Objective
- Suggestio falsi, 317
- Suicide prohibited by Common Sense, 327, 331, 356
- Sully, Pessimism, 136 note 1, 186 note 1
- Suppressio veri, 317
- Sympathy—and Moral Sensibility, relation between, 170 note 1, 500-501;
- with impulses prompting to action, 463, 463 note 2;
- limitations and perversions of, 464;
- twofold operation of, on moral impulses, 483;
- confusion in Mill’s view of, 499 note 1;
- and happiness of agent, 170 note 1, 499 note 1, 499-503
- Systematic Morality, explanation of indifference or hostility to, 99-100
- Tautological propositions offered as ethical axioms, 374 seq.
- Temperance, 224, 328, 329, 344 note 1, 356
- Torquemada, 226 note 1
- ‘True Good,’ 3 (cf. Good, Ultimate Good)
- Truth, Cartesian Criterion of, 339
- Ultimate End, for the individual and for the whole, 404, 497-498
- Ultimate Good, My, 109 seq., 109 note 1, 497-498
- Ultimate Good, The (the Good), 3, 106 seq., 391-407 passim
- Ultimate reasonableness, different views of, implicit in ordinary thought, 6
- Ultimate reasons for conduct, 78, 79;[527]
- differences in, correspond to different aspects of human existence, 78 (cf. 79)
- ‘Ultra-intuitional,’ 100
- ‘Unconscious Utilitarianism’ of Common Sense Morality, 453 seq., 489, etc.
- Universal Happiness as standard and motive, 413
- Universalistic and Egoistic Hedonism, connexion between (a) in Bentham’s view, 87 Note;
- (b) in Paley’s view, 121
- Unveracity, common, 316 seq., 486
- Utilitarian—formula of distribution not really at variance with Common Sense, 432, 433;
- justification of special affections, 433, 434;
- ideal code, difficulties of constructing such, for present human beings, 467-470;
- rectification of Common Sense Morality must proceed by empirical method, 476-480;
- innovation, negative and destructive, probable effects of (a) on the agent, 481, 482-483, (b) on others, 482, 483;
- innovation, positive and supplementary, as affecting the agent and others, 483, 484;
- innovation in relation to degree of publicity and generality of acceptance, 489-490, 489 note 1;
- reform, consists largely in enforcing old rules, 484;
- exceptions to current morality (a) may generally be stated as fresh rules, 485, 489, (b) special and rare cases of, 486-487;
- Duty and Religious Sanction, 503-506;
- Sanction, 500 seq.
- Utilitarianism, 8, 11, 119;
- (= Universalistic or Benthamite Hedonism), 84, 119, 411;
- Proof of, 418-422;
- Principle of, 87, (Mill’s view of) 387, 388;
- Method of, 460-495;
- meaning of, 411-417 passim;
- to be distinguished from (a) Egoistic Hedonism, 411, 412, (b) any psychogonical theory of the Moral Sentiments, 412-413;
- motive and standard of, to be discriminated, 413;
- contradictory objections to, 87;
- and Intuitionism, relation between, 85-86, 386 seq., 496-497;
- and Intuitionism, history of relation between, in English ethical thought, 86, 423, 424;
- and Egoism, relation between, 497, 498;
- and Egoism, harmony of, (a) not empirically demonstrable, 503, (b) required by Reason, 506;
- and Common Sense Morality, 8, 423-457 passim, 468, 469, 475, 476, 480 seq., 498, 499;
- justifies the unequal distribution which Common Sense approves, 432 seq.;
- more rigid than Common Sense, 499, 504;
- function of, as arbiter to Common Sense, 454, 455;
- reasonable attitude of, to Common Sense Morality, 473-474, 475-476;
- aims at remedying imperfections of Common Sense Morality, 476;
- and Axiom of Benevolence, 387, 388, 496-497, 498;
- and Conjugal and Parental Duties, 435, 436;
- and Duties of Special Need, 436, 437;
- and Gratitude, 437, 438;
- and benevolent Duties, 435 seq.;
- and Law-observance, 440, 441;
- and Impartiality, 441, 442, 447, 447 note 1;
- and Normal Expectations, 442-443;
- and Good Faith, 443, 444, 443 note 3;
- and Freedom, 444, 445;
- and distribution according to Desert, 445-447;
- and Justice, 440 seq., 447;
- and Veracity, 448, 449, 483;
- and Malevolence, 449;
- and Self-regarding virtues, 450;
- and Purity, 449-450;
- and Sympathy, 500 seq.;
- and Christianity, 504
- ‘Utility,’ Hume’s and Bentham’s uses of, 423 note 2
- Veracity, 97, 224, 313, 314-319 passim, 355, 448, 449;
- and Good Faith, 303, 304, 313, 314
- Virtue (Moral Perfection or Excellence), 10, 14, 78, 106, 219, 219 note 1, 220, 220 note 3, 221, 222, 226, 227;
- or Right Action, its relation to the Good, 106;
- and Happiness, 119, 120, 174-175, 461;
- Plato’s and Aristotle’s accounts of, 376;
- involves reference to an Ultimate Good which is not Virtue, 393, 394, 395;
- and Duty, 217-230 passim;
- and emotion, 222-223, 226;
- voluntariness of, 220, 227;
- and motive, 223-224;
- and habit, 227;
- and moral effort, relation between, 224, 225, 429;
- intellectual conditions of, 225;
- is Knowledge, Socratic doctrine that, 227 note 1;
- felicific character of, 424, 425
- Virtues, intellectual, 231-237 passim;
- self-regarding, 327-331 passim
- Virtuous conduct, commonly regarded as disinterested, 77, 78
- Virtuous motives, admitted by some moralists, 365, 366;
- Dr. Martineau’s rejection of, 367
- Vivisection controversy, 402, 406 note 1
- Volition, analysis of, 61, 62;
- Determinist view of, 62 note 1;
- conception of, how far inevitably Libertarian, 67, 71;
- causes muscular contractions, 73;
- affects thought and feeling, 73, 74;
- acting through resolutions alters men’s tendencies to action, 74, 75, 75 note 1;
- its emotional antecedents of secondary ethical importance, 77
- Voluntary action, definition of, 59
- Voluntary choice and irresistible impulse, 67 note 3[528]
- Wayland, Elements of Moral Science, 256 note 2
- Wealth, 153, 154, 155
- Well-being (the Good attainable in human life), 92, 92 note 1;
- Stoic view of, 92;
- Aristotle’s view of, 92, 92 note 2;
- not = mere promise of future being, 396, 397
- Whewell, 58, 86;
- (Elements of Morality), 58 note 2, 317 note 1, 329 note 1
- Will—Subjective Rightness of, and Ultimate Good, 394, 395;
- divorced from Objective Rightness is fanaticism, 395
- Wisdom, 230, 231-236 passim, 344, 345, 393, 430;
- meaning and use of term, 231;
- Greek view of, 231;
- common sense definition of, 233;
- refers to ends as well as means, 231-233;
- in selection of ends and means, how far voluntary, 233-235;
- in adoption of selected ends, 235;
- comprehensiveness of, 238;
- and Temperance and Justice, tautological maxims of, 375;
- and Caution and Decision, do not furnish independent rules, 237 Note
- Wundt, 184 note 3
- Zeal or Moral Ardour, 237, 392
- Zeno, 376
THE END
THE END
Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.
Printed by R. & R. Clark, Limited, Edinburgh.
FOOTNOTES
[3] Cf. Mind, No. 2.
[4] Among unpublished criticisms I ought especially to mention the valuable suggestions that I have received from Mr. Carveth Read; to whose assistance in revising the present edition many of my corrections are due.
[4] Among the unpublished critiques, I should particularly highlight the valuable suggestions I've received from Mr. Carveth Read, whose help in revising this edition has contributed to many of my corrections.
[5] I must here acknowledge the advantage that I have received from the remarks and questions of my pupils, and from criticisms privately communicated to me by others; among these latter I ought especially to mention an instructive examination of my fundamental doctrines by the Rev. Hastings Rashdall.
[5] I want to recognize the benefits I've gained from my students' comments and questions, as well as feedback shared with me privately by others. In particular, I should highlight the insightful review of my core beliefs by Rev. Hastings Rashdall.
[6] Cf. note on p. 457, and Prefatory Note to the Seventh Edition.
[6] See note on p. 457, and Prefatory Note for the Seventh Edition.
[10] I use ‘Politics’ in what I take to be its most ordinary signification, to denote the science or study of Right or Good Legislation and Government. There is a wider possible sense of the term, according to which it would include the greater part of Ethics: i.e. if understood to be the Theory of Right Social Relations. See chap. ii. § 2.
[10] I use 'Politics' in what I believe is its most basic meaning, referring to the study or science of proper legislation and government. There’s a broader interpretation of the term, which could encompass much of Ethics: i.e. if it's understood as the Theory of Proper Social Relations. See chap. ii. § 2.
[13] The phrase is Butler’s.
The phrase is Butler's.
[14] See the last paragraph of chap. iii. of this Book.
[14] Check the last paragraph of chap. iii. of this Book.
[19] I use the terms ‘Excellence’ and ‘Perfection’ to denote the same ultimate end regarded in somewhat different aspects: meaning by either an ideal complex of mental qualities, of which we admire and approve the manifestation in human life: but using ‘Perfection’ to denote the ideal as such, while ‘Excellence’ denotes such partial realisation of or approximation to the ideal as we actually find in human experience.
[19] I use the terms ‘Excellence’ and ‘Perfection’ to refer to the same ultimate goal seen from slightly different angles: meaning by either an ideal blend of mental qualities that we admire and approve of in human life. However, I use ‘Perfection’ to signify the ideal itself, while ‘Excellence’ refers to the partial realization of or the approximation to that ideal as we observe it in human experience.
[20] It may be said that even more divergent views of the reasonable end are possible here than in the case of happiness: for we are not necessarily limited (as in that case) to the consideration of sentient beings: inanimate things also seem to have a perfection and excellence of their own and to be capable of being made better or worse in their kind; and this perfection, or one species of it, appears to be the end of the Fine Arts. But reflection I think shows that neither beauty nor any other quality of inanimate objects can be regarded as good or desirable in itself, out of relation to the perfection or happiness of sentient beings. Cf. post, chap. ix. of this Book.
[20] It can be argued that there are even more different perspectives on what a reasonable end is than there are regarding happiness. This is because we aren't just focused on sentient beings, as in that case; inanimate objects also appear to possess their own forms of perfection and excellence and can be improved or degraded. This sense of perfection, or at least one type of it, seems to be the goal of the Fine Arts. However, upon reflection, I believe it becomes clear that neither beauty nor any other quality of inanimate things can be considered good or desirable on its own, independent of the perfection or happiness of sentient beings. See post, chap. ix. of this Book.
[23] It may be doubted whether the latter ought properly to be termed a “good citizen,” and not rather a “faithful subject of the Czar of Russia.” But this doubt only illustrates the divergence to which I am drawing attention.
[23] It might be questioned whether the latter should genuinely be called a “good citizen,” or if it would be more accurate to call them a “loyal subject of the Czar of Russia.” However, this uncertainty merely highlights the difference I am trying to point out.
[24] Sometimes, as before observed, Politics appears to be used in a wider sense, to denote the theory of ideal social relations, whether conceived to be established through governmental coercion or otherwise.
[24] Sometimes, as mentioned earlier, politics seems to be used in a broader way to refer to the theory of perfect social relationships, whether these are thought to be achieved through government force or in another way.
[25] In writing this section I had primarily in view the doctrine set forth in Mr. Spencer’s Social Statics. As Mr. Spencer has restated his view and replied to my arguments in his Data of Ethics, it is necessary for me to point out that the first paragraph of this section is not directed against such a view of ‘Absolute’ and ‘Relative’ Ethics as is given in the later treatise—which seems to me to differ materially from the doctrine of Social Statics. In Social Statics it is maintained not merely—as in the Data of Ethics—that Absolute Ethics which “formulates normal conduct in an ideal society” ought to “take precedence of Relative Ethics”; but that Absolute Ethics is the only kind of Ethics with which a philosophical moralist can possibly concern himself. To quote Mr. Spencer’s words:—“Any proposed system of morals which recognises existing defects, and countenances acts made needful by them, stands self-condemned.... Moral law ... requires as its postulate that human beings be perfect. The philosophical moralist treats solely of the straight man ... shows in what relationship he stands to other straight men ... a problem in which a crooked man forms one of the elements, is insoluble by him.” Social Statics (chap. i.). Still more definitely is Relative Ethics excluded in the following passage of the concluding chapter of the same treatise (the italics are mine):—“It will very likely be urged that, whereas the perfect moral code is confessedly beyond the fulfilment of imperfect men, some other code is needful for our present guidance ... to say that the imperfect man requires a moral code which recognises his imperfection and allows for it, seems at first sight reasonable. But it is not really so ... a system of morals which shall recognise man’s present imperfections and allow for them cannot be devised; and would be useless if it could be devised.”
[25] In writing this section, I was primarily focused on the ideas presented in Mr. Spencer’s Social Statics. Since Mr. Spencer has restated his views and responded to my arguments in his Data of Ethics, I need to clarify that the first paragraph of this section is not aimed at his interpretation of ‘Absolute’ and ‘Relative’ Ethics as outlined in the later work, which I believe significantly differs from the doctrine in Social Statics. In Social Statics, it is argued that not only should Absolute Ethics, which “defines normal behavior in an ideal society,” “take precedence over Relative Ethics,” but that Absolute Ethics is the only type of Ethics that a philosophical moralist can truly focus on. To quote Mr. Spencer: “Any proposed system of morals that acknowledges existing flaws and justifies actions necessitated by them is self-condemning.... Moral law ... requires as its foundation that human beings be perfect. The philosophical moralist deals solely with the straight individual ... showing how he relates to other straight individuals ... a situation involving a crooked individual cannot be solved by him.” Social Statics (chap. i.). Even more clearly, Relative Ethics is rejected in the following excerpt from the concluding chapter of the same treatise (the italics are mine): “It will likely be argued that, since the perfect moral code is undeniably beyond the reach of imperfect individuals, some other code is necessary for our current guidance ... to suggest that the imperfect individual needs a moral code that accepts and accommodates his imperfections seems reasonable at first glance. But it is not truly so ... a moral system that recognizes human flaws and accommodates them cannot be created; and would be pointless even if it could be created.”
[26] I omit, for the present, the consideration of the method which takes Perfection as an ultimate end: since, as has been before observed, it is hardly possible to discuss this satisfactorily, in relation to the present question, until it has been somewhat more clearly distinguished from the ordinary Intuitional Method.
[26] For now, I will leave out the discussion on the approach that sees Perfection as the ultimate goal. As previously mentioned, it's nearly impossible to address this effectively concerning the current issue until it has been more clearly separated from the typical Intuitional Method.
[29] As, for instance, when Bentham explains (Principles of Morals and Legislation, chap. i. § i. note) that his fundamental principle “states the greatest happiness of all those whose interest is in question as being the right and proper end of human action,” we cannot understand him really to mean by the word “right” “conducive to the general happiness,” though his language in other passages of the same chapter (§§ ix. and x.) would seem to imply this; for the proposition that it is conducive to general happiness to take general happiness as an end of action, though not exactly a tautology, can hardly serve as the fundamental principle of a moral system.
[29] For example, when Bentham explains (Principles of Morals and Legislation, chap. i. § i. note) that his main principle “states the greatest happiness of all those whose interests are involved as being the right and proper goal of human action,” we can't really take “right” to mean “conducive to general happiness,” even though his wording in other parts of the same chapter (§§ ix. and x.) might suggest this; because the idea that aiming for general happiness as the goal of action promotes general happiness, while not exactly a tautology, can hardly be the foundational principle of a moral system.
[32] In Chemistry we regard the antecedents (elements) as still existing in and constituting the consequent (compound) because the latter is exactly similar to the former in weight, and because we can generally cause this compound to disappear and obtain the elements in its place. But we find nothing at all like this in the growth of mental phenomena: the psychical consequent is in no respect exactly similar to its antecedents, nor can it be resolved into them. I should explain that I am not here arguing the question whether the validity of moral judgments is affected by a discovery of their psychical antecedents. This question I reserve for subsequent discussion. See Book iii. chap. i. § 4.
[32] In Chemistry, we consider the previous elements as still existing in and forming the resulting compound because the compound is exactly like the elements in weight, and we can usually make this compound disappear and recover the elements instead. However, we find nothing like this in the development of mental phenomena: the psychological outcome does not resemble its origins in any precise way, nor can it be broken down into them. I want to clarify that I'm not discussing whether the validity of moral judgments is influenced by discovering their psychological origins. I will save that question for later. See Book iii. chap. i. § 4.
[33] I do not even imply that any combination of individuals could completely realise the state of political relations which I conceive ‘ought to’ exist. My conception would be futile if it had no relation to practice: but it may merely delineate a pattern to which no more than an approximation is practically possible.
[33] I'm not suggesting that any group of people could fully achieve the political situation I believe should exist. My idea would be pointless if it didn’t connect to real-life actions; however, it might just outline a blueprint that can only be approximated in practical terms.
[34] We do not commonly say that particular physical facts are apprehended by the Reason: we consider this faculty to be conversant in its discursive operation with the relation of judgments or propositions: and the intuitive reason (which is here rather in question) we restrict to the apprehension of universal truths, such as the axioms of Logic and Mathematics.
[34] We don’t usually say that specific physical facts are understood by Reason; instead, we think of this ability as working through the connection of judgments or statements. The intuitive reason (which is more relevant here) is limited to understanding universal truths, like the axioms of Logic and Mathematics.
[35] By cognition I always mean what some would rather call “apparent cognition”—that is, I do not mean to affirm the validity of the cognition, but only its existence as a psychical fact, and its claim to be valid.
[35] By cognition, I always mean what some might prefer to call “apparent cognition”—that is, I don’t mean to confirm the validity of the cognition, but only its existence as a psychological fact and its assertion to be valid.
[37] This is the sense in which the term will always be used in the present treatise, except where the context makes it quite clear that only the wider meaning—that of the political ‘ought’—is applicable.
[37] This is how the term will consistently be used in this document, unless the context clearly indicates that only the broader meaning—specifically, the political ‘ought’—is relevant.
[42] Constitutional Code, Introduction, § 2.
[43] Utilitarianism, chap. ii. p. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Utilitarianism, ch. 2, p. 14.
[44] Mr. Leslie Stephen, who holds (Science of Ethics, p. 50) that “pain and pleasure are the sole determining causes of action,” at the same time thinks that it “will be admitted on all hands” that “we are not always determined by a calculation of pleasure to come.”
[44] Mr. Leslie Stephen, who argues in the Science of Ethics, p. 50, that “pain and pleasure are the only factors that drive our actions,” also believes that “everyone will agree” that “we are not always motivated by a consideration of future pleasure.”
[47] In the present treatise ‘Desire’ is primarily regarded as a felt impulse or stimulus to actions tending to the realisation of what is desired. There are, however, states of feeling, sometimes intense, to which the term ‘desire’ is by usage applicable, in which this impulsive quality seems to be absent or at least latent; because the realisation of the desired result is recognised as hopeless, and has long been so recognised. In such cases the ‘desire’ (so-called) remains in consciousness only as a sense of want of a recognised good, a feeling no more or otherwise impulsive than the regretful memory of past joy. That is, desire in this condition may develop a secondary impulse to voluntary day-dreaming, by which a bitter-sweet imaginary satisfaction of the want is attained; or, so far as it is painful, it may impel to action or thought which will bring about its own extinction: but its primary impulse to acts tending to realise the desired result is no longer perceptible.
[47] In this discussion, 'desire' is mainly viewed as a felt urge or trigger for actions aimed at achieving what is wanted. However, there are feelings, sometimes intense, to which we commonly refer to as 'desire,' where this impulsive quality seems to be missing or at least dormant; because the realization of the desired outcome is seen as impossible and has been acknowledged as such for a long time. In these cases, the so-called 'desire' only exists in consciousness as a sense of wanting something that is recognized as good, a feeling that is no more or less impulsive than the wistful memory of past happiness. In this state, desire may lead to a secondary urge for voluntary daydreaming, providing a bittersweet imaginary fulfillment of the want; or, if it is painful, it may drive actions or thoughts that will ultimately lead to its own end: but its original urge towards actions aimed at achieving the desired outcome is no longer noticeable.
With this state of mind
With this mindset
"Of the night for tomorrow"—
I am not concerned in the present discussion. I notice it chiefly because some writers (e.g. Dr. Bain) seem to contemplate as the sole or typical case of desire, “where there is a motive and no ability to act upon it”; thus expressly excluding that condition of desire (as I use the term) which seems to me of primary importance from an ethical point of view, i.e. where action tending to bring about the desired result is conceived as at once possible.
I’m not involved in this discussion right now. I mainly bring it up because some writers (e.g., Dr. Bain) seem to think that the only or typical example of desire is “when there’s a motive but no ability to act on it”; they completely leave out the type of desire (as I define it) that I believe is most important from an ethical standpoint, meaning when the action aimed at achieving the desired result is seen as possible.
[48] The confusion occurs in the most singular form in Hobbes, who actually identifies Pleasure and Appetite—“this motion in which consisteth pleasure, is a solicitation to draw near to the thing that pleaseth.”
[48] The confusion appears most distinctly in Hobbes, who actually connects Pleasure and Appetite—“this movement that constitutes pleasure is an urge to get closer to the thing that brings joy.”
[49] The same argument is put in a more guarded, and, I think, unexceptionable form by Hutcheson. It is perhaps more remarkable that Hume, too, shares Butler’s view which he expresses almost in the language of the famous sermons. “There are,” he says, “bodily wants or appetites, acknowledged by every one, which necessarily precede all sensual enjoyment, and carry us directly to seek possession of the object. Thus hunger and thirst have eating and drinking for their end: and from the gratification of these primary appetites arises a pleasure, which may become the object of another species of inclination that is secondary and interested.” Hence Hume finds that “the hypothesis which allows of a disinterested benevolence, distinct from self-love,” is “conformable to the analogy of nature.” See Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals (Appendix II.).
[49] Hutcheson presents the same argument in a more cautious and, in my opinion, acceptable way. It's also noteworthy that Hume shares Butler’s perspective, expressing it almost using the language from the well-known sermons. He states, “There are bodily needs or desires, recognized by everyone, that must come before any sensory pleasure and drive us to seek out the object. For example, hunger and thirst have eating and drinking as their goal; and from satisfying these basic needs comes a pleasure that can lead to another type of desire that is secondary and self-interested.” Therefore, Hume concludes that “the theory that allows for a selfless goodwill, separate from self-interest,” aligns “with the patterns in nature.” See Enquiry concerning the Principles of Morals (Appendix II.).
[51] Professor J. S. Mackenzie, in his Manual of Ethics (3rd edition, Book i. chap. ii. note), arguing for the universal painfulness of desire, urges that the so-called “pleasures of pursuit” are really pleasures of “progressive attainment”; what causes pleasure being the series of partial attainments that precede the final attainment. There seems to me much truth in this view, as regards some forms of pursuit; but in other cases I can find nothing deserving the name in the course of the pursuit: the prominent element of the pleasure seems to be clearly the reflex of eager and hopeful, perhaps consciously skilful, activity. E.g. this is often the case in the pursuit of truth, scientific or historical. I have spent most pleasant hours in hunting for evidence in favour of a conjecture that had occurred to me as a possible solution of a difficult historical question, without any “progressive attainment” at all, as I found no evidence of any importance: but the pleasure had none the less been real, at any rate in the earlier part of the pursuit. Or take the common experience of deer-stalking, or the struggle for victory in an evenly balanced game of chess, or a prolonged race in which no competitor gains on the others till near the end. I find nothing like “progressive attainment” in these cases.
[51] Professor J. S. Mackenzie, in his Manual of Ethics (3rd edition, Book i. chap. ii. note), argues for the universal discomfort of desire, suggesting that the so-called “pleasures of pursuit” are really pleasures of “progressive attainment”; what brings pleasure is the series of smaller successes that lead up to the final achievement. I believe there’s a lot of truth in this perspective, particularly regarding some types of pursuits; however, in other instances, I find nothing that deserves the name during the pursuit itself: the main source of pleasure seems to come from the excitement and hope, possibly from actively applying one’s skills. E.g. this is often true in the search for truth, whether scientific or historical. I’ve spent many enjoyable hours searching for evidence to support a theory I had about solving a challenging historical issue, even though I didn’t find any significant evidence: still, the pleasure was very real, at least in the earlier part of the search. Or consider the common experience of deer-stalking, fighting for victory in a closely matched game of chess, or a long race where no competitor pulls ahead until the finish. I don’t see much of “progressive attainment” in these situations.
But even granting Mr. Mackenzie’s view to be more widely applicable than I think it, the question it deals with seems to me in the main irrelevant to the issue that I am now discussing: since it remains true that the presence of antecedent desire is an essential condition of the pleasures of attainment—whether “progressive” or “catastrophic”—and that the desire is not itself perceptibly painful.
But even if we accept Mr. Mackenzie’s view as more generally applicable than I believe it is, the question he addresses seems mostly irrelevant to the issue I'm discussing now: it's still true that having a prior desire is a crucial factor for experiencing the pleasures of achieving something—whether that achievement is “progressive” or “catastrophic”—and that the desire itself isn’t noticeably painful.
[52] Lecky, Hist. of European Morals, Introduction.
[53] I must ask the reader to distinguish carefully the question discussed in this chapter, which relates to the objects of desires and aversions, from the different question whether the causes of these impulses are always to be found in antecedent experiences of pleasure and pain. The bearing of this latter question on Ethics, though not unimportant, is manifestly more indirect than that of the question here dealt with: and it will be convenient to postpone it till a later stage of the discussion. Cf. post, Book ii. chap. vi. § 2, and Book iv. chap. iv. § 1.
[53] I need to ask the reader to carefully differentiate the issue discussed in this chapter, which concerns the objects of desires and dislikes, from the separate issue of whether the causes of these impulses are always rooted in prior experiences of pleasure and pain. The relevance of this latter question to Ethics, while significant, is clearly more indirect than the question addressed here: and it will be more convenient to discuss it later in the conversation. Cf. post, Book ii. chap. vi. § 2, and Book iv. chap. iv. § 1.
[54] I have thought it expedient to exclude the Kantian conception of Free Will from the scope of the discussion in this chapter, partly on account of the confusion mentioned in the text; partly because it depends on the conception of a causality not subject to time-conditions, which appears to me altogether untenable, while it does not fall within the plan of the present treatise to discuss it. But considering the widespread influence of Kantian theory on current ethical thought, I have thought it desirable to give a brief discussion of his conception of Free Will in an Appendix (I.).
[54] I've decided to leave out the Kantian idea of Free Will from the discussion in this chapter. This is partly because of the confusion mentioned in the text and partly because it relies on a concept of causality that isn't affected by time, which I find completely untenable. Additionally, it's not part of the plan for this treatise to explore that concept. However, considering how widely Kantian theory influences modern ethical thought, I felt it was important to include a brief discussion of his idea of Free Will in an Appendix (I.).
[55] Elements of Morality, Book i. chap. ii. At the same time, it is also true—as I afterwards say—that we sometimes identify ourselves with passion or appetite in conscious conflict with reason: and then the rule of reason is apt to appear an external constraint, and obedience to it a servitude, if not a slavery.
[55] Elements of Morality, Book i. chap. ii. At the same time, it’s also true—as I mention later—that we sometimes feel torn between our desires or urges and our reason: and in those moments, following reason can feel like an outside force holding us back, making compliance seem like a loss of freedom, if not outright bondage.
[56] The difficulty which Socrates and the Socratic schools had in conceiving a man to choose deliberately what he knows to be bad for him—a difficulty which drives Aristotle into real Determinism in his account of purposed action, even while he is expressly maintaining the “voluntariness” and “responsibility” of vice—seems to be much reduced for the modern mind by the distinction between moral and prudential judgments, and the prima facie conflict between ‘interest’ and ‘duty.’ Being thus familiar with the conception of deliberate choice consciously opposed either to interest or to duty, we can without much difficulty conceive of such choice in conscious opposition to both. See chap. ix. § 3, of this Book.
[56] The challenge that Socrates and the Socratic schools faced in understanding how a person could intentionally choose something they know is bad for them—a challenge that leads Aristotle to embrace a form of Determinism in his views on purposeful action, even while he insists on the “voluntariness” and “responsibility” of wrongdoing—seems less daunting for the modern perspective due to the difference between moral and practical judgments, and the prima facie conflict between ‘interest’ and ‘duty.’ Since we’re accustomed to the idea of making deliberate choices that consciously contradict either interest or duty, we can easily imagine such choices being made in conscious opposition to both. See chap. ix. § 3, of this Book.
[57] It is most convenient to regard “intention” as including not only such results of volition as the agent desired to realise, but also any that, without desiring, he foresaw as certain or probable. The question how far we are responsible for all the foreseen consequences of our acts, or, in the case of acts prescribed by definite moral rules, only for their results within a certain range, will be considered when we come to examine the Intuitional Method.
[57] It's most convenient to think of "intention" as including not just the outcomes the agent wanted to achieve, but also any they expected to happen, whether they wanted them or not. The question of how much we are responsible for all the expected consequences of our actions, or in the case of actions dictated by specific moral rules, only for their results within a certain scope, will be explored when we look at the Intuitional Method.
[59] It is not uncommon for Determinists to conceive of each volition as connected by uniform laws with our past state of consciousness. But any uniformities we might trace among a man’s past consciousnesses, even if we knew them all, would yet give us very imperfect guidance as to his future action: as there would be left out of account—
[59] It's not unusual for Determinists to think of each decision as linked by consistent laws to our past state of awareness. However, any patterns we might identify in a person's past awareness, even if we knew them all, would still offer us very limited insight into their future actions, since there would be factors left unconsidered—
(1) All inborn tendencies and susceptibilities, as yet latent or incompletely exhibited;
(1) All natural tendencies and susceptibilities that are still hidden or not fully displayed;
(2) All past physical influences, of which the effects had not been perfectly represented in consciousness.
(2) All previous physical influences, whose effects hadn't been fully represented in our awareness.
[60] I do not mean that this is the only view that we take of the conduct of others: I hold (as will presently appear) that in judging of their conduct morally, we ordinarily apply the conception of Free Will. But we do not ordinarily regard it as one kind of causation, limiting and counteracting the other kind.
[60] I don't mean that this is the only way we view other people's behavior: I believe (as I will explain shortly) that when we judge their actions morally, we usually consider the idea of Free Will. However, we typically don't see it as a type of causation that limits or opposes another type.
[61] It is not the possibility of merely indeterminate choice, of an “arbitrary freak of unmotived willing,” with which we are concerned from an ethical point of view, but the possibility of choosing between rational and irrational motives.
[61] From an ethical standpoint, we are not just considering the chance of making a random choice, or an “arbitrary act of baseless will,” but rather the ability to choose between rational and irrational motivations.
[62] I think that in most cases when a man yields to temptation, judging that it is “no use trying to resist,” he judges in semi-conscious self-sophistication, due to the influence of appetite or passion disturbing the process of reasoning. I do not doubt that this self-sophistication is likely to take a Determinist form in the mind of one who has adopted Determinism as a speculative opinion: but I see no reason for thinking that a Libertarian is not in equal danger of self-sophistication, though in his case it will take a different form. E.g. where a Determinist would reason “I certainly shall take my usual glass of brandy to-night, so there is no use resolving not to take it,” the Libertarian’s reasoning would be “I mean to leave off that brandy, but it will be just as easy to leave it off to-morrow as to-day; I will therefore have one more glass, and leave it off to-morrow.”
[62] I believe that in most situations when a man gives in to temptation, thinking that “there’s no point in trying to resist,” he makes a somewhat aware yet self-sophisticated judgment, influenced by desires or strong emotions that disrupt his reasoning. I don’t doubt that this self-sophistication can often take on a Determinist mindset for someone who has embraced Determinism as a philosophical belief; but I see no reason to believe that a Libertarian is any less susceptible to self-sophistication, although in his case it would manifest differently. For example, while a Determinist might think, “I’m definitely going to have my usual glass of brandy tonight, so there’s no point in promising not to have it,” a Libertarian might reason, “I want to stop drinking that brandy, but it’ll be just as easy to quit tomorrow as it is today; therefore, I’ll have one more glass and quit tomorrow.”
[64] I should admit, indeed, that the ordinary notion of merit becomes inapplicable (see pp. 71, 72). But I do not see that Perfection becomes less an End to be aimed at, because we cease to regard its attainment as meritorious. The inapplicability of the notion of ‘merit’ to Divine action has never been felt to detract from the Perfection of the Divine Nature.
[64] I should admit that the standard idea of merit doesn’t really apply here (see pp. 71, 72). But I don’t think that the goal of Perfection becomes less important just because we stop seeing its achievement as something praiseworthy. The fact that the concept of ‘merit’ doesn’t apply to Divine action has never been thought to lessen the Perfection of the Divine Nature.
[66] I ought, however, to point out that an important section of theologians who have held the belief in the moral government of the world in its intensest form have been Determinists.
[66] I should, however, mention that a significant group of theologians who have believed in the moral governance of the world in its strongest sense have been Determinists.
[67] In order to determine this we should require first to settle another disputed question, as to the general reasonableness of our expectation that the future will resemble the past.
[67] To figure this out, we first need to address another debated issue: whether it’s reasonable to expect the future will be like the past.
[69] Thus we find it necessary to punish negligence, when its effects were very grave, even when we cannot trace it to wilful disregard of duty; and to punish rebellion and assassination none the less although we know that they were prompted by a sincere desire to serve God or to benefit mankind.
[69] Therefore, we see the need to punish negligence when its outcomes are severe, even if we can't link it to intentional wrongdoing; and we must still punish rebellion and assassination, even if we understand they were motivated by a genuine wish to serve God or help humanity.
[70] It should be observed that the same kind of change is sometimes brought about, without volition, by a powerful emotional shock, due to extraneous causes: and hence it might be inferred that in all cases it is a powerful impression of an emotional kind that produces the effect; and that the will is only concerned in concentrating our attention on the benefits to be gained or evils to be avoided by the change of habit, and so intensifying the impression of these. But though this kind of voluntary contemplation is a useful auxiliary to good resolutions, it does not seem to be this effort of will that constitutes the resolution: we can clearly distinguish the two. Hence this third effect of volition cannot be resolved into the second, but must be stated separately.
[70] It should be noted that a similar kind of change can sometimes happen without intention, triggered by a strong emotional shock from outside factors. This suggests that in all situations, it's a strong emotional impression that causes the effect, and that our will only plays a role in focusing our attention on the benefits to be gained or the drawbacks to be avoided by changing our habits, thereby intensifying those impressions. However, while this kind of deliberate reflection is a helpful support for making good decisions, it doesn’t seem to be the willpower effort that actually creates the decision: we can clearly tell the difference between the two. Therefore, this third effect of will cannot be classified as the second; it needs to be addressed separately.
[71] As I have before said, the applicability of a method for determining right conduct relatively to an ultimate end—whether Happiness or Perfection—does not necessarily depend on the acceptance of the end as prescribed by reason: it only requires that it should be in some way adopted as ultimate and paramount. I have, however, confined my attention in this treatise to ends which are widely accepted as reasonable: and I shall afterwards endeavour to exhibit the self-evident practical axioms which appear to me to be implied in this acceptance. Cf. post, Book iii. chap. xiii.
[71] As I've mentioned before, the usefulness of a method for figuring out what is right in relation to an ultimate goal—whether it's Happiness or Perfection—doesn't necessarily rely on whether that goal is accepted as reasonable: it just needs to be recognized as ultimate and the most important. However, I've focused this discussion on goals that are broadly accepted as reasonable: and I will later try to lay out the self-evident practical principles that seem to me to be involved in this acceptance. Cf. post, Book iii. chap. xiii.
[72] The notion of ‘Self-realisation’ will be more conveniently examined in the following chapter: where I shall distinguish different interpretations of the term ‘Egoism,’ which I have taken to denote one of the three principal species of ethical method.
[72] The idea of 'Self-realization' will be discussed more thoroughly in the next chapter, where I will clarify different interpretations of the term 'Egoism,' which I consider to be one of the three main types of ethical methods.
[76] It should be observed that neither Cumberland nor Shaftesbury uses the term “Good” (substantive) in a purely and exclusively hedonistic sense. But Shaftesbury uses it mainly in this sense: and Cumberland’s “Good” includes Happiness as well as Perfection.
[76] It's important to note that neither Cumberland nor Shaftesbury uses the term “Good” solely in a hedonistic way. However, Shaftesbury primarily uses it in this context, while Cumberland's idea of “Good” encompasses both Happiness and Perfection.
[77] See Dissertation II. Of the Nature of Virtue appended to the Analogy. It may be interesting to notice a gradual change in Butler’s view on this important point. In the first of his Sermons on Human Nature, published some years before the Analogy, he does not notice, any more than Shaftesbury and Hutcheson, any possible want of harmony between Conscience and Benevolence. A note to Sermon XII., however, seems to indicate a stage of transition between the view of the first Sermon and the view of the Dissertation.
[77] See Dissertation II. Of the Nature of Virtue included in the Analogy. It might be interesting to observe a gradual shift in Butler’s perspective on this crucial issue. In the first of his Sermons on Human Nature, published a few years before the Analogy, he, like Shaftesbury and Hutcheson, doesn’t acknowledge any potential conflict between Conscience and Benevolence. However, a note in Sermon XII. seems to signal a transitional phase between the viewpoint of the first Sermon and that of the Dissertation.
[78] Thus the end for which an individual is supposed to renounce the unlimited rights of the State of Nature is said (Leviathan, chap. xiv.) to be “nothing else but the security of a man’s person in this life, and the means of preserving life so as not to be weary of it.”
[78] Therefore, the reason an individual is expected to give up the unlimited rights of the State of Nature is described (Leviathan, chap. xiv.) as “nothing more than the safety of a person in this life and the means to sustain life to the point of not becoming tired of it.”
[79] Schiller’s Wallenstein.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Schiller’s Wallenstein.
[80] I shall afterwards try to explain how it comes about that, in modern thought, the proposition ‘My own Good is my only reasonable ultimate end’ is not a mere tautology, even though we define ‘Good’ as that at which it is ultimately reasonable to aim. Cf. post, chap. ix. and Book iii. chaps. xiii. xiv.
[81] Aristotle’s selection of εὐδαιμονία to denote what he elsewhere calls “Human” or “Practicable” good, and the fact that, after all, we have no better rendering for εὐδαιμονία than “Happiness” or “Felicity,” has caused no little misunderstanding of his system. Thus when Stewart (Philosophy of the Active and Moral Powers, Book ii. chap. ii.) says that “by many of the best of the ancient moralists ... the whole of ethics was reduced to this question ... What is most conducive on the whole to our happiness?” the remark, if not exactly false, is certain to mislead his readers; since by Stewart, as by most English writers, “Happiness” is definitely conceived as consisting of “Pleasures” or “Enjoyments.”
[81] Aristotle’s choice of εὐδαιμονία to represent what he also refers to as “Human” or “Practicable” good, combined with the fact that we have no better translation for εὐδαιμονία than “Happiness” or “Felicity,” has led to some misunderstandings of his philosophy. So, when Stewart (Philosophy of the Active and Moral Powers, Book ii. chap. ii.) states that “by many of the best of the ancient moralists ... the whole of ethics was reduced to this question ... What is most conducive on the whole to our happiness?” the statement, while not entirely incorrect, is likely to confuse his readers; because to Stewart, as with most English authors, “Happiness” is clearly understood as consisting of “Pleasures” or “Enjoyments.”
[82] Thus Green (Prolegomena to Ethics, Book iii. chap. iv. § 228) says, “It is the realisation of those objects in which we are mainly interested, not the succession of enjoyments which we shall experience in realising them, that forms the definite content of our idea of true happiness, so far as it has such content at all.” Cf. also § 238. It is more remarkable to find J. S. Mill (Utilitarianism, chap. iv.) declaring that “money”—no less than “power” or “fame”—comes by association of ideas to be “a part of happiness,” an “ingredient in the individual’s conception of happiness.” But this seems to be a mere looseness of phraseology, venial in a treatise aiming at a popular style; since Mill has expressly said that “by happiness is intended pleasure and the absence of pain,” and he cannot mean that money is either the one or the other. In fact he uses in the same passage—as an alternative phrase for “parts of happiness”—the phrases “sources of happiness” and “sources of pleasure”: and his real meaning is more precisely expressed by these latter terms. That is, the distinction which he is really concerned to emphasise is that between the state of mind in which money is valued solely as a means of buying other things, and the state of mind—such as the miser’s—in which the mere consciousness of possessing it gives pleasure, apart from any idea of spending it.
[82] Thus Green (Prolegomena to Ethics, Book iii. chap. iv. § 228) states, “It is the realization of those things we really care about, not the series of pleasures we will have in achieving them, that makes up the concrete understanding of true happiness, as far as it has any substance at all.” Cf. also § 238. It’s even more interesting to see J. S. Mill (Utilitarianism, chap. iv.) asserting that “money”—just like “power” or “fame”—becomes, through associations, “a part of happiness,” an “ingredient in an individual’s idea of happiness.” However, this seems to be just a loose use of terms, which is excusable in a work aiming for a more accessible style; since Mill has clearly stated that “by happiness we mean pleasure and the absence of pain,” and he can't imply that money is either of those things. In fact, he uses in the same section—alternatively to “parts of happiness”—the terms “sources of happiness” and “sources of pleasure”: and his true intention is expressed more accurately by these latter terms. Essentially, the distinction he really wants to highlight is between valuing money purely as a means to buy other things and the mindset—like that of a miser—where just the awareness of having it brings pleasure, independent of any thought of using it.
[84] Utilitarianism, chap. ii.
[86] I have explained in the concluding paragraph of chap. iii. that a different view of hedonistic systems is admissible.
[86] I've explained in the concluding paragraph of chap. iii. that there’s a different perspective on hedonistic systems that is valid.
[88] It must, however, be remembered that Aristotle regarded the general proposition obtained by induction as really more certain (and in a higher sense knowledge) than the particulars through which the mind is led up to it.
[88] However, it's important to remember that Aristotle believed the general conclusion reached through induction is actually more certain (and a higher form of knowledge) than the specific instances that lead to it.
[89] Strictly speaking, the attributes of truth and falsehood only belong formally to Rules when they are changed from the imperative mood (“Do X”) into the indicative (“X ought to be done”).
[89] To be precise, the qualities of truth and falsehood only apply formally to Rules when they switch from the imperative mood (“Do X”) to the indicative (“X ought to be done”).
[90] It should be observed that such principles will not necessarily be “intuitional” in the narrower sense that excludes consequences; but only in the wider sense as being self-evident principles relating to ‘what ought to be.’
[90] It's important to note that these principles won’t always be “intuitive” in the strict sense that ignores outcomes; but rather in the broader sense of being self-evident principles about ‘what should be.’
[91] It is, however, necessary to distinguish between the ideas of Moral Goodness and Beauty as applied to human actions: although there is much affinity between them, and they have frequently been identified, especially by the Greek thinkers. No doubt both the ideas themselves and the corresponding pleasurable emotions, arising on the contemplation of conduct, are often indistinguishable: a noble action affects us like a scene, a picture, or a strain of music: and the delineation of human virtue is an important part of the means which the artist has at his disposal for producing his peculiar effects. Still, on looking closer, we see not only that there is much good conduct which is not beautiful, or at least does not sensibly impress us as such; but even that certain kinds of crime and wickedness have a splendour and sublimity of their own. For example, such a career as Cæsar Borgia’s, as Renan says, is “beau comme une tempête, comme un abîme.” It is true, I think, that in all such cases the beauty depends upon the exhibition in the criminal’s conduct of striking gifts and excellences mingled with the wickedness: but it does not seem that we can abstract the latter without impairing the æsthetic effect. And hence I conceive, we have to distinguish the sense of beauty in conduct from the sense of moral goodness.
[91] However, it's important to differentiate between the concepts of Moral Goodness and Beauty when it comes to human actions. Although there’s a strong connection between them and they've often been linked, especially by Greek philosophers, the two ideas and the enjoyable feelings that arise from reflecting on behavior are often hard to tell apart. A noble act can affect us like a scene, a painting, or a piece of music: portraying human virtue is a key tool for artists to create their unique effects. Still, on closer inspection, we find that there are many good actions that aren’t beautiful, or at least don’t strike us as such; and there are even certain types of crime and evil that have their own kind of grandeur and intensity. For instance, as Renan states, a life like Cæsar Borgia’s is “beautiful as a storm, like an abyss.” I think it’s true that in these situations, the beauty comes from the remarkable talents and qualities displayed in the criminal’s actions, mixed with the wrongdoing, but it seems we can’t separate the latter without diminishing the aesthetic impact. Therefore, I believe we need to distinguish the sense of beauty in behavior from the sense of moral goodness.
[92] It would seem that, according to the common view of ‘good,’ there are occasions in which an individual’s sacrifice of his own good on the whole, according to the most rational conception of it that he can form, would apparently realise greater good for others. Whether, indeed, such a sacrifice is ever really required, and whether, if so, it is truly reasonable for the individual to sacrifice his own good on the whole, are among the profoundest questions of ethics: and I shall carefully consider them in subsequent chapters (especially Book iii. chap. xiv.). I here only desire to avoid any prejudgment of these questions in my definition of ‘my own good.’
[92] It seems that, based on the common understanding of 'good,' there are times when a person’s sacrifice of their own overall well-being, according to their best rational understanding, might lead to a greater good for others. Whether such a sacrifice is ever truly necessary, and whether it’s reasonable for someone to sacrifice their own overall good, are some of the most profound questions in ethics: I will carefully explore them in later chapters (especially Book iii. chap. xiv.). Here, I only want to avoid any bias in my definition of 'my own good.'
[94] Character is only known to us through its manifestation in conduct; and I conceive that in our common recognition of Virtue as having value in itself, we do not ordinarily distinguish character from conduct: we do not raise the question whether character is to be valued for the sake of the conduct in which it is manifested, or conduct for the sake of the character that it exhibits and develops. How this question should be answered when it is raised will be more conveniently considered at a later stage of the discussion. See Book iii. chap. ii. § 2, and chap. xiv. § 1.
[94] We only know character through its expression in behavior; and I believe that when we collectively see Virtue as valuable in itself, we usually don't differentiate between character and behavior. We don’t typically ask whether character is valuable because of the behavior it shows, or if behavior is valued because of the character it reveals and nurtures. The best way to address this question, when it arises, will be discussed more conveniently later on. See Book iii. chap. ii. § 2, and chap. xiv. § 1.
[95] No doubt there is a point of view, sometimes adopted with great earnestness, from which the whole universe and not merely a certain condition of rational or sentient beings is contemplated as ‘very good’: just as the Creator in Genesis is described as contemplating it. But such a view can scarcely be developed into a method of Ethics. For practical purposes, we require to conceive some parts of the universe as at least less good than they might be. And we do not seem to have any ground for drawing such a distinction between different portions of the non-sentient universe, considered in themselves and out of relation to conscious or sentient beings.
[95] There is definitely a perspective, often taken quite seriously, from which the entire universe, not just a specific state of rational or feeling beings, is seen as ‘very good’: similar to how the Creator is described as viewing it in Genesis. However, this perspective can't really be turned into a method of Ethics. For practical reasons, we need to think of some parts of the universe as at least less good than they could be. And we don’t really have any basis for differentiating between different parts of the non-sentient universe when considered on their own and independent of conscious or sentient beings.
[97] Butler, Serm. xi.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Butler, Serm. 11.
[99] We find it sometimes asserted by persons of enthusiastic and passionate temperament, that there are feelings so exquisitely delightful, that one moment of their rapture is preferable to an eternity of agreeable consciousness of an inferior kind. These assertions, however, are perhaps consciously hyperbolical, and not intended to be taken as scientific statements: but in the case of pain, it has been deliberately maintained by a thoughtful and subtle writer, with a view to important practical conclusions, that “torture” so extreme as to be “incommensurable with moderate pain” is an actual fact of experience. (See “A Chapter in the Ethics of Pain,” by the late Edmund Gurney, in a volume of essays entitled Tertium Quid.) This doctrine, however, does not correspond to my own experience; nor does it appear to me to be supported by the common sense of mankind:—at least I do not find, in the practical forethought of persons noted for caution, any recognition of the danger of agony such that, in order to avoid the smallest extra risk of it, the greatest conceivable amount of moderate pain should reasonably be incurred.
[99] Some enthusiastic and passionate people often claim that there are feelings so incredibly blissful that one second of that joy is better than a lifetime of lesser happiness. However, these claims are probably exaggerated and not meant to be taken as scientific facts. In the case of pain, a thoughtful and insightful writer has pointed out, to draw important conclusions, that “torture” so intense that it cannot be compared to moderate pain is a real part of experience. (See “A Chapter in the Ethics of Pain,” by the late Edmund Gurney, in a collection of essays entitled Tertium Quid.) Nonetheless, this idea doesn’t match my own experiences; nor does it seem to be backed by common sense:—at least, I don’t see that people known for their caution acknowledge the risk of severe pain to the extent that they would reasonably choose to endure the worst possible amount of moderate pain to avoid even the smallest chance of it.
[100] Bentham gives four qualities of any pleasure or pain (taken singly) as important for purposes of Hedonistic calculation: (1) Intensity, (2) Duration, (3) Certainty, (4) Proximity. If we assume (as above argued) that Intensity must be commensurable with Duration, the influence of the other qualities on the comparative value of pleasures and pains is not difficult to determine: for we are accustomed to estimate the value of chances numerically, and by this method we can tell exactly (in so far as the degree of uncertainty can be exactly determined) how much the doubtfulness of a pleasure detracts from its value: and proximity is a property which it is reasonable to disregard except in so far as it diminishes uncertainty. For my feelings a year hence should be just as important to me as my feelings next minute, if only I could make an equally sure forecast of them. Indeed this equal and impartial concern for all parts of one’s conscious life is perhaps the most prominent element in the common notion of the rational—as opposed to the merely impulsive—pursuit of pleasure.
[100] Bentham identifies four qualities of any pleasure or pain (considered individually) that are essential for Hedonistic calculation: (1) Intensity, (2) Duration, (3) Certainty, (4) Proximity. If we assume (as previously mentioned) that Intensity must be comparable to Duration, it's not difficult to understand how the other qualities affect the relative value of pleasures and pains: we usually quantify the value of chances, and through this approach, we can determine exactly (as much as uncertainty allows) how much the uncertainty of a pleasure reduces its value. Additionally, proximity is a factor we can reasonably overlook unless it decreases uncertainty. A year from now, my feelings should matter just as much to me as my feelings in the next minute, provided I can predict them with the same level of certainty. In fact, this equal and unbiased concern for all aspects of one's conscious life may be the most notable feature of the common idea of the rational—as opposed to merely impulsive—pursuit of pleasure.
[107] It was before observed that by saying that one pleasure is superior in quality to another we may mean that it is preferable when considered merely as pleasant: in which case difference in kind resolves itself into difference in degree.
[107] It was previously noted that when we say one pleasure is better in quality than another, we may mean it’s more enjoyable when looked at just as something pleasant; in that case, the difference in types basically turns into a difference in intensity.
[109] See Green’s Introduction to vol. ii. of Hume’s Treatise on Human Nature, § 7. The statement is substantially repeated in the same writer’s Prolegomena to Ethics.
[109] See Green’s Introduction to vol. ii. of Hume’s Treatise on Human Nature, § 7. The statement is largely repeated in the same author’s Prolegomena to Ethics.
[110] Prolegomena to Ethics, § 158.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Prolegomena to Ethics, § 158.
[111] E.g. Butler, Sermon xi. says, “Every man hath a desire for his own happiness ... the object [desired] is our own happiness, enjoyment, satisfaction.”
[111] For example Butler, Sermon xi. says, “Everyone has a desire for their own happiness ... the thing we want is our own happiness, enjoyment, satisfaction.”
[112] Introduction to Hume, l.c.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Intro to Hume, l.c.
[113] Prolegomena to Ethics, § 221.
[114] Ibid. § 359.
[115] This Green in several passages seems expressly to admit e.g. (§ 332) he says that certain measures “needed in order to supply conditions favourable to good character, tend also to make life more pleasant on the whole”: and, elsewhere, that “it is easy to show that an overbalance of pain would result to those capable of being affected by it” from the neglect of certain duties.
[115] This Green in several parts seems to clearly state e.g. (§ 332) that certain actions "needed to create conditions that support good character also make life generally more enjoyable": and, in another place, that "it's easy to demonstrate that an excess of pain would affect those who can be impacted by it" if certain responsibilities are neglected.
[116] Prolegomena to Ethics, § 176.
[117] Op. cit. § 232.
[118] I cannot state this positively, because—as I have said—Green expressly distinguishes self-satisfaction from pleasure, and does not expressly affirm that its absence is attended by pain.
[118] I can't say this for sure, because—as I mentioned—Green clearly separates self-satisfaction from pleasure, and he doesn't specifically state that not having it causes pain.
[119] Sully, Pessimism, chap. xi. p. 282.
[122] It is striking to find the author of the Wealth of Nations, the founder of a long line of plutologists who are commonly believed to exalt the material means of happiness above all other, declaring that “wealth and greatness are mere trinkets of frivolous utility,” and that “in ease of body and peace of mind, all the different ranks of life are nearly upon a level, and the beggar who suns himself by the side of the highway possesses that security which kings are fighting for.” Adam Smith, Moral Sentiments, Part iv. chap. i.
[122] It's remarkable to see the author of the Wealth of Nations, the pioneer of a long line of economists often thought to prioritize material wealth above everything else, stating that “wealth and greatness are just trivial distractions,” and that “in terms of physical comfort and mental peace, all social classes are almost equal, and the beggar who relaxes by the roadside enjoys a sense of security that kings are fighting for.” Adam Smith, Moral Sentiments, Part iv. chap. i.
[123] No doubt such a pursuit may be justified to self-love by dwelling on the pleasures of hope and anticipation which attend it. But this is obviously an after-thought. It is not for the sake of these originally that posthumous fame is sought by him whom it spurs
[123] There's no doubt that someone might convince themselves that chasing after this can be justified by focusing on the joys of hope and anticipation that come with it. However, this is clearly a rationalization made later. It's not originally for these reasons that someone is driven to seek posthumous fame.
[124] In the following chapter I have not entered into any particular consideration of the case in which the individual’s conscience is definitely in conflict with the general moral consciousness of his age and country: because, though it is commonly held to be a man’s duty always to obey the dictates of his own conscience, even at the risk of error, it can hardly be said to be a current opinion that he will always attain the greatest happiness open to him by conforming to the dictates of his conscience even when it conflicts with received morality.
[124] In the next chapter, I haven’t specifically looked into the situation where a person’s conscience clashes with the general moral beliefs of their time and place. While it’s often said that one should always follow their own conscience, even if it leads to mistakes, it’s not widely accepted that this will always bring the greatest happiness, especially when it goes against established morals.
[125] Such discussion of the question as seemed desirable in a work like this will be found in the concluding chapter of the treatise.
[125] You will find the discussion on this issue, as relevant for a work like this, in the concluding chapter of the treatise.
[128] I do not here consider the case of revolutionists aiming sincerely at the general wellbeing; since the morality of such revolutions will generally be so dubious, that these cases cannot furnish any clear argument on either side of the question here discussed.
[128] I'm not considering the situation of revolutionaries who genuinely aim for the common good; since the ethics of such revolutions are usually so questionable that they don't provide any clear argument on either side of the issue being discussed here.
[129] Under the notion of ‘moral pain’ (or pleasure) I intend to include, in this argument, all pain (or pleasure) that is due to sympathy with the feelings of others. It is not convenient to enter, at this stage of the discussion, into a full discussion of the relation of Sympathy to Moral Sensibility; but I may say that it seems to me certain, on the one hand, that these two emotional susceptibilities are actually distinct in most minds, whatever they may have been originally; and on the other hand that sympathetic and strictly moral feelings are almost inextricably blended in the ordinary moral consciousness: so that, for the purposes of the present argument it is not of fundamental importance to draw a distinction between them. I have, however, thought it desirable to undertake a further examination of sympathy—as the internal sanction on which Utilitarians specially lay stress—in the concluding chapter of this treatise: to which, accordingly, the reader may refer.
[129] When I talk about ‘moral pain’ (or pleasure), I'm referring to all pain (or pleasure) that comes from empathizing with the feelings of others. It's not the right time to fully discuss how Sympathy relates to Moral Sensibility; however, I believe that, on one hand, these two emotional responses are usually distinct in most people, no matter how they may have originally been linked. On the other hand, sympathetic feelings and strictly moral feelings are almost inextricably intertwined in typical moral awareness, so it's not crucial for this argument to clearly separate them. Nonetheless, I felt it was important to do a deeper dive into sympathy—since it’s the internal motivation that Utilitarians emphasize—in the concluding chapter of this treatise, which the reader can refer to.
[130] A striking confirmation of this is furnished by those Christian writers of the last century who treat the moral unbeliever as a fool who sacrifices his happiness both here and hereafter. These men were, for the most part, earnestly engaged in the practice of virtue, and yet this practice had not made them love virtue so much as to prefer it, even under ordinary circumstances, to the sensual and other enjoyments that it excludes. It seems then absurd to suppose that, in the case of persons who have not developed and strengthened by habit their virtuous impulses, the pain that might afterwards result from resisting the call of duty would always be sufficient to neutralise all other sources of pleasure.
[130] A clear example of this can be seen in the Christian writers from the last century, who view the moral unbeliever as a fool sacrificing his happiness both now and in the future. These individuals were mostly genuinely committed to practicing virtue, yet this commitment didn't make them value virtue enough to choose it over the physical and other pleasures it often excludes, even in everyday situations. Therefore, it seems unreasonable to think that for those who haven't developed and strengthened their virtuous impulses through habit, the discomfort that might come from resisting their sense of duty would always be strong enough to outweigh all other sources of pleasure.
[131] “It should seem that a due concern about our own interest or happiness, and a reasonable endeavour to secure and promote it, ... is virtue, and the contrary behaviour faulty and blamable.” Butler (in the Dissertation Of the Nature of Virtue appended to the Analogy).
[131] “It seems that having a proper concern for our own interests or happiness, and making a reasonable effort to secure and promote it, ... is virtue, and the opposite behavior is wrong and blameworthy.” Butler (in the Dissertation Of the Nature of Virtue appended to the Analogy).
[132] This view is suggested by Mr. Herbert Spencer’s statement—in a letter to J. S. Mill, published in Mr. Bain’s Mental and Moral Science; and partially reprinted in Mr. Spencer’s Data of Ethics, chap. iv. § 21—that “it is the business of moral science to deduce, from the laws of life and the conditions of existence, what kinds of actions necessarily tend to produce happiness, and what kinds to produce unhappiness,” and that when it has done this, “its deductions are to be recognised as laws of conduct; and are to be conformed to irrespective of a direct estimate of happiness or misery.” I ought, however, to say that Mr. Spencer has made it clear in his latest treatise that the only cogent deductions of this kind which he conceives to be possible relate to the behaviour not of men here and now, but of ideal men living in an ideal society, and living under conditions so unlike those of actual humanity that all their actions produce “pleasure unalloyed with pain anywhere” (Data of Ethics, § 101). The laws of conduct in this Utopia constitute, in Mr. Spencer’s view, the subject-matter of “Absolute Ethics”; which he distinguishes from the “Relative Ethics” that concerns itself with the conduct of the imperfect men who live under the present imperfect social conditions, and of which the method is, as he admits, to a great extent “necessarily empirical” (Data of Ethics, § 108). How far such a system as Mr. Spencer calls Absolute Ethics can be rationally constructed, and how far its construction would be practically useful, I shall consider in a later part of this treatise (Book iv. chap. iv.), when I come to deal with the method of Universalistic Hedonism: at present I am only concerned with the question how far any deductive Ethics is capable of furnishing practical guidance to an individual seeking his own greatest happiness here and now.
[132] This perspective is supported by Mr. Herbert Spencer’s statement—in a letter to J. S. Mill, published in Mr. Bain’s Mental and Moral Science; and partially reprinted in Mr. Spencer’s Data of Ethics, chap. iv. § 21—that “the purpose of moral science is to derive, from the laws of life and the conditions of existence, what types of actions tend to produce happiness, and which types lead to unhappiness,” and that once this is established, “these deductions should be recognized as laws of conduct; and should be followed regardless of a direct assessment of happiness or misery.” However, I should note that Mr. Spencer clarifies in his most recent work that the only compelling deductions he believes are possible relate to the behavior not of people in the present moment, but of ideal people living in an ideal society, under conditions so different from real humanity that all their actions result in “pleasure free from pain anywhere” (Data of Ethics, § 101). In Mr. Spencer’s view, the laws of conduct in this Utopia form the basis of “Absolute Ethics”; which he separates from “Relative Ethics” that focuses on the conduct of imperfect individuals living under current flawed social conditions, and whose method is, as he acknowledges, largely “necessarily empirical” (Data of Ethics, § 108). The extent to which a system like Mr. Spencer’s Absolute Ethics can be logically constructed, and how practically useful its construction would be, will be discussed later in this treatise (Book iv. chap. iv.), when I address the method of Universalistic Hedonism: for now, I am only concerned with how effectively any deductive Ethics can provide practical guidance to someone seeking their own greatest happiness in the present.
[133] Aristotle’s theory is, briefly, that every normal sense-perception or rational activity has its correspondent pleasure, and that the most perfect is the most pleasant: the most perfect in the case of any faculty being the exercise of the faculty in good condition on the best object. The pleasure follows the activity immediately, giving it a kind of finish, “like the bloom of youth.” Pleasures vary in kind, as the activities that constitute life vary: the best pleasures are those of the philosophic life.
[133] Aristotle’s theory is simply that every normal sense perception or rational activity has a corresponding pleasure, and the most fulfilling one is the most enjoyable: the best version of any ability is when it's used in good shape on the best possible subject. The pleasure comes right after the activity, giving it a sense of completion, “like the bloom of youth.” Pleasures differ in type, just as the activities that make up life differ: the greatest pleasures come from a life of philosophy.
[134] See Bouillier, Du plaisir et de la douleur, chap. iii.; L. Dumont, Théorie scientifique de la sensibilité, chap. iii.; as well as Stout, Analytic Psychology, chap. xii.—to which I refer later.
[134] See Bouillier, Du plaisir et de la douleur, chap. iii.; L. Dumont, Théorie scientifique de la sensibilité, chap. iii.; and Stout, Analytic Psychology, chap. xii.—which I will mention later.
[136] In Aristotle’s exposition of this theory—which with him is only a theory of pleasure—the ethical motive of exhibiting the philosophic life as preferable to that of the sensualist, in respect of the pleasures it affords, is quite unmistakable.
[136] In Aristotle’s explanation of this theory—which he sees as only a theory of pleasure—the ethical reason for presenting the philosophical life as better than that of the hedonist, in terms of the pleasures it offers, is very clear.
[137] Analytic Psychology, chap. xii. 2.
[138] The physiological theory which Mr. Stout puts forward, as at once correspondent and supplementary to his psychological generalisation, will be noticed later.
[138] The physiological theory that Mr. Stout proposes, which aligns with and adds to his psychological generalization, will be discussed later.
[139] Psychology, chap. ix. § 128.
[141] It may be added that in the case of emotional pains and pleasures, the notion of quantitative difference between the cerebral nerve-processes, antecedent respectively to the one and the other, seems altogether unwarrantable: the pains of shame, disappointed ambition, wounded love, do not appear to be distinguishable from the pleasures of fame, success, reciprocated affection, by any difference of intensity in the impressions or ideas accompanied by the pleasures and pains respectively.
[141] It should be noted that when it comes to emotional pain and pleasure, the idea of a quantitative difference between the brain processes related to each seems completely unjustified: the pains of shame, unfulfilled ambition, and heartbreak don't seem to differ from the pleasures of fame, achievement, and mutual affection based on any difference in the intensity of the feelings or thoughts that come with those emotions.
[144] I say “appreciably” because the controverted psychological question whether there are any strictly neutral or indifferent modifications of consciousness seems to me unimportant from a practical point of view. See Sully, Human Mind, chap. xiii. § 2.
[144] I use the term “appreciably” because the debated psychological question of whether there are any strictly neutral or indifferent changes in consciousness seems unimportant from a practical standpoint. See Sully, Human Mind, chap. xiii. § 2.
[145] See Stout, Analytic Psychology, l.c.
[146] Physiological Æsthetics, chap. ii.
[150] The quotations are from Mr. Spencer’s Social Statics, chap. iv.: but I should explain that in the passage quoted Mr. Spencer is not writing from the point of view of Egoistic Hedonism.
[150] The quotes are from Mr. Spencer’s Social Statics, chapter 4; however, I want to clarify that in the quoted section, Mr. Spencer is not writing from the perspective of Egoistic Hedonism.
[152] It may seem, he admits, that “since interest, one’s own happiness, is a manifest obligation,” in any case in which virtuous action appears to be not conducive to the agent’s interest, he would be “under two contrary obligations, i.e. under none at all. But,” he urges, “the obligation on the side of interest really does not remain. For the natural authority of the principle of reflection or conscience is an obligation ... the most certain and known: whereas the contrary obligation can at the utmost appear no more than probable: since no man can be certain in any circumstances that vice is his interest in the present world, much less can he be certain against another: and thus the certain obligation would entirely supersede and destroy the uncertain one.”—(Preface to Butler’s Sermons.)
[152] He acknowledges that it might seem like “since self-interest, or one’s own happiness, is a clear obligation,” in situations where doing the right thing doesn’t seem to benefit the person, they would be “facing two conflicting obligations, i.e. none at all. However,” he argues, “the obligation connected to self-interest really doesn’t hold up. The inherent authority of the principle of reflection or conscience is a responsibility ... the most certain and well-known: while the opposing obligation can only seem probable at best. No one can be certain under any circumstances that acting immorally benefits them in this world, and even less can they be certain against someone else: thus, the certain obligation would completely override and eliminate the uncertain one.”—(Preface to Butler’s Sermons.)
[154] Some would add “character” and “disposition.” But since characters and disposition not only cannot be known directly but can only be definitely conceived by reference to the volitions and feelings in which they are manifested, it does not seem to me possible to regard them as the primary objects of intuitive moral judgments. See chap. ii. § 2 of this Book.
[155] No doubt we hold a man responsible for unintended bad consequences of his acts or omissions, when they are such as he might with ordinary care have foreseen; still, as I have before said (p. 60), we admit on reflection that moral blame only attaches to such careless acts or omissions indirectly, in so far as the carelessness is the result of some previous wilful neglect of duty.
[155] We definitely hold someone accountable for the unintended negative outcomes of their actions or inactions when they could have reasonably predicted them; however, as I mentioned earlier (p. 60), we recognize upon further reflection that moral blame is only connected to those careless actions or inactions in a roundabout way, as long as that carelessness stems from some prior intentional neglect of responsibility.
[156] I think that common usage, when carefully considered, will be found to admit this definition. Suppose a nihilist blows up a railway train containing an emperor and other persons: it will no doubt be held correct to say simply that his intention was to kill the emperor; but it would be thought absurd to say that he ‘did not intend’ to kill the other persons, though he may have had no desire to kill them and may have regarded their death as a lamentable incident in the execution of his revolutionary plans.
[156] I believe that common usage, when looked at closely, will support this definition. Imagine a nihilist blowing up a train carrying an emperor and other people: it would certainly be considered correct to say that his goal was to kill the emperor; however, it would seem ridiculous to say that he ‘did not intend’ to kill the other people, even if he had no wish to kill them and saw their deaths as an unfortunate consequence of his revolutionary plans.
[157] A further source of confusion between “intention” and “motive” arises from the different points of view from which either may be judged. Thus an act may be one of a series which the agent purposes to do for the attainment of a certain end: and our moral judgment of it may be very different, according as we judge the intention of the particular act, or the general intention of the series regarded as a whole. Either point of view is legitimate, and both are often required; for we commonly recognise that, of the series of acts which a man does to attain (e.g.) any end of ambition, some may be right or allowable, while others are wrong; while the general intention to attain the end by wrong means, if necessary, as well as right—
[157] Another source of confusion between “intention” and “motive” comes from the different perspectives from which either can be viewed. An action may be part of a series that the agent intends to perform to achieve a specific goal: and our moral evaluation of it can vary depending on whether we assess the intention behind the particular action or the overall intention of the series as a whole. Both viewpoints are valid, and often both are necessary; for we typically recognize that among the series of actions a person takes to achieve (e.g.) a goal of ambition, some may be right or permissible, while others are wrong. Additionally, the overall intention to reach the goal by any means necessary, including wrong ones, is also considered.
If not, find a way to acquire wealth and position—
is clearly a wrong intention. So again, in judging a motive to be good or bad, we may either consider it simply in itself, or in connexion with other balancing and controlling motives—either actually present along with it, or absent when they ought to be present. Thus in the above case we do not commonly think the desire for wealth or rank bad in itself; but we think it bad as the sole motive of a statesman’s public career. It is easy to see that one or other of these different distinctions is apt to blend with and confuse the simple distinction between intention and motive.
is clearly a wrong intention. So again, when we judge a motive as good or bad, we can either look at it on its own or in relation to other balancing and controlling motives—either those that are currently present or those that should be present but aren't. In the case above, we usually don’t see the desire for wealth or rank as bad in itself; however, we do see it as bad when it’s the only motive behind a statesman’s public career. It’s easy to understand that these different distinctions can mix and blur the straightforward difference between intention and motive.
[160] Many religious persons would probably say that the motive of obedience or love to God was the highest. But those who take this view would generally say that obedience and love are due to God as a Moral Being, possessing the attributes of Infinite Wisdom and Goodness, and not otherwise: and if so, these religious motives would seem to be substantially identical with regard for duty and love of virtue, though modified and complicated by the addition of emotions belonging to relations between persons.
[160] Many religious people would likely argue that the motivation of obeying or loving God is the most important. However, those who hold this belief usually assert that obedience and love are owed to God as a Moral Being, endowed with the qualities of Infinite Wisdom and Goodness, and not in any other way. If that's the case, these religious motivations appear to be essentially the same as respect for duty and love of virtue, although they are influenced and complicated by emotions that come from personal relationships.
[161] Locke’s Essay, II. c. 28, §§ 5, 6.
[162] Ibid. IV. c. 3, § 18.
[163] I do not myself usually employ the antithesis of Form and Matter in philosophical exposition, as it appears to me open to the charge of obscurity and ambiguity. In the present case we may interpret “formal rightness” as denoting at once a universal and essential, and a subjective or internal condition of the rightness of actions.
[163] I usually don’t use the contrast between Form and Matter in philosophical discussions because it seems prone to confusion and ambiguity. In this case, we can interpret “formal rightness” as referring both to a universal and essential aspect, as well as a subjective or internal condition of what makes actions right.
[164] It is not, I conceive, commonly held to be indispensable, in order to constitute an act completely right, that a belief that it is right should be actually present in the agent’s mind: it might be completely right, although the agent never actually raised the question of its rightness or wrongness. See p. 225.
[165] The decision would, I think, usually be reached by weighing bad consequences to the agent’s character against bad consequences of a different kind. In extreme cases the latter consideration would certainly prevail in the view of common sense. Thus we should generally approve a statesman who crushed a dangerous rebellion by working on the fear or cupidity of a leading rebel who was rebelling on conscientious grounds. Cf. post, Book iv. chap. iii. § 3.
[165] I believe the decision would typically be made by weighing the negative impacts on the person's character against different negative outcomes. In extreme situations, the latter factor would undoubtedly take priority according to common sense. Therefore, we would generally support a politician who suppressed a serious rebellion by exploiting the fear or greed of a key rebel who was opposing the system for principled reasons. Cf. post, Book iv. chap. iii. § 3.
[166] The antithesis of ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ cannot be applied to the condition of right conduct considered in this paragraph: for this formal condition is at once subjective and objective; being, as I argue, involved in our common notion of right conduct, it is, therefore, necessarily judged by us to be of really universal application: and, though it does not secure complete objective rightness, it is an important protection against objective wrongness.
[166] The contrast between ‘subjective’ and ‘objective’ doesn't apply to the concept of right conduct discussed in this paragraph. This formal condition is both subjective and objective; since, as I argue, it's part of our shared understanding of right conduct, we therefore see it as having truly universal relevance. While it doesn't guarantee total objective correctness, it serves as a vital safeguard against objective wrongness.
[168] See the Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten (pp. 269-273, Hartenstein; Abbott’s transl. [1879] pp. 54-61). Here Kant first says, “There is therefore but one categorical imperative, namely, this: Act only on that maxim whereby thou canst at the same time will that it should become a universal law. Now, if all imperatives of duty can be deduced from this one imperative as from their principle ... we shall at least be able to show what we understand by [duty] and what this notion means.” He then demonstrates the application of the principle to four cases, selected as representative of “the many actual duties”; and continues: “if now we attend to ourselves on occasion of any transgression of duty, we shall find that we in fact do not will that our maxim should be a universal law, for that is impossible for us” ...: then, summing up the conclusion of this part of his argument, he says, “we have exhibited clearly and definitely for every practical application the content of the categorical imperative which must contain the principle of all duty, if there is such a thing at all.”
[168] See the Grundlegung zur Metaphysik der Sitten (pp. 269-273, Hartenstein; Abbott’s transl. [1879] pp. 54-61). Here Kant first states, “There is only one categorical imperative, namely this: Act only on that maxim which you can at the same time will to become a universal law. If all duties can be derived from this one imperative as their principle... we should at least be able to clarify what we mean by [duty] and what this concept entails.” He then illustrates the application of this principle through four examples that represent “the many actual duties”; and adds: “if we reflect on ourselves during any breach of duty, we'll find that we actually do not will our maxim to be a universal law, because that is impossible for us”... Then, summarizing the conclusion of this part of his argument, he says, “we have clearly and definitively outlined for every practical application the content of the categorical imperative, which must contain the principle of all duty, if such a thing exists at all.”
[169] I do not mean that I am prepared to accept Kant’s fundamental maxim, in the precise form in which he has stated it: but the qualifications which it seems to me to require will be more conveniently explained later.
[169] I don’t mean that I’m ready to accept Kant’s core principle as he stated it exactly, but I will explain the adjustments I believe it needs more conveniently later.
[171] I cannot doubt that every one of our cognitive faculties,—in short the human mind as a whole,—has been derived and developed, through a gradual process of physical change, out of some lower life in which cognition, properly speaking, had no place. On this view, the distinction between ‘original’ and ‘derived’ reduces itself to that between ‘prior’ and ‘posterior’ in development: and the fact that the moral faculty appears somewhat later in the process of evolution than other faculties can hardly be regarded as an argument against the validity of moral intuition; especially since this process is commonly conceived to be homogeneous throughout. Indeed such a line of reasoning would be suicidal; as the cognition that the moral faculty is developed is certainly later in development than moral cognition, and would therefore, by this reasoning, be less trustworthy.
[171] I have no doubt that all of our cognitive abilities—essentially, the human mind as a whole—have evolved and developed through a gradual process of physical change from some lower form of life where cognition, in the true sense, didn't exist. From this perspective, the difference between 'original' and 'derived' really comes down to the difference between 'earlier' and 'later' in terms of development. The fact that the moral faculty seems to appear later in the evolution process than other faculties shouldn't be seen as a reason to doubt the validity of moral intuition, especially since this evolution is generally thought to be consistent throughout. In fact, this kind of reasoning would be contradictory; after all, the understanding that the moral faculty has developed is itself a later development than moral cognition, which would suggest, by this reasoning, that it is less reliable.
[172] It is more convenient, for the purpose of expounding the morality of common sense, to understand by Virtue a quality exhibited in right conduct; for then we can use the common notions of the particular virtues as heads for the classification of the most important kinds or aspects of right conduct as generally recognised. And I think that this employment of the term is as much in accordance with ordinary usage as any other equally precise use would be.
[172] It’s easier to explain the morality of common sense if we define Virtue as a quality shown through good behavior. This way, we can use common ideas about specific virtues to categorize the most important types or aspects of right conduct that are generally accepted. I believe this way of using the term aligns well with everyday language just like any other clear definition would.
[175] If the phrase in the text were used by a moral person, with a sincere and predominant desire to do his duty, it must, I conceive, be used in one of two senses: either (1) half-ironically, in recognition of a customary standard of virtuous conduct which the speaker is not prepared expressly to dispute, but which he does not really adopt as valid—as when we say that it would be virtuous to read a new book, hear a sermon, pay a visit, etc.; or (2) it might be used loosely to mean that such and such conduct would be best if the speaker were differently constituted.
[175] If a moral person with a genuine and strong desire to fulfill their duties were to use the phrase in the text, I believe it could only be interpreted in one of two ways: either (1) half-ironically, acknowledging a traditional standard of virtuous behavior that the speaker is not willing to outright challenge, yet does not truly accept as valid—similar to saying it would be virtuous to read a new book, listen to a sermon, or pay a visit, etc.; or (2) it might be used casually to suggest that a certain course of action would be preferable if the speaker were in a different situation.
[179] I have before said that decidedly wrong acts are frequently considered to exhibit in a high degree the tendencies which, when exhibited in right acts, we call particular virtues—generosity, courage, patriotism, etc.: and this is especially true of acts bad through ignorance.
[179] I have previously mentioned that clearly wrong actions are often seen as showing the same tendencies that, when displayed in good actions, we refer to as specific virtues—like generosity, courage, patriotism, and so on: and this is particularly true for actions that are wrong due to ignorance.
[180] This, I think, is a conclusion which common sense on the whole accepts: though I note a considerable reluctance to accept it; which, however, is not shown in the attribution of virtue to persons who do clearly wrong acts, but rather in an effort to explain their ignorance as caused by some previous wilful wrongdoing. We try to persuade ourselves that if (e.g.) Torquemada did not know that it was wrong to torture heretics, he might have known if he had not wilfully neglected means of enlightenment: but there are many cases in which this kind of explanation is unsupported by facts, and I see no ground for accepting it as generally true.
[180] I believe this is a conclusion that most people generally agree on: although I've noticed there's quite a bit of hesitation to accept it. This hesitation isn’t so much in attributing goodness to people who commit clearly wrong acts, but rather in trying to explain their ignorance as a result of some previous intentional wrongdoing. We want to convince ourselves that if, for example, Torquemada didn't realize it was wrong to torture heretics, he could have known if he hadn't intentionally avoided ways to learn. However, there are many instances where this kind of explanation isn't backed by facts, and I see no reason to accept it as universally true.
[183] Indeed Aristotle, who stood alone among the schools sprung from Socrates in distinguishing sharply ‘theoretic’ from ‘practical’ wisdom, restricts the term σοφία to the former, and uses another word (φρόνησις) to denote the latter.
[183] Indeed, Aristotle, who was unique among the schools that emerged from Socrates in clearly distinguishing ‘theoretical’ wisdom from ‘practical’ wisdom, limits the term σοφία to the former and uses another word (φρόνησις) to refer to the latter.
[185] It may be observed that there is another meaning again in which the term ‘Caution’ is sometimes used. Since of the various means which we may use to gain any end, some are more and some less certain; and some are dangerous—that is, involve a chance of consequences either antagonistic to our pursuit, or on different grounds to be avoided—while others are free from such danger; ‘Caution’ is often used to denote the temper of mind which inclines to the more certain and less dangerous means. In this sense, in so far as the chance in each case of winning the end, and the value of the end as compared with other ends, and as weighed against the detriment which its pursuit may entail, can be precisely estimated, the limits of the duty of Caution may obviously be determined without difficulty.
[185] It's important to note that the term 'Caution' can have another meaning. Since there are various methods we can use to achieve any goal, some methods are more reliable than others, and some can be risky—meaning they have a chance of leading to outcomes that could be detrimental to our goals or, for other reasons, should be avoided—while others come without such risks. 'Caution' is often used to describe a mindset that favors the more reliable and less risky methods. In this sense, as long as we can accurately assess the likelihood of achieving the goal, the value of that goal compared to others, and the drawbacks that pursuing it might involve, the boundaries of the duty of Caution can be clearly identified.
[188] The phase of this view most current at present would seem to be Utilitarianism, the principles and method of which will be more fully discussed hereafter: but in some form or degree it has been held by many whose affinities are rather with the Intuitional school.
[188] The most popular version of this perspective right now appears to be Utilitarianism, the principles and methods of which will be discussed in more detail later on; however, in some way or another, it has been embraced by many who are more aligned with the Intuitional school.
[192] This reluctance, however, seems largely due to the fact that this precise measure of duty is most frequently demanded when the issue lies between Duty and Self-interest.
[192] This hesitation, however, appears to stem mostly from the fact that this specific measure of duty is often required when the choice is between Duty and Self-interest.
[193] It must be admitted that the more the benevolent impulse is combined with the habit of considering the complex consequences of different courses of action that may be presented as alternatives, and comparing the amounts of happiness to others respectively resulting from them, the more good, ceteris paribus, is likely to be caused by it on the whole. And so far as there seems to be a certain natural incompatibility between this habit of calculation and comparison and the spontaneous fervour of kindly impulse, Common Sense is somewhat puzzled which to prefer; and takes refuge in an ideal that transcends this incompatibility and includes the two.
[193] It must be acknowledged that the more the kind impulse is paired with the habit of considering the complex consequences of various actions that may be offered as options, and comparing the happiness each would bring to others, the more overall good, ceteris paribus, is likely to result from it. However, since there seems to be a natural conflict between this habit of calculation and comparison and the spontaneous warmth of a kind heart, Common Sense finds itself somewhat confused about which to prioritize; it ultimately seeks an ideal that goes beyond this conflict and encompasses both.
[195] It may be said that a child owes gratitude to the authors of its existence. But life alone, apart from any provision for making life happy, seems a boon of doubtful value, and one that scarcely excites gratitude when it was not conferred from any regard for the recipient.
[195] One could argue that a child should be thankful to the people who brought them into the world. However, life by itself, without any consideration for making it enjoyable, seems like a gift of questionable worth, and it hardly inspires gratitude when it wasn’t given with any thought for the person receiving it.
[196] In 1868 it was affirmed, in an Act passed by the Congress of the United States, that “the right of expatriation is a natural and inherent right of all people.” I do not know how far this would be taken to imply that a man has a moral right to leave his country whenever he finds it convenient—provided no claims except those of Patriotism retain him there. But if it was intended to imply this, I think the statement would not be accepted in Europe without important limitations: though I cannot state any generally accepted principle from which such limitations could be clearly deduced.
[196] In 1868, an Act passed by the United States Congress declared that “the right of expatriation is a natural and inherent right of all people.” I'm not sure how far this statement suggests that a person has a moral right to leave their country whenever they find it convenient—assuming that only the claims of Patriotism keep them there. However, if it was meant to imply this, I believe the statement would not be accepted in Europe without significant limitations, though I can't pinpoint any widely recognized principle from which such limitations could be clearly derived.
[197] How far we are bound to make reparation when the harm is involuntary, and such as could not have been prevented by ordinary care on our part, is not clear: but it will be convenient to defer the consideration of this till the next chapter (§ 5): as the whole of this department of duty is more commonly placed under the head of Justice.
[197] It's unclear how far we are obligated to make amends when the harm is unintentional and could not have been avoided with ordinary care on our part. However, it will be helpful to save this discussion for the next chapter (§ 5): since this whole area of responsibility is generally categorized under Justice.
[198] I raise this question, because if the rule of ‘living according to Nature’ were really adopted as a first principle, in any ordinary meaning of the term ‘nature,’ it would certainly seem to be the duty of all normal human beings to enter into conjugal relations: but just this instance seems to show that the principle is not accepted by Common Sense. See Book i. chap. vi. § 2.
[198] I'm bringing this up because if the idea of ‘living according to Nature’ was truly taken as a basic principle, in any usual sense of the word ‘nature,’ it would definitely seem like it’s the responsibility of all normal people to get married. Yet, this example seems to indicate that this principle isn't recognized by Common Sense. See Book i. chap. vi. § 2.
[199] The moral necessity of prohibiting polygamy is sometimes put forward as an immediate inference from the equality of the numbers of the two sexes. This argument, however, seems to require the assumption that all men and women ought to marry: but this scarcely any one will expressly affirm: and actually considerable numbers remain unmarried, and there is no reason to believe that in countries where polygamy is allowed, paucity of supply has ever made it practically difficult for any man to find a mate.
[199] The moral necessity of banning polygamy is often presented as a direct conclusion from the equal numbers of men and women. However, this argument seems to assume that all men and women should marry, which hardly anyone would openly agree with. In reality, a significant number of people remain unmarried, and there's no reason to think that in countries where polygamy is permitted, a lack of partners has ever made it difficult for any man to find a spouse.
[201] I use the term here to imply a mutual affection more intense than the kindly feeling which a moral man desires to find towards all persons with whom he is brought into continual social relations, through business or otherwise.
[201] I use the term here to suggest a mutual affection that is stronger than the friendly feeling a good person hopes to have for everyone they interact with regularly, whether through work or other means.
[205] Aristotle, in expounding the virtue of Δικαιοσύνη, which corresponds to our Justice, notices that the word has two meanings; in the wider of which it includes in a manner all Virtue, or at any rate the social side or aspect of Virtue generally. The word ‘Justice’ does not appear to be used in English in this comprehensive manner (except occasionally in religious writings, from the influence of the Greek word as used in the New Testament): although the verb “to justify” seems to have this width of meaning; for when I say that one is “justified” in doing so and so, I mean no more than that such conduct is right for him. In the present discussion, at any rate, I have confined myself to the more precise signification of the term.
[205] Aristotle, while explaining the virtue of Δικαιοσύνη, which we translate as Justice, points out that the word has two meanings; in its broader sense, it encompasses almost all Virtue, or at least the social aspect of Virtue in general. The word ‘Justice’ doesn't seem to be used in English in such a comprehensive way (except sometimes in religious texts, influenced by the Greek term in the New Testament): however, the verb “to justify” appears to have this broad meaning; because when I say that someone is “justified” in doing something, I mean that such behavior is appropriate for them. In this discussion, at least, I have focused on the more specific meaning of the term.
[206] I ought to say that, in my view, this only applies to taxes in the narrower sense in which they are distinguished from payments for services received by individuals from Government. In the case of these latter, I conceive that Justice is rather held to lie in duly proportioning payment to amount of service received. Some persons have held that all payments made to Government ought to be determined on this principle: and this view seems to me to be consistent with the individualistic ideal of political order, which I shall presently examine: but, as I have elsewhere tried to show (Princ. of Pol. Econ. Book iii. chap. viii.), there is an important department of Governmental expenditure to which this principle is not applicable.
[206] I should mention that, in my opinion, this only applies to taxes in the narrower sense, which are distinguished from payments for services individuals receive from the Government. In the case of these payments, I believe that Justice is better served by matching the payment to the amount of service received. Some people argue that all payments made to the Government should follow this principle: and this perspective seems to align with the individualistic ideal of political order, which I will discuss shortly. However, as I have shown elsewhere (Princ. of Pol. Econ. Book iii. chap. viii.), there is a significant area of Government spending where this principle doesn’t apply.
[207] It may be well to notice a case in which the very equality of application, which is, as has been said, implied in the mere idea of a law couched in general terms, is felt to be unjust. This is the case where the words of a statute, either from being carelessly drawn, or on account of the inevitable defects of even the most precise terminology, include (or exclude) persons and circumstances which are clearly not included in (or excluded from) the real intent and purpose of the law. In this case a particular decision, strictly in accordance with a law which generally considered is just, may cause extreme injustice: and so the difference between actual Law and Justice is sharply brought out. Still we cannot in this way obtain principles for judging generally of the justice of laws.
[207] It's important to consider a situation where the very equality of application, which, as mentioned, is inherent in the idea of a law stated in general terms, is seen as unjust. This happens when the wording of a statute, either due to careless drafting or the inherent flaws of even the most precise language, includes (or excludes) individuals and circumstances that are obviously not intended to be included (or excluded) from the true intent and purpose of the law. In this scenario, a particular decision that follows a law that is generally perceived as fair could lead to significant injustice: thus highlighting the difference between actual Law and Justice. However, we still cannot derive principles for evaluating the justice of laws in this manner.
[208] It should be observed that we cannot even say, in treating of the private conduct of individuals, that all arbitrary inequality is recognised as unjust: it would not be commonly thought unjust in a rich bachelor with no near relatives to leave the bulk of his property in providing pensions exclusively for indigent red-haired men, however unreasonable and capricious the choice might appear.
[208] It's important to note that we can't even claim, when discussing people's private behavior, that all arbitrary inequality is viewed as unfair: most people wouldn't see it as unjust if a wealthy single man with no close relatives chose to leave most of his wealth to provide pensions only for poor red-haired men, even if that choice seems unreasonable and random.
[209] It may be observed that sometimes claims generated in this way have legal validity; as when a right of way is established without express permission of the landowner, merely by his continued indulgence.
[209] It's worth noting that sometimes claims made this way can be legally valid; for example, when a right of way is established without the landowner's explicit permission, just through their ongoing acceptance.
[210] This is the case even, as I say, when laws are altered lawfully: still more after any exceptional crisis at which there has occurred a rupture of political order: for then the legal claims arising out of the new order which is thus rooted in disorder conflict with those previously established in a manner which admits of no theoretical solution: it can only be settled by a rough practical compromise. See next chapter, § 3.
[210] This is the situation even when laws are changed legally: it becomes even more complicated after any major crisis that disrupts political order. At that point, the legal claims that come from the new order, which is based on chaos, clash with the previously established ones in a way that doesn’t allow for a theoretical resolution. It can only be resolved through a rough practical compromise. See next chapter, § 3.
[212] It is characteristic of an unprogressive society that in it these two points of view are indistinguishable; the Jural Ideal absolutely coincides with the Customary, and social perfection is imagined to consist in the perfect observance of a traditional system of rules.
[212] In a stagnant society, it's typical for these two perspectives to blend together; the Legal Ideal aligns perfectly with the Customary, and social advancement is believed to be achieved through strict adherence to an established set of rules.
[213] This question, how far the conception of Freedom involves unlimited right to limit Freedom by free contract, will meet us again in the next chapter, when we consider the general duty of obedience to Law.
[213] This question of how the idea of Freedom includes the unrestricted right to limit Freedom through voluntary agreements will come up again in the next chapter when we discuss the general obligation to obey the Law.
[214] It has often been urged as a justification for expropriating savages from the land of new colonies that tribes of hunters have really no moral right to property in the soil over which they hunt.
[214] There have often been arguments made that taking land from indigenous people in new colonies is justified because hunter tribes don't have a legitimate moral claim to the land they hunt on.
[216] The further consideration of Political Freedom, with which we shall be occupied in the next chapter, will afford additional illustrations of the difficulties involved in the notion.
[216] In the next chapter, we'll explore Political Freedom more deeply, which will provide more examples of the challenges involved in this concept.
[217] If the view given in the text be sound, it illustrates very strikingly the difference between natural instincts and moral intuitions. For the impulse to requite a service is, on its emotional side, quite different from that which prompts us to claim the fruits of our labour, or “a fair day’s wages for a fair day’s work.” Still, our apprehension of the duty of Gratitude seems capable of being subsumed under the more general intuition ‘that desert ought to be requited.’
[217] If the perspective presented in the text is valid, it clearly highlights the difference between natural instincts and moral intuitions. The urge to return a favor emotionally differs significantly from the drive that leads us to seek the rewards of our efforts, or “a fair day’s pay for a fair day’s work.” Nevertheless, our understanding of the duty of Gratitude appears to fit within the broader intuition that ‘what someone deserves should be acknowledged.’
[218] It certainly requires a considerable strain to bring the ‘right of First Discovery’ under the notion of ‘right to the produce of one’s labour.’ Hence Locke and others have found it necessary to suppose, as the ultimate justification of the former right, ‘a tacit consent’ of mankind in general that all things previously unappropriated shall belong to the first appropriator. But this must be admitted to be a rather desperate device of ethico-political construction: on account of the fatal facility with which it may be used to justify almost any arbitrariness in positive law.
[218] It definitely takes a significant stretch to connect the 'right of First Discovery' to the idea of 'right to the fruits of one's labor.' That's why Locke and others found it necessary to assume, as the ultimate justification for the former right, 'a tacit agreement' among all people that anything not owned before will belong to whoever claims it first. However, this has to be recognized as a pretty shaky method of ethical-political reasoning: because it can easily be used to justify nearly any kind of randomness in laws.
[219] The reader will find an interesting illustration of the perplexity of Common Sense on this point in Mr. O. W. Holmes, Junior’s, book on The Common Law, chap. iii., where the author gives a penetrating discussion of the struggle, in the development of the doctrine of torts in English Law, between two opposing views: (1) that “the risk of a man’s conduct is thrown upon him as the result of some moral short-coming,” and (2) that “a man acts at his peril always, and wholly irrespective of the state of his consciousness upon the matter.” The former is the view that has in the main prevailed in English Law; and this seems to me certainly in harmony with the Common Sense of mankind, so far as legal liability is concerned; but I do not think that the case is equally clear as regards moral obligation.
[219] The reader will find an interesting example of the confusion surrounding Common Sense on this topic in Mr. O. W. Holmes, Junior’s, book on The Common Law, chap. iii., where the author provides a deep discussion of the conflict, in the development of tort law in English Law, between two opposing views: (1) that “the risk of a man’s conduct is placed on him due to some moral failing,” and (2) that “a man acts at his own risk always, completely regardless of his awareness of the situation.” The first view has largely prevailed in English Law; and this seems to me to definitely align with the Common Sense of people, regarding legal responsibility; however, I don’t think the situation is equally clear when it comes to moral obligation.
[221] In the earlier stage of moral development, referred to in the preceding paragraph, retribution inflicted on the wrongdoer was regarded as the normal mode of reparation to the person injured. But this view is contrary to the moral Common Sense of Christian Societies.
[221] In the earlier stage of moral development mentioned in the previous paragraph, punishment given to the wrongdoer was seen as the usual way to make up for the harm done to the victim. However, this perspective goes against the moral common sense of Christian societies.
[222] I think the term “merit” often blends the two notions, as when we speak of “promotion by merit.” By moralists, however, “merit” is generally used as exactly equivalent to what I have called “desert.”
[222] I believe the term "merit" often mixes the two ideas, especially when we refer to "promotion by merit." However, moralists typically use "merit" to mean exactly what I've referred to as "desert."
[223] The only tenable Determinist interpretation of Desert is, in my opinion, the Utilitarian: according to which, when a man is said to deserve reward for any services to society, the meaning is that it is expedient to reward him, in order that he and others may be induced to render similar services by the expectation of similar rewards. Cf. post, Book iv. chap. iii. § 4.
[223] In my view, the only reasonable Determinist interpretation of Desert is Utilitarian. This means that when we say someone deserves a reward for their contributions to society, we mean it’s practical to reward them so that they and others are encouraged to provide similar contributions in the hope of receiving similar rewards. Cf. post, Book iv. chap. iii. § 4.
[224] Perhaps we may partly attribute to the difficulties above discussed, that the notion of Desert has sometimes dropped out of the ideal of Utopian reconstructors of society, and ‘Equality of Happiness’ has seemed to be the only end. Justice, it has been thought, prescribes simply that each should have an equal share of happiness, as far as happiness depends on the action of others. But there seems to be much difficulty in working this out: for (apart from the considerations of Fitness above mentioned) equal happiness is not to be attained by equal distribution of objects of desire. For some require more and some less to be equally happy. Hence, it seems, we must take differences of needs into consideration. But if merely mental needs are included (as seems reasonable) we should have to give less to cheerful, contented, self-sacrificing people than to those who are naturally moody and exigeant, as the former can be made happy with less. And this is too paradoxical to recommend itself to Common Sense.
[224] Maybe we can partly attribute the previously discussed challenges to the fact that the idea of Desert has sometimes been overlooked by those envisioning an ideal society, with ‘Equality of Happiness’ becoming the sole goal. People believe that justice simply means everyone should get an equal share of happiness, based on the actions of others. However, figuring this out is complicated: aside from the factors of Fitness mentioned earlier, equal happiness can't be achieved just by equal distribution of what people desire. Some need more, while others need less to be equally happy. Therefore, it seems we must consider differences in needs. But if we only include mental needs (which seems reasonable), we would have to give less to cheerful, content, self-sacrificing individuals than to those who tend to be moody and exigeant, since the former can find happiness with less. That idea is too paradoxical to make sense to Common Sense.
[225] No doubt, it would be possible to remove, to some extent, the inequalities that are attributable to circumstances, by bringing the best education within the reach of all classes, so that all children might have an equal opportunity of being selected and trained for any functions for which they seemed to be fit: and this seems to be prescribed by ideal justice, in so far as it removes or mitigates arbitrary inequality. Accordingly in those ideal reconstructions of society, in which we may expect to find men’s notions of abstract justice exhibited, such an institution as this has generally found a place. Still, there will be much natural inequality which we cannot remove or even estimate.
[225] It's clear that we could reduce, to some degree, the inequalities caused by circumstances by providing access to high-quality education for all social classes, ensuring that every child has an equal chance to be identified and trained for any roles they appear suited for. This approach aligns with the concept of ideal justice, as it helps eliminate or lessen arbitrary inequality. Therefore, in those ideal visions of society where we can expect to see people's ideas of abstract justice represented, such an institution has usually been included. However, there will still be a lot of natural inequality that we cannot eliminate or even measure.
[228] I have already expressed my opinion that this Utilitarian view of punishment is gradually tending to prevail; but I do not think that it has yet prevailed.
[228] I have already shared my view that this Utilitarian perspective on punishment is slowly becoming more accepted; however, I don't believe it has fully taken hold yet.
[229] Of course those who hold that the essence of Justice consists in securing external Freedom among the members of a community, and that punishment is only justified as a means to this end, naturally think that in awarding punishment we ought to consider merely its efficacy as such means. But this can scarcely be put forward as an interpretation of the common notion of Just Punishment.
[229] Of course, those who believe that the core of Justice is about ensuring external freedom among community members, and that punishment is only justified as a way to achieve this, naturally argue that when we give punishment, we should only think about its effectiveness as a means to that end. However, this hardly serves as a proper understanding of the common idea of Just Punishment.
[230] By ‘arbitrary’ I mean such definitions and limitations as destroy the self-evidence of the principle; and, when closely examined, lead us to regard it as subordinate.
[230] By ‘arbitrary’ I mean definitions and restrictions that undermine the obviousness of the principle; and, when looked at closely, make us see it as less important.
[232] It is perhaps hardly necessary that I should here notice the Hobbist doctrine, revived in a modified form by Austin, that “the power of the sovereign is incapable of [legal] limitation.” For no one now maintains pure Hobbism: and Austin is as far as possible from meaning that there cannot be an express or tacit understanding between Sovereign and Subjects, the violation of which by the former may make it morally right for the latter to rebel. In fact, as used by him, Hobbes’ doctrine reduces itself to the rather unimportant proposition that a sovereign will not be punished for unconstitutional conduct through the agency of his own law-courts, so long as he remains sovereign. I may take this opportunity of observing that Austin’s definition of Law is manifestly unsuited for our present purpose: since a law, in his view, is not a command that ought to be obeyed, but a command for the violation of which we may expect a particular kind of punishment.
[232] It may not be necessary for me to discuss the Hobbesian doctrine, which was revived in a modified way by Austin, that “the power of the sovereign is incapable of [legal] limitation.” No one today supports pure Hobbesianism; and Austin certainly does not intend to suggest that there can't be a clear or implied agreement between the Sovereign and the Subjects, where breaking that agreement by the former may justify rebellion by the latter. In fact, when referenced by him, Hobbes’ doctrine boils down to the relatively minor point that a sovereign won’t be punished for unconstitutional actions through his own courts, as long as he remains in power. I should point out that Austin’s definition of Law is clearly not suitable for our current discussion: in his perspective, a law is not a command that should be followed but rather a command for which we can expect a specific type of punishment if violated.
[233] Cf. Blackstone, Introduction, § 2. “In relation to those laws which enjoin only positive duties, and forbid only such things as are not mala in se, but mala prohibita merely, without any intermixture of moral guilt, annexing a penalty to non-compliance, here I apprehend conscience is no further concerned, than by directing a submission to the penalty in case of our breach of those laws ... the alternative is offered to every man, ‘either abstain from this or submit to such a penalty.’”
[233] Cf. Blackstone, Introduction, § 2. “Regarding laws that impose only positive duties and only prohibit actions that are not inherently wrong but are considered wrong simply because they're prohibited, without any added moral guilt, imposing a penalty for non-compliance, I believe that conscience is only involved in guiding us to accept the penalty if we break those laws... every person faces the choice, ‘either avoid this or accept the penalty.’”
[235] Vows to God constitute another exception: and it is thought by many that if these are binding, there must be some way in which God can be understood to grant release from them. But this it is beyond my province to discuss.
[235] Promises made to God are another exception: many believe that if these promises are binding, there must be some way for God to allow a release from them. However, this is not something I can address.
[236] The case is somewhat different when the act has become immoral after the promise was made: still, here also, the prior duty of abstaining from it would be universally held to prevail.
[236] The situation is a bit different when the action has turned immoral after the promise was made; however, in this case too, the original obligation to refrain from it would still be generally considered to take precedence.
[239] It can hardly be said that the advocate merely reports the false affirmations of others: since the whole force of his pleading depends upon his adopting them and working them up into a view of the case which, for the time at least, he appears to hold.
[239] It’s not accurate to say that the advocate just reports the incorrect statements of others: the strength of his argument relies on him embracing those statements and crafting them into a perspective of the case that, for the moment at least, he seems to believe.
[240] E.g. certain religious persons hold—or held in 1873—that it is right solemnly to affirm a belief that God created the world in 6 days and rested on the 7th, meaning that 1 : 6 is the divinely ordered proportion between rest and labour.
[240] For example, some religious individuals believe—or believed in 1873—that it is appropriate to firmly state a belief that God created the world in 6 days and rested on the 7th, which implies that 1 : 6 is the divinely established ratio of rest to work.
[244] It is to be observed that men derive pleasure from the pains and losses of others, in various ways, without the specific emotion which I distinguish as malevolent affection: either (1) from the sense of power exercised—which explains much of the wanton cruelty of schoolboys, despots, etc.—or (2) from a sense of their own superiority or security in contrast with the failures and struggles of others, or (3) even merely from the excitement sympathetically caused by the manifestation or representation of any strong feeling in others; a real tragedy is interesting in the same way as a fictitious one. But these facts, though psychologically interesting, present no important ethical problems; since no one doubts that pain ought not to be inflicted from such motives as these.
[244] It's noticeable that people find pleasure in the struggles and setbacks of others in different ways, without the specific feeling I call malevolent affection: either (1) from the sense of power they feel, which explains a lot of the careless cruelty of schoolboys, tyrants, and so on—or (2) from a feeling of their own superiority or safety in comparison to the failures and hardships of others, or (3) even just from the thrill created by the display or representation of strong emotions in others; a real tragedy can be as engaging as a fictional one. However, while these observations are psychologically intriguing, they don't raise any significant ethical issues; no one doubts that pain shouldn't be caused by motives like these.
[245] Butler (Sermon VIII., Upon Resentment) recognises that deliberate resentment “has in fact a good influence upon the affairs of the world”; though “it were much to be wished that men would act from a better principle.”
[245] Butler (Sermon VIII., Upon Resentment) acknowledges that intentional resentment “actually has a positive impact on the state of the world”; although “it would be better if people acted from a more positive principle.”
[246] If the amount at stake is such as to constitute a real sacrifice, the conduct seems to be more than liberal, and (unless blamed as extravagant) is rather praised as generous or highminded.
[246] If the amount involved is significant enough to be considered a true sacrifice, the behavior appears to be more than just generous, and (unless criticized as excessive) is often regarded as commendable or noble.
[247] Kant argues (Met. Anfangsgr. d. Tugendlehre, Th. I., § iv.) that as every one “inevitably wills” means to promote his own happiness this cannot be regarded as a duty. But, as I have before urged (Book i. chap. iv. § 1), a man does not “inevitably will” to do what he believes will be most conducive to his own greatest happiness.
[247] Kant argues (Met. Anfangsgr. d. Tugendlehre, Th. I., § iv.) that since everyone “inevitably wants” to promote their own happiness, this can't be seen as a duty. However, as I mentioned earlier (Book i. chap. iv. § 1), a person does not always “inevitably want” to do what they believe will lead to their own greatest happiness.
The view in the text is that of Butler (Dissertation Of the nature of Virtue); who admits that “nature has not given us so sensible a disapprobation of imprudence and folly as of falsehood, injustice, and cruelty”; but points out that such sensible disapprobation is for various reasons less needed in the former case.
The view expressed in the text is from Butler (Dissertation Of the nature of Virtue); who acknowledges that “nature hasn’t provided us with as strong a disapproval of imprudence and foolishness as it has of dishonesty, injustice, and cruelty”; but he notes that this strong disapproval is less necessary for the former case for various reasons.
[250] In so far as mere illegitimacy of union is conceived to be directly and specially prohibited, and not merely from considerations of Prudence and Benevolence, it is regarded as a violation of Order rather than of Purity.
[250] If the illegitimacy of a union is seen as specifically forbidden, and not just for reasons of caution and kindness, it is considered a breach of Order rather than a breach of Purity.
[251] It was partly owing to the serious oversight of not perceiving that Purity itself forbids too minute a system of rules for the observance of purity that the mediæval Casuistry fell into disrepute.
[251] The medieval Casuistry lost its credibility in part because it failed to recognize that true Purity itself discourages overly detailed rules for maintaining purity.
[252] In the case of pain which cannot be avoided we consider that Fortitude will suppress outcries and lamentations: though in so far as these relieve the sufferer without annoying others, the duty seems doubtful.
[252] When it comes to unavoidable pain, we believe that strength will help keep complaints and cries to a minimum; however, if expressing those feelings brings relief to the sufferer without disturbing others, the obligation to remain silent becomes questionable.
[254] The above remarks apply in a less degree to the “moral courage” by which men face the pains and dangers of social disapproval in the performance of what they believe to be duty: for the adequate accomplishment of such acts depends less on qualities not within the control of the will at any given time.
[254] The above comments apply to a lesser extent to the “moral courage” that people show when they confront the pain and risks of social disapproval while doing what they feel is their duty: successfully carrying out such actions relies less on qualities that are beyond one’s control at any specific moment.
[255] I do not refer to customary marks of respect for officials, the omission of which would be a breach of established order; since the special political reason for requiring these obviously takes the question beyond the sphere of application of the Virtue of Humility.
[255] I'm not talking about the usual signs of respect for officials, which, if ignored, would disrupt the established order; because the specific political reason for needing these clearly moves the issue beyond the realm of the Virtue of Humility.
[257] The final arbiter, that is, on the question what the rule is: of course the moral obligation to conform to any rule laid down by an external authority must rest on some principle which the individual’s reason has to apply.
[257] The ultimate authority on what the rule is: obviously, the moral duty to follow any rule set by an external authority has to be based on some principle that the individual's reasoning must consider.
[260] It has been fairly urged that I leave the determinations of Common Sense very loose and indefinite: and if I were endeavouring to bring out a more positive result from this examination, I ought certainly to have discussed further how we are to ascertain the ‘experts’ on whose ‘consensus’ we are to rely, in this or any other subject. But my scientific conclusions are to so great an extent negative, that I thought it hardly necessary to enter upon this discussion. I have been careful not to exaggerate the doubtfulness and inconsistency of Common Sense: should it turn out to be more doubtful and inconsistent than I have represented it, my argument will only be strengthened.
[260] It's been pointed out that I should keep the definitions of Common Sense quite vague and unclear: and if I were trying to reach a clearer conclusion from this examination, I definitely should have explored further how we identify the 'experts' whose 'consensus' we should depend on, in this or any other topic. However, my scientific findings are largely negative, so I felt it wasn't necessary to get into this discussion. I've made sure not to overstate the uncertainty and inconsistency of Common Sense: if it turns out to be more uncertain and inconsistent than I've described, my argument will only be stronger.
[261] In chap. ix. Temperance was regarded as subordinate to, or a special application of, Prudence or Self-love moralised: because this seemed to be on the whole the view of Common Sense, which in the preceding chapters I have been endeavouring to follow as closely as possible, both in stating the principles educed and in the order of their exposition.
[261] In chapter ix. Temperance was seen as a subset of, or a specific application of, Prudence or Self-love moralized: because this aligned with the general opinion of Common Sense, which I have been trying to adhere to closely in the earlier chapters, both in explaining the principles derived and in the sequence of their presentation.
[262] The admission that these maxims are self-evident must be taken subject to the distinction before established between “subjective” and “objective” rightness. It is a necessary condition of my acting rightly that I should not do what I judge to be wrong: but if my judgment is mistaken, my action in accordance with it will not be “objectively” right.
[262] Acknowledging that these principles are obvious must be understood in light of the difference we discussed earlier between “subjective” and “objective” rightness. For me to act rightly, I must not do what I believe is wrong: however, if my judgment is incorrect, my actions based on it will not be “objectively” right.
[263] It may be noticed that a view very similar to this has often been maintained in considering what God is in justice bound to do for human beings in consequence of the quasi-parental relation in which He stands to them.
[263] It's often observed that a perspective quite similar to this has been frequently expressed when discussing what God is obligated to do for humans due to the almost parental relationship He has with them.
[264] It is not irrelevant to notice the remarkable divergence of suggestions for the better regulation of marriage, to which reflective minds seem to be led when they are once set loose from the trammels of tradition and custom; as exhibited in the speculations of philosophers in all ages—especially of those (as e.g. Plato) to whom we cannot attribute any sensual or licentious bias.
[264] It’s worth noting the significant differences in ideas about improving marriage regulations that thoughtful people arrive at when they break free from traditional customs. This is highlighted in the theories of philosophers throughout history—especially those like e.g. Plato, whom we can't accuse of having any sensual or immoral tendencies.
[265] For example, many seem to hold that wealth is, roughly speaking, rightly distributed when cultivated persons have abundance and the uncultivated a bare subsistence, since the former are far more capable of deriving happiness from wealth than the latter.
[265] For instance, many believe that wealth is, broadly speaking, fairly distributed when educated people have plenty and uneducated people have just enough to get by, since the former are much better at finding happiness in wealth than the latter.
[267] I have omitted as less important the special questions connected with promises to the dead or to the absent, or where a form of words is prescribed.
[267] I've left out the special issues related to promises made to the deceased or those who are not present, or situations where specific wording is required.
[269] It should be observed that I am not asking for an exact quantitative decision, but whether we can really think that the decision depends upon considerations of this kind.
[269] I want to point out that I'm not looking for a precise numerical decision, but rather whether we can genuinely believe that the decision is influenced by these types of factors.
[271] In Green’s Prolegomena to Ethics, Book ii. chaps. i. and ii. a peculiar view is taken of “motives, of that kind by which it is the characteristic of moral or human action, to be determined.” Such motives, it is maintained, must be distinguished from desires in the sense of “mere solicitations of which a man is conscious”; they are “constituted by the reaction of the man’s self upon these, and its identification of itself with one of them.” In fact the “direction of the self-conscious self to the realisation of an object” which I should call an act of will, is the phenomenon to which Green would restrict the term “desire in that sense in which desire is the principle and notion of an imputable human action.”
[271] In Green’s Prolegomena to Ethics, Book ii. chaps. i. and ii., a unique perspective is presented on the “motives that characterize moral or human action.” It argues that these motives should be distinguished from desires, which are simply “the urges that a person is aware of.” Instead, motives are “formed by the way a person’s self reacts to these urges and identifies with one of them.” In essence, the “focus of the self-aware self on achieving an objective,” which I would refer to as an act of will, is what Green limits the term “desire” to, in the sense that desire represents the foundation and concept of accountable human action.
The use of terms here suggested appears to me inconvenient, and the psychological analysis implied in it to a great extent erroneous. I admit that in certain simple cases of choice, where the alternatives suggested are each prompted by a single definite desire, there is no psychological inaccuracy in saying that in willing the act to which he is stimulated by any such desire the agent “identifies himself with the desire.” But in more complex cases the phrase appears to me incorrect, as obliterating important distinctions between the two kinds of psychical phenomena which are usually and conveniently distinguished as “desires” and volitions. In the first place, as I have before pointed out (chap. i. § 2 of this Book), it often happens that certain foreseen consequences of volition, which as foreseen are undoubtedly willed and—in a sense—chosen by the agents, are not objects of desire to him at all, but even possibly of aversion—aversion, of course, overcome by his desire of other consequences of the same act. In the second place, it is specially important, from an ethical point of view, to notice that, among the various desires or aversions aroused in us by the complex foreseen consequences of a contemplated act, there are often impulses with which we do not identify ourselves, but which we even try to suppress as far as possible: though as it is not possible to suppress them completely—especially if we do the act to which they prompt—we cannot say that they do not operate as motives.
The use of the terms suggested here seems inconvenient to me, and the psychological analysis implied is largely incorrect. I acknowledge that in some straightforward cases of choice, where the options presented are driven by a single clear desire, it isn’t inaccurate to say that when someone decides to act based on that desire, they “identify themselves with the desire.” However, in more complicated situations, I believe this phrase is misleading because it blurs important distinctions between the two types of mental phenomena typically referred to as “desires” and “volitions.” First of all, as I’ve pointed out before (chap. i. § 2 of this Book), it often happens that certain anticipated outcomes of a decision, which are indeed willed and—in a sense—chosen by the individual, are not desired by them at all, and may even be objects of aversion—an aversion that is, of course, overridden by their desire for other outcomes of the same action. Secondly, it’s particularly important, from an ethical standpoint, to recognize that among the various desires or aversions that arise in us due to the complex anticipated consequences of a proposed action, there are often urges that we don’t identify with and might even try to suppress as much as possible. However, since it's not possible to completely suppress these urges—especially if we go through with the act they encourage—we can’t say they don’t influence us as motives.
[275] The Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Tugendlehre: but it ought to be observed that the ethical view briefly expounded in the Kritik der reinen Vernunft appears to have much more affinity with Butler’s.
[275] The Metaphysische Anfangsgründe der Tugendlehre: but we should note that the ethical perspective briefly outlined in the Kritik der reinen Vernunft seems to align much more closely with Butler’s.
[278] Types of Ethical Theory, vol. ii. p. 266. Dr. Martineau explains that the chief composite springs are inserted in their approximate place, subject to the variations of which their composition renders them susceptible.
[278] Types of Ethical Theory, vol. ii. p. 266. Dr. Martineau explains that the main combined factors are placed in their approximate position, depending on the variations that their composition makes them vulnerable to.
[279] Thus we might ask why the class of “passions” is so strangely restricted, why conjugal affection is omitted, whether wonder can properly be regarded as a definite motive, whether “censoriousness” is properly ranked with “vindictiveness” as one of the “lowest passions,” etc.
[279] So we might wonder why the category of “passions” is so oddly limited, why romantic love is left out, if awe can truly be seen as a specific motive, and if “censoriousness” should really be considered alongside “vindictiveness” as one of the “lowest passions,” etc.
[281] I am fully sensible of the peculiar interest and value of the ethical thought of ancient Greece. Indeed through a large part of the present work the influence of Plato and Aristotle on my treatment of this subject has been greater than that of any modern writer. But I am here only considering the value of the general principles for determining what ought to be done, which the ancient systems profess to supply.
[281] I am very aware of the unique importance and significance of the ethical ideas from ancient Greece. In fact, throughout much of this work, the impact of Plato and Aristotle on my approach to this topic has been more substantial than that of any contemporary writer. However, I am currently focused only on the value of the overarching principles that these ancient systems claim to provide for deciding what should be done.
[282] The following remarks apply less to later Stoicism—especially the Roman Stoicism which we know at first hand in the writings of Seneca and Marcus Aurelius; in which the relation of the individual man to Humanity generally is more prominent than it is in the earlier form of the system.
[282] The following comments relate less to later Stoicism—particularly the Roman Stoicism that we see directly in the writings of Seneca and Marcus Aurelius; in this version, the connection between the individual and Humanity as a whole is highlighted more than it is in the earlier form of the system.
[283] It should be observed that in determining the particulars of external duty the Stoics to some extent used the notion ‘nature’ in a different way: they tried to derive guidance from the complex adaptation of means to ends exhibited in the organic world. But since in their view the whole course of the Universe was both perfect and completely predetermined, it was impossible for them to obtain from any observation of actual existence a clear and consistent principle for preferring and rejecting alternatives of conduct: and in fact their most characteristic practical precepts show a curious conflict between the tendency to accept what was customary as ‘natural,’ and the tendency to reject what seemed arbitrary as unreasonable.
[283] It's important to note that when figuring out the specifics of external duty, the Stoics used the concept of ‘nature’ in a slightly different manner: they attempted to find guidance from the complex ways that means adapt to ends in the natural world. However, since they believed that the entire course of the Universe was both perfect and completely predetermined, it was impossible for them to draw from any observation of reality a clear and consistent principle for choosing between different actions. In fact, their most distinctive practical teachings reveal an interesting conflict between accepting what was customary as ‘natural’ and rejecting what seemed arbitrary as unreasonable.
[286] To avoid misapprehension I should state that in these propositions the consideration of the different degrees of certainty of Present and Future Good, Own and Others’ Good respectively, is supposed to have been fully taken into account before the future or alien Good is judged to be greater.
[286] To prevent any misunderstandings, I should clarify that in these statements, the different levels of certainty for Present and Future Good, as well as for Our Own Good and Others’ Good, have been thoroughly considered before evaluating whether future or others' Good is deemed greater.
[287] It may, however, be thought that in exhibiting this aspect of the morality of Common Sense, psychogonical theory leads us to define in a particular way the general notion of ‘good’ or ‘well-being,’ regarded as a result which morality has a demonstrable natural tendency to produce. This point will be considered subsequently (chap. xiv. § 1 of this Book: and Book iv. chap. iv.).
[287] However, it could be argued that by presenting this side of Common Sense morality, psychogenetic theory encourages us to define the broad idea of ‘good’ or ‘well-being’ in a specific way, seeing it as an outcome that morality naturally tends to promote. This topic will be discussed further later on (chap. xiv. § 1 of this Book: and Book iv. chap. iv.).
[289] In drawing attention to Clarke’s system, I ought perhaps to remark that his anxiety to exhibit the parallelism between ethical and mathematical truth (on which Locke before him had insisted) renders his general terminology inappropriate, and occasionally leads him into downright extravagances. E.g. it is patently absurd to say that “a man who wilfully acts contrary to Justice wills things to be what they are not and cannot be”: nor are “Relations and Proportions” or “fitnesses and unfitnesses of things” very suitable designations for the matter of moral intuition. But for the present purpose there is no reason to dwell on these defects.
[289] When discussing Clarke’s system, I should probably point out that his desire to show the connection between ethical and mathematical truth (which Locke emphasized before him) makes his overall terminology unsuitable and sometimes leads him to outright absurdities. E.g. it's obviously ridiculous to say that “a man who deliberately acts against Justice desires things to be what they are not and cannot be”: nor are “Relations and Proportions” or “fitnesses and unfitnesses of things” very appropriate terms for moral intuition. However, for now, there’s no need to focus on these flaws.
[290] Clarke’s statement of the “Rule of Righteousness with respect to ourselves” I pass over, because it is, as he states it, a derivative and subordinate rule. It is that we should preserve our being, be temperate, industrious, etc., with a view to the performance of Duty: which of course supposes Duty (i.e. the ultimate and absolute rules of Duty) already determined. I may observe that the reasonableness of Prudence or Self-love is only recognised by Clarke indirectly; in a passage which I quoted before (p. 120).
[290] Clarke’s explanation of the “Rule of Righteousness concerning ourselves” I’ll skip over this because, as he puts it, it’s a secondary and less important rule. It states that we should take care of ourselves, be moderate, work hard, etc., in order to fulfill our Duty: which obviously assumes that Duty (i.e. the ultimate and absolute principles of Duty) is already established. I should point out that Clarke only indirectly acknowledges the reasonableness of Prudence or Self-love in a passage I referenced earlier (p. 120).
[292] l.c. p. 92.
[294] Kant no doubt gives the agent’s own Perfection as another absolute end; but when we come to examine his notion of perfection, we find that it is not really determinate without the statement of other ends of reason, for the accomplishment of which we are to perfect ourselves. See Met. Anfangsgr. d. Tugendlehre, I. Theil, § v. “The perfection that belongs to men generally ... can be nothing else than the cultivation of one’s power, and also of one’s will, to satisfy the requirements of duty in general.”
[294] Kant certainly mentions an individual’s own perfection as another absolute goal; however, when we examine his idea of perfection, we realize it lacks clarity without referencing other rational goals that we need to achieve in order to perfect ourselves. See Met. Anfangsgr. d. Tugendlehre, I. Theil, § v. “The perfection that applies to all humans... can only be the development of one’s abilities and one's will to meet the demands of duty in general.”
[296] On the relation of Rational Egoism to Rational Benevolence—which I regard as the profoundest problem of Ethics—my final view is given in the last chapter of this treatise.
[296] Regarding the connection between Rational Egoism and Rational Benevolence—which I see as the most significant issue in Ethics—my final perspective is presented in the last chapter of this work.
[298] l.c. chap. iv. pp. 52, 53.
[299] It has been suggested that I have overlooked a confusion in Mill’s mind between two possible meanings of the term ‘desirable,’ (1) what can be desired and (2) what ought to be desired. I intended to show by the two first sentences of this paragraph that I was aware of this confusion, but thought it unnecessary for my present purpose to discuss it.
[299] Some have pointed out that I may have missed a mix-up in Mill’s understanding of the term ‘desirable,’ (1) what can be wanted and (2) what should be wanted. I meant to indicate with the first two sentences of this paragraph that I recognized this mix-up, but I believed it wasn't necessary to address it for my current purpose.
[304] Final, that is, so far as the quality of the present feeling is concerned. I have pointed out that so far as any estimate of the desirability or pleasantness of a feeling involves comparison with feelings only represented in idea, it is liable to be erroneous through imperfections in the representation.
[304] Final, at least, regarding the quality of the current feeling. I've noted that when any assessment of how desirable or enjoyable a feeling is depends on comparing it to feelings that are only imagined, it can be misleading due to flaws in that representation.
[305] The term “cognition” without qualification more often implies what is signified by “true” or “valid”: but for the present purpose it is necessary to eliminate this implication.
[305] The term “cognition” on its own usually suggests what is meant by “true” or “valid”: however, for our current purpose, we need to remove this implication.
[308] I ought at the same time to say that I hold it no less reasonable for an individual to take his own happiness as his ultimate end. This “Dualism of the Practical Reason” will be further discussed in the concluding chapter of the treatise.
[308] I should also say that I think it's completely reasonable for a person to consider their own happiness as their main goal. This “Dualism of the Practical Reason” will be explored further in the concluding chapter of the treatise.
[309] We may illustrate this double explanation by a reference to some of Plato’s Dialogues, such as the Gorgias, where the ethical argument has a singularly mixed effect on the mind. Partly, it seems to us more or less dexterous sophistry, playing on a confusion of thought latent in the common notion of good: partly a noble and stirring expression of a profound moral faith.
[309] We can show this double explanation by referring to some of Plato’s Dialogues, like the Gorgias, where the ethical argument creates a uniquely mixed impact on the mind. On one hand, it appears to be somewhat skillful sophistry, manipulating a confusion in the common understanding of good; on the other hand, it represents a noble and inspiring expression of deep moral belief.
[311] The controversy on vivisection, to which I referred just now, affords a good illustration of the need that I am pointing out. I do not observe that any one in this controversy has ventured on the paradox that the pain of sentient beings is not per se to be avoided.
[311] The debate over vivisection that I just mentioned is a great example of the point I'm making. I haven't seen anyone in this debate suggest the odd idea that the suffering of living beings shouldn't be avoided in itself.
[312] I have before noticed (Book ii. chap. iii. p. 134) the metaphysical objection taken by certain writers to the view that Happiness is Ultimate Good; on the ground that Happiness (= sum of pleasures) can only be realised in successive parts, whereas a “Chief Good” must be “something of which some being can be conceived in possession”—something, that is, which he can have all at once. On considering this objection it seemed to me that, in so far as it is even plausible, its plausibility depends on the exact form of the notion ‘a Chief Good’ (or ‘Summum Bonum’), which is perhaps inappropriate as applied to Happiness. I have therefore in this chapter used the notion of ‘Ultimate Good’: as I can see no shadow of reason for affirming that that which is Good or Desirable per se, and not as a means to some further end, must necessarily be capable of being possessed all at once. I can understand that a man may aspire after a Good of this latter kind: but so long as Time is a necessary form of human existence, it can hardly be surprising that human good should be subject to the condition of being realised in successive parts.
[312] I've previously pointed out (Book ii. chap. iii. p. 134) the philosophical argument made by some writers against the idea that Happiness is the Ultimate Good. They argue that Happiness (the total of pleasures) can only be experienced in pieces, while a “Chief Good” should be “something that a being can be imagined to possess”—something that can be fully owned at once. When I thought about this objection, it seemed to me that, as far as it’s even believable, its credibility hinges on how we understand the idea of ‘Chief Good’ (or ‘Summum Bonum’), which might not be suitable when talking about Happiness. So, in this chapter, I’ve used the idea of ‘Ultimate Good’: I see no reason to claim that what is Good or Desirable per se, and not merely as a means to another end, must necessarily be something you can have all at once. I understand that a person might seek a Good of that sort: but as long as Time is a fundamental aspect of human existence, it’s not surprising that human good should be realized in parts over time.
[316] Those who held the opposite opinion appear generally to assume that the appetites and desires which are the mainspring of ordinary human action are in themselves painful: a view entirely contrary to my own experience, and, I believe, to the common experience of mankind. See chap. iv. § 2 of Book i. So far as their argument is not a development of this psychological error, any plausibility it has seems to me to be obtained by dwelling onesidedly on the annoyances and disappointments undoubtedly incident to normal human life, and on the exceptional sufferings of small minorities of the human race, or perhaps of most men during small portions of their lives.
[316] People who think differently seem to believe that the cravings and desires driving regular human behavior are inherently painful. This perspective is completely opposite to my own experience and, I believe, to the general experience of humanity. See chap. iv. § 2 of Book i. To the extent that their argument isn't just an extension of this psychological mistake, any credibility it has appears to come from focusing too much on the frustrations and disappointments that are definitely part of normal human life, and on the rare hardships faced by small groups of people, or maybe by most individuals during brief times in their lives.
The reader who wishes to see the paradoxical results of pessimistic utilitarianism seriously worked out by a thoughtful and suggestive writer, may refer to Professor Macmillan’s book on the Promotion of General Happiness (Swan Sonnenschein and Co. 1890). The author considers that “the philosophical world is pretty equally divided between optimists and pessimists,” and his own judgment on the question at issue between the two schools appears to be held in suspense.
The reader who wants to explore the contradictory outcomes of pessimistic utilitarianism examined by an insightful and thought-provoking author can check out Professor Macmillan’s book on the Promotion of General Happiness (Swan Sonnenschein and Co. 1890). The author believes that “the philosophical world is fairly evenly split between optimists and pessimists,” and his own view on the debate between the two perspectives seems to remain uncertain.
[317] It should be observed that the question here is as to the distribution of Happiness, not the means of happiness. If more happiness on the whole is produced by giving the same means of happiness to B rather than to A, it is an obvious and incontrovertible deduction from the Utilitarian principle that it ought to be given to B, whatever inequality in the distribution of the means of happiness this may involve.
[317] It should be noted that the issue here is about the distribution of Happiness, not the means of happiness. If giving the same means of happiness to B creates more overall happiness than giving it to A, then it’s a clear and undeniable conclusion from the Utilitarian principle that it should go to B, regardless of any inequality in the distribution of the means of happiness that this may create.
[318] The relation of Egoistic to Universalistic Hedonism is further examined in the concluding chapter.
[318] The connection between Egoistic and Universalistic Hedonism is looked at in more detail in the concluding chapter.
[319] It is to be observed that he may be led to it in other ways than that of argument: i.e. by appeals to his sympathies, or to his moral or quasi-moral sentiments.
[319] It's worth noting that he might be guided to it through other means besides arguments: i.e. by appealing to his feelings, or to his moral or somewhat moral sentiments.
[320] I ought to remind the reader that the argument in chap. xiii. only leads to the first principle of Utilitarianism, if it be admitted that Happiness is the only thing ultimately and intrinsically Good or Desirable. I afterwards in chap. xiv. endeavoured to bring Common Sense to this admission.
[320] I should remind the reader that the argument in chap. xiii. only leads to the first principle of Utilitarianism if we accept that Happiness is the only thing that is ultimately and intrinsically Good or Desirable. Later in chap. xiv., I tried to appeal to Common Sense to support this acceptance.
[322] It ought to be observed that Cumberland does not adopt a hedonistic interpretation of Good. Still, I have followed Hallam in regarding him as the founder of English Utilitarianism: since it seems to have been by a gradual and half-unconscious process that ‘Good’ came to have the definitely hedonistic meaning which it has implicitly in Shaftesbury’s system, and explicitly in that of Hume.
[322] It's important to note that Cumberland doesn't take a hedonistic view of Good. However, I follow Hallam in considering him the founder of English Utilitarianism, as it appears that ‘Good’ gradually acquired a clearly hedonistic meaning, which is implicit in Shaftesbury’s philosophy and explicit in Hume’s.
[323] I should point out that Hume uses “utility” in a narrower sense than that which Bentham gave it, and one more in accordance with the usage of ordinary language. He distinguishes the “useful” from the “immediately agreeable”: so that while recognising “utility” as the main ground of our moral approbation of the more important virtues, he holds that there are other elements of personal merit which we approve because they are “immediately agreeable,” either to the person possessed of them or to others. It appears, however, more convenient to use the word in the wider sense in which it has been current since Bentham.
[323] I want to point out that Hume uses “utility” in a more specific way than Bentham did, and it's closer to how people typically use the term today. He makes a distinction between what is “useful” and what is “immediately agreeable.” While he sees “utility” as the main basis for our moral approval of the more significant virtues, he believes there are other aspects of personal merit that we appreciate because they are “immediately agreeable,” either to the person who has them or to others. However, it seems more practical to use the term in the broader sense that has been common since Bentham.
[330] Strictly speaking, of course, the Law of modern states does not enforce this, but only refuses to recognise connubial contracts of any other kind: but the social effect is substantially the same.
[330] Technically, modern laws don’t enforce this, but they only ignore marital agreements of any other type; however, the social impact is basically the same.
[331] Sometimes such unbargained requital is even legally obligatory: as when children are bound to repay the care spent on them by supporting their parents in decrepitude.
[331] Sometimes, such unpaid repayment is even legally required: like when children are obligated to take care of their parents as they age.
[333] Utilitarianism, chap. v.
[340] In the case of force, however, there is the counterbalancing consideration that the unlawful aggressor may be led to inflict worse injury on his victim, if he is unable to rely on the latter’s promise.
[340] In situations involving force, there’s also the important point that a wrongdoer might cause even greater harm to their victim if they can’t trust that the victim will keep their promise.
[343] In another work (Principles of Political Economy, Book iii. chap. ii.) I have tried to show that complete laisser faire, in the organisation of industry, tends in various ways to fall short of the most economic production of wealth.
[343] In another work (Principles of Political Economy, Book iii. chap. ii.) I have tried to show that total laisser faire in organizing industry often fails to achieve the most efficient production of wealth.
[346] I have before observed that it is quite in harmony with Utilitarian principles to recognise a sphere of private conduct within which each individual may distribute his wealth and kind services as unequally as he chooses, without incurring censure as unjust.
[346] I've mentioned before that it aligns with Utilitarian principles to acknowledge a personal space where each person can share their wealth and services in whatever uneven way they prefer, without being judged as unfair.
[347] It is obvious that so long as the social sanction is enforced, the lives of the women against whom society thus issues its ban must tend to be unhappy from disorder and shame, and the source of unhappiness to others; and also that the breach by men of a recognised and necessary moral rule must tend to have injurious effects on their moral habits generally.
[347] It’s clear that as long as society's disapproval continues, the lives of the women affected by this disapproval will likely be filled with struggle and shame, and this will also cause unhappiness for others. Additionally, when men violate an accepted and essential moral standard, it can negatively impact their overall moral behavior.
[349] Among definite changes in the current morality of the Græco-Roman civilised world, which are to be attributed mainly if not entirely to the extension and intensification of sympathy due to Christianity, the following may be especially noted: (1) the severe condemnation and final suppression of the practice of exposing infants; (2) effective abhorrence of the barbarism of gladiatorial combats; (3) immediate moral mitigation of slavery, and a strong encouragement of emancipation; (4) great extension of the eleemosynary provision made for the sick and poor.
[349] Among the definite changes in today's morality of the Greco-Roman civilized world, which can be largely attributed to the spread and deepening of sympathy brought about by Christianity, the following points are particularly noteworthy: (1) the strong condemnation and eventual end of the practice of abandoning infants; (2) a deep disdain for the brutality of gladiatorial fights; (3) an immediate moral softening of slavery, along with strong support for emancipation; (4) a significant expansion of charitable support for the sick and poor.
[350] This passage, which in the second and subsequent editions occurred in chap. ii. of Book i., was omitted by Professor Sidgwick from that chapter in the sixth edition, with the intention of incorporating it in Book iv., which he did not live to revise.
[350] This section, which appeared in chapter ii. of Book i. in the second and later editions, was removed by Professor Sidgwick from that chapter in the sixth edition, with plans to include it in Book iv., which he didn’t get to revise.
[351] Cf. J. S. Mill, Utilitarianism, chap. ii. Mill, however, only affirms that the “rules of morality for the multitude” are to be accepted by the philosopher provisionally, until he has got something better.
[351] See J. S. Mill, Utilitarianism, chap. ii. However, Mill only states that the "rules of morality for the masses" should be accepted by the philosopher temporarily, until a better alternative is found.
[354] This operation of sympathy is strikingly illustrated in the penal codes of primitive communities, both by the mildness of the punishments inflicted for homicide, and by the startling differences between the penalties allotted to the same crime according as the criminal was taken in the act or not. “It is curious to observe,” says Sir H. Maine (Ancient Law, chap. x.), “how completely the men of primitive times were persuaded that the impulses of the injured person were the proper measure of the vengeance he was entitled to exact, and how literally they imitated the probable rise and fall of his passions in fixing the scale of punishment.” And even in more civilised societies there is a very common feeling of uncertainty as to the propriety of inflicting punishment for crimes committed long ago, which seems traceable to the same source.
[354] This act of sympathy is clearly shown in the penal codes of early societies, both by the leniency of the punishments for murder and by the surprising differences in penalties for the same crime depending on whether the offender was caught in the act or not. “It’s interesting to notice,” says Sir H. Maine (Ancient Law, chap. x.), “how completely people in primitive times believed that the feelings of the victim were the right measure of the revenge he was entitled to demand, and how closely they mirrored the likely rise and fall of his emotions in determining the scale of punishment.” Even in more advanced societies, there is often a widespread uncertainty about the appropriateness of punishing crimes that were committed long ago, which seems to come from the same origins.
[355] No doubt this influence is confined within strict limits: no authority can permanently impose on men regulations flagrantly infelicific: and the most practically originative of religious teachers have produced their effect chiefly by giving new force and vividness to sentiments already existing (and recognised as properly authoritive) in the society upon which they acted. Still, it might have made a great difference to the human race if (e.g.) Mohammed had been fond of wine, and indifferent to women.
[355] There's no doubt this influence has its limits: no authority can force people to follow rules that are obviously harmful. The most impactful religious leaders have mainly made their mark by energizing and enhancing feelings that were already present (and accepted as legitimate) in the society they addressed. Still, it could have significantly changed humanity if, for example, Mohammed had been a lover of wine and indifferent to women.
[358] This definition, however, does not seem to me admissible, from a utilitarian point of view: since a society in this sense perfect might not realise the maximum of possible happiness; it might still be capable of a material increase of happiness through pleasures involving a slight alloy of pain, such as Mr. Spencer’s view of perfection would exclude.
[358] However, this definition doesn’t seem valid to me from a utilitarian perspective: a society that is perfect in this way might not achieve the highest level of possible happiness; it could still experience a tangible boost in happiness through pleasures that involve a bit of pain, which Mr. Spencer’s idea of perfection would rule out.
[360] It is obvious that if ‘desirability,’ in the above definition, were interpreted hedonistically, the term “health” would merely give us a new name for the general problem of utilitarian morality; not a new suggestion for its solution. I ought to say that the notions of “social welfare” or “wellbeing” are elsewhere used by Mr. Stephen, in the place of those here quoted, but I do not think that he means by them any more than what I understand him to mean by “health” or “efficiency”—i.e. that state of the social organism which tends to its preservation under the conditions of its existence.
[360] It's clear that if 'desirability' in the definition above were seen from a hedonistic perspective, the term "health" would simply provide a new label for the broader issue of utilitarian ethics; it wouldn't offer a fresh approach to solving it. I should mention that Mr. Stephen uses terms like "social welfare" or "wellbeing" in other contexts instead of those mentioned here, but I don't think he means anything more by them than what I see him referring to with "health" or "efficiency"—i.e. that state of the social system that supports its survival under its existing conditions.
[362] I do not mean to assert that ‘play’ in some form is not necessary for physical health: but there is a long step from the encouragement of play, so far as salutary, to the promotion of social culture.
[362] I'm not saying that some form of 'play' isn't important for physical health; however, there's a big difference between encouraging play for health benefits and promoting social culture.
[363] It may be observed that the increased heterogeneity which the development of modern industry has brought with it, in the form of a specialisation of industrial functions which tends to render the lives of individual workers narrow and monotonous, has usually been regarded by philanthropists as seriously infelicific; and as needing to be counteracted by a general diffusion of the intellectual culture now enjoyed by the few—which, if realised, would tend pro tanto to make the lives of different classes in the community less heterogeneous.
[363] It's worth noting that the greater diversity brought about by the growth of modern industry, with its specialization of industrial roles that can make individual workers' lives narrow and repetitive, has often been seen by philanthropists as very unfortunate. They believe it needs to be addressed by spreading the intellectual culture currently enjoyed by a select few, which, if achieved, would help make the lives of different social classes in the community less diverse.
[364] I do not mean that this sentiment is in my view incompatible with Utilitarianism; I mean that it must not attach itself to any subordinate rules of conduct, but only to the supreme principle of acting with impartial concern for all elements of general happiness.
[364] I’m not saying that this feeling clashes with Utilitarianism; I just believe it shouldn’t be tied to any lesser rules of behavior, but should only relate to the main principle of acting with impartial consideration for everyone’s overall happiness.
[367] See Mill On Liberty, chap. iv. It may be observed that Mill’s doctrine is certainly opposed to common sense: since (e.g.) it would exclude from censure almost all forms of sexual immorality committed by unmarried and independent adults.
[367] See Mill On Liberty, chap. iv. It can be noted that Mill’s ideas definitely go against common sense: since (e.g.) they would allow almost all types of sexual immorality by unmarried and independent adults to go uncensured.
[372] In particular cases, however, they seem to be admitted by Common Sense to a certain extent. For example, it would be commonly thought wrong to express in public speeches disturbing religious or political opinions which may be legitimately published in books.
[372] In specific cases, though, Common Sense seems to agree to some degree. For instance, it’s generally considered unacceptable to share upsetting religious or political views in public speeches, even if those views can be rightfully published in books.
[374] We have seen that a Utilitarian may sometimes have to override these rules; but then the case falls under the head discussed in the previous section.
[374] We've seen that a Utilitarian might occasionally need to disregard these rules; however, that situation falls into the category we talked about in the previous section.
[375] See J. S. Mill’s treatise on Utilitarianism (chap. iii. passim): where, however, the argument is not easy to follow, from a confusion between three different objects of inquiry: (1) the actual effect of sympathy in inducing conformity to the rules of Utilitarian ethics, (2) the effect in this direction which it is likely to have in the future, (3) the value of sympathetic pleasures and pains as estimated by an enlightened Egoist. The first and third of these questions Mill did not clearly separate, owing to his psychological doctrine that each one’s own pleasure is the sole object of his desires. But if my refutation of this doctrine (Book i. chap. iv. § 3) is valid, we have to distinguish two ways in which sympathy operates: it generates sympathetic pleasures and pains, which have to be taken into account in the calculations of Egoistic Hedonism; but it also may cause impulses to altruistic action, of which the force is quite out of proportion to the sympathetic pleasure (or relief from pain) which such action seems likely to secure to the agent. So that even if the average man ever should reach such a pitch of sympathetic development, as never to feel prompted to sacrifice the general good to his own, still this will not prove that it is egoistically reasonable for him to behave in this way.
[375] See J. S. Mill’s treatise on Utilitarianism (chap. iii. passim): however, the argument is hard to follow due to a mix-up between three different points of discussion: (1) the actual impact of sympathy in encouraging adherence to Utilitarian ethical rules, (2) the future impact it’s likely to have in this regard, and (3) the worth of sympathetic pleasures and pains as viewed by an enlightened Egoist. Mill did not clearly differentiate the first and third questions because of his psychological belief that each person's own pleasure is the only aim of their desires. But if my argument against this belief (Book i. chap. iv. § 3) is valid, we should recognize two ways in which sympathy functions: it creates sympathetic pleasures and pains, which must be considered in the calculations of Egoistic Hedonism; but it can also inspire altruistic actions, where the motivation is significantly greater than the sympathetic pleasure (or relief from pain) that such actions might bring the individual. So even if the average person were to reach a level of sympathetic growth where they would never feel the urge to sacrifice the common good for their own benefit, this wouldn’t prove that it’s egoistically reasonable for them to act that way.
[376] I do not mean to imply that the process of change is merely circular. In the earlier period sympathy is narrower, simpler, and more presentative; in the later it is more extensive, complex, and representative.
[376] I don't mean to suggest that change is just a repetitive cycle. In the earlier stages, sympathy is limited, straightforward, and more direct; in the later stages, it's broader, more complex, and more nuanced.
[377] I do not, however, think that we are justified in stating as universally true what has been admitted in the preceding paragraph. Some few thoroughly selfish persons appear at least to be happier than most of the unselfish; and there are other exceptional natures whose chief happiness seems to be derived from activity, disinterested indeed, but directed towards other ends than human happiness.
[377] However, I don’t think we can claim that what was said in the previous paragraph is universally true. There are a few completely selfish people who seem to be happier than most of the selfless ones; and there are other exceptional individuals whose main happiness seems to come from engaging in activities that are selfless, but aimed at goals other than human happiness.
[381] It may perhaps be said that this comparison has no force for Libertarians, who consider the essence of Virtue to lie in free choice. But to say that any free choice is virtuous would be a paradox from which most Libertarians—admitting that Evil may be freely chosen no less than Good—would recoil. It must therefore be Free choice of good that is conceived to realise the divine end: and if so, the arguments for the utilitarian interpretation of Good—thus freely chosen—would still be applicable mutatis mutandis: and if so, the arguments for regarding rules of utilitarian duty as divinely sanctioned would be similarly applicable.
[381] It might be said that this comparison doesn’t resonate with Libertarians, who believe the core of Virtue lies in free choice. However, stating that any free choice is virtuous would be a contradiction that most Libertarians—recognizing that Evil can be chosen just as freely as Good—would shy away from. Therefore, it must be the free choice of good that is seen as fulfilling the divine purpose: and if that’s the case, the arguments for the utilitarian interpretation of Good—seen as freely chosen—would still apply mutatis mutandis: and if that’s true, the reasoning for viewing rules of utilitarian duty as divinely endorsed would similarly hold.
[382] It is not necessary, if we are simply considering Ethics as a possible independent science, to throw the fundamental premiss of which we are now examining the validity into a Theistic form. Nor does it seem always to have taken that form in the support which Positive Religion has given to Morality. In the Buddhist creed this notion of the rewards inseparably attaching to right conduct seems to have been developed in a far more elaborate and systematic manner than it has in any phase of Christianity. But, as conceived by enlightened Buddhists, these rewards are not distributed by the volition of a Supreme Person, but by the natural operation of an impersonal Law.
[382] There's no need to frame the fundamental premise we're examining in a Theistic context if we're just looking at Ethics as a potentially independent science. It also doesn't always seem to have taken that form in the support Positive Religion has provided to Morality. In Buddhist teachings, the idea of rewards that are closely connected to right conduct appears to be developed in a much more detailed and systematic way than in any version of Christianity. However, as understood by enlightened Buddhists, these rewards are not handed out by the will of a Supreme Being, but through the natural function of an impersonal Law.
[383] It may be well to remind the reader that by ‘adequate’ is here meant ‘sufficient to make it the agent’s interest to promote universal good’; not necessarily ‘proportional to Desert.’
[383] It’s important to remind the reader that by ‘adequate’ we mean ‘enough to make it in the agent’s interest to promote the common good’; not necessarily ‘equal to what’s deserved.’
[384] I cannot fall back on the resource of thinking myself under a moral necessity to regard all my duties as if they were commandments of God, although not entitled to hold speculatively that any such Supreme Being really exists. I am so far from feeling bound to believe for purposes of practice what I see no ground for holding as a speculative truth, that I cannot even conceive the state of mind which these words seem to describe, except as a momentary half-wilful irrationality, committed in a violent access of philosophic despair.
[384] I can't rely on the idea of thinking that I have a moral obligation to treat all my duties as if they were commands from God, even though I don’t believe there’s any Supreme Being. I'm so far from feeling like I need to believe something for practical reasons when I see no reason to accept it as a truth, that I can't even imagine the mindset those words seem to describe, except as a temporary, somewhat willful irrationality, happening in a moment of intense philosophical despair.
[385] The terms ‘rational’ and ‘moral’ seem to me most appropriate when I wish to suggest the affinity between the two notions: the terms ‘good’ and ‘neutral’ seem preferable when I wish to lay stress on the difference.
[385] I find the words ‘rational’ and ‘moral’ most fitting when I want to highlight the connection between the two ideas; on the other hand, I prefer the words ‘good’ and ‘neutral’ when I want to emphasize the distinction.
[386] Werke, v. pp. 100-104 (Hartenstein).
[387] Werke, v. p. 30.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Works, p. 30.
[388] Ibid. p. 83.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ Ibid. p. 83.
[389] Ibid. p. 46.
[390] Werke, iv. p. 294.
[391] Werke, iv. p. 260 (Hartenstein).
[392] Werke, v. p. 58. See an acute discussion of Kant’s perplexing use of the term “Will” in Prof. Schurman’s Kantian Ethics, which has anticipated me in the above quotations.
[392] Werke, v. p. 58. Check out a sharp discussion of Kant’s confusing use of the term “Will” in Prof. Schurman’s Kantian Ethics, which has addressed this in the quotes above.
[393] E.g. Werke, iv. p. 296.
[394] E.g. Werke, v. p. 35.
Transcriber's Note
Many references in the index are to the original numbers of the notes, which do not correspond to the renumbering used in this e-text.
Many references in the index are to the original note numbers, which don't match the renumbering used in this e-text.
The following apparent errors have been corrected:
The following obvious mistakes have been fixed:
- p. ix "more that" changed to "more than"
- p. xii "chap iv." changed to "chap. iv."
- p. xix "chap iv." changed to "chap. iv."
- p. xxviii "201" changed to "201-207"
- p. xxxv "legal code" changed to "legal code."
- p. 44 "his own," changed to "his own."
- p. 55 "adapted by" changed to "adopted by"
- p. 272 (note) "§ 2" changed to "§ 2."
- p. 318 (note) "chap i." changed to "chap. i."
- p. 415 (note) "appear" changed to "appears"
- p. 492 "let as" changed to "let us"
- p. 518 "285:" changed to "285;"
- p. 519 "cf. Law" changed to "cf. Law"
- p. 519 "cf. Perfection" changed to "cf. Perfection"
- p. 520 "180-182," changed to "180-182;"
- p. 521 "Hedonistic Zero" changed to "Hedonistic Zero"
- p. 522 "Note; 486" changed to "Note, 486"
- p. 523 "203 note 1," changed to "203 note 1;"
- p. 524 "84, 97:" changed to "84, 97;"
- p. 526 "Good, Ultimate Good" changed to "Good, Ultimate Good"
The following possible errors have been left as printed:
The following potential errors have been left as printed:
- p. 177 evaluing
- p. 524 405 note 1; 441
The following are used inconsistently in the text:
The following are used inconsistently in the text:
- Common-sense and Common-Sense
- counterbalancing and counter-balancing
- fairminded and fair-minded
- goodwill and good-will
- highminded and high-minded
- lawgiver and law-giver
- note and Note
- truthspeaking, truth-speaking, Truthspeaking and Truth-speaking
- twofold and two-fold
- vice versâ and vice versa
- wellbeing, well-being, Wellbeing and Well-being
- widespread and wide-spread
- wrongdoing and wrong-doing
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