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RUSTIC SPEECH AND FOLK-LORE
Transcriber’s Note:
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is placed in the public domain.
The cover image was created by the transcriber and is in the public domain.
RUSTIC SPEECH
COUNTRY TALK
AND
AND
FOLK-LORE
Folklore
BY
BY
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO
MELBOURNE BOMBAY
1913
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK TORONTO
MELBOURNE BOMBAY
1913
OXFORD: HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
OXFORD: HORACE HART
PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY
PREFACE
Under the heading of ‘The Varieties of English Speech’ an article of mine appeared in The Quarterly Review of July, 1907. The favourable reception accorded to it at the time prompted me to embark forthwith on a larger work dealing with the same subject.
Under the heading of ‘The Varieties of English Speech’ an article of mine appeared in The Quarterly Review of July, 1907. The positive response it received at the time encouraged me to immediately start on a bigger project covering the same topic.
Many books both scientific and popular have been written concerning dialect speech and lore, but nearly all of them are special investigations of some particular dialect. I have taken a bolder flight than this. I have not given a detailed account of any one dialect, but I have surveyed them all, and have gathered words, phrases, names, superstitions, and popular customs, here and there, wherever I found something that appealed to me, and that I felt would appeal to others as well as myself. It was impossible to make any one category exhaustive, for such was the mass of material open to me for selection, I might say I was ‘fairly betwattled and baffounded’. The only thing to be done was to make my selections fairly representative of the whole.
Many scientific and popular books have been written about dialect speech and culture, but almost all of them focus on specific dialects. I’ve taken a different approach. Instead of providing a detailed account of just one dialect, I’ve looked at them all and collected words, phrases, names, superstitions, and cultural customs from various sources, wherever I found something interesting that I thought would resonate with others as much as it did with me. It was impossible to cover any single category exhaustively, considering the vast amount of material available to me; I might say I was ‘fairly overwhelmed and confused.’ The only solution was to make my selections broadly representative of the entire spectrum.
My aim in dealing with the linguistic side of my subject has been to show that rules for pronunciation and syntax are not the monopoly of educated people who have been taught to preach as well as practise them. Dialect-speaking people obey sound-laws and grammatical rules even more faithfully than we do, because theirs is a natural and unconscious obedience. Some writers of literary English seem to enjoy flinging jibes at dialect on the assumption that any[Pg iv] deviation from the standard speech must be due to ignorance, if not to vulgarity besides. Since I wrote the last chapter of this book, I read in a criticism of Stanley Houghton’s Play Trust the People, this sentence describing the Lancashire ‘father an old mill-hand and the homely mother to match’: ‘They are both drawn, you feel, to the life, and talk with ease, not to say gusto, that curious lingo which seems to an outsider mainly distinguished by its contemptuous neglect of the definite article’, The Times, Friday, Feb. 7, 1913. Now the definite article in north-west Lancashire is t, in the south-west and south t, or th, and in mid and south-east Lancashire th. When this t stands before a consonant, and more especially before a dental such as t, d, it is not by any means easy for the uninitiated to detect the difference in sound between the simple word and the same word preceded by the article, between, for example, table and t table, or dog and t dog. But this is not ‘contemptuous neglect’ on the part of the Lancastrian! It would be nearer the mark to say that the Lancashire dialect is characterized by its retention of a form of the definite article very difficult to pronounce in certain combinations.
My goal in discussing the language aspect of my topic has been to demonstrate that rules for pronunciation and grammar aren't just for educated people who were taught to both preach and practice them. People who speak in dialects follow sound rules and grammar even more strictly than we do because their adherence is natural and subconscious. Some writers of literary English seem to take pleasure in mocking dialects, assuming that any deviation from standard speech is a sign of ignorance or even vulgarity. Since I wrote the last chapter of this book, I came across a critique of Stanley Houghton’s play Trust the People, which describes the Lancashire characters as having a ‘father an old mill-hand and the homely mother to match.’ The sentence continues, ‘They are both drawn, you feel, to the life and talk with ease, if not gusto, that curious lingo which seems to an outsider mainly marked by its contemptuous neglect of the definite article,’ The Times, Friday, Feb. 7, 1913. In north-west Lancashire, the definite article is t, while in the south-west and south, it’s t or th, and in mid and south-east Lancashire, it’s th. When this t appears before a consonant, especially before a dental like t or d, it can be hard for those unfamiliar to distinguish the sound between the simple word and the same word with the article, such as between table and t table, or dog and t dog. But this isn't ‘contemptuous neglect’ on the part of the Lancastrian! It would be more accurate to say that the Lancashire dialect is marked by its retention of a form of the definite article that can be quite difficult to pronounce in some contexts.
Further, I have endeavoured to show by means of numerous illustrations, how full the dialects are of words and phrases remarkable not only for their force and clearness, but often also for their subtle beauty, that satisfying beauty of the thing exactly fitted to its purpose.
Further, I've tried to demonstrate through many examples how rich the dialects are with words and phrases that are not only powerful and clear but also often possess a delicate beauty—one that perfectly matches its intended use.
I have also drawn up lists showing the numbers of old words and phrases once common in English literature, still existing in the dialects. Occasionally writers of modern verse seek to restore some of the words of this type to their former position in literary English, thereby causing the reviewer to stumble dreadfully, though he thinketh he standeth. I quote the following from a literary periodical dated May 2, 1913: ‘He [the poet] debates if he shall[Pg v] make “a nest within a reedy brake”, or, failing this delectable situation, offers himself a quaint alternative,
I’ve also created lists that show the number of old words and phrases that were once common in English literature but still exist in various dialects. Sometimes, modern poets try to bring some of these words back into literary English, which often leads to reviewers stumbling, even if they think they’re on solid ground. I quote the following from a literary magazine dated May 2, 1913: ‘He [the poet] debates whether he should[Pg v] make “a nest within a reedy brake”, or, if that delightful option fails, he offers himself a quirky alternative,
We had always supposed in our ignorance that “paddock” was a term applied to green fields or pastures. How Mr. ... could have seen a paddock “lope” we do not know, and perhaps it would not be kind to ask him to explain.’ The majority of educated people are familiar with the word paddock, a toad, or a frog, from its occurrence in the opening lines of Macbeth, and in Herrick’s Child’s Grace, but it will probably never again take its former place in the standard speech, though it may remain very common in the dialects.
We had always thought, in our ignorance, that "paddock" referred to green fields or pastures. How Mr. ... could have seen a paddock "lope" is beyond us, and it might not be polite to ask him to clarify. Most educated people know the word paddock from its use in the opening lines of Macbeth and in Herrick’s Child’s Grace, but it’s unlikely to regain its former status in standard speech, even though it may continue to be common in various dialects.
In the chapters devoted to folk-lore I have not attempted to do more than chronicle certain superstitions and popular beliefs, leaving to my readers the fascinating pursuit of tracing superstitions to their sources, and of bringing to light hidden grains of truth in apparently silly beliefs. There is here plenty of scope both for scholarship and imagination. I once happened to mention at a dinner-party the superstition that it is a sure presage of a parting for an engaged couple to stand as fellow sponsors at a baptism. My neighbour, who was a clergyman, immediately explained the reason for this idea by telling me that in pre-Reformation days godparents were not allowed to marry each other. The Church recognized a sort of spiritual affinity between such persons, which precluded lawful marriage. It is strange to think that while joining in a Protestant service to-day, members of the Church of England are still swayed by an old law they never heard of except as it exists in the word ‘unlucky’.
In the chapters focused on folklore, I have only tried to record certain superstitions and popular beliefs, leaving it up to my readers to explore the origins of these superstitions and uncover hidden truths in seemingly silly beliefs. There’s plenty of room here for both scholarship and imagination. Once, I mentioned at a dinner party the superstition that it’s a sure sign of a breakup for an engaged couple to stand as co-sponsors at a baptism. My neighbor, who was a clergyman, quickly explained the reasoning behind this belief, saying that in pre-Reformation times, godparents weren’t allowed to marry each other. The Church recognized a sort of spiritual bond between these individuals, which prevented them from marrying legally. It’s strange to think that, while participating in a Protestant service today, members of the Church of England are still influenced by an old law they only know about through the term "unlucky."
In dealing with popular customs I have selected those that are less well known, and others concerning which I have myself collected information, and have omitted many which[Pg vi] are readily accessible in works such as Hone’s Year Book and Chambers’s Book of Days.
In discussing popular customs, I've chosen the ones that are less familiar and some that I've gathered information about myself, leaving out many that are easy to find in works like Hone’s Year Book and Chambers’s Book of Days.
I may mention that in collecting my material from very many miscellaneous sources, printed and oral, I have not felt justified in normalizing the orthography of the dialect quotations, especially where these have been taken from glossaries. This accounts for a certain amount of inconsistency in the orthography.
I should point out that in gathering my material from a wide range of printed and spoken sources, I haven't felt right about standardizing the spelling of the dialect quotes, particularly those from glossaries. This explains the inconsistency in the spelling.
At the end of the table of contents will be found a select list of the works which I have found most useful in writing this book.
At the end of the table of contents, you'll find a curated list of the works that I found most helpful in writing this book.
ELIZABETH MARY WRIGHT.
ELIZABETH M. WRIGHT.
Oxford,
July, 1913.
Oxford, July 1913.
CONTENTS
PAGES | |
INTRODUCTION | xix |
CHAPTER I | |
DIALECT SPEAKERS | |
Decay of pure Dialect | 1 |
Stories concerning Yorkshire people, &c. | 2-5 |
CHAPTER II | |
RICH AND EXPRESSIVE VOCABULARY | |
Variety of terms for expressing one and the same idea; names for a fool, the smallest pig of a litter, the woodpecker, the foxglove, a stream of water, a girl | 6-9 |
Forceful and descriptive dialect words difficult to translate into standard English | 10-18 |
Appropriate compound words | 18-19 |
Fine shades of meaning expressed by slightly different words | 19-20 |
CHAPTER III | |
SPECIMENS OF DIALECT | |
Specimens of dialect sentences | 21-24 |
Misunderstandings between dialect speakers and speakers of standard English | 25 |
An old Dame’s School | 26-27 |
CHAPTER IV | |
CORRUPTIONS AND POPULAR ETYMOLOGIES | |
Some apparent corruptions shown to be old forms | 28 |
Corruptions of Latin and French phrases such as: nolens volens, Our Father, meeting, &c. | 29-30 |
Standard English words used in the wrong places, e.g. sentiment for sediment, profligate for prolific, &c. | 30-31 |
Misplaced suffixes | 32 |
Popular etymologies | 33-35 |
Corruptions of standard English words | 35 |
CHAPTER V[Pg viii] | |
ARCHAIC LITERARY WORDS IN THE DIALECTS | |
Old words from early literature surviving in the dialects | 36-37 |
Substantives | 37-43 |
Adjectives | 43-46 |
Verbs | 47-53 |
Archaic words from the Authorized Version of the Bible | 53-54 |
Archaic words from Shakespeare | 54-61 |
Dialect words in Johnson’s Dictionary | 61-67 |
Dialect words supply meanings to difficult forms in Old and Middle English literature | 67-71 |
Old words and forms preserved in surnames | 72-76 |
CHAPTER VI | |
ARCHAIC MEANINGS AND FORMS IN THE DIALECTS | |
Old meanings of standard English words surviving in the dialects | 77-84 |
Historical forms surviving in the dialects | 84-86 |
Old grammatical distinctions preserved in the dialects | 87-89 |
Regular forms in the dialects compared with irregularities in standard English | 90-91 |
Doublets, such as: challenge beside the dialect form callenge, &c. | 92-94 |
Variants due to Scandinavian borrowings | 94-95 |
CHAPTER VII | |
FOREIGN LOAN-WORDS | |
French loan-words | 96-102 |
Scandinavian loan-words | 103-104 |
Celtic loan-words | 105-106 |
Latin, and Dutch loan-words | 107-108 |
Poetical and learned words in the dialects | 108-109 |
CHAPTER VIII | |
LITERARY WORDS WITH DIALECT MEANINGS | |
Quotations illustrating the meanings given in the dialects to literary words | 110-118 |
Dialect words alike in form to existing literary words, but different in meaning and origin, e.g. damsel, a damson, &c. | 118-120 |
CHAPTER IX[Pg ix] | |
ALLITERATIVE AND RHYMING PHRASES AND COMPOUNDS | |
Alliterative compounds | 121-122 |
Phrases containing two synonymous verbs | 122-123 |
Rhyming compounds and phrases | 124-125 |
CHAPTER X | |
PHONOLOGY AND GRAMMAR | |
The classification of dialects | 126-127 |
Characteristics of the various dialect groups | 127-128 |
Phonology of the dialects compared with standard English | 129 |
Vowels | 130-132 |
Consonants | 132-140 |
The Articles | 140-141 |
Nouns | 141-144 |
Adjectives and numerals | 145-146 |
Pronouns | 146-152 |
Verbs | 153-156 |
Negation | 156-157 |
CHAPTER XI | |
POPULAR PHRASES AND SAYINGS | |
Humorous similes | 158-160 |
Metaphorical and figurative phrases and sayings | 160-170 |
Proverbial sayings | 171-174 |
Phrases referring to death | 175-176 |
Answers to inquisitive questioners | 176 |
Dialect forms of greeting | 176-177 |
Contemptuous and derisive expressions | 178 |
Local similes | 178-179 |
Local nicknames and rhymes | 180 |
Local sayings and jibes | 181-182 |
Historical allusions | 183-189 |
Ethnological evidence afforded by the dialects | 190 |
CHAPTER XII[Pg x] | |
SUPERNATURAL BEINGS | |
Belief in ghosts | 191-192 |
Boggarts | 192-195 |
The Gabriel Ratchets | 195 |
The Devil and his Dandy-dogs; Tregeagle | 196 |
The Seven Whistlers | 197 |
Imaginary monsters referred to in threats to children | 198-199 |
Mine-goblins | 199-200 |
Will o’ the wisp | 200-201 |
Hob | 201-202 |
The Devil in dialect lore | 203-206 |
Fairies and pixies | 207-210 |
Witches, and white witches | 211-213 |
CHAPTER XIII | |
SUPERSTITIONS | |
Death-portents | 214-217 |
Superstitions concerning magpies, cats, robins, &c. | 217-219 |
‘Unlucky’ things | 220-223 |
Signs foretelling gifts and guests | 223-224 |
‘Lucky’ things | 224-226 |
Miscellaneous legends and popular beliefs | 227-229 |
CHAPTER XIV | |
CHARMS AND MEDICAL LORE | |
Devices for warding off witches | 230-235 |
Superstitious remedies | 236 |
Dialect phrases describing states of health | 237-238 |
Medicines for general debility | 239 |
Remedies for various diseases and other afflictions | 240-254 |
The seventh son, and the water-caster | 254-255 |
Charms against cattle-diseases | 255-256 |
CHAPTER XV | |
DIVINATION | |
Love-divination by means of plants, apple-pips, &c. | 257-260 |
The hempseed charm | 261 |
The dumb-cake charm | 262 |
Wedding-cake under the pillow | 263 |
St. Mark’s Eve customs, and divination by Bible and key | 264 |
CHAPTER XVI[Pg xi] | |
BIRTH, MARRIAGE, AND DEATH CUSTOMS | |
New meanings grafted on to old practices | 265 |
Superstitious customs at the birth of a child | 266-267 |
The birth-feast, and the special dainties prepared for it | 267-268 |
The christening | 269 |
Concerning wedding customs | 269-270 |
Banns of marriage | 271 |
‘Lucky’ and ‘unlucky’ days for a wedding | 272 |
‘Unlucky’ omens on the way to church | 273 |
Ceremonies after the wedding | 274 |
Wedding sports | 275 |
Riding the stang | 276 |
Customs and superstitions concerning death | 277-278 |
Funeral customs | 279-281 |
Telling the bees | 281-282 |
CHAPTER XVII | |
CUSTOMS CONNECTED WITH CERTAIN DAYS AND SEASONS | |
The New Year | 283-286 |
Twelfth Day, and Plough Monday | 286-288 |
Candlemas Day | 289 |
Shrovetide | 290-291 |
Sundays in Lent | 291-292 |
Good Friday | 292-293 |
Easter | 293-296 |
May-day | 296-297 |
Rogation Days | 297-298 |
Whitsuntide | 298 |
Rush-bearing | 298-299 |
Halloween | 299-300 |
All Souls’ Day, and St. Clement’s Day | 300-301 |
St. Thomas’ Day | 301-302 |
Christmas | 302-304 |
Childermas Day | 304 |
Feasts and fairs | 305-306 |
CHAPTER XVIII[Pg xii] | |
GAMES | |
Historical importance of children’s games | 307 |
Girls’ singing-games | 308 |
The game of marbles | 309 |
Children’s rhymes addressed to birds and insects | 310-311 |
CHAPTER XIX | |
WEATHER LORE AND FARMING TERMS | |
The weather as a topic for conversation | 312-313 |
Signs of rain and of fine weather | 314-317 |
Prophecies concerning seasons and crops | 317-318 |
Thomas Tusser and his ‘good husbandlie lessons’ | 318-320 |
Decay of old farming customs | 321 |
Harvest customs | 322-324 |
Names for hay-cocks, labourers’ meals, &c. | 325 |
Calls to animals | 326 |
Sheep-scoring numerals | 327 |
CHAPTER XX | |
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES | |
Varieties of weights and measures in the dialects | 328-331 |
CHAPTER XXI | |
PLANT NAMES AND NAMES OF ANIMALS | |
Dialect plant names | 332 |
Biblical names | 333-335 |
Old English names | 336 |
Miscellaneous names | 337-339 |
Personal names for animals | 339-341 |
SELECT LIST OF WORKS CONSULTED
Addy, Sidney Oldall.—A Glossary of Words used in the neighbourhood of Sheffield, including a selection of local names, and some notices of folk-lore, games, and customs. E.D.S. 1888.
Addy, Sidney Oldall.—A Glossary of Words used in the area around Sheffield, featuring a collection of local names and some insights into folklore, games, and customs. E.D.S. 1888.
Atkinson, J. C.—A Glossary of the Cleveland Dialect: explanatory, derivative, and critical. London, 1868.
Atkinson, J. C.—A Glossary of the Cleveland Dialect: explanatory, derivative, and critical. London, 1868.
Baker, Anne Elizabeth.—Glossary of Northamptonshire Words and Phrases, with examples of their colloquial use. London, 1854.
Baker, Anne Elizabeth.—Glossary of Northamptonshire Words and Phrases, with examples of how they’re used in everyday conversation. London, 1854.
Bible.—Wyclif, John.—The Holy Bible, containing the Old and New Testaments with the Apocryphal books, in the earliest English version made from the Latin Vulgate by John Wycliffe and his followers [c. 1380]. Ed. J. Forshall and F. Madden. Oxford, 1850.
Bible.—Wyclif, John.—The Holy Bible, including the Old and New Testaments along with the Apocryphal books, in the first English version translated from the Latin Vulgate by John Wycliffe and his followers [c. 1380]. Ed. J. Forshall and F. Madden. Oxford, 1850.
Blakeborough, Richard.—Wit, Character, Folk-lore, and Customs of the North Riding of Yorkshire, with a glossary of over 4,000 words and idioms now in use. London, 1898.
Blakeborough, Richard.—Wit, Character, Folklore, and Customs of the North Riding of Yorkshire, with a glossary of over 4,000 words and phrases currently in use. London, 1898.
Brockett, John Trotter.—A Glossary of North Country Words in use. 3rd edition corrected and enlarged by W. E. Brockett. Newcastle, 1846.
Brockett, John Trotter.—A Glossary of North Country Words in use. 3rd edition updated and expanded by W. E. Brockett. Newcastle, 1846.
Browne, Sir Thomas.—Works [1640-80]. Ed. Simon Wilkin. 3 vols. 8vo, London, 1892-94.
Browne, Sir Thomas.—Works [1640-80]. Ed. Simon Wilkin. 3 vols. 8vo, London, 1892-94.
Burne, Charlotte Sophia.—Shropshire Folk-Lore: a sheaf of gleanings. Ed. by C. S. Burne, from the collections of Georgina F. Jackson. London, 1883. See Jackson.
Burne, Charlotte Sophia.—Shropshire Folk-Lore: a collection of gatherings. Ed. by C. S. Burne, from the collections of Georgina F. Jackson. London, 1883. See Jackson.
Chamberlain, Mrs.—A Glossary of West Worcestershire Words. With glossic notes by Thomas Hallam. E.D.S. 1882.
Chamberlain, Mrs.—A Glossary of West Worcestershire Words. With explanatory notes by Thomas Hallam. E.D.S. 1882.
Chope, R. Pearse.—The Dialect of Hartland, Devonshire. E.D.S. 1891.
Chope, R. Pearse.—The Dialect of Hartland, Devonshire. E.D.S. 1891.
Cole, R. E. G.—A Glossary of Words used in south-west Lincolnshire (Wapentake of Graffoe). E.D.S. 1886.
Cole, R. E. G.—A Glossary of Words Used in Southwest Lincolnshire (Wapentake of Graffoe). E.D.S. 1886.
Coles, Elisha.—A Dictionary, English-Latin, and Latin-English; containing all things necessary for the translating of either language into the other. 2nd ed. enlarged. London, 1679.
Coles, Elisha.—A Dictionary, English-Latin, and Latin-English; containing everything needed to translate either language into the other. 2nd ed. enlarged. London, 1679.
Cope, William. H.—A Glossary of Hampshire Words and Phrases. E.D.S. 1883.
Cope, William. H.—A Glossary of Hampshire Words and Phrases. E.D.S. 1883.
Cotgrave, Randle.—A French and English Dictionary. London, 1673. [1st ed. 1611.]
Cotgrave, Randle.—A French and English Dictionary. London, 1673. [1st ed. 1611.]
Couch, Thomas Q.—The History of Polperro, a fishing town on the south coast of Cornwall: being a description of the place, its people, their manners, customs, modes of industry, &c. by the late Jonathan Couch. Truro, 1871.
Couch, Thomas Q.—The History of Polperro, a fishing town on the south coast of Cornwall: a description of the place, its people, their customs, behaviors, ways of working, &c. by the late Jonathan Couch. Truro, 1871.
Courtney, M. A.
Couch, Thomas Q.—Glossary of Words in use in Cornwall. West Cornwall by Miss M. A. Courtney. East Cornwall by Thomas Q. Couch. E.D.S. 1880.Courtney, M. A.
Couch, Thomas Q.—Glossary of Words Used in Cornwall. West Cornwall by Miss M. A. Courtney. East Cornwall by Thomas Q. Couch. E.D.S. 1880.Cunliffe, Henry.—A Glossary of Rochdale, with Rossendale Words and Phrases. Manchester, 1886.
Cunliffe, Henry.—A Glossary of Rochdale, with Rossendale Words and Phrases. Manchester, 1886.
Darlington, Thomas.—The Folk-Speech of South Cheshire. E.D.S. 1887.
Darlington, Thomas.—The Folk-Speech of South Cheshire. E.D.S. 1887.
Dartnell, George Edward,
Goddard, Edward H.—A Glossary of Words used in the county of Wiltshire. E.D.S. 1893.Dartnell, George Edward,
Goddard, Edward H.—A Glossary of Words Used in Wiltshire. E.D.S. 1893.Dickinson, W.—A Glossary of the words and phrases pertaining to the dialect of Cumberland. Re-arranged, illustrated, and augmented by quotations by E. W. Prevost, Ph.D., F.R.S.E. London, 1899.
Dickinson, W.—A Glossary of the words and phrases related to the dialect of Cumberland. Reorganized, illustrated, and expanded with quotes by E. W. Prevost, Ph.D., F.R.S.E. London, 1899.
Ducange, C. D.—Lexicon manuale ad Scriptores Mediae et Infimae Latinitatis, ex glossariis C. D. D. Ducangii et aliorum in compendium accuratissime redactum. Par W.-H. Maigne D’Arnis. Paris, 1866.
Ducange, C.D.—Manual Lexicon for Writers of Medieval and Low Latin, precisely compiled from the glossaries of C. D. D. Ducangii and others. By W.-H. Maigne D’Arnis. Paris, 1866.
Easther, Alfred.—A Glossary of the dialect of Almondbury and Huddersfield. Compiled by the late Rev. Alfred Easther. Ed. from his MSS. by the Rev. Thomas Lees. E.D.S. 1883.
Easther, Alfred.—A Glossary of the dialect of Almondbury and Huddersfield. Compiled by the late Rev. Alfred Easther. Ed. from his MSS. by the Rev. Thomas Lees. E.D.S. 1883.
Ellwood, T.—Lakeland and Iceland: being a glossary of words in the dialect of Cumberland, Westmoreland, and North Lancashire which seem allied to or identical with the Icelandic or Norse. E.D.S. 1895.
Ellwood, T.—Lakeland and Iceland: a glossary of words in the dialect of Cumberland, Westmoreland, and North Lancashire that appear to be related to or the same as the Icelandic or Norse. E.D.S. 1895.
Elworthy, Frederic Thomas.—The West Somerset Word-book. A glossary of dialectal and archaic words and phrases used in the West of Somerset and East Devon. E.D.S. 1888.
Elworthy, Frederic Thomas.—The West Somerset Word-book. A glossary of dialect and old words and phrases used in the West of Somerset and East Devon. E.D.S. 1888.
English Dialect Dictionary, The. Edited by Joseph Wright. 1896-1905.
English Dialect Dictionary, The. Edited by Joseph Wright. 1896-1905.
Evans, Arthur B.—Leicestershire Words, Phrases, and Proverbs, ed. with additions and an introduction by Sebastian Evans. E.D.S. 1881.
Evans, Arthur B.—Leicestershire Words, Phrases, and Proverbs, ed. with updates and a foreword by Sebastian Evans. E.D.S. 1881.
Ferguson, Robert.—The Dialect of Cumberland, with a chapter on its place-names. London, 1873.
Ferguson, Robert.—The Dialect of Cumberland, including a chapter on its place-names. London, 1873.
Five Original Glossaries. Series C. English Dialect Society. Edited by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat, M.A. London, 1876.
Five Original Glossaries. Series C. English Dialect Society. Edited by the Rev. Walter W. Skeat, M.A. London, 1876.
Five Original Glossaries. Series C. English Dialect Society. London, 1881.
Five Original Glossaries. Series C. English Dialect Society. London, 1881.
Fletcher, J. S.—Recollections of a Yorkshire Village. London, 1910.
Fletcher, J. S.—Memories of a Yorkshire Village. London, 1910.
Friend, Hilderic.—A Glossary of Devonshire Plant Names. E.D.S. 1882.
Friend, Hilderic.—A Glossary of Devonshire Plant Names. E.D.S. 1882.
Gibson, Alexander Craig.—The Folk-Speech of Cumberland and some districts adjacent. London, 1869.
Gibson, Alexander Craig.—The Folk-Speech of Cumberland and some nearby areas. London, 1869.
Godefroy, F.—Dictionnaire de l’ancienne langue française et de tous ses dialectes du IXᵉ au XVᵉ siècle. 1881- .
Godefroy, F.—Dictionary of the Old French language and all its dialects from the 9th to the 15th century. 1881- .
Gomme, Alice Bertha.—The traditional Games of England, Scotland, and Ireland, collected and annotated by Alice Bertha Gomme. London, 1894.
Gomme, Alice Bertha.—The traditional Games of England, Scotland, and Ireland, gathered and explained by Alice Bertha Gomme. London, 1894.
Gregor, Walter.—Notes on the Folk-Lore of the North-East of Scotland. Folk-Lore Soc. vii. 1881.
Gregor, Walter.—Notes on the Folk-Lore of the North-East of Scotland. Folk-Lore Soc. vii. 1881.
—— The Dialect of Banffshire: with a glossary of words not in Jamieson’s Scottish Dictionary. Trans. Phil. Soc. London, 1866.
—— The Dialect of Banffshire: with a glossary of words not in Jamieson’s Scottish Dictionary. Trans. Phil. Soc. London, 1866.
Hammond, Joseph.—A Cornish Parish: being an account of St. Austell, town, church, district, and people. London, 1897.
Hammond, Joseph.—A Cornish Parish: a description of St. Austell, including the town, church, district, and community. London, 1897.
Harland, John.—A Glossary of Words used in Swaledale, Yorkshire. E.D.S. 1873
Harland, John.—A Glossary of Words Used in Swaledale, Yorkshire. E.D.S. 1873
Harland, John, and Wilkinson, T. T.—Lancashire Folk-Lore: illustrative of the superstitious beliefs and practices, local customs and usages of the people of the County Palatine. London, 1867.
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Hatzfeld, A., Darmesteter, A., XVIIᵉ siècle jusqu’à nos jours. Paris [n. d.]. Thomas, M. A.—Dictionnaire général de la langue française du commencement du
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Holland, Robert.—A Glossary of Words used in the County of Chester. E.D.S. 1886.
Holland, Robert.—A Glossary of Words Used in the County of Chester. E.D.S. 1886.
Inwards, Richard.—Weather Lore; a collection of proverbs, sayings, and rules concerning the weather. London, 1893.
Inwards, Richard.—Weather Lore; a collection of proverbs, sayings, and guidelines about the weather. London, 1893.
Jackson, Georgina F.—Shropshire Folk-Lore, edited by Charlotte Sophia Burne from the Collections of Georgina F. Jackson. London, 1883. See Burne.
Jackson, Georgina F.—Shropshire Folk-Lore, edited by Charlotte Sophia Burne from the Collections of Georgina F. Jackson. London, 1883. See Burne.
—— Shropshire Word-book, a glossary of archaic and provincial words, &c., used in the county. London, 1879.
—— Shropshire Word-book, a glossary of outdated and regional words, &c., used in the county. London, 1879.
Jago, Fred. W. P.—The ancient language, and the dialect of Cornwall with an enlarged glossary of Cornish provincial words. Truro, 1882.
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Johnson, Samuel.—A Dictionary of the English Language. London, 1755.
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Kirkby, B.—Lakeland Words. A collection of dialect words and phrases, as used in Cumberland and Westmoreland, with illustrative sentences in the North Westmoreland dialect. Kendal, 1898.
Kirkby, B.—Lakeland Words. A collection of dialect words and phrases used in Cumberland and Westmoreland, along with example sentences in the North Westmoreland dialect. Kendal, 1898.
La Curne de Sainte-Palaye.—Dictionnaire historique de l’ancien langage françois ou glossaire de la langue françoise depuis son origine jusqu’au siècle de Louis XIV. Niort, 1882.
La Curne de Sainte-Palaye. — Historical Dictionary of the Old French Language or Glossary of the French Language from its Origins to the Age of Louis XIV. Niort, 1882.
Leigh, Egerton.—A Glossary of Words used in the Dialect of Cheshire. London, 1877.
Leigh, Egerton.—A Glossary of Words Used in the Dialect of Cheshire. London, 1877.
Levins, Peter.—Manipulus Vocabulorum. A dictionary of English and Latin words arranged in the alphabetical order of the last syllables [1570]. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. Camden Society, 1867.
Levins, Peter.—Word Helper. A dictionary of English and Latin words organized by the last syllables in alphabetical order [1570]. Ed. H. B. Wheatley. Camden Society, 1867.
Littré, É.—Dictionnaire de la langue française. Paris, 1878.
Littré, É.—Dictionary of the French Language. Paris, 1878.
Long, W. H.—A Dictionary of the Isle of Wight dialect, and of provincialisms used in the island. London, 1886.
Long, W. H.—A Dictionary of the Isle of Wight dialect, and of local expressions used on the island. London, 1886.
Lowsley, B.—A Glossary of Berkshire Words and Phrases. E.D.S. 1888.
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Lucas, Joseph.—Studies in Nidderdale: upon notes and observations other than geological, made during the progress of the Government geological survey of the district, 1867-72. London, c. 1882.
Lucas, Joseph.—Studies in Nidderdale: based on notes and observations beyond geology, collected during the Government geological survey of the area, 1867-72. London, c. 1882.
Moisy, Henri.—Glossaire comparatif anglo-normand donnant plus de 5,000 mots aujourd’hui communs au dialecte normand et à l’anglais. Caen, 1889.
Moisy, Henri.—A comparative glossary of Anglo-Norman featuring over 5,000 words that are now common in the Norman dialect and in English. Caen, 1889.
Morris, M. C. F.—Yorkshire Folk-talk, with characteristics of those who speak it in the North and East Ridings. London, 1892.
Morris, M. C. F.—Yorkshire Folk-talk, with traits of the people who speak it in the North and East Ridings. London, 1892.
Nevinson, Rev. Thomas K. B.—Local Provincialisms, being a MS. collection made by the Rev. Thomas K. B. Nevinson, Medbourne Rectory, Market Harborough.
Nevinson, Rev. Thomas K. B.—Local Dialects, a MS. collection compiled by Rev. Thomas K. B. Nevinson, Medbourne Rectory, Market Harborough.
New English Dictionary, A, on historical principles. Ed. J. A. H. Murray, H. Bradley, W. A. Craigie. Oxford, 1884-.
New English Dictionary, A, based on historical methods. Ed. J. A. H. Murray, H. Bradley, W. A. Craigie. Oxford, 1884-.
Nicholson, John.—The Folk Speech of East Yorkshire. London, 1889.
Nicholson, John.—The Folk Speech of East Yorkshire. London, 1889.
Nodal, John H.,
Milner, George.—A Glossary of the Lancashire Dialect. E.D.S. 1875.Nodal, John H.,
Milner, George.—A Glossary of the Lancashire Dialect. E.D.S. 1875.Northall, G. F.—A Warwickshire Word-book, comprising obsolescent and dialect words, colloquialisms, &c., gathered from oral relation, and collated with accordant works. E.D.S. 1896.
Northall, G. F.—A Warwickshire Word-book, including outdated and dialect words, slang, &c., collected from verbal sources, and compared with similar works. E.D.S. 1896.
—— English Folk-Rhymes. A collection of traditional verses relating to places and persons, customs, superstitions, &c. London, 1892.
—— English Folk-Rhymes. A collection of traditional verses about places and people, customs, superstitions, &c. London, 1892.
Ormerod, Frank.—Lancashire Life and Character. Rochdale, 1910.
Ormerod, Frank.—Lancashire Life and Character. Rochdale, 1910.
Palsgrave, Jehan.—Lesclarcissement de la langue francoyse. 1530.
Palsgrave, Jehan.—Clarification of the French language. 1530.
Parish, W. D.—A Dictionary of the Sussex Dialect and collection of provincialisms in use in the County of Sussex. Lewes, 1875.
Parish, W. D.—A Dictionary of the Sussex Dialect and collection of local expressions used in Sussex County. Lewes, 1875.
Patterson, William Hugh.—A Glossary of Words in use in the Counties of Antrim and Down. E.D.S. 1880.
Patterson, William Hugh.—A Glossary of Words Used in the Counties of Antrim and Down. E.D.S. 1880.
Peacock, Edward.—A Glossary of Words used in the Wapentakes of Manley and Corringham, Lincolnshire. 2nd ed., revised and considerably enlarged. E.D.S. 1889.
Peacock, Edward.—A Glossary of Words Used in the Wapentakes of Manley and Corringham, Lincolnshire. 2nd ed., revised and significantly expanded. E.D.S. 1889.
Promptorium Parvulorum sive Clericorum, Lexicon Anglo-Latinum princeps, auctore fratre Galfrido Grammatico dicto, e predicatoribus Lenne episcopi, Northfolciensi, A.D. circa 1440. Camden Society, 1843-65.
Promptorium Parvulorum sive Clericorum, the leading Anglo-Latin dictionary by Brother Geoffrey the Grammarian, one of the preachers of Bishop Lenne, from Norfolk., C.E. around 1440. Camden Society, 1843-65.
Robertson, J. Drummond.—A Glossary of Dialect and Archaic Words used in the County of Gloucester. Ed. by Lord Moreton. E.D.S. 1890.
Robertson, J. Drummond.—A Glossary of Dialect and Archaic Words Used in Gloucester County. Ed. by Lord Moreton. E.D.S. 1890.
Robinson, C. Clough.—A Glossary of Words pertaining to the dialect of Mid-Yorkshire; with others peculiar to Lower Nidderdale. E.D.S. 1876.
Robinson, C. Clough.—A Glossary of Words related to the dialect of Mid-Yorkshire; with additional terms unique to Lower Nidderdale. E.D.S. 1876.
—— The Dialect of Leeds and its neighbourhood. London, 1862.
—— The Dialect of Leeds and its neighborhood. London, 1862.
Robinson, F. K.—A Glossary of Words used in the neighbourhood of Whitby. E.D.S. 1876.
Robinson, F. K.—A Glossary of Words used in the area around Whitby. E.D.S. 1876.
Rye, Walter.—A Glossary of Words used in East Anglia. Founded on that of Forby. With numerous corrections and additions. E.D.S. 1895.
Rye, Walter.—A Glossary of Words used in East Anglia. Based on Forby's work, with many corrections and updates. E.D.S. 1895.
Taylor, Francis Edward.—The Folk-Speech of South Lancashire: a glossary of words which are, or have been during the last hundred years, in common use in that portion of the County Palatine situate between Bolton and Manchester. Manchester, 1901.
Taylor, Francis Edward.—The Folk-Speech of South Lancashire: a glossary of words that are, or have been over the last hundred years, commonly used in that section of the County Palatine located between Bolton and Manchester. Manchester, 1901.
Tusser, Thomas.—Five Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandrie. The ed. of 1580 collated with those of 1573 and 1577. Together with A Hundreth Good Pointes of Husbandrie, 1557. Ed. W. Payne and S. J. H. Herrtage. E.D.S. 1878.
Tusser, Thomas.—Five Hundred Points of Good Husbandry. The ed. from 1580 compared with those from 1573 and 1577. Along with A Hundred Good Points of Husbandry, 1557. Ed. W. Payne and S. J. H. Herrtage. E.D.S. 1878.
Wright, Joseph.—The English Dialect Grammar. 1905.
Wright, Joseph.—The English Dialect Grammar. 1905.
ABBREVIATIONS
Bck. | = Bucks. |
Bdf. | = Bedford. |
Bnff. | = Banff. |
Brks. | = Berks. |
Chs. | = Cheshire. |
Cmb. | = Cambridge. |
Cor. | = Cornwall. |
Cth. | = Carmarthen. |
Cum. | = Cumberland. |
Cy. | = country. |
Der. | = Derby. |
Dev. | = Devon. |
Dnb. | = Denbigh. |
Dor. | = Dorset. |
Dur. | = Durham. |
e.An. | = East Anglia. |
Ess. | = Essex. |
Glo. | = Gloucester. |
Hmp. | = Hampshire. |
Hnt. | = Huntingdon. |
Hrf. | = Hereford. |
Hrt. | = Hertford. |
I.Ma. | = Isle of Man. |
Irel. | = Ireland. |
I.W. | = Isle of Wight. |
Ken. | = Kent. |
Lakel. | = Lakeland. |
Lan. | = Lancashire. |
Lei. | = Leicester. |
Lin. | = Lincoln. |
lit. | = literary. |
M.E. | = Middle English. |
Mid. | = Middlesex. |
Midl. | = Midlands. |
Nhb. | = Northumberland. |
Nhp. | = Northampton. |
Not. | = Nottingham. |
Nrf. | = Norfolk. |
O.E. | = Old English. |
O.N. | = Old Norse. |
Or.I. | = Orkney Isles. |
Oxf. | = Oxford. |
Pem. | = Pembroke. |
Rut. | = Rutland. |
Sc. | = Scotland. |
Sh.I. | = Shetland Isles. |
Shr. | = Shropshire. |
Som. | = Somerset. |
Stf. | = Stafford. |
Suf. | = Suffolk. |
Sur. | = Surrey. |
Sus. | = Sussex. |
Wal. | = Wales. |
War. | = Warwick. |
Wil. | = Wiltshire. |
Wm. | = Westmorland. |
Wor. | = Worcester. |
Yks. | = Yorks. |
The asterisk * prefixed to a word denotes a theoretical form.
The asterisk * before a word indicates a theoretical form.
INTRODUCTION
Among common errors still persisting in the minds of educated people, one error which dies very hard is the theory that a dialect is an arbitrary distortion of the mother tongue, a wilful mispronunciation of the sounds, and disregard of the syntax of a standard language. Only quite recently—May 5, 1910—in reviewing a book called The Anglo-Irish Language, a writer in the Times Literary Supplement says: ‘The Anglo-Irish dialect is a passably good name for it ..., but it is something more than a dialect, more than an affair of Pidgin English, bad spelling, provincialisms, and preposterous grammar.’ Here we have a very good modern instance of the old error. A dialect, we are to understand, consists of ‘Pidgin English, bad spelling, provincialisms, and preposterous grammar’. This comes of reading dialect stories by authors who have no personal knowledge of any dialect whatever, and who have never studied any language scientifically. All they have done, perhaps, is to have purchased the Dialect Glossary of some district, or maybe they have asked a friend to supply a little local colouring. A lady once wrote to the Secretary of the English Dialect Society as follows: ‘Dear Sir, a friend of mine intends writing a novel, the scene of which is to be laid in Essex in the sixteenth century. Will you kindly give her a few hints as to the local dialect of that period?’ Authors of this type put into the mouths of their dialect-speaking characters a kind of doggerel which the above definition aptly describes, their readers then run away with the idea that this hotch-potch is the ‘spit and image’ of a real, living, English dialect. As a matter of fact, our English dialects exemplify so well the sound-laws of living speech, and the historical[Pg xx] development of an originally inflected language, that the Neuphilologen in Germany are calling for Dialect Reading Books for German students studying English. A Professor in the University of Giessen has just bought fifty copies of Wright’s Grammar of the English Dialects for his Seminar. Now and then a solitary German student is sent over to England to encamp in a remote country village and write a learned Dissertation on the characteristic vowel-sounds of the district; an arduous task for a young foreigner whose knowledge of literary English as she is spoke is an uncertain quantity. But the field of English dialects offers other allurements besides those which attract the philologist and the grammarian. The language-specialist merely digs and quarries, as it were, in the bare soil and rock, where he finds rich ores amply sufficient to repay his pains and toil, but there remains plenty of room for the rest of us who are less laboriously inclined, and at every turn are enticing paths. The real charm lies in the fact that it is a ‘faire felde ful of folke’, natural, homely, witty folk. If this book succeeds in pointing out a few of the many ways in which the study of our English dialects may not only contribute to the advancement of knowledge, but also give us a clearer insight into the life and character of the British peasant and artisan, it will have achieved the aim and object of its existence.
Among the common misconceptions still held by educated people, one persistent idea is that a dialect is just a random distortion of the main language, a deliberate mispronunciation of sounds, and a disregard for the grammar of a standard language. Just recently—on May 5, 1910—in a review of a book called The Anglo-Irish Language, a writer in the Times Literary Supplement stated: ‘The Anglo-Irish dialect is a passably good name for it..., but it is something more than a dialect, more than an affair of Pidgin English, bad spelling, provincialisms, and ridiculous grammar.’ This provides a modern example of the old misconception. According to this viewpoint, a dialect consists of ‘Pidgin English, bad spelling, provincialisms, and ridiculous grammar’. This misunderstanding arises from reading dialect stories by authors who have no personal experience with any dialect and who have never studied any language scientifically. Often, they have only bought a Dialect Glossary from some area or maybe asked a friend for some local flavor. A woman once wrote to the Secretary of the English Dialect Society: ‘Dear Sir, a friend of mine intends to write a novel set in Essex in the sixteenth century. Could you please provide her with a few tips about the local dialect of that time?’ Authors of this type create dialect-speaking characters that speak a kind of nonsense poem which the above definition accurately captures; their readers then mistakenly believe that this hodgepodge is the ‘spit and image’ of a real, living English dialect. In reality, our English dialects exemplify the sound rules of living speech and the historical development of what was once an inflected language, leading Neuphilologen in Germany to call for Dialect Reading Books for German students studying English. A professor at the University of Giessen has just purchased fifty copies of Wright’s Grammar of the English Dialects for his seminar. Occasionally, a solitary German student is sent to England to stay in a remote village and write a scholarly dissertation on the distinctive vowel sounds of the area; this is a challenging task for a young foreigner whose understanding of literary English as spoken can be quite uncertain. However, the realm of English dialects offers other attractions beyond those appealing to linguists and grammarians. The language specialist essentially extracts and analyzes basic elements from the raw soil, discovering rich resources that reward their effort, but there is still plenty of space for the rest of us who prefer a lighter approach, with enticing paths at every turn. The true charm lies in the fact that it is a ‘fair field full of folks,’ natural, down-to-earth, and humorous people. If this book succeeds in highlighting a few of the many ways the study of our English dialects can not only advance knowledge but also give us better insight into the lives and characters of British peasants and workers, it will have fulfilled its purpose.
‘Countryman. We old men are old chronicles, and when our tongues go they are not clocks to tell only the time present, but large books unclasped; and our speeches, like leaves turned over and over, discover wonders that are long since past.’
Countryman. Us old folks are like living history books, and when we can no longer speak, we don’t just mark the present; we’re revealing huge volumes of history. Our words, like pages being turned over and over, uncover incredible stories from the past.
The Great Frost of January, 1608. Social England Illustrated, A Collection of XVIIth Century Tracts, p. 166.
The Great Frost of January, 1608. Social England Illustrated, A Collection of XVIIth Century Tracts, p. 166.
CHAPTER I
DIALECT USERS
With the spread of education, and the ever-increasing means of rapid locomotion throughout the length and breadth of the land, the area where pure dialects are spoken is lessening year by year. It used to be Mam and Dad and Porridge, and then ’twas Father and Mother and Broth, but now ’tis Pa and Ma and Soup, is a saying concerning farmers’ children in the Midlands. In the words of an old North-country woman: T’young ’uns dizn’t talk noo leyke what they did when ah wer a lass; there’s ower mich o’ this knackin’ [affected talk] noo; bud, as ah tells ’em, fooaks spoils thersens sadly wi’ knackin’. An’ then there’s another thing, when deean, they can mak nowt bud mashelshon [mixed corn] on’t. There is a very old proverb in Cheshire, applied to any one who goes out of the country for improvement, and returns without having gained much; such a one is said to have ‘been at London to learn to call a streea a straw’. It is not often now that one could hear it said: Ah deean’t gan bauboskin’ [straying away] aboot leyke sum on ’em, ah sticks ti t’heeaf. The place where a mountain or fell sheep is born, and where it continues to live and pasture, is called its heaf, and the word is often in the Northern counties thus picturesquely used in a figurative sense. When one looks at the placards announcing in large letters the extraordinarily cheap day trips offered by the Great Western or the Midland Railway, or sees hoardings decorated with garish posters portraying the arid sands and cloudless skies of Blackpool or Morecambe, how dim and distant seem those past days when in their stead he who runs might read an advertisement such as this: ‘The York four-days Stage Coach begins on Friday the 12th of April. All that[Pg 2] are desirous to pass from London to York, or from York to London, or any other place on that road, let them repair to the Black Swan in Holborn, or to the Black Swan in Conney Street in York, at both which places they may be received in a Stage Coach every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, which performs the whole journey in four days (if God permits), and sets forth at five in the morning.’ Small wonder if people then stuck to their heaf, and dialects remained pure and unadulterated. But even to-day one can still find country places where our great cities are known only by name. The inhabitants may ask us casually: Hoo’s traade doon London waay?—but you feel, in so doing, they merely wish to make polite conversation. Two or three years ago we lunched at a small village inn not far from Skipton in Yorkshire, and before leaving the landlord asked us to write our names in his visitors’ book. When we had finished, he read over the entry, and said, ‘Ah, you come from Oxford, perhaps you know London?’ ‘Oh, yes,’ we said, ‘we go to London sometimes.’ ‘Then you’ll happen know my brother,’ was the confident rejoinder. This last summer we stayed at a most primitive inn—with a courtesy title of Hotel—on the moors under the shadow of Penyghent. The landlord fetched us and our luggage from the station, and as he was uncording a box of books he observed, ‘You come from Oxford then.’ ‘Yes,’ said I, feeling proud of my connexion with that ancient Seat of Learning. ‘Oh!’ said mine host of the Golden Lion, ‘How’s hay down there?’
With the spread of education and the growing access to fast travel across the country, the regions where pure dialects are spoken are shrinking year by year. It used to be "Mam and Dad and Porridge," then it transitioned to "Father and Mother and Broth," but now it’s "Pa and Ma and Soup," a saying about farmers' kids in the Midlands. An old woman from the North said, "The kids don’t talk like they did when I was a girl; there’s too much of this new talk now; but, as I tell them, people ruin themselves with it." And there's another thing, when they’re done, they can make nothing but mash-up corn out of it. There’s a very old saying in Cheshire about anyone who leaves the country to improve themselves and returns without having gained much; such a person is said to have ‘been to London to learn to call a street a straw.’ It's rare today to hear someone say: "I don’t go wandering around like some of them, I stick to my heaf." The place where a mountain or hill sheep is born and lives is called its heaf, and this term is often used in the Northern counties in a picturesque way. When you look at the signs announcing in big letters the incredibly cheap day trips offered by the Great Western or the Midland Railway, or see billboards plastered with bright posters depicting the dry beaches and clear skies of Blackpool or Morecambe, those past days seem so distant when you could read an advertisement like this: ‘The York four-days Stage Coach begins on Friday the 12th of April. Anyone who wants to travel from London to York, or from York to London, or any other place on that route, should head to the Black Swan in Holborn, or the Black Swan in Conney Street in York, where they can board a Stage Coach every Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, completing the journey in four days (if God permits), leaving at five in the morning.’ It's no wonder people back then stuck to their heaf, keeping their dialects pure and intact. But even today, you can still find rural areas where our big cities are known only by name. The locals might casually ask us, “How’s trade down London way?”—but you sense they’re just trying to make polite conversation. A couple of years ago, we had lunch at a small village inn near Skipton in Yorkshire, and before we left, the landlord asked us to sign his visitors’ book. After we finished, he read it aloud and said, “Oh, you’re from Oxford, maybe you know London?” “Oh, yes,” we replied, “we go to London sometimes.” “Then you must know my brother,” he confidently replied. Last summer, we stayed at a very basic inn—called a Hotel—on the moors under the shadow of Penyghent. The landlord picked us and our luggage up from the station, and while unpacking a box of books, he remarked, “You’re from Oxford then.” “Yes,” I said, feeling proud of my connection to that ancient Seat of Learning. “Oh!” replied the innkeeper of the Golden Lion, “How’s hay down there?”
To gain the full benefit and enjoyment of a sojourn in a country village, it is an immense advantage to be able to speak the dialect yourself, or at any rate to be able to understand and respect it. That is why we prefer the West Riding of Yorkshire to any other part of England, for there we are at home with the native, and are not looked upon as ‘foreigners’. The name Yorkshire has become a synonym for acuteness not unmixed with a touch of unscrupulousness. In Lincolnshire, for example, when anything is done which[Pg 3] is very clever, sharp, or unscrupulous, they say: That’s real Yerksheer. To put Yorkshire on a person means in Lancashire to cheat, trick, or overreach him; in Lancashire and Lincolnshire a sharp overreaching person is called a Yorkshire bite. Even in his own country the Yorkshireman has this reputation. It was a native who told us the following story. Two Yorkshiremen, whom we will call A. and B., were accustomed to send their horses to the same Show. A.’s horse always won prizes, and B.’s never did. One day B. complained to A. ‘I can’t think why Mr. So-and-so (the judge) never gives me a First Prize; my horse is every bit as good as yours.’ ‘Well,’ said A., ‘I tell you what you had better do before the next Show; you send Mr. So-and-so a good big ham.’ The day came, and this time it was B.’s horse that won the First Prize. A. was both angry and astonished. He went to B. and asked: ‘Did you send that ham?’ ‘Yes,’ said B., ‘but I sent it in your name, not mine.’ Another Yorkshireman on his death-bed found satisfaction in the thought that he had outwitted an Insurance Company. ‘Ah’ve dun ’em, Joe, ah’ve dun ’em. T’doctor says ah’m bahn [I am going] to dee, an’ ah wor nobbud insiured six munths sin,’ he boasted to a sympathizing friend. It would, however, be grossly unfair to judge the Yorkshireman on the strength of this proverbial characteristic. He has very many other qualities equally characteristic and much more desirable, but which become famed in phrase and story only when found in an exaggerated form, as for instance the tenacity of purpose shown by that celebrated Yorkshire Oddity William Sharp, popularly known as Old Three Laps, who died in the year 1856. When a young man of thirty he became engaged to be married. The wedding-day was fixed, but when the appointed hour came, only the bridegroom appeared in church. At the last moment the bride’s father, dissatisfied about the marriage settlements, refused to allow his daughter to marry the man of her choice. The disappointed bridegroom returned to his home, went to bed, and vowed[Pg 4] he would stay there, and never speak again to any one. He kept his word up to the time of his death, forty-nine years later, when he is said to have exclaimed shortly before his end, ‘Poor Bill! poor Bill! poor Bill Sharp!’ A Yorkshireman has a very strong sense of his own dignity, and some ‘South-country’ people mistake his attitude of independence for impertinence, and because he will not brook a condescending manner or a dictatorial speech, and because he says exactly what he means, they style him rude. Many stories are told of a certain grocer in Settle noted for his treatment of impertinent customers. A lady one day walked into his shop and inquired very abruptly: ‘What are eggs to-day?’ ‘Eggs,’ was the prompt reply. At Kettlewell once a man and his wife, evidently on a cycling tour from ‘down South’, came into the inn, and demanded tea in such peremptory tones, that the landlady turned her back on them, and we heard them muttering: ‘She’s bound to give us something.’ If you want to be well served at a Yorkshire inn, the first thing to do is to take note of the name over the door before you cross the threshold; then you can address the landlady as ‘Mrs. Atkinson’ (pronounced Atkisson), for you will need her name constantly, if you wish your conversation to be agreeable to her. ‘Down South’ we are very chary in our use of proper names in conversation; we can talk to an acquaintance or a friend by the hour addressing him only as ‘you’. In the North, we should intersperse our remarks freely with ‘Mr. Brown’ if he is an acquaintance, or ‘John’ if he is a friend. It is a noticeable fact that in the North men call each other by their Christian names, where in the South they would use the surname without the formal Mr. But to return to inns. Having duly passed the time of day with the landlady, you will next have to converse with her serving-maid, whose name has yet to be discovered. We have adopted a plan of addressing her always as ‘Mary’, till she gives us better information. The last damsel we thus met told us her name was Dinah, and further, that she was ‘a Lancashire[Pg 5] lass’. In Yorkshire if you ask a person his or her name you must say: ‘What do they call you?’ You might not be understood if you said: ‘What is your name?’ The first question in the Catechism has often met with no response other than a vacant stare from children in Sunday Schools. A story is told of a clergyman near Whitby who went one day into the village school, and seeing a new face among the boys, said: ‘Well, my lad, and who are you?’ Boy: ‘Aw, ah’s middlin’; hoo’s yoursen?’
To get the most out of a stay in a country village, it’s a huge advantage to speak the local dialect yourself, or at least to understand and respect it. That’s why we prefer the West Riding of Yorkshire over any other part of England because there we feel at home with the locals and aren’t seen as ‘outsiders.’ The name Yorkshire has become a shorthand for being clever but with a bit of slyness. For instance, in Lincolnshire, when someone does something particularly clever or crafty, they say: That’s real Yerksheer. To say someone was ‘Yorkshire’d’ means they were cheated or tricked in Lancashire; in Lancashire and Lincolnshire, a crafty person is referred to as a Yorkshire bite. Even within Yorkshire, the Yorkshireman has this reputation. A local shared this story with us. Two Yorkshiremen, whom we’ll call A. and B., regularly sent their horses to the same show. A.’s horse always took home prizes, while B.’s never did. One day B. complained to A., ‘I don’t understand why Mr. So-and-so (the judge) never gives me a First Prize; my horse is just as good as yours.’ A. replied, ‘Well, I suggest you send Mr. So-and-so a big ham before the next show.’ The day arrived, and this time B.’s horse won the First Prize. A. was both annoyed and shocked. He approached B. and asked, ‘Did you send that ham?’ ‘Yes,’ B. said, ‘but I sent it in your name, not mine.’ Another Yorkshireman, on his deathbed, found comfort in the fact that he had outsmarted an insurance company. ‘Ah’ve dun ’em, Joe, ah’ve dun ’em. T’doctor says ah’m bahn [I am going] to dee, an’ ah wor nobbud insiured six munths sin,’ he proudly told a friend who was sympathizing with him. However, it would be really unfair to judge a Yorkshireman based solely on this well-known trait. He has many other qualities that are equally characteristic and much more admirable, but these often receive attention in stories only when exaggerated. Take, for example, the determination demonstrated by the famous Yorkshire Oddity, William Sharp, known as Old Three Laps, who died in 1856. When he was thirty, he got engaged. The wedding date was set, but on the big day, only the groom showed up at the church. At the last moment, the bride’s father, unhappy with the marriage settlement, refused to let his daughter marry the man she loved. The heartbroken groom returned home, went to bed, and vowed he would never speak to anyone again. He kept that promise until his death, forty-nine years later, when he reportedly exclaimed just before he passed, ‘Poor Bill! poor Bill! poor Bill Sharp!’ A Yorkshireman has a strong sense of his own dignity, and some ‘South-country’ folks misinterpret his independent demeanor as rudeness. Since he won’t tolerate condescension or a bossy tone, and since he speaks his mind clearly, they think he’s impolite. Many tales circulate about a particular grocer in Settle known for how he dealt with rude customers. One day, a lady walked into his shop and bluntly asked, ‘What are eggs today?’ ‘Eggs,’ he promptly replied. Once in Kettlewell, a man and woman, clearly from ‘down South’, entered the inn and demanded tea so forcefully that the landlady turned her back on them, and we heard them muttering: ‘She has to give us something.’ If you want good service at a Yorkshire inn, the first thing to do is notice the name over the door before entering; then you can refer to the landlady as ‘Mrs. Atkinson’ (pronounced Atkisson), since you’ll need her name if you want your conversation to be pleasant. ‘Down South’, we tend to avoid using proper names in conversation; we can go on chatting with a friend or acquaintance only calling them ‘you’. In the North, we’re more inclined to throw in ‘Mr. Brown’ for someone we know, or just ‘John’ for a friend. It’s interesting that in the North, men call each other by their first names, while in the South, they stick to using the last name without the formal Mr. But back to inns. After you’ve had a polite chat with the landlady, you’ll next need to engage with her serving maid, whose name remains to be discovered. We’ve adopted the habit of calling her ‘Mary’ until she tells us otherwise. The last young woman we encountered introduced herself as Dinah and added that she was ‘a Lancashire lass’. In Yorkshire, if you want to know someone’s name, you have to ask: ‘What do they call you?’ You might not be understood if you said: ‘What is your name?’ The first question in the Catechism has often been met with nothing but a blank stare from children in Sunday Schools. There's a story about a clergyman near Whitby who once visited a village school, and spotting a new kid among the boys, said: ‘Well, my lad, and who are you?’ The boy replied: ‘Aw, ah’s middlin’; hoo’s yoursen?’
The Kettlewell landlady was so charmed by our greeting, and our use of her name and her dialect, that on our very first visit she treated us to her old family silver tea-spoons, and on the next occasion we not only had the tea-spoons, but we had a real old Queen Anne silver teapot as well, and a perfect feast of cakes, laid out in the private parlour where the foot of the tripper never trod. We came upon an inn full of trippers once, and though we were shown to a seat at a table, we could get no further attention, for nobody seemed to have time to fetch us any lunch. At last we secured the ear of the daughter of the house, and we pleaded our cause in her native tongue, whereupon she quickly fetched her parents, and the table was laid, and spread with ample fare in the twinkling of an eye.
The Kettlewell landlady was so pleased by our greeting and how we used her name and spoke her dialect that on our very first visit she treated us to her family’s old silver tea spoons. The next time we came, not only did we get the tea spoons, but we also enjoyed a genuine old Queen Anne silver teapot and an amazing spread of cakes, all laid out in the private parlor where tourists never set foot. We once stumbled upon an inn packed with tourists, and even though we were shown to a table, we couldn’t get any further attention because no one seemed to have time to bring us lunch. Finally, we caught the attention of the daughter of the house, and we made our request in her dialect, after which she quickly fetched her parents. In the blink of an eye, the table was set with plenty of food.
In a seventeenth-century Tract—Of Recreations—in which are put forth the delights of ‘riding with a good horse and a good companion, in the spring or summer season, into the country’, the author goes on to tell us: ‘And if you happen, as often it falleth out, to converse with countrymen of the place; you shall find them, for the most part, understanding enough to give you satisfaction: and sometimes country maids and market wenches will give as unhappy answers as they be asked knavish and uncivil questions. Others there be, who, out of their rustical simplicity, will afford you matter of mirth, if you stay to talk with them.’
In a seventeenth-century tract—Of Recreations—which discusses the joys of “riding with a good horse and a good friend in the spring or summer into the countryside,” the author continues: “And if you happen, as often happens, to chat with the locals, you’ll find them, for the most part, knowledgeable enough to satisfy you; and sometimes the local girls and market women will respond as awkwardly as the rude and uncivil questions they’re asked. There are also those who, in their simple ways, will give you plenty to laugh about if you take the time to talk with them.”
CHAPTER II
Vivid and expressive vocabulary
It is generally supposed that the vocabulary of dialect-speaking people is very small; indeed, it has been stated as a scientific fact that the common rustic uses scarcely more than 300 words. The most cursory glance at the English Dialect Dictionary, however, will suffice to convince anybody that this statement is incorrect. The six volumes of this Dictionary contain in all over 5,000 pages, and the number of simple and compound words in the first volume (A-C) is 17,519; and from the careful statistics given of the contents of this volume, it may safely be inferred that the whole Dictionary contains over 100,000 words.
It is commonly believed that the vocabulary of people who speak dialects is very limited; in fact, it's been claimed as a scientific fact that the average rural person uses only about 300 words. However, just a quick look at the English Dialect Dictionary will be enough to show anyone that this claim is false. The six volumes of this Dictionary total over 5,000 pages, and the first volume (A-C) alone contains 17,519 simple and compound words. Based on the detailed statistics provided about this volume, it can be safely concluded that the entire Dictionary holds over 100,000 words.
As may be expected, we find in this vocabulary an immense variety of terms or phrases for expressing one and the same idea. For instance, there are approximately 1,350 words meaning to give a person a thrashing, and an almost innumerable quantity meaning to die, and to get drunk. There are some 1,300 ways of telling a person he is a fool. A few names taken at random are: chuffin head, coof, gapus, gauvison, goostrumnoodle, Jerry pattick, mee-maw, ning-nang, nornigig, rockey-codlin, Sammy-suck-egg, snool, stooky, Tom-coddy, yawney, yonnack. A fine cumulative effect is produced by a few introductory adjectives, with or without a final pronoun, in such personal remarks as: Thoo goffeny goavey, it’s thoo at’s daft Watty; You drumble-drone, dunder-headed slinpole; Thah gert, gawmless, sackless, headed fooil thah. There are about 1,050 terms for a slattern, such as: daffock, dawps, drazzle-drozzle, flammakin, hagmahush, lirrox, mad Moll o’ the woods, mawkin, moggy, rubbacrock, slammock or slommocks, trail-tengs, trash-mire, wally-draigle.
As expected, this vocabulary includes a huge variety of terms and phrases to convey the same idea. For example, there are about 1,350 words that mean to give someone a beating, and nearly countless words for dying and getting drunk. There are around 1,300 ways to tell someone they’re a fool. A few random examples include: chuffin head, coof, gapus, gauvison, goostrumnoodle, Jerry pattick, mee-maw, ning-nang, nornigig, rockey-codlin, Sammy-suck-egg, snool, stooky, Tom-coddy, yawney, yonnack. A strong cumulative effect is created with a few introductory adjectives, with or without a final pronoun, in remarks like: Thoo goffeny goavey, it’s thoo at’s daft Watty; You drumble-drone, dunder-headed slinpole; Thah gert, gawmless, sackless, headed fooil thah. There are about 1,050 terms for a slattern, such as: daffock, dawps, drazzle-drozzle, flammakin, hagmahush, lirrox, mad Moll o’ the woods, mawkin, moggy, rubbacrock, slammock or slommocks, trail-tengs, trash-mire, wally-draigle.
Among animals possessing a large variety of names the smallest pig of a litter holds a very prominent place with over 120 titles to distinction, such as: Anthony-pig, cadme, Daniel, dilling (a very old word for darling, occurring in Cotgrave’s Dictionary and Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy), greck, little Josey, Nicholas, nisgal, pedman, ritling, runt, squab, treseltrype, wrenock. That handsome bird the hickwall, or green woodpecker, Gecinus viridis, figures under almost every letter of the alphabet; whilst the sparrow and the stickleback also rank high on the list. Among flowers, the ox-eye daisy and the foxglove have the largest number of different names. The foxglove is called: fairy fingers, fairy glove, fairy petticoats, fairy thimbles, witches’ thimbles, bloody man’s fingers, dead man’s bells, flop-a-dock, poppy-dock, pop-guns, &c., &c. One would fain find in Thormantle, or Thor’s-mantle, a trace of ancient mythology, but the most probable explanation of the term is that it is a corruption of tormentil from Potentilla Tormentilla, a flower which shares with the foxglove the name Thor’s-mantle.
Among animals with a wide range of names, the smallest pig in a litter stands out with over 120 different names, including: Anthony-pig, cadme, Daniel, dilling (an old term for darling, found in Cotgrave’s Dictionary and Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy), greck, little Josey, Nicholas, nisgal, pedman, ritling, runt, squab, treseltrype, and wrenock. That beautiful bird, the hickwall or green woodpecker, Gecinus viridis, appears under almost every letter of the alphabet, while the sparrow and the stickleback also have many names. Among flowers, the ox-eye daisy and the foxglove have the most names. The foxglove is known as: fairy fingers, fairy glove, fairy petticoats, fairy thimbles, witches’ thimbles, bloody man’s fingers, dead man’s bells, flop-a-dock, poppy-dock, pop-guns, &c., &c. One might hope to find in Thormantle, or Thor's-mantle, a link to ancient mythology, but the most likely explanation for the term is that it comes from a corruption of tormentil from Tormentil, a flower that shares the name Thor’s-mantle with the foxglove.
It would be an interesting experiment to try and trace out geographically the use of the various words denoting a stream of water: beck, burn, dike, sike, strype, water, &c., &c. The New English Dictionary tells us that beck is ‘the ordinary name in those parts of England from Lincolnshire to Cumberland which were occupied by the Danes and Norwegians’. Another authority, Mr. Oliver Heslop, says: ‘This term, which is found in Danish and Norwegian settlements in England, occurs about sixty-three times in the county of Durham. In Northumberland it is represented in the solitary case of the River Wansbeck, and in this it is questionable whether the second syllable is originally beck,’ and further: ‘The line dividing the more northern burn from the s.Dur. and Yks. beck is a sharp one. It runs along the ridge between Wear and Tees from Burnhope Seat eastwards to Paw Law Pike. The tributaries to the Wear, on the n. side of this ridge, are burns, and the similar affluents to the Tees, on its s. side, are becks.’ In Kettlethorpe[Pg 8] church, in Lincolnshire, is an epitaph on a former Rector of the parish, the Rev. John Becke, who died in 1597:
It would be an interesting experiment to try and map out the geographical usage of various words for a stream of water: beck, burn, dike, sike, strype, water, &c., &c. The New English Dictionary tells us that beck is ‘the common name in those areas of England from Lincolnshire to Cumberland that were settled by the Danes and Norwegians.’ Another expert, Mr. Oliver Heslop, mentions: ‘This term, which is found in Danish and Norwegian settlements in England, appears about sixty-three times in the county of Durham. In Northumberland, it's found only in the name of the River Wansbeck, and here it’s uncertain whether the second syllable is originally beck,’ and adds: ‘The line separating the more northern burn from the s.Dur. and Yks. beck is distinct. It runs along the ridge between the Wear and Tees from Burnhope Seat eastward to Paw Law Pike. The tributaries to the Wear, on the n. side of this ridge, are burns, and the similar streams flowing into the Tees, on its s. side, are becks.’ In Kettlethorpe[Pg 8] church, in Lincolnshire, there’s an epitaph for a former Rector of the parish, the Rev. John Becke, who died in 1597:
Beck is a Norse word, O.N. bekkr, a brook, occurring already in Middle English, as, for instance, in Hampole’s Psalter, c. 1330: ‘Do til thaim as till iabin in the bek of cyson,’ Ps. lxxxii. 8. Burn is an English word, O.E. burna, burne, a brook, and is found in Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Yks. Stf. Sike is also a native word, O.E. sīc, a watercourse, which comes down further south to Lei. and Nhp. Strype is a purely Scotch name. Jamieson thus defines it: ‘A strype is distinguished from a burn. The gradation seems to be: watter, a river; burn, a brook; burnie, a small brook; strype, a rill of the smallest kind.’ Though a water means a river in Scotland, in England it more usually denotes a smaller stream. The term is found in Dur. Yks. and Lan., and is common in Som. and Dev. An amusing incident once occurred at a Village Penny Reading entertainment where one of the songs on the programme was the well-known ballad poem, On the Banks of Allan Water. The pathetic notes of the last lines:
Beck is a Norse word, O.N. bekkr, meaning a brook, which appeared in Middle English, as seen in Hampole’s Psalter, c. 1330: ‘Do till the time as till Iabin in the back of season.,’ Ps. lxxxii. 8. Burn is an English word, O.E. burna, burne, also meaning a brook, and can be found in Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Yks. Stf. Sike is another native word, O.E. thus, referring to a watercourse, which extends further south to Lei. and Nhp. Strype is a name originating from Scotland. Jamieson defines it as: ‘A strype is distinguished from a burn. The hierarchy seems to be: watter, a river; burn, a brook; burnie, a small brook; strype, a rill of the smallest kind.’ Though a water means a river in Scotland, in England it more commonly refers to a smaller stream. The term appears in Dur. Yks. and Lan., and is common in Som. and Dev. A funny incident once happened at a Village Penny Reading event where one of the songs on the program was the well-known ballad poem, On the Banks of Allan Water. The emotional notes of the last lines:
had hardly died away when the audience burst into a roar of laughter. They had understood the climax to be some kind of practical joke played by the miller’s daughter: ‘There o’ corse [of course] lay she!’
had hardly died away when the audience erupted into laughter. They assumed the climax was some kind of practical joke by the miller’s daughter: ‘There o' course lay she!’
Attempts have been made to show the geographical distribution of the words for girl, or young woman. Ellis states it roughly thus: ‘mauther in Norfolk, maid in the South, wench in no bad sense in the Midlands, and lass generally in the North, girl,’ he adds, ‘is rather an educated word.’ The word mawther occurs in the Promptorium Parvulorum[Pg 9] (circa 1440), the compiler of which was a Norfolk man. Sir Thomas Browne (1605-82) mentions it as one of the words ‘of common use in Norfolk, or peculiar to the East Angle countries’. It occurs in Ben Jonson’s Alchymist, 1610; and Tusser, who was an Essex man, uses it two or three times in his Fiue Hundred Pointes of Good Husbandrie, 1580:
Attempts have been made to show the geographical spread of the words for girl or young woman. Ellis summarizes it like this: ‘mauther in Norfolk, maid in the South, wench in a non-derogatory way in the Midlands, and lass generally in the North. He adds, ‘girl is somewhat of an educated term.’ The word girl appears in the Promptorium Parvulorum[Pg 9] (around 1440), compiled by a man from Norfolk. Sir Thomas Browne (1605-82) refers to it as one of the words ‘commonly used in Norfolk or specific to the East Anglian regions.’ It shows up in Ben Jonson’s Alchemist, 1610; and Tusser, who was from Essex, uses it a couple of times in his Five Hundred Tips for Good Farming, 1580:
The word is used in Glo. Hrt. and Wil. besides East Anglia. At a trial once in Norfolk the Judge inquired who could give evidence of what had just been stated; the reply was: A mawther playing on a planchard [a girl playing on the floor]. The Judge, not being a native, was completely mystified. Maid is the equivalent used in Dor. Som. Dev. Cor. When a new baby arrives, the question as to its sex is always put thus: Is it a boy or a maid? A similar use is found in the Bible, cp. ‘If she bear a maid child,’ Leviticus xii. 5. In the sense of young woman, or girl, the word maid occurs frequently in the Authorized Version of the Bible, whereas the word girl only occurs twice; e.g. ‘The maid [Esther] was fair and beautiful,’ Esther ii. 7; ‘Can a maid forget her ornaments?’ Jeremiah ii. 32. The daughter of Jairus, aged twelve, is in St. Matthew ix. 24 ‘the maid’, though in St. Mark she is ‘the damsel’. Wyclif termed her ‘the wenche’, a term which occurs in the Authorized Version in 2 Samuel xvii. 17, ‘And a wench went and told them.’ In Yorkshire and Lancashire wench is a term of endearment; in Cheshire it is simply the feminine of lad; in Oxfordshire they summon cows with the cry: Come, wench, come, wench; in Gloucestershire the well-known rhyme runs:
The word is used in Glo. Hrt. and Wil. as well as in East Anglia. During a trial in Norfolk, the Judge asked who could provide evidence of what had just been said; the response was: A girl playing on a planchard [a girl playing on the floor]. The Judge, not being local, was completely confused. Maid is the term used in Dor. Som. Dev. Cor. When a new baby is born, the question about its sex is always asked like this: Is it a boy or a girl? A similar usage is found in the Bible, cp. ‘If she has a girl,’ Leviticus xii. 5. In the sense of young woman or girl, the word housekeeper appears frequently in the Authorized Version of the Bible, whereas the word girl only shows up twice; for example, ‘The girl [Esther] was pretty and attractive.,’ Esther ii. 7; ‘Can a girl forget her jewelry?’ Jeremiah ii. 32. The daughter of Jairus, aged twelve, is referred to in St. Matthew ix. 24 as ‘the girl,’ while in St. Mark, she is ‘the woman.’ Wyclif called her ‘the girl,’ a term which appears in the Authorized Version in 2 Samuel xvii. 17, ‘And a girl went and told them.’ In Yorkshire and Lancashire, wench is a term of endearment; in Cheshire, it’s simply the female equivalent of lad; in Oxfordshire, they call cows with the phrase: Come, wench, come, wench; in Gloucestershire, the well-known rhyme goes:
It is to Gloucestershire also that belongs the story of the local preacher who declaimed with terrific fervour: There[Pg 10] you go, you chaps and wenches, head over heels to hell, like zhip [sheep] drow a glat [a gap in a hedge]. The North-country lass may be of any age, though commonly she is a young girl. The word is often used as a term of address, e.g.
It’s in Gloucestershire that we find the tale of the local preacher who passionately shouted: There[Pg 10] you go, you guys and girls, heading straight to hell like sheep jumping through a gap in a hedge. The Northern girl can be of any age, though she’s usually a young woman. The term is often used as a way to address someone, e.g.
One of the most comprehensive terms of familiar address is the East Anglian bor, applied to persons of either sex and of all ages, e.g. Hullo, bor! where be you a’goin? The plural is together, e.g. Well, together, how are ye all? Bor is an old native word, O.E. būr, which we have in the literary language as the second element in neighbour. How convenient it would be if we could adopt bor into the upper circles of the spoken language, for use at those awkward moments when, after a lapse of years, we unexpectedly find ourselves face to face with an old acquaintance, whose name has slipped from our memories. How openly cordial we could be, and at the same time so comfortably ambiguous: And is it really you, bor? How glad I am to see you again! But if we were to attempt to lay a plundering hand on the dialects with intent to enrich our standard speech by handy and convenient dialect words, we should be embarrassed by the wealth before us. What literary word, for instance, conveys the full meaning of the common dialect term feckless (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. War.), the lineal descendant of Shakespeare’s effectless? It means: incapable, incompetent, without resource, shiftless, helpless, and a great deal more besides, all in a handy nutshell. There are scores of adjectives, the forceful individuality of which we instinctively feel, and yet find very hard to convey in the terms of a verbal definition. We are driven to string together inadequate synonyms, or pile up pedantic phrases. A feckless body we define as: a person incapable of any effective effort; waughy (n.Cy.), we say, is used in illness, nearly always during convalescence, to express the feebleness, shakiness, and light-headedness after confinement to bed.[Pg 11] It also means weak in body, especially when accompanied by a tendency to faint, e.g. I felt that waffy, I should hev siled doon upo’ th’floor, if missis hedn’t gen me sum brandy. Chuff (n.Cy. n.Midl. Midl.) is proud, pleased, denoting a combination of fussiness and serene self-satisfaction. We certainly have here much meaning in little room, as Dr. Johnson found in the word shrew, which he defines as: ‘A peevish, malignant, clamorous, spiteful, vexatious, turbulent woman.’
One of the most inclusive terms of casual address is the East Anglian bor, used for people of any gender and age, e.g. Hey, bor! Where are you off to? The plural is together, e.g. So, together, how’s everyone doing? Bor is an old native word, O.E. burb, which we recognize in literary language as the second part of neighbour. How useful it would be if we could incorporate bor into more formal conversations, especially in those awkward moments when, after a long time, we unexpectedly run into an old friend whose name has slipped our minds. How warmly welcoming we could be, and yet so comfortably vague: Is that really you, bor? I’m so happy to see you again! But if we tried to borrow from dialects to enhance our standard speech with practical and convenient words, we’d be overwhelmed by the options. What literary term, for example, captures the full meaning of the common dialect word feckless (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. War.), which is a direct descendant of Shakespeare’s ineffective? It means: unable, incompetent, lacking resources, aimless, helpless, and a lot more in one convenient word. There are countless adjectives whose unique meaning we feel intuitively, yet struggle to express with simple definitions. We often find ourselves stringing together inadequate synonyms or piling up complicated phrases. A feckless body we would define as: a person who can’t make any meaningful effort; waughy (n.Cy.) is used during sickness, usually while recovering, to describe the weakness, shakiness, and lightheadedness after being bedridden.[Pg 11] It also means physically weak, especially when feeling faint, e.g. I felt so waffy, I was about to collapse on the floor if the missus hadn’t given me some brandy. Chuff (n.Cy. n.Midl. Midl.) means proud, pleased, expressing a mix of fussiness and calm self-satisfaction. We certainly find a lot of meaning in a small space, as Dr. Johnson did with the word shrew, which he defines as: ‘A peevish, malignant, clamorous, spiteful, vexatious, turbulent woman.’
A few words such as canny, dour, pawky, have gained a recognized position in the standard speech, through having been introduced by educated Scotchmen. Some of the meanings of canny are expressed in the adjective gradely, a word generally quoted as characteristic of the Lancashire dialect, in the phrase a gradely lass. It belongs, however, also to Cum. Wm. Yks. Chs. Stf. Der. Shr. In origin it is a form of graithly, a Scandinavian word, O.N. greiðligr, ready, prompt, and it can mean: (1) respectable, honest, (2) handsome, comely, (3) friendly, kind, (4) clever, (5) having full possession of one’s senses, (6) genuine, good, (7) considerable, big. A similarly compact word in general dialect use throughout Scotland and England is jannock, or jonnock; like gradely, also of Scandinavian origin, cp. Norw. dial. jamn, even, level, of which jannock is apparently a derivative form. The commonest meaning is fair, honest, straight-forward: Yü may trist she. I tellee ’er’s jonnick tü tha back-bone (Dev.). Another attractive adjective in general dialect use is peart, a delightful word, which positively sounds: brisk, lively, spirited, cheerful, in good health, sharp, and intelligent. It has nothing to do with pert either in form or meaning. It is used specially of persons just recovered from an illness, e.g. Pretty peart again now—but it may also be used of animals and plants. We may remark: Them onions look peart, in contemplating the onion-bed. A common proverbial saying in Cheshire is: Poor and peart like the parson’s pig, whereby hangs a tale. The proverb is traced back to the days when the parson had to take some[Pg 12] at least of his tithe in kind, when the pig reserved for him was wont to be a small and thin one, and consequently specially brisk and active compared with the pigs that went to market. More obvious similes are: as peart as a lop [flea]; as peart as a pyet [magpie]; as peart as a cock-robin; and with a figurative touch: as peart as a spoon. Closely connected with the literary uncouth, is the widespread dialect adjective unkid. It looks at first sight like the poor relation from the country, clad in rough rustic garb, but as a matter of fact it is historically a perfectly correct form, cp. M.E. unkid, not made known, -kid = O.E. cȳðed, p.p. of cȳðan, to make known. Indeed our uncouth is less regularly developed in pronunciation. Unkid may be found in all the dialects in England and Ireland, meaning: (1) strange, unusual; (2) untidy, e.g. The missis took a dill a paayns uv our Becca, but ’er couldna larn ’er to be tidy. ’Er sims reg’lar unkid, ’er do (Wor.); (3) uncanny, horrid; (4) lonely, depressed; (5) cross, sulky; (6) stormy; (7) of the weather: close, sultry. Some of the terms for describing persons of sullen, ill-tempered, or peevish dispositions are worth quoting: e.g. cappernishious, crumpsy, frabby, glumpy—If he’s glumpy, let him glump—muggaty, perjinkety, snippety. To address a cantankerous person engaged in a quarrelsome discussion as ‘You nasty brabagious creature’ must give the speaker a pleasant sense of having said the right thing at the right moment.
A few words like canny, dour, and pawky have become accepted in everyday language, thanks to educated Scots introducing them. Some meanings of canny are expressed in the adjective gradely, a term often cited as typical of the Lancashire dialect, seen in the phrase a gradely lass. It also belongs to Cum. Wm. Yks. Chs. Stf. Der. Shr.. Originating from the word graithly, which is Scandinavian, O.N. greiðligr, meaning ready or prompt, it can mean: (1) respectable, honest, (2) handsome, (3) friendly, kind, (4) clever, (5) sane, (6) genuine, good, (7) considerable, large. Another similar word used widely across Scotland and England is jannock, or jonnock; like gradely, it also has Scandinavian roots, cp. Norw. dial. jammin', meaning even or level. Its most common meaning is fair, honest, straightforward: You can trust her. I tell you she’s jonnick to the backbone (Dev.). Another appealing adjective in common dialect use is peart, a delightful word that conveys briskness, liveliness, spirit, cheerfulness, good health, sharpness, and intelligence. It has nothing to do with pert in either form or meaning. It’s often used for people recovering from illness, e.g. Pretty peart again now—but it can also refer to animals and plants. We might say: Them onions look peart, looking at the onion bed. A common saying in Cheshire is: Poor and peart like the parson’s pig, which has a backstory. This saying dates back to when the parson had to take at least part of his tithe in kind, and the pig set aside for him was usually small and thin, making it especially lively compared to those going to market. More familiar comparisons include: as peart as a lop [flea]; as peart as a pyet [magpie]; as peart as a cock-robin; and, with a figurative flair: as peart as a spoon. Closely related to the word uncouth is the widespread dialect adjective unkid. At first glance, it may seem like the poor rural cousin in rough attire, but historically, it’s an entirely valid form, cp. M.E. unkid, meaning not made known, with -kid = O.E. cited, the past participle of cȳðan, to make known. Indeed, our uncouth has less consistent pronunciation development. Unkid is found in all dialects in England and Ireland, meaning: (1) strange, unusual; (2) messy, e.g. The missus fussed about our Becca, but she couldn’t teach her to be tidy. She seems regularly unkid, she does (Wor.); (3) creepy, horrible; (4) lonely, down; (5) grumpy, sulky; (6) stormy; (7) as in the weather: close, muggy. Some terms for describing people with sullen, irritable, or cranky personalities are worth noting: cappernishious, crumpsy, frabby, glumpy—If he’s glumpy, let him glump—muggaty, perjinkety, snippety. Addressing a cantankerous person caught in an argument as ‘You nasty brabagious creature’ surely gives the speaker a pleasant sense of having said the right thing at the right time.
Other very expressive adjectives are: dowly (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), lonely, melancholy; of places: retired, lonesome, e.g. A desput dowly, deeathly spot t’won [live] in, an old word found in Middle English, cp. ‘He fell to þe ground All dowly, for dole, in a dede swone,’ Destruction of Troy, c. 1400; gaumless (Yks. Nhb. Wm. Lan.), stupid, senseless, vacant, ignorant, without judgment, e.g. Well, if I ever did see annyb’dy so gaumless! Seems as if yo’d noo notion o’ nowt, cp. O.N. gaumr, heed, attention; perky, sharp, saucy, impudent, e.g. Sabina’s Bill is perkier then ony uther lad as I iver clapt eyes on; I sent him wo’d he wasn’t[Pg 13] to mislest that theäre maggit nest e’ my plantin’, an’ I gets wo’d back fra him as he’d consither it, bud if I’d send him sixpence he was sewer he wodn’t; skiddley (Som.), small, diminutive, used generally with little, to intensify or to add contempt, e.g. Her ax me nif I’d like vor to take ort; an’ I zaid, thanky mum, s’I; an’ then if her didn bring me out a little skiddley bit o’ bird’n cheese, ’bout ’nough to put in a rabin’s eye; ugsome (Sc. n.Cy.), frightful, horrible, a derivative of O.N. ugga, to fear, e.g. a ghastly wound is: an ugsome sair, and a savage bull may be said to have ‘leuk’t at us varry ugsomely’; wairsh (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Midl. Dev.), tasteless, insipid, cp. ‘A kiss and a drink of water is but a wersh disjune,’ Ramsay, Proverbs, 1737, and ‘werysshe as meate that is nat well tastye, mal savouré’, Palsgrave, Lesclarcissement de la langue francoyse, 1530; wambly (Sc. Lan. Wil. Dev. Cor.), insecure, unsteady.
Other very expressive adjectives are: dowly (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), lonely, melancholy; for places: retired, lonesome, e.g. A desperate dowly, deathly spot to live in, an old word found in Middle English, cp. ‘He fell to the ground all sad and lifeless, in a dead faint.,’ Destruction of Troy, c. 1400; gaumless (Yks. Nhb. Wm. Lan.), stupid, senseless, vacant, ignorant, without judgment, e.g. Well, if I ever saw anybody so gaumless! Seems like you’ve no idea about anything, cp. O.N. gaumr, heed, attention; perky, sharp, saucy, impudent, e.g. Sabina’s Bill is perkier than any other lad I ever laid eyes on; I sent him word he wasn’t to mislead me about that maggot nest in my planting, and I get word back from him that he would consider it, but if I sent him sixpence, he was sure he wouldn’t; skiddley (Som.), small, diminutive, usually used with little, to intensify or to show contempt, e.g. She asked me if I’d like to take anything; I said, thank you, ma'am; and then if she didn’t bring me out a little skiddley bit of bread and cheese, enough to fit in a robin’s eye; ugsome (Sc. n.Cy.), frightful, horrible, derived from O.N. ugga, to fear, e.g. a ghastly wound is: an ugsome sore, and a savage bull may be said to have ‘looked at us very ugsomely’; wairsh (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Midl. Dev.), tasteless, insipid, cp. ‘A kiss and a drink of water is but a wersh disjune,’ Ramsay, Proverbs, 1737, and ‘Bland like food that doesn’t taste good., badly tasted’, Palsgrave, Clarification of the French language, 1530; wambly (Sc. Lan. Wil. Dev. Cor.), insecure, unsteady.
Some forceful adjectives have resulted from the simple addition of an ordinary suffix to an ordinary standard English word, e.g. dateless (Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin.), stupified, foolish, disordered in mind, having the faculties failing through age, insensible, as from a blow, literally, without a date, unconscious of time; deedy (Sc. Yks. Midl. Hmp. Sus. Wil. Dor.), full of activity, industrious, painstaking, earnest, e.g. a deedy body, a practical person, an industrious worker. It was once a literary word, cp. ‘In a messenger sent is required ... that he be speedy, that he be heedy, and, as we say, that he be deedy,’ Adams, Lycanthropy, 1615; eyeable (Chs. n.Midl. Midl. Cor.), pleasing to the eye, sightly, as the man who was selling ready-made clothes in the market said of his stock-in-trade: There’s a many things that’s eyeable, but isn’t tryable, or buyable, but theäse things is eyeable, an’ tryable, an’ buyable an’ all; hurryful (Shr.), quick, hasty, hurried, e.g. It inna the ’urriful sort o’ folk as bringen the most to pass, for they runnen about athout thar yed ŏŏth ’em; easyful (w.Yks. Shr.), knowful (Yks.), yonderly (Lakel. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), are good, homely substitutes for indolent, well-informed, absent-[Pg 14]minded, literary adjectives, which by comparison with the dialect ones sound prosaic and harsh. Indeed, yonderly in particular, when applied to persons, is an untranslatable epithet, and yet one which exactly describes certain types of mind. It can also convey a sense of the pathetic, e.g.
Some strong adjectives have come from just adding a regular suffix to a regular English word, like dateless (Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin.), meaning confused, foolish, mentally disordered, having mental faculties failing due to age, or being unconscious of time; deedy (Sc. Yks. Midl. Hmp. Sus. Wil. Dor.), meaning full of energy, hardworking, diligent, for example, a deedy body refers to a practical person or industrious worker. It was once a literary term, cp. ‘In sending a messenger, it is essential that he is quick, smart, and, as we say, reliable.,’ Adams, Lycanthropy, 1615; eyeable (Chs. n.Midl. Midl. Cor.), meaning pleasing to the eye, attractive, as the man selling ready-made clothes at the market said of his products: There are many things that are eyeable, but aren’t tryable or buyable, but these things are eyeable, and tryable, and buyable and all; hurryful (Shr.), quick, hasty, rushed, for instance, It isn't the hurried sort of people who get the most done, as they run around without thinking; easyful (w.Yks. Shr.), knowful (Yks.), yonderly (Lakel. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), are good, simple substitutes for lazy, well-informed, absent-minded, literary adjectives, which sound dull and harsh compared to the dialect ones. Indeed, yonderly in particular, when applied to people, is an untranslatable term that perfectly describes certain types of minds. It can also express a sense of sadness, for example.
Yonderish (Yks. Lan.), on the other hand, is not a friendly and gentle term, it can be even abusive, when used in speaking to persons who think themselves superior to other people, e.g. Theaw needsno’ be so yonderish, theaw’rt nowt ’at’s owt [thou art nothing that is anything]. Very expressive too are some of the participial adjectives, such as: gaustering (Chs. War. Yks. Lan. Lei. Lin.), blustering, bumptious, e.g. Sike a braungin’, gausterin’ taistrill [such a swaggering, bumptious, good-for-nothing rascal]; snazzling (Yks. of the wind or weather), cold, biting, bleak; to lead a threppoing, pungowing life (Chs.) means the sort of life where it is hard to make both ends meet, when one is puzzled how to get on, a hand to mouth sort of existence; all cottered into snocksnarls signifies in an entangled heap; a oondermoinded nassty trick is a nicely explicit phrase; so is the sentence: I was so cumpuffled I didn’t know what I was about; throssan-, or thrussen-up (Lakel. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.)—literally, thrust-up—means conceited, forward. A Yorkshire woman, when on a visit to her son in the South, was asked by a lady in rather a patronizing manner, what she thought of South-country ladies. She replied: Wah, to tel ye t’onist triuth, the’r nowt bud stuk-up thrussen-up things wi’ nowt mich abaht ’em, the’r all ahtside.
Yonderish (Yks. Lan.), on the other hand, isn’t a friendly and gentle term; it can even be insulting when directed at people who consider themselves better than others. For example, “You don’t need to be so yonderish; you’re nothing of importance.” Some participial adjectives are also very expressive, like: gaustering (Chs. War. Yks. Lan. Lei. Lin.), blustering, bumptious; as in “Such a swaggering, bumptious, good-for-nothing rascal.” Snazzling (Yks. for the wind or weather) means cold, biting, bleak; leading a threppoing, pungowing life (Chs.) refers to a life where it’s hard to make ends meet, when someone is puzzled about how to get by—essentially a hand-to-mouth existence. All cottered into snocksnarls means in an entangled heap; an oondermoinded nasty trick is a clear expression. So is this sentence: “I was so cumpuffled I didn’t know what I was doing.” Throssan- or thrussen-up (Lakel. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.)—literally meaning thrust-up—refers to someone conceited or forward. A Yorkshire woman, when visiting her son in the South, was asked by a lady in a rather patronizing way what she thought of South-country ladies. She replied, “Well, to tell you the honest truth, there’s nothing but stuck-up, forward things with not much about them; they’re all show.”
It is not easy to make a typical selection of what may be called expressive words, partly because the choice is so very wide, and partly because one is apt to exaggerate the merits of words which appeal to one personally, and so one is not an impartial judge. There are certain quaint dialect words which bring back to one’s mind the days of one’s childhood, the old family nurse, or the gardener who reigned supreme[Pg 15] in the garden of long ago, and so for old sake’s sake these words express more than meets the ear of a stranger. Here, however, is a sample of verbs of various kinds: brevit (gen. use in Midl. counties), to search, ransack, &c., as in the following account of a visit to the dentist: Soo the doctor, a lukes at my tooth a bit, an’ begins a-brevetin’ abaout among his bench o’ tules, an’ a says, tell ye what Joo, a says, yo’ mut grin an’ aboide this turn. Soo ah says, ah cain’t grin if ye doon’t lave me noo tooshes, ah says. Soo a says, Ah, but yo’ can Joo, a says, yo’ can grin o’ the wrong soide; cabobble (e.An. Cor.), to mystify, puzzle, confuse, e.g. You wholly cabobble me; chunner (Sc. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. War. Shr.), to grumble, mutter, murmur. A clergyman, asking an infirm old woman how she was, received as an answer: I goes on chunner, chunner, chunner. Whereupon he proceeded to give her a homily showing how wrong it was to be discontented, when he was stopped by the old woman: Bless you, Parson, it’s not me that chunners, it’s my innards! Fratch (n.counties), to quarrel, dispute, as for example, when a loud noise of wrangling voices is heard, some one may suggest that it is two women fratching, or forty men fighting; glox (Hmp. Wil.), of liquids: to roll about, make a gurgling sound when shaken inside a vessel; goggaz (Chs.), to stare, e.g. What a’t tha goggazin’ at naï? Tha’s noo moor manners abaït thee till if tha’d bin born in a wood; guggle (various dialects), to gurgle, make a bubbling sound, which looks at first sight like a made-up word, but which was known to Cotgrave, and to Dr. Johnson, who has: ‘To Guggle. v.n. [gorgoliare, Italian] To sound as water running with intermissions out of a narrow mouthed vessel’; gnatter, natter (Sc. and n.counties), to grumble, complain, fret, e.g. Natterin’ Nan, which is the title of the most famous of Ben Preston’s dialect poems:
It’s not easy to pick out a typical selection of what might be called expressive words, mainly because the options are so vast, and partly because people often overvalue words that resonate with them personally, making it hard to be an unbiased judge. There are certain charming dialect words that remind one of childhood days, the old family nurse, or the gardener who once ruled the garden of the past, and for nostalgia's sake, these words convey more than what a stranger would recognize. Here’s a sample of verbs of different kinds: brevit (gen. use in Midl. counties), meaning to search, ransack, &c., as illustrated in this account of a visit to the dentist: "So the doctor takes a look at my tooth and starts brevitin’ around on his bench of tools, and says, ‘Let me tell you, you should grin and avoid this turn.’ So I say, ‘I can’t grin if you don’t leave me no teeth.’ He replies, ‘Ah, but you can, you can grin on the wrong side.’ cabobble (e.An. Cor.), which means to mystify, puzzle, confuse, e.g. "You totally cabobble me;" chunner (Sc. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. War. Shr.), meaning to grumble, mutter, murmur. A clergyman once asked an elderly lady how she was doing and got the reply: "I go on chunner, chunner, chunner." This prompted him to start a sermon on how wrong it is to be discontented, but he was interrupted by the old woman: "Bless you, Parson, it’s not me that’s chunnering, it’s my insides!" Fratch (n.counties), meaning to quarrel, dispute; for example, if there’s a loud noise of arguing voices, someone might suggest it's two women fratching or forty men fighting; glox (Hmp. Wil.), referring to liquids: to roll around, make a gurgling sound when shaken inside a container; goggaz (Chs.), meaning to stare, e.g. "What are you goggazin’ at me for? You’ve got no more manners about you than if you were born in a woods;" guggle (various dialects), meaning to gurgle, make a bubbling sound, which might seem like a made-up word, but it was recognized by Cotgrave and Dr. Johnson, who noted: ‘To Guggle. v.n. [gorgoliare, Italian] To sound like water running intermittently out of a narrow-mouthed container’; gnatter, natter (Sc. and n.counties), meaning to grumble, complain, fret, e.g. Natterin’ Nan, which is the title of the most famous of Ben Preston’s dialect poems:
Cp. E. Fris. gnattern, murren, verdriesslich sein; knacker (Glo.), of the teeth: to chatter. A local preacher—such as is termed in Yorkshire ‘a local Dick’—was once preaching a sermon on the Last Day, in which he foretold the end of the sinners present in chapel: Every limb of your bodies will shake like the leaves of an aspen tree, and your teeth will knacker in your heads like frost-bitten mariners. Maffle, moffle (Chs. Nhp.), to spend recklessly, squander, waste in trifles. In the accounts of a certain parish, where all the money could not be accounted for, appeared this item: ‘To moffled away £40.’ Maunder (gen. dial.), to talk idly and incoherently, to mumble; mopple (Yks.), to confuse, puzzle. At a cottage prayer-meeting a Minister was, as it is called, ‘engaged’ in prayer, when he became annoyed by one of those present, who continually broke in with ejaculations such as: Glory! Amen! Yus! &c. Suddenly the Minister stopped, tapped the disturber on the shoulder and said: Drop it, mun, tha mopples me. Moither (gen. dial.), to confuse, perplex, bewilder, e.g. A wur that moithered, a didn’ knoo wheer a was to a wik [week]. Mary Lamb’s grandmother used to say to her: ‘Polly, what are those poor crazy moythered brains of yours thinking of always?’ C. Lamb’s letter to Coleridge, Oct. 17, 1796. Nivel (Glo. Oxf.), to sneer, turn up the nose in disdain. A small boy in a Sunday School class, reading about David and Goliath, was asked what was meant by ‘disdained’ in ‘when the Philistine looked about, and saw David, he disdained him’. Ans. He nivelled at un. Cp. Fr. Norm. dial. nifler, flairer avec bruit, en parlant d’un chien. Scrawk (Yks. Not. Lin. Nhp.), to scratch, mark, e.g. M’m, me scrawk th’ paaintins [painted woodwork of a room] M’m! I know my wark better; scrouge (var. dial.), to squeeze, press, crowd, e.g. Now dwoan’t ’ee come a scrougin’ on I zo; scrunge (n.Cy. Nhb. Stf. Glo. Oxf. Hmp. I.W. Wil.), with the same meanings as scrouge, e.g. We were that scrunged, we couldn’t move; thrutch (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), to crowd, squeeze, huddle together, O.E. þryccan, to press, push. A proverbial saying applied to any one who[Pg 17] has a great deal to say about the conduct or characters of other people and is not above suspicion himself, runs: Where there’s leeost reawm, there’s moast thrutchin’. But the classical illustration of the use of this word comes in the story of Noah and the ancestor of the Lancashire folk. This gentleman was swimming about in the Flood, and meeting the Ark, he called out to Noah to take him aboard, which the latter declined to do, on the grounds of lack of space, adding by way of apology: We’re thrutched up wi’ elephants. Trapes (gen. dial.), to trudge, go on foot, walk heavily or wearily, &c. An old woman on her death-bed was asked to take a message to a previously deceased person, when she retorted sharply: Di ya think ah sall he’ nowt ti deeah i’ heaven bud gan trapsin’ aboot, latin’ [searching] for hor? Yammer (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Lin. War.), to lament, cry aloud fretfully, O.E. gēomrian, to mourn, complain.
Cp. E. Fris. gnattern, grumble, be grumpy; knacker (Glo.), of the teeth: to chatter. A local preacher—known in Yorkshire as ‘a local Dick’—was once giving a sermon on the Last Day, where he predicted the fate of the sinners in the chapel: Every limb of your bodies will shake like the leaves of an aspen tree, and your teeth will chatter in your heads like frostbitten sailors. Maffle, moffle (Chs. Nhp.), to spend recklessly, squander, waste on trivial things. In the accounts of a certain parish, where the money was unaccounted for, there was this entry: ‘To moffled away £40.’ Maunder (gen. dial.), to talk idly and incoherently, to mumble; mopple (Yks.), to confuse, puzzle. At a cottage prayer meeting, a minister was, as it is called, ‘engaged’ in prayer when he got annoyed by someone present who kept interrupting with exclamations like: Glory! Amen! Yes! &c. Suddenly the minister stopped, tapped the interrupter on the shoulder, and said: Knock it off, mate, you’re making me confused. Moither (gen. dial.), to confuse, perplex, bewilder, e.g. A word that confused me, I didn’t know where I was for a week. Mary Lamb’s grandmother used to say to her: ‘Polly, what are those poor crazy confused brains of yours always thinking about?’ C. Lamb’s letter to Coleridge, Oct. 17, 1796. Nivel (Glo. Oxf.), to sneer, turn up the nose in disdain. A small boy in a Sunday School class, reading about David and Goliath, was asked what ‘disdained’ meant in ‘when the Philistine looked around and saw David, he disdained him’. Ans. He sneered at him. Cp. Fr. Norm. dial.
A good descriptive word, which might well be adopted into the standard speech, is fantigue (gen. dial.). To be in a fine fantigue is to be in a state of fussy excitement, or a fit of ill temper, usually without sufficient cause. Similarly, to be all in a confloption (e.An. Cor.) well conveys the idea of flurry, confusion; to be all in a scrow (n.Cy.) is specially used of that annually recurrent state of domestic disorder known as spring-cleaning; to be all of a goggle (Glo. Hmp. I.W. Wil.) is to be trembling and shaking all over; to be all of a jother (Yks.) is a parallel phrase. A stout old woman describing her first experience of a railway journey, said: Ah’ll niver gan in yan o’ thae nasty vans nae mair. Ah trimmel’d and dither’d while [until] ah wur all iv a jother. All of a quob (Wil. Cor.) means in a heap. A Cornish woman describing the way railway porters take luggage out of a train said: They pitch it down all of a quob. A preacher in a Lincolnshire chapel gave out as his text, ‘Behold, the bridegroom cometh.’ Just then a newly married couple walked in, and the strangeness of the coincidence so upset the orator, that he exclaimed: Mi brethren, I’m clean[Pg 18] blutterbunged. To be in a wassle (Glo.) is to find oneself in a muddle, or fix, as the preacher said when he got lost in his discourse: My friends, you must excuse me, and sing a hymn, for I am in a regular wassle. To be gone all to skubmaw is to be in a state of wreckage, broken in pieces. A Cornish minister is reported to have prayed: Lord! send down Thy mighty armour from above, and scat all our stony hearts to skoobmah.
A good descriptive word that could be used in everyday speech is fantigue (gen. dial.). To be in a fine fantigue means to be in a state of restless excitement or a bad mood, usually without a good reason. Similarly, to be all in a confloption (e.An. Cor.) perfectly describes a sense of flurry and confusion; to be all in a scrow (n.Cy.) specifically refers to that annual chaotic state known as spring cleaning; to be all of a goggle (Glo. Hmp. I.W. Wil.) means to be shaking and trembling all over; to be all of a jother (Yks.) is a similar phrase. A plump old woman describing her first experience on a train said: I’ll never ride in one of those nasty cars again. I trembled and shook until I was all of a jother. All of a quob (Wil. Cor.) means in a heap. A Cornish woman describing how railway porters handle luggage said: They just throw it down all of a quob. A preacher in a Lincolnshire chapel began his sermon with, ‘Behold, the bridegroom cometh.’ Just then, a newly married couple walked in, and the odd coincidence so rattled him that he exclaimed: My brethren, I’m completely [Pg 18] blutterbunged. To be in a wassle (Glo.) means to find oneself in a mess or predicament, like when the preacher got lost in his talk and said: My friends, you must excuse me and sing a hymn, for I am in a real wassle. To be gone all to skubmaw means to be in a state of ruin, shattered into pieces. A Cornish minister is said to have prayed: Lord! send down Your mighty armor from above, and scatter all our stony hearts to skoobmah.
Then there are numerous appropriate-sounding terms such as: fiz-gig (Yks. Der. Not. Lin. Nhp. War. I.W.), a disrespectful term for a girl or woman fond of gadding about, cp. ‘Trotière, a raump, fisgig, fisking huswife,’ Cotgr.; pelrollock (Shr.), an ill-dressed, worn-out looking woman; scallibrat (Yks.), a passionate, noisy child, a young vixen; sledderkin (Cum.), a sauntering, slovenly person; snapperdol (Lan.), a gaily dressed woman. A simple onomatopoeic word for palpitation of the heart is glopping (Lei.); such too is pash (n.counties), for a downpour of rain, e.g. Hout, tout! What’s the gude of praying for moderate rain and shooers? What we want is a gude even-doon pash! But the name of this type of word is legion, and to illustrate it at all adequately would require the scope of a dictionary.
Then there are a bunch of interesting-sounding terms like: fiz-gig (Yks. Der. Not. Lin. Nhp. War. I.W.), a derogatory term for a girl or woman who likes to go out a lot, cp. ‘Trottinette, a room, busy, fishing housewife,’ Cotgr.; pelrollock (Shr.), a poorly dressed, shabby-looking woman; scallibrat (Yks.), a loud, spirited child, a young troublemaker; sledderkin (Cum.), a lazy, careless person; snapperdol (Lan.), a flamboyantly dressed woman. A straightforward onomatopoeic word for a racing heartbeat is glopping (Lei.); so is pash (n.counties), for a heavy downpour of rain, e.g. Hout, tout! What’s the point of asking for light rain and showers? What we really want is a good steady downpour! But the number of these types of words is vast, and adequately illustrating them would require the length of a dictionary.
In the days of King Alfred, and of Ælfric, the Abbot of Eynsham, literary English possessed numbers of good, home-grown, compound words, which have since been lost, and replaced by some more learned or diffuse substitute. People said then: book-craft for literature; star-craft for astronomy; father-slayer for parricide; deed-beginner for perpetrator of crime; together-speech for colloquy; old-speech for tradition; well-willing for benevolent, O.E. bōc-cræft, tungol-cræft, fæder-slaga, dǣd-fruma, samod-sprǣc, eald-sprǣc, welt-willende. Sometimes again we have replaced the old compound by a more concise but less picturesque synonym. For lore-house we say school; for dim-house, prison; for again-coming, return, O.E. lār-hūs, dim-hūs, eft-cyme. In the spoken dialects we have the natural development of a living tongue, practically untouched by what are[Pg 19] called the learned influences; hence, where in the literary language we should use a word of Latin origin, we frequently find a homespun compound used by dialect-speakers. We shall see in a later chapter to what a large extent these compounds are figurative and metaphorical; the few here quoted belong only to the simplest type: beet-need (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.), a person or thing that helps in an emergency, cp. O.E. bētan, to improve; cap-river, a termagant; cover-slut (Lei. Nhp. War. Shr.), a long apron used to hide an untidy dress; has-been (Sc. n.Cy. Lakel. Yks. Chs. Lin. War. Shr.), a person, animal, or thing, formerly serviceable but now past its prime, as the old Lincolnshire man said: It stan’s to reason at yung college-gentlemen like you knaws a vast sight moore then a worn-oot hes-been like me, bud you weänt better God Almighty an’ ten commandments e’ my time, an’ soä I’ll just stick to ’em while I’m happ’d up [till I am buried]; he-said, or he-say (Wm. w.Yks.), a rumour; never-sweat (Yks. Rdn. Oxf.), an idle lazy fellow; rip-stitch (Lakel. Yks. Lan.), a romping boisterous child, e.g. What a rip-stitch that lad is! If aw send him out i’ th’mornin’ wi’ his things o’ reet an’ tidy, he’ll come back at neet like a scarecrow; rogues-agreed (Som.), confederates, e.g. They purtend avore the justices how they ’adn never a-zeed wan t’other avore, but lor! anybody could zee they was rogues-agreed; good-doing (e.An.), charitable; penny-tight (Lin.), short of money; uptake (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Cum.), intelligence, comprehension, generally in the phrase in or at the uptake, e.g. He’s gleg i’ the uptak [quick in understanding].
In the days of King Alfred and Ælfric, the Abbot of Eynsham, literary English had many good, native compound words that have since been lost and replaced by more academic or wordy alternatives. Back then, people used terms like book-craft for literature, star-craft for astronomy, father-slayer for parricide, deed-beginner for perpetrator of crime, together-speech for colloquy, old-speech for tradition, well-willing for benevolent, O.E. bookcraft, tungsten craft, father-slayer, deed-initiator, samod-sprǣc, old speech, welt-willing. Sometimes we replaced the old compound with a more concise but less colorful synonym. Instead of lore-house, we say school; instead of dim-house, prison; instead of again-coming, return, O.E. lair house, dim house, left came. In spoken dialects, we see the natural evolution of a living language, largely unaffected by what are called the learned influences; thus, when literary language would call for a word of Latin origin, we frequently find a homegrown compound in use among dialect speakers. We will explore in a later chapter how figurative and metaphorical these compounds can be; the few listed here are only the simplest type: beet-need (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.), a person or thing that helps in an emergency, cp. O.E. bite, to improve; cap-river, a termagant; cover-slut (Lei. Nhp. War. Shr.), a long apron used to cover an untidy dress; has-been (Sc. n.Cy. Lakel. Yks. Chs. Lin. War. Shr.), a person, animal, or thing that was once useful but is now past its prime. As an old man from Lincolnshire said: It makes sense that young college guys like you know a lot more than a worn-out has-been like me, but you didn't know better God's Almighty and ten commandments in my time, and so I'll just stick to them while I'm still here [until I am buried]; he-said or he-say (Wm. w.Yks.), a rumor; never-sweat (Yks. Rdn. Oxf.), a lazy person; rip-stitch (Lakel. Yks. Lan.), a boisterous child, e.g. What a rip-stitch that kid is! If I send him out in the morning with his things neat and tidy, he'll come back at night looking like a scarecrow; rogues-agreed (Som.), confederates, e.g. They pretend before the justices that they hadn't seen each other before, but of course, anyone could see they were rogues-agreed; good-doing (e.An.), charitable; penny-tight (Lin.), short on money; uptake (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Cum.), intelligence, understanding, usually in the phrase in or at the uptake, e.g. He’s quick at the uptake [quick in understanding].
Fine shades of meaning are often expressed in the dialects by some slight variation in pronunciation which to our ears might sound purely arbitrary or accidental, and also by the distinctive use of one or other of two words which from a dictionary point of view are synonymous. For example, drodge and drudge both mean a person who works hard, but the difference is this: a drudge is always kept working by a superior, a drodge is always working because she cannot get forward with her work; the word drodge implies blame, and[Pg 20] drudge none. Geeble (g soft), gibble (g soft), jabble (Bnff.), signify a quantity of liquid. The word geeble contains the notion of contempt and dissatisfaction. When there is a small quantity and greater contempt and dissatisfaction indicated, gibble is used, and when a larger quantity, jabble is used. Muxy and puxy (Som.) mean miry, but a muxy lane would be merely a muddy lane, whereas a puxy lane would be at least ankle-deep in mud; steal and slance (Lan. Chs.) mean thieve. A boy may take a piece of pie from his mother’s larder, and he will have slanst it, but if he did the same thing from his neighbour’s place he would have stolen it. Words like this would never be confused by people accustomed to use them in everyday life.
Fine shades of meaning are often expressed in dialects through slight variations in pronunciation that might sound arbitrary or accidental to our ears, and also by the specific use of one word over another that are synonymous from a dictionary perspective. For example, drodge and drudge both refer to someone who works hard, but here's the difference: a drudge is always kept busy by a superior, while a drodge is always working because she can’t make progress with her tasks; the word drodge carries a connotation of blame, whereas drudge does not. Geeble (g soft), gibble (g soft), jabble (Bnff.), refer to a quantity of liquid. The word geeble implies contempt and dissatisfaction. When there's a small amount along with greater contempt and dissatisfaction, gibble is used, and when there’s a larger amount, jabble is the term. Muxy and puxy (Som.) both mean muddy, but a muxy lane is simply a muddy lane, whereas a puxy lane would be at least ankle-deep in mud. Steal and slance (Lan.Chs.) both mean to thieve. A boy might take a slice of pie from his mother’s pantry, and he would have slanst it, but if he did the same at his neighbor’s house, he would have stolen it. People who use these words in daily life would never confuse them.
CHAPTER III
DIALECT SAMPLES
Our difficulty in understanding the vernacular of a dialect-speaker arises in great measure from the fact that many of the sounds being unfamiliar to us, we cannot tell which syllable belongs to which word, and so we cannot rightly divide up the sentence into its component parts. This would of course be much more easily done if we could at once write down on paper what we have heard, and then stake it off in sections, like the cryptic word which the Kentish woman wrote to the village schoolmaster, to explain the absence of her boy from school: keptatometugoataturin, which became quite clear when divided up thus: kept-at-ome-tu-go-a-taturin, that is, kept at home to go a-harvesting-potatoes. For instance, what sounds like oogerum (Yks.) stands for a whole sentence: hug her them, that is, carry them for her. The sentence always quoted as the classic puzzle of this type is: ezonionye-onionye, which being interpreted means: have any of you any on you? Another catch specimen of Yorkshire dialect is t’weet maks’m pike’m, the wet makes them pick themselves, used of fowls cleaning themselves after rain. Then further, many of the commonest words have by the unhindered action of the laws of living speech become so worn down, that we hardly recognize them in this their dialect form, though we are using them every day ourselves in the standard language. Take for example such a sentence as: I shall have it in the morning, which has been pared down to: as-et-it-morn (Yks.). Our forefathers a thousand years ago would have said: Ic sceal hit habban on ðǣm morgne, every single word of which remains firm and intelligible in its skeleton shape of: as [I shall]-et [have it]-it [in the]-morn. Add to this an enormous[Pg 22] vocabulary of words non-existent in literary English, it is no wonder if sometimes the accents of a country rustic sound in our ears like an unknown tongue. A story is told of a Yorkshireman who went into a store of general wares in London and asked: What diz ta keep here? Ans. Oh, everything. Yorkshireman: Ah deean’t think thoo diz. Hesta onny coo-tah nobs [pieces of wood that secure the tie for the legs of cows when being milked]?—a question which reduced the cockney salesman to a state of helpless amazement.
Our struggle to understand the way a dialect speaker talks mostly comes from the fact that many of the sounds are unfamiliar to us, making it hard to tell which syllable goes with which word, so we can't properly break down the sentence into its parts. This would definitely be easier if we could simply write down what we hear and then divide it into sections, like the puzzling note the Kentish woman wrote to the village schoolmaster to explain her son's absence from school: keptatometugoataturin, which becomes clear when separated like this: kept-at-ome-tu-go-a-taturin, meaning kept at home to go a-harvesting-potatoes. For example, what sounds like oogerum (Yks.) represents a whole sentence: hug her them, meaning carry them for her. The sentence often cited as the classic puzzle of this kind is: ezonionye-onionye, which translates to: do any of you have any on you? Another notable example from Yorkshire dialect is t’weet maks’m pike’m, meaning the wet makes them clean themselves, referring to chickens preening after rain. Moreover, many of the most common words have been so worn down by the natural evolution of speech that we barely recognize them in their dialect form, even though we use them every day in standard language. For example, the sentence: I shall have it in the morning is shortened to: as-et-it-morn (Yks.). Our ancestors a thousand years ago would have said: I need to have it in the morning., each word still clear and understandable in its simplified form of: as [I shall]-et [have it]-it [in the]-morn. On top of this, there’s a huge[Pg 22] vocabulary of words that don’t exist in standard English, so it’s no surprise that sometimes the accents of country folks sound like a completely foreign language to us. There’s a story about a Yorkshireman who walked into a general store in London and asked: What diz ta keep here? Ans. Oh, everything. Yorkshireman: Ah deean’t think thoo diz. Hesta onny coo-tah nobs [pieces of wood that secure the tie for the legs of cows when being milked]?—a question that left the cockney salesman utterly baffled.
But to illustrate more fully what has been stated above, I will here give some specimens culled promiscuously from various dialects: cost dibble tates? (Chs.), can you set potatoes; hoore’s his heeaf-hod? (n.Yks.), where is his home?; hod thi clack (e.Yks.), be silent; till the want-snap (Som.), set the mole-trap; t’deear beeals oot on t’jimmer (Yks.), the door creaks on the hinge; us lads wur shollin’ doon a stie (n.Yks.), we boys were sliding down a ladder; what have you got there? Ans. Nobbut a whiskettle o’ wick snigs (Chs.), only a basketful of live eels; t’titter oop t’sprunt mun ower a bit (n.Yks.), the one soonest up the hill must wait awhile; thoo mun think ma on ti remmon it (Yks.), you must remind me to remove it; tak the sharevil an’ the kipe, an’ goo an’ get up some o’ them frum tatoes out o’ the slang (Shr.), take the garden fork and the wicker measure, and go and get up some of those early potatoes out of the narrow strip of ground; whot ail’th’n? Aw, they zeth he’th got a pinswill in ’is niddick (Dev.), a boil on the back of his neck; gan through the yet, an swin the field wi’the beass in’t (Nhb.), go through the gate and traverse diagonally the field with the cattle in it; you needna be afeard o’ gweïn through the leasow, they’n mogged the cow as ’iled poor owd Betty Mathus (Shr.), you need not be afraid of going through the meadow, they have moved to another pasture the cow that gored poor old Betty Matthews; they war fearful fain to pike amang t’shrogs some shoups, bummelkites, and hindberries (w.Yks.), they were very glad to glean among the[Pg 23] bushes some dog-rose hips, blackberries, and wild raspberries; an’ the leet windle ne’er blubbereth or weeneth, but look’th pithest and sif’th (Dev.), and the little delicate child never cries or whimpers, but looks piteous and sighs; ae’s pinikin, palchy, an’ totelin, ae’s clicky an’ cloppy, an’ a kiddles an’ quaddles oal day (Cor.), he is ailing, delicate, and imbecile from old age, he is left-handed and lame, and he potters about and grumbles all day; shoe maddles an taums ower in a sweb (w.Yks.), she talks incoherently, and from weakness falls down in a swoon; she shruk so wonnerful that I fared hully stammed (Ess.), she shrieked so strangely, that I was wholly overcome with amazement; it’s a soamy neet, ah’s ommast mafted (Yks.), it’s an oppressive night, I am almost overpowered by the great heat; when t’ bent’s snod, hask, cranchin an’ slaap, it’s a strang sign of a pash (w.Yks.), when the coarse moorland grass is smooth, brittle, crackling under the foot and slippery, it’s a strong sign of a sudden downpour of rain; it snew, an’ it stoured, an’ it warn’t while efter dark at ah wossel’d thruff an’ wan yamm (n.Yks.), it snowed, and the wind was driving the snow in gusts, and it was not till after dark that I had battled through and reached home; does it ever rain here? Ans. Why, it donks an’ dozzles an’ does, an’ sumtimes gi’s a bit of a snifter, but it never cums iv any girt pell (Cum.), it drizzles and rains slightly, and is misty, and sometimes there is a slight shower, but it never comes with any great downpour of rain; a cam doon wee a dousht an’ a pardoos, an sair did it rackle up ma banes, it wiz nae jeesty job (Bnff.), I fell with a sudden fall, striking the ground with great violence, and sorely did it shake my bones, it was no jesting matter; hee’s waxen a gay leathe-wake, fendible, whelkin, haspenald-tike (Yks.), he has grown a fine supple, hard-working, big, youth; I is to gie notidge at Joanie Pickergill yeats yown t’neet, t’moorn at moorn, an’ t’moorn at neet, an’ neea langer as lang’s storm hods, cause he c’n get na mair eldin (n.Yks.), I am to give notice that J. P. heats his oven to-night, and to-morrow, morning and night, and no longer as long as the snow lasts,[Pg 24] because he can get no more fuel; tendar! tendar! [guard] stop the injun, left ma boondle on the planchen [platform] (Cor.). An old man having an order for some gravel was asked whether it was ready. He replied: Naw, Sur, but we’ve a got un in coose, we must buck [break] et, an’ cob [bruise into small pieces] et, an’ spal [break into yet smaller pieces] et, an’ griddle [riddle] et twice, an’ then et’ll be fitty (Cor.). A Cornish girl applying for a housemaid’s situation was asked: What can you do? Ans. I can louster and fouster, but I caan’t tiddly; I can do the heavy work, and work hard at it, but I can’t do the lighter housework. Sometimes a request for an interpretation of mysterious words only draws forth more of the same nature, for instance: Mester, that back kitchen’s welly snying [swarming] wi’ twitch-clogs. What do you mean by twitch-clogs, Mary? Whoi, black-jacks (Chs.). But ‘Mester’ was still in blissful ignorance of the presence of black-beetles in his back kitchen. The following conversation is reported from Somersetshire: I wish you would tell me where you get your rennet. Why, I buys a vell and zalts’n in. A vell! whatever is that? Don’ee know hot a vell is? Why a pook, be sure! Dear me, I never heard of that either; what can it be? Zome vokes call’n a mugget. I really cannot understand you. Lor, mum! wherever was you a-brought up to? Well, to be sure! I s’pose you’ve a-zeed a calve by your time? Of course I know that. Well then, th’ urnet’s a-tookt out of the vell o’ un. Some one who had never heard the word gouty as used in Cheshire to mean wet, spongy, boggy, asked: What is a gouty place? Ans. A wobby place. What’s a wobby place? A mizzick. What’s a mizzick? A murgin. A judge at the Exeter assizes asked a witness: What did you see? Witness: A did’n zee nort vur the pillem. Judge: What’s pillem? Witness: Not knaw what’s pillem? Why, pillem be mux a-drowed. Judge: Mux! What’s mux? Witness: Why mux be pillem a-wat [mud is wet dust]. An assault case came before a magistrate in a Yorkshire Police Court. Magistrate—to plaintiff: Well, my good woman, what did[Pg 25] she do? Plaintiff: Deeah? Why, sha clooted mi heead, rove mi cap, lugged mi hair, dhragged ma doon, an’ buncht ma when ah was doon. Magistrate—to clerk: What did she say? Clerk (slowly and decisively): She says the defendant clooted her heead, rove her cap, lugged her hair, dhragged her doon, an’ buncht her when sha was doon. Sometimes the inability to comprehend is on the side of the country rustic. At a school in Wensleydale a South-country inspector, examining a class on the Bible, said: Neow tell me something abeout Mouses. Cats kill ’em, was the prompt rejoinder. A lady reading Exodus ix. 3, ‘There shall be a very grievous murrain,’ to a Sunday School class of Cornish children, was puzzled by the seemingly irrelevant comment made by one of her scholars: Ants is awful things, aint ’em? Afterwards she discovered that an ant in Cornwall is called a muryan. A similar story comes from Sussex. A lady who had been giving a lesson on Pharaoh’s dreams was startled to find that all the boys supposed that the fat and lean kine were weasels. In Surrey, Kent, and Sussex a weasel is called a kine, or keen. An old labourer reading the Book of Genesis came to this verse: ‘And Israel said, It is enough; Joseph my son is yet alive: I will go and see him before I die’ (chap. xlv. 28). There’s a hatch zomewhere in this story, vor however could wold Jacob zee hes zon Joseph if hee’d ben yet alive? If he’d ben yet up alive, or dead, how could there be any of ’en left vor his father to zee? That’s what I wants to know (I.W.). It must have been a more highly educated person who understood the coroner’s question: Did you take any steps to resuscitate the deceased? Ans. Yes, sor, we riped [rifled] ’ees pockets (Nhb.). An old woman once asked a neighbour the meaning of the word Jubilee. Ans. Why, ’tes like this, if yiew an’ yieur auld man ’ave ben marrid fifty years, ’tes a Golden Wedden’, but if the Lord ’ave took un, ’tes a Jewbilee. A local preacher expounding the Bible to a rural congregation in North Yorkshire told his hearers that the ‘ram caught in a thicket’, Genesis xxii. 13, meant: an aud teeap cowt iv a brier.
But to illustrate more fully what has been stated above, I will here give some examples taken randomly from various dialects: "Can you set potatoes?" (Chs.); "Where is his home?" (n.Yks.); "Be silent" (e.Yks.); "Set the mole-trap" (Som.); "The door creaks on the hinge" (Yks.); "We boys were sliding down a ladder" (n.Yks.); "What have you got there?" Ans. "Only a basketful of live eels" (Chs.); "The one who gets up the hill first must wait a while" (n.Yks.); "You must remind me to remove it" (Yks.); "Take the garden fork and the wicker measure, and go and get some of those early potatoes out of the narrow strip of ground" (Shr.); "A boil on the back of his neck" (Dev.); "Go through the gate and cross the field with the cattle in it" (Nhb.); "You needn't be afraid of going through the meadow, they’ve moved the cow that gored poor old Betty Matthews" (Shr.); "They were very glad to gather some dog-rose hips, blackberries, and wild raspberries" (w.Yks.); "And the little delicate child never cries or whimpers, but looks pitiful and sighs" (Dev.); "He is ailing, delicate, and weak from old age; he is left-handed and lame, and he potters about and grumbles all day" (Cor.); "She talks incoherently, and from weakness falls down in a swoon" (w.Yks.); "She shrieked so strangely that I was completely overcome with amazement" (Ess.); "It’s an oppressive night, I am almost overpowered by the great heat" (Yks.); "When the coarse moorland grass is smooth, brittle, crackling underfoot and slippery, it's a strong sign of a sudden downpour of rain" (w.Yks.); "It snowed, and the wind was driving the snow in gusts, and it was not until after dark that I had struggled through and reached home" (n.Yks.); "Does it ever rain here?" Ans. "Well, it drizzles and rains a bit, and sometimes gives a slight shower, but it never comes with a heavy downpour" (Cum.); "I fell suddenly, hitting the ground hard, and it shook my bones; it was no joking matter" (Bnff.); "He has grown a fine, supple, hard-working, big youth" (Yks.); "I need to give notice that J. P. heats his oven tonight, tomorrow morning and night, and as long as the snow lasts" (n.Yks.), "because he can get no more fuel; stop the train, I left my bundle on the platform" (Cor.). An old man having an order for some gravel was asked whether it was ready. He replied: "No, sir, but we have one in the quarry; we must break it, bruise it, and sift it twice, and then it will be ready" (Cor.). A Cornish girl applying for a housemaid’s job was asked: "What can you do?" Ans. "I can do heavy work, but I can’t do lighter tasks." Sometimes a request for an interpretation of mysterious words only draws forth more of the same nature, for instance: "Sir, that back kitchen’s swarming with cockroaches." What do you mean by cockroaches, Mary? "Why, black beetles" (Chs.). But ‘Sir’ was still blissfully ignorant of the presence of cockroaches in his back kitchen. The following conversation is reported from Somerset: "I wish you would tell me where you get your rennet." "Well, I buy a bladder and salt it in." "A bladder! What is that?" "Don't you know what a bladder is? Why, it’s a pouch, for sure!" "Dear me, I never heard of that either; what can it be?" "Some folks call it a mugget." "I really cannot understand you." "Gosh, miss! Where were you brought up?" "Well, surely! I suppose you’ve seen a calf by this time?" "Of course I know that." "Well then, the rennet’s taken out of the bladder of it." Someone who had never heard the word *gouty* as used in Cheshire to mean wet, spongy, boggy, asked: "What is a gouty place?" Ans. "A muddy place." "What’s a muddy place?" "A mess." "What’s a mess?" "A muddy place." A judge at the Exeter assizes asked a witness: "What did you see?" Witness: "I didn’t see anything for the pillow." Judge: "What’s pillow?" Witness: "Don’t you know what pillow is? Why, pillow is muck that’s wet." An assault case came before a magistrate in a Yorkshire Police Court. Magistrate—to plaintiff: "Well, my good woman, what did she do?" Plaintiff: "Dear? Why, she hit me in the head, took my cap, pulled my hair, dragged me down, and punched me when I was down." Magistrate—to clerk: "What did she say?" Clerk (slowly and decisively): "She says the defendant hit her in the head, took her cap, pulled her hair, dragged her down, and punched her when she was down." Sometimes the inability to comprehend is on the side of the country rustic. At a school in Wensleydale, a South-country inspector, examining a class on the Bible, said: "Now tell me something about Moses." "Cats kill 'em," was the quick response. A lady reading *Exodus* ix. 3, "‘There shall be a very grievous murrain,’" to a Sunday School class of Cornish children, was puzzled by the seemingly irrelevant comment made by one of her students: "Ants are awful things, aren't they?" She later discovered that an ant in Cornwall is called a *muryan*. A similar story comes from Sussex. A lady who had been giving a lesson on Pharaoh’s dreams was startled to find that all the boys supposed that the *fat* and *lean kine* were weasels. In Surrey, Kent, and Sussex, a weasel is called a *kine*, or *keen*. An old laborer reading the *Book of Genesis* came to this verse: "‘And Israel said, It is enough; Joseph my son is yet alive: I will go and see him before I die’" (chap. xlv. 28). "There’s a hole somewhere in this story, for how could old Jacob see his son Joseph if he had been yet alive? If he had been *yet* alive or dead, how could there be anyone left for his father to see? That’s what I want to know" (I.W.). It must have been a more highly educated person who understood the coroner’s question: "Did you take any steps to resuscitate the deceased?" Ans. "Yes, sir, we rifled his pockets" (Nhb.). An old woman once asked a neighbor the meaning of the word Jubilee. Ans. "Why, it’s like this, if you and your old man have been married fifty years, it’s a Golden Wedding, but if the Lord has taken him, it’s a Jubilee." A local preacher expounding the Bible to a rural congregation in North Yorkshire told his listeners that the "ram caught in a thicket," *Genesis* xxii. 13, meant: "an old sheep stuck in a briar."
The quaintly-worded command, Ye mun begin an’ aikle nai (Chs.), has more significance than meets the eye of those who read it now, for it records a faint echo from the times of that ancient institution once common to every village, but now obsolete, namely, the Dame’s School, the theme of Shenstone’s poem, The School-Mistress (1742), wherein he sought to imitate the ‘peculiar tenderness of sentiment remarkable throughout’ the works of Spenser:
The charmingly phrased command, "You must begin and build now" (Chs.), carries more meaning than what is obvious to today’s readers. It captures a faint echo from the days of an old institution that used to exist in every village but is now outdated—the Dame’s School, which is the focus of Shenstone’s poem, The School-Mistress (1742). In this work, he aimed to replicate the ‘unique tenderness of sentiment’ that is notable throughout the writings of Spenser:
The ‘Ye mun begin an’ aikle nai’ [you must begin and get dressed for going now] was the signal given by an old dame who kept a school near Wrenbury to her ‘little bench of heedless bishops’ that lessons were over for the day.
The ‘You must begin and get dressed for going now’ was the signal given by an old lady who ran a school near Wrenbury to her ‘little group of thoughtless kids’ that lessons were finished for the day.
Shenstone’s old dame kept a ‘birchen tree’ from which she cut her ‘scepter’; he does not mention the other weapon of torture wielded by these female tyrants, which was the thimble. The poor children were rapped on the head with a thimbled finger, and the operation was known as thimble-pie making. The old dame that I remember, who must have been one of the last of all her race, was of milder mood than these. Her name was Mrs. Price, and she dwelt in a remote and picturesque corner of Herefordshire called Tedstone Delamere. I cannot call it a village, or even a hamlet, for the houses were so very few and far between. Mrs. Price’s scholars were mere baby creatures, old enough to run about and get into mischief, or court danger, and yet too young to be sent to the parish school with their bigger brothers and sisters. So busy mothers were glad to pay a trifling sum[Pg 27] to have these little ones tended by a motherly old widow-woman for a few hours every morning. But the time came when age and infirmity debarred her from even this light task, and her cottage no longer resounded with those noises which ‘Do learning’s little tenement betray’. I found her one day sitting all alone with an open Bible on the table beside her, and her spectacles lying idle in her lap. She looked tired and dispirited, and said her eyes were so bad that she had been obliged to stop reading, and sit doing nothing. Naturally I offered to read aloud to her awhile, and I inquired what had been engaging her attention. ‘Oh,’ said she, ‘I’d just got to where the frogs came up upon Pharaoh.’ I took the book, and read on and on, for each time I came to ‘the Lord hardened Pharaoh’s heart’, the aged Mrs. Price evinced such satisfaction over the prospect of yet another Plague, that I had not the heart to cut a long story short. At last when Pharaoh had finally bidden the Israelites ‘be gone’, I closed the Bible, and as I did so, the old lady exclaimed, ‘Ain’t that nice readin’!’ One would not have thought that the history of the seven Plagues of Egypt was exactly the portion of Scripture best fitted to cheer and comfort a lone and feeble old woman. Perhaps it stirred old fires in her blood, rekindling memories of the days when children deemed her ‘the greatest wight on ground’, when she held the reins of power, distributing rewards and punishments as the honoured head of a Dame’s School.
Shenstone’s old lady kept a 'birch tree' from which she cut her 'scepter'; he doesn't mention the other tool of torture used by these female tyrants, which was the thimble. The poor kids would get tapped on the head with a thimbled finger, and this was referred to as thimble-pie making. The old lady I remember, who must have been one of the last of her kind, was gentler than those. Her name was Mrs. Price, and she lived in a remote and beautiful part of Herefordshire called Tedstone Delamere. I can’t really call it a village, or even a hamlet, because the houses were so few and far apart. Mrs. Price’s students were just toddlers, old enough to run around and get into trouble, or seek danger, yet too young to be sent to the parish school with their older siblings. So busy mothers were happy to pay a small amount[Pg 27] to have these little ones looked after by a kind old widow for a few hours each morning. But the time came when age and illness prevented her from even this light task, and her cottage no longer echoed with those noises which ‘Do learning’s little tenement betray’. I found her one day sitting all alone with an open Bible on the table next to her, and her glasses lying unused in her lap. She looked tired and down, and said her eyes were so bad that she had to stop reading and just sit there doing nothing. Naturally, I offered to read aloud to her for a while, and I asked what had been on her mind. ‘Oh,’ she said, ‘I was just at the part where the frogs came up on Pharaoh.’ I took the book and read on and on, because every time I read ‘the Lord hardened Pharaoh’s heart’, the elderly Mrs. Price showed such delight at the thought of yet another Plague that I couldn’t bring myself to shorten the story. Finally, when Pharaoh had told the Israelites to ‘be gone’, I closed the Bible, and as I did, the old lady exclaimed, ‘Ain’t that nice readin’!’ You wouldn’t think that the story of the seven Plagues of Egypt would be the part of Scripture best suited to cheer and comfort an elderly and frail woman. Maybe it ignited old memories in her, bringing back thoughts of the days when children considered her ‘the greatest wight on ground’, when she had the reins of power, handing out rewards and punishments as the respected head of a Dame’s School.
CHAPTER IV
Corruptions and common etymologies
If we are to avoid on the one hand the danger of regarding a dialect as nothing better than a wilful perversion of standard English, we yet must not allow ourselves to be beguiled by the smooth-running course of true sound-laws, or the rural charm of quaint words, into the opposite error of supposing that irregularities and distortions do not exist. There are in the dialects numbers of words which can only be regarded as corruptions and mispronunciations of literary English, but considered relatively to the whole vocabulary the proportion of them is very small. Many even of the most obvious are not without a certain interest as examples of popular etymology, or of practical word-formation, as, for instance, when smother and suffocate are blended into the useful word smothercate (Not.), or bold and audacious into boldacious (Der. Cor.). Some apparent corruptions are in reality old forms which can be found in the literary language in the earlier stages of its existence. For example: abuseful (Yks. Lin. War. Shr. Hrf. Glo.) for abusive is not uncommon in seventeenth-century literature, though it must have died out later, as it is not noted by lexicographers such as Bailey and Johnson. The word fancical (gen. dial.) for fanciful occurs in 1676 in a work entitled Musick’s Monument, by Mace. Druggister (Yks. Lin. Pem. e.An. Som. Cor.) for druggist is registered in Sherwood’s Dictionary (1672), ‘A druggister, drogueur.’
If we want to avoid, on one hand, the risk of seeing a dialect as just a deliberate twisting of standard English, we also shouldn’t be fooled by the smooth flow of true sound laws, or the rural charm of quirky words, into the opposite mistake of thinking that irregularities and distortions don’t exist. In dialects, there are many words that can only be seen as corruptions and mispronunciations of literary English, but when we look at the entire vocabulary, the number of them is quite small. Many of the most obvious ones are still interesting as examples of popular etymology or practical word formation, like when smother and suffocate merge into the convenient word smothercate (Not.), or bold and audacious into boldacious (Der. Cor.). Some apparent corruptions are actually old forms that can be found in the literary language from earlier stages of its development. For example: abuseful (Yks. Lin. War. Shr. Hrf. Glo.) for abusive was not uncommon in seventeenth-century literature, although it must have faded later, as lexicographers like Bailey and Johnson don’t note it. The word fancical (gen. dial.) for fanciful appears in 1676 in a work called Musick’s Monument by Mace. Druggister (Yks. Lin. Pem. e.An. Som. Cor.) for druggist is listed in Sherwood’s Dictionary (1672), ‘A pharmacist, drugstore.’
Or again, the dialect form may not be directly taken from the standard language, but may be traced back through some other linguistic channel which has influenced its development, e.g. angish (Irel.) is not a mispronunciation of anguish, but it is developed from the Gaelic form aingis.[Pg 29] Squinacy (Sc. Irel.), and squinancy in the compound squinancy-berry (Cum. Lan. Ess.), the black currant, are not corruptions of quinsy, but are from O.French squinancie, quinsy. But I shall reserve the treatment of historical forms such as these for a later chapter.
Or, the dialect form might not directly come from the standard language, but could be traced back through some other linguistic path that has influenced its evolution. For example, angish (Irel.) isn't just a mispronunciation of anguish; it's derived from the Gaelic form aingis.[Pg 29] Squinacy (Sc. Irel.), and squinancy in the compound squinancy-berry (Cum. Lan. Ess.), which refers to the black currant, aren't just corruptions of quinsy but come from O.French squinancy, quinsy. However, I will save the discussion of historical forms like these for a later chapter.
A few Latin phrases have made their way into the dialects, where they have assumed curious forms and meanings. For example: hizy-prizy (Nhb. Yks. Chs. Der. Som. Dev.), a corruption of Nisi prius, a law-term. It is used to signify any kind of chicanery or sharp practice, or, used as an adjective, it means litigious, tricky; and in the phrase to be at hizy-prizy, it means to be quarrelsome, disagreeable. The plural form momenty-morries (Nhb.), skeletons, stands for memento mori, remember that thou must die, the name given to a small decorative object containing a skeleton or other emblem of death, cp. ‘I make as good use of it as many a man doth of a Death’s-head or a memento mori,’ 1 Hen. IV, III. iii. 35. The Latin nolens volens appears as nolus-bolus (Wil.), nolum-wolum (Wil. Dev.), hoylens-voylens, oilins-boilins (Cum.). A mother sending off an unwilling child to school will say: Oilins-boilins, but thee shall go. Nominy (Nhb. Dur. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Nhp.) represents the Latin nomine in the formula In Nomine Patris, &c., the invocation used by the preacher before the sermon. It means: (1) a rigmarole, a long rambling tale, a wordy, tiresome speech; (2) a rhyming formula or folk-rhyme. A knitting nominy used by girls in Northamptonshire is as follows:
A few Latin phrases have made their way into local dialects, where they have taken on interesting forms and meanings. For example: hizy-prizy (Nhb. Yks. Chs. Der. Som. Dev.), a transformation of Nisi prius, a legal term. It is used to signify any form of deceit or underhanded tactics, or, when used as an adjective, it describes someone as litigious or tricky; in the phrase to be at hizy-prizy, it means to be argumentative or unpleasant. The plural momenty-morries (Nhb.), referring to skeletons, comes from remember you must die, which means remember that you must die, a term for a small decorative object that has a skeleton or another symbol of death, cp. ‘I use it as effectively as many men do a Death's-head or a memento mori.,’ 1 Hen. IV, III. iii. 35. The Latin willing or not appears as nolus-bolus (Wil.), nolum-wolum (Wil. Dev.), hoylens-voylens, oilins-boilins (Cum.). A mother sending an unwilling child off to school may say: Oilins-boilins, but you have to go. Nominy (Nhb. Dur. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Nhp.) represents the Latin nominee in the phrase In the name of the Father, &c., an invocation used by preachers before their sermons. It means: (1) a long-winded rambling tale, a tedious speech; (2) a rhyming formula or folk rhyme. A knitting nominy used by girls in Northamptonshire goes as follows:
Paddy-noddy, or Parinody (Yks. Lin.), a long tedious rigmarole, a cock and bull story, is a corruption of Pater noster. The form non-plush (many dials.), a nonplus, dilemma, surprise, usually occurs in the phrase: at, or on a non-plush, e.g. I was taken all on a non-plutch. Vady (Sus. Dev.) is a shortened form of vade mecum, used to denote a small leather cylinder,[Pg 30] containing change of raiment, and other small comforts of the traveller.
Paddy-noddy or Parinody (Yks. Lin.) is a long, tedious story, a tall tale, and comes from Our Father. The term non-plush (used in many dials.) refers to a dilemma or surprise and usually appears in the expression: at or on a non-plush, for example, I was caught all on a non-plutch. Vady (Sus. Dev.) is a shortened version of handbook, which refers to a small leather cylinder,[Pg 30] containing a change of clothes and other small travel comforts.
The French rendezvous appears as randivoo, randivoose (Dev. Cor.), randybow (Nhb. Chs. Dev.), rangevouge (Cor.), meaning a noise, an uproar, but the literary sense remains in the verb rumsey-voosey (Wil.), e.g. He went a rumsey-voosing down the lane to meet his sweetheart.
The French meetup shows up as randivoo, randivoose (Dev. Cor.), randybow (Nhb. Chs. Dev.), rangevouge (Cor.), meaning a noise or an uproar, but the literary meaning is still present in the verb rumsey-voosey (Wil.), for example, He went a rumsey-voosing down the lane to meet his sweetheart.
Jommetry is interesting for the sake of its meaning. It is used in Gloucestershire in the sense of magic; anything supported in a mysterious and unknown manner might be said to hang by jommetry; the phrase all of a jommetry means in pieces or tatters. Lattiprack (Wil.) for paralytic is a strange distortion. Hapsherrapsher (Cum. Lakel.) for haphazard is equally unreasonable, but agreeable withal. Forms like solintary (Nrf.) for solitary, skelington or skelinton (Yks. Lan. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Glo. w.Cy. Dor.) for skeleton, have acquired an intrusive n in common with many words in the literary language, as messenger, scavenger, &c. Skelet (Sc. Lin. Cor.) is not a corruption, but a pure French form, cp. ‘Scelete, a skeleton,’ Cotgrave. Pronunciations such as: chimbly (var. dials.) for chimney; singify (Yks. Lan. Der. Brks. e.An. Hmp. I.W.) for signify; synnable (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Shr. Suf. Ken.) for syllable; ulster (Cor.) for ulcer; pumptial (Not. Rut. Lei. Shr. Som.) for punctual; turmit or turmut (gen. dial.) for turnip, can all be accounted for phonetically. Hantle (Sc. Irel. and n. counties to War. Wor. Shr.) is a perfectly legitimate contraction of handful, but besides the ordinary meaning, it can also denote a large quantity. A story is told of a Scotch minister who alluded in his sermon to the fact that a number of his flock had joined the Baptists, thus: I thocht till ha’e gethered ye under my wings, as a hen gethereth her chickens, but a hantle o’ ye ha’e turn’t oot to be deuks, an’ ta’en to the water.
Jommetry is interesting because of its meaning. In Gloucestershire, it refers to magic; anything supported in a mysterious and unknown way can be said to hang by jommetry; the phrase all of a jommetry means in pieces or tatters. Lattiprack (Wil.) for paralytic is a strange twist. Hapsherrapsher (Cum. Lakel.) for haphazard is equally unreasonable, but still agreeable. Forms like solintary (Nrf.) for solitary, skelington or skelinton (Yks. Lan. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Glo. w.Cy. Dor.) have picked up an extra n in common with many words in the literary language, such as messenger, scavenger, &c. Skelet (Sc. Lin. Cor.) is not a corruption but a pure French form, cp. ‘Skeletor, a skeleton,’ Cotgrave. Pronunciations like: chimbly (var. dials.) for chimney; singify (Yks. Lan. Der. Brks. e.An. Hmp. I.W.) for signify; synnable (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Shr. Suf. Ken.) for syllable; ulster (Cor.) for ulcer; pumptial (Not. Rut. Lei. Shr. Som.) for punctual; turmit or turmut (gen. dial.) for turnip, can all be explained phonetically. Hantle (Sc. Irel. and n. counties to War. Wor. Shr.) is a perfectly acceptable contraction of handful, but in addition to the ordinary meaning, it can also mean a large quantity. There’s a story about a Scottish minister who mentioned in his sermon that some of his congregation had joined the Baptists, saying: I thought I’d have gathered you under my wings, like a hen gathers her chicks, but a hantle of you have turned out to be ducks, and taken to the water.
Occasionally one literary word is mistaken for another, and adopted in its place, as, for instance, information (Lin. Sus. Som. Dev.) used for inflammation; sentiment (Lin. Nrf.) for sediment. A farmer having been asked if he would[Pg 31] clean out a pond, replied: No, sir, I can’t undertake the job; there’s a sight of sentiment in that there pit. Profligate (Shr. Dev.) for prolific is a surprising change of adjective, especially when applied to the guileless and innocent. I remember my old nurse, when she took to minding chickens because we had outgrown the need of her daily ministrations, telling me that she had collected a ‘sitting’ of a certain kind of eggs, because she thought it would produce ‘a profligate hatch’. This is paralleled by the use of reprobate for probationer. The Vicar’s daughter asked a young girl if she had joined the parochial Guild. The reply was: Oh, yes, Miss! Last week I were took in as a reprobate (Lin.). A youth writing home from Canada to his father the village blacksmith, in describing the Coronation festivities in the city where he dwelt, wrote: The soldiers fired three volumes. A rheumatic old woman, who had been taken with several others for an excursion on a very hot day, said to me: Have you heard what a very nice exertion we had yesterday? Quite recently too, I was told of a man who had been ‘crossed in love’ in his youth, that he had been a woman-atheist ever since. One is constantly reminded of Mrs. Malaprop and her ‘nice derangement of epitaphs’. Unction (Sc.) for auction, with its derivative unctioneer, is probably a phonetic change; and the same may be said of ivory (Irel. Not. Lin. Rut. Hrt. e.An.) for ivy. The use of persecute for prosecute may be merely the result of confusion of prefixes, as in: discommode, dismolish, mislest, perdigious, preverse. The use of the native prefix un- where the standard language has im-, in-, &c., is very frequent. For instance, unpossible occurs in all the dialects in Scotland, Ireland, and England. Other examples are: undecent (many dials.), unlegal (Yks. Midl. War. Hrf.), unregular (many dials.), unsensible (Sc. Dur. Yks. War. Sur.), unpatient (Sc. Dur. Lan.), unpeaceable (Yks. Som.), unperfect (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Som.), unpassable (Sc. Yks. Som.). The three last were once good literary forms, and may be found with quotations from learned authors in Johnson’s Dictionary. Beside unconvenient there[Pg 32] exists in many dialects the useful compound ill-convenient. Unhonest for dishonest, though now a dialect form, occurs in literature of the sixteenth century.
Sometimes one literary word is confused with another and used instead, like information (Lin. Sus. Som. Dev.) being used for inflammation or sentiment (Lin. Nrf.) for sediment. When a farmer was asked if he would [Pg 31] clean out a pond, he replied: No, sir, I can’t take on that job; there’s a lot of sentiment in that pit. Profligate (Shr. Dev.) used instead of prolific is quite a surprising mix-up, especially when referring to someone innocent and pure. I remember my old nurse, who, when she started taking care of chickens because we no longer needed her daily help, told me she had gathered a ‘sitting’ of a certain type of eggs, thinking it would produce ‘a profligate hatch’. This is similar to using reprobate instead of probationer. The Vicar’s daughter asked a young girl if she had joined the church Guild, to which the girl replied: Oh, yes, Miss! Last week I was accepted as a reprobate (Lin.). A young man writing home from Canada to his father, the village blacksmith, described the Coronation festivities in his city, saying: The soldiers fired three volumes. An old woman with rheumatism, who had gone with several others on an outing on a hot day, said to me: Have you heard what a really nice exertion we had yesterday? Recently, I heard about a man who was ‘crossed in love’ in his youth and has since been a woman-atheist. One often thinks of Mrs. Malaprop and her ‘nice derangement of epitaphs’. Unction (Sc.) instead of auction, along with its offshoot unctioneer, is likely a phonetic error; the same could be said for ivory (Irel. Not. Lin. Rut. Hrt. e.An.) instead of ivy. The confusion of using persecute instead of prosecute may simply stem from mixing up prefixes, as seen in: discommode, dismolish, mislest, perdigious, preverse. It’s common to see the native prefix un- where standard English uses im-, in-, &c.. For instance, unpossible can be found in various dialects across Scotland, Ireland, and England. Other examples include: undecent (many dials.), unlegal (Yks. Midl. War. Hrf.), unregular (many dials.), unsensible (Sc. Dur. Yks. War. Sur.), unpatient (Sc. Dur. Lan.), unpeaceable (Yks. Som.), unperfect (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Som.), unpassable (Sc. Yks. Som.). The last three were once valid literary forms and can be found with quotations from learned authors in Johnson’s Dictionary. Besides unconvenient, there's also the helpful compound ill-convenient in many dialects. Unhonest for dishonest, while now considered a dialect form, appeared in literature as early as the sixteenth century.
Sometimes the prefix un- is a superfluous addition, as in: unbeneath (n.Yks.), beneath; unempt (Nhp. Hrf. Oxf. Bdf. Wil.), to empty; ungive (Lan. Chs. Lei. Nhp. Bdf. Hnt.), to relax, give way, thaw, though this last form has the support of early literary evidence. But on the other hand, un- is used in the formation of practical native words, for which the standard language substitutes words of foreign extraction, for example: uncome (Sc. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), not arrived; unfain (Sc. Yks.), reluctant; unhandy (Pem. Glo. Ken. Dor.), incapable; unfriend (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Not. Hrf. Dev.), an enemy. Ungone (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Lin.), not gone, not sent, is merely making one simple word out of two, with no gain in meaning, but ‘he’s just ungone’, for ‘he is at the point of death’, rises almost into poetic simplicity. In the hybrid form unheeastie (n.Yks.), indolent, we have an old word which recalls the ‘lowly asse’ of Spenser’s Una:
Sometimes the prefix un- is an unnecessary addition, as in: unbeneath (n.Yks.), beneath; unempt (Nhp. Hrf. Oxf. Bdf. Wil.), to empty; ungive (Lan. Chs. Lei. Nhp. Bdf. Hnt.), to relax, give way, thaw, though this last form has early literary support. But on the other hand, un- is used to form practical native words, for which the standard language substitutes foreign words, for example: uncome (Sc. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), not arrived; unfain (Sc. Yks.), reluctant; unhandy (Pem. Glo. Ken. Dor.), incapable; unfriend (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Not. Hrf. Dev.), an enemy. Ungone (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Lin.), not gone, not sent, is just combining two simple words without adding meaning, but ‘he’s just ungone’, meaning ‘he is at the point of death’, approaches almost poetic simplicity. In the hybrid form unheeastie (n.Yks.), lazy, we have an old word that recalls the ‘lowly asse’ of Spenser’s Una:
It would be easy to collect together a large number of words with curiously assorted suffixes, and many of these words are decidedly effective. To quote a few examples: affordance (Cum.), ability to meet expense; abundation (Chs. Shr. Stf. Wor. Hrf. Glo.), abundance; blusteration (Cum. Lin.), the act of blustering; prosperation (Yks. Chs. Shr.), prosperity, as used in the old toast at public dinners, Prosperation to the Corporation; comparishment (Irel.), comparison; timeous (Sc. Irel.), timely; timmersome (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), timorous; unnaturable (Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp.), unnatural. Corruptions not infrequently are due to the blending of one word with another; for instance, champeron (Oxf. Brks.) is a contamination of champignon[Pg 33] and mushroom, M.E. muscheron, Fr. mousseron; jococious (n.Cy. Yks. Ess.) is a compound of jocose and facetious; obsteer (Lin.), sulky, awkward, is an amalgamation of obstinate and austere; tremense (Ken.) embraces both tremendous and immense; thribble (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lei. War. Wor. Ess. Ken.) is treble under the influence of three; boldrumptious (Ken.) is the magnificent product of bold, and rumpus, and presumptuous, and its meaning may be gathered from such a sentence as: that there upstandin’, boldrumptious, blowsing gal of yours came blarin’ down to our house. Battle-twig (Yks. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Lei. Nhp.), an earwig, is a corruption of beetle + earwig, contaminated with battle + twig.
It would be easy to gather a large number of words with oddly mixed suffixes, and many of these words are quite effective. Here are a few examples: affordance (Cum.), the ability to meet an expense; abundation (Chs. Shr. Stf. Wor. Hrf. Glo.), abundance; blusteration (Cum. Lin.), the act of blustering; prosperation (Yks. Chs. Shr.), prosperity, as used in the old toast at public dinners, Prosperation to the Corporation; comparishment (Irel.), comparison; timeous (Sc. Irel.), timely; timmersome (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), fearful; unnaturable (Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp.), unnatural. Corruptions often arise from blending one word with another; for example, champeron (Oxf. Brks.) is a mix of champignon[Pg 33] and mushroom, M.E. muscheron, Fr. mushroom; jococious (n.Cy. Yks. Ess.) is a combination of jocose and facetious; obsteer (Lin.), sulky, awkward, is a mix of obstinate and austere; tremense (Ken.) combines both tremendous and immense; thribble (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lei. War. Wor. Ess. Ken.) is treble influenced by three; boldrumptious (Ken.) is an impressive blend of bold, rumpus, and presumptuous, and its meaning can be inferred from a sentence like: that loud, boldrumptious gal of yours came storming down to our house. Battle-twig (Yks. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Lei. Nhp.), an earwig, is a mix of beetle + earwig, blended with battle + twig.
Closely akin to these are the corruptions due to what is called popular etymology, where an unfamiliar word or syllable becomes converted into a familiar one. Occasionally it is possible to trace some association of meaning to account for the change in pronunciation, as when week-days becomes wicked-days (w.Cy. Som.), probably with an idea of contra-distinction to Sundays and Holy Days. Illify (Lakel. Cum. Yks. Lan. Stf. Lin.) for vilify explains itself. The common example given to illustrate this change is the standard English word belfry. Dr. Johnson states the case thus: ‘Belfry. n.s. [Beffroy, in French, is a tower; which was perhaps the true word, till those, who knew not its original, corrupted it to belfry, because bells were in it].’ One is tempted to suggest that madancholy (Yks. Lan.) for melancholy started life as a descriptive term for victims of melancholia, but unfortunately there is the fact that just in those districts where the word occurs, mad does not mean insane, but annoyed, angry, and the suggestion is shown to be absurd. Madancholy must therefore rank with the great majority of corruptions due to sound-change, typified by the hackneyed form sparrow-grass for asparagus. Jerusalem artichoke for girasole artichoke is recognized as standard English, so also is gooseberry. Dr. Johnson has: ‘Gooseberry. n.s. [goose and berry, because eaten with young geese as sauce].’[Pg 34] Modern philologists, however, scorn this simple solution, and referring us to a French original, they say gooseberry is a corruption of *groise-berry, or *grose-berry. In Marshall’s Rural Economy of Yorkshire (1796) we find the form grossberry, and this gross- is the same as the element gros- in French groseille, a gooseberry. The Scotch form is groset. The pronunciation cowcumber (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.) for cucumber was early recognized as corrupt. A paragraph in a book called The English Physitian Enlarged (seventeenth century) is entitled: ‘Cucumers, or (according to the pronuntiation of the Vulgar) cowcumbers.’ Other examples from various dialects are: ash-falt for asphalt; brown-kitus, brown-titus, brown-typhus for bronchitis; chiny oysters (Wil.) for China asters; Polly Andrews (Glo. Wil.) for polyanthus; rosydendrum (Chs.) for rhododendron; curly-flower (Lin.) for cauliflower; fair-maid (Cor.) for fumade, fumadoe, a cured (formerly smoked) pilchard, Sp. fumado, smoked; hairy-sipples for erysipelas; the janders (many dials.) for jaundice; a-kingbow, king-bow (Som.), for akimbo; pockmanteau (Sc. Nhb. Lin.) for portmanteau, but the substitution of pock- for port-is probably due to association of meaning with pock, a bag, sack, or wallet; airy-mouse, hairy-mouse, raw-mouse (Hmp. I.W. Wil.), rye-mouse (Glo. Wil.), for rear-mouse, the bat, O.E. hrēre-mūs; screwmatic (War. Nrf.) for rheumatic; tooth-and-egg (Nhb. Lan. Der. Not. Lin.) for tutenag, an alloy of copper, zinc, and nickel. Years ago—years and years and donkey’s ears, as the saying is—when motor-cars were yet unborn, and when even tram-cars were unknown to country children, I can remember my father trying to explain to the little carol-singers at Christmastime, that they had introduced a corrupt reading into the text of their carol, when they sang:
Closely related to this are the changes caused by what's known as popular etymology, where an unfamiliar word or syllable gets replaced with a more familiar one. Sometimes, it’s possible to trace some connection in meaning that explains the pronunciation change, like how week-days turns into wicked-days (w.Cy. Som.), likely meant to distinguish them from Sundays and Holy Days. The term illify (Lakel. Cum. Yks. Lan. Stf. Lin.) for vilify is straightforward. A common example used to illustrate this change is the standard English word belfry. Dr. Johnson states the case like this: ‘Belfry. noun [Beffroy, in French, is a tower; which was probably the correct word until those who didn’t know its origin corrupted it to belfry, because bells were in it].’ One might suggest that madancholy (Yks. Lan.) for melancholy originally described victims of melancholia, but unfortunately, in those areas where the word appears, mad doesn’t mean insane but rather annoyed or angry, making that suggestion ridiculous. Madancholy must therefore be categorized with the vast majority of changes due to sound alteration, exemplified by the well-worn form sparrow-grass for asparagus. The Jerusalem artichoke for girasole artichoke is recognized as standard English, as is gooseberry. Dr. Johnson notes: ‘Gooseberry. noun [goose and berry, because eaten with young geese as sauce].’ [Pg 34] Modern philologists, however, dismiss this simple explanation and, pointing to a French origin, claim that gooseberry is a corruption of *groise-berry or *grose-berry. In Marshall’s Rural Economy of Yorkshire (1796), we find the form grossberry, and this gross- is the same as the element gros- in French red currant, a gooseberry. The Scottish form is groset. The pronunciation cowcumber (general dialect use in Sc. Irel. Eng.) for cucumber was recognized as incorrect early on. A paragraph in a book called The Expanded English Physician (seventeenth century) is titled: ‘Cucumbers, or as commonly pronounced, cowcumbers.’ Other examples from various dialects include: ash-falt for asphalt; brown-kitus, brown-titus, brown-typhus for bronchitis; chiny oysters (Wil.) for China asters; Polly Andrews (Glo. Wil.) for polyanthus; rosydendrum (Chs.) for rhododendron; curly-flower (Lin.) for cauliflower; fair-maid (Cor.) for fumade, fumadoe, a cured (previously smoked) pilchard, Sp. smoked, smoked; hairy-sipples for erysipelas; the janders (many dials.) for jaundice; a-kingbow, king-bow (Som.) for akimbo; pockmanteau (Sc. Nhb. Lin.) for portmanteau, although the swapping of pock- for port- is likely due to its association with pock, a bag, sack, or wallet; airy-mouse, hairy-mouse, raw-mouse (Hmp. I.W. Wil.), rye-mouse (Glo. Wil.), for rear-mouse, the bat, O.E. hrēre-mūs; screwmatic (War. Nrf.) for rheumatic; tooth-and-egg (Nhb. Lan. Der. Not. Lin.) for tutenag, an alloy of copper, zinc, and nickel. Years ago—years and years and donkey’s ears, as the saying goes—when motor cars hadn’t been invented yet, and even tram cars were unknown to country kids, I remember my father trying to explain to the little carol singers at Christmas time that they had introduced a corrupted version into the text of their carol when they sang:
Now and then we meet with a deliberate attempt on the part of dialect speakers themselves to explain the mysteries[Pg 35] of word-derivation. The writer of a book entitled The Folk and their Word-Lore tells of ‘the rustic etymologer’ who explained that the reason why partridges are so called is ‘because ... they love to lie between the furrows of ploughed land, and so part the ridges’. Further, he tells us that: ‘a cottager lamenting that one of a litter of puppies had a hare-lip (divided like that of the hare), or, as she pronounced it, air-lip, explained that it was so called because it admitted the air through the cleft, which prevented the little creature sucking properly.’ But these are not the folk who are responsible for the absurd popular etymology which associates the modern colloquial and slang use of the word lark with the O.E. lāc sb., joyous activity, sport, lācan vb., to play, and with the dialect lake (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. Glo.), to play, sport, amuse oneself. This error is the invention of non-philological people who speak standard English. It could not have been propounded by any one who uses the word lake, nor by any one who understands English philology. O.E. lācan would have given in standard English, and in most of the above-mentioned dialects, a form loke, and under no circumstances could it have acquired the r. Apparently to lark is a verb made from the substantive lark, the bird. O.E. lācan has died out, but its Scandinavian cognate O.N. leika, to play, sport, remains in the dialect form lake.
Now and then, we come across people who try to explain the mysteries[Pg 35] of word origins themselves. The author of a book called The Folk and their Word-Lore shares a story about ‘the rustic etymologer’ who said that partridges are named that way because they love to lie between the furrows of plowed land, thus part the ridges. Additionally, he mentions a cottage owner who lamented that one of her puppies had a hare-lip (split like a hare's), or as she pronounced it, air-lip. She explained that it got that name because it allowed air to pass through the cleft, which made it difficult for the little creature to suckle properly. However, these aren't the people responsible for the ridiculous popular etymology that links the modern slang use of the term lark with the O.E. lāc sb., meaning joyful activity or sport, play vb., to play, and with the dialect lake (found in places like Sc., Nhb., Dur., Cum., Wm., Yks., Lan., Chs., Der., Not., Lin., Glo.), meaning to play, sport, or have fun. This mistake is something made up by people who don’t study language and speak standard English. It couldn't have come from anyone who uses the term lake or anyone who understands English language history. O.E. play would have turned into loke in standard English and in most of the mentioned dialects, and under no circumstances could it have taken on the r. Clearly, to lark is a verb derived from the noun lark, referring to the bird. Although O.E. play has become obsolete, its Scandinavian counterpart, O.N. leika, meaning to play or sport, lives on in the dialect form lake.
For mere distortion and mispronunciation a good illustration is the variety of dialect shapes which the word breakfast assumes, such as: bracksus, brecksus, brockwist, buckwhist, &c. A remark often heard in Ireland is: Well, I have the price av me supper now, an’ God is good for the brukwust. Dacious (Lin. Som.), impudent, rude, is an aphetic form of audacious, e.g. Of all th’daacious lads I iver seed oor Sarah’s Bill’s th’daaciousest. Demic (Yks. Not. Lin.), the potato-disease, is an aphetic form of epidemic; similarly pisle (Yks.), a narration of any kind, is an aphetic form of epistle. Obstropolous, a corruption of obstreperous, and obligate for oblige, are in general dialect use in Scotland, Ireland, and England.
For simple distortion and mispronunciation, a good example is the different ways the word breakfast is pronounced, like: bracksus, brecksus, brockwist, buckwhist, &c. A common saying in Ireland is: Well, I have the money for my supper now, and God is good for the breakfast. Dacious (Lin. Som.), meaning impudent or rude, is a clipped form of audacious, e.g. Of all the daacious lads I ever saw, Sarah's Bill is the most daacious. Demic (Yks. Not. Lin.), referring to the potato disease, is a shortened form of epidemic; similarly, pisle (Yks.), meaning any kind of narration, is a shortened form of epistle. Obstropolous, a corrupted form of obstreperous, and obligate for oblige, are commonly used in dialects across Scotland, Ireland, and England.
CHAPTER V
OLD-FASHIONED LITERARY WORDS IN THE DIALECTS
The linguistic importance of the dialect-vocabulary for the study of our English language and literature in its earlier periods cannot be over-estimated, for herein is preserved a wealth of historical words familiar to us in our older literature, but lost to our standard speech. Numbers of words used by Chaucer and the early Middle English poets, by Shakespeare, and by the translators of the Bible, which are now treated as archaisms to be explained in footnotes and appendices to the text, still live and move and have their being among our rural population to-day. Take for illustration this line from the Middle English alliterative poem, Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight (l. 2003):
The importance of dialect vocabulary for studying our English language and literature in earlier periods cannot be overstated, as it preserves a wealth of historical words familiar to us from older literature that have been lost in standard speech. Many words used by Chaucer and the early Middle English poets, by Shakespeare, and by the translators of the Bible, which are now considered outdated and explained in footnotes and appendices, still live on among our rural population today. For example, consider this line from the Middle English alliterative poem, Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight (l. 2003):
The three principal words have disappeared from the literary language, and to give an exact rendering of these two brief sentences we should have to paraphrase them something like this: The snow, full keenly cold, blew on the biting blast, which pinched the deer with frost. But if we turn to the dialects, there we find all three: snitter (Sh.I. Yks.), to snow, sb. a biting blast; snar, snarry (Cum. Yks.), cold, piercing; snape (n.Cy. Dur. Lakel. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Lin. War. Shr.), to check, restrain, &c. The difference between snart and snar is accounted for by the fact that it is a Norse word. An adjective in Norse takes a t in the neuter, and this t not being recognized on these shores as an inflexional ending was sometimes adopted into English as if it belonged to the stem of the word, as for example in the literary words scant, want, athwart, cp. Icel. snarr, swift, keen, neut. snart. Many a delightful old word which ran[Pg 37] away from a public career a century or two ago, and left no address, may thus be discovered in its country retreat, hale and hearty yet, though hoary with age. It is hard to make a choice among so many, especially where the chosen must be few, but the following may perhaps serve as representatives of the remainder: attercop (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Wil.), a spider. This was in Old English attorcoppe, a spider, from ātor, attor, poison, and coppe, which probably means head, the old idea being that spiders were poisonous insects. In the M.E. poem The Owl and the Nightingale (c. 1225), the owl taunts the nightingale with eating ‘nothing but attercops, and foul flies, and worms’. Wyclif (1382) has: ‘The eiren [eggs] of edderes thei tobreeken, and the webbis of an attercop thei wouen,’ Isaiah lix. 5. Bairn or barn (Sc. Irel. and all the n. counties to Chs. Der. Lin.), a child, O.E. bearn, a child, a son or daughter, M.E. barn or bern. Owing to its use among educated Scotch people, this word has gained some footing in our colloquial speech, and it has always had a place in poetical diction, but its real stronghold is Scotland and the North. Perhaps no other word breathes such a spirit of human love and tenderness as this does. How infinitely superior is the barns to our commonplace the kids; or a bit bairn, or bairnie to that objectionable term a kiddie! Pillow-bere (Irel. n.Cy. Yks. Chs. Der. Lin. Shr. e.An. Ken. Sus. Som. Cor.), a pillow-case. We read of Chaucer’s ‘gentil Pardoner’ that:
The three main words have vanished from literary language, and to accurately express these two short sentences, we would need to paraphrase them like this: The snow, intensely cold, blew with a biting wind, which chilled the deer with frost. But if we look at the dialects, we find all three: snitter (Sh.I. Yks.), to snow, sb. a biting wind; snar, snarry (Cum. Yks.), cold, piercing; snape (n.Cy. Dur. Lakel. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Lin. War. Shr.), to check, restrain, &c. The difference between snart and snar is due to the fact that it is a Norse word. A Norse adjective takes a t in the neuter form, and since this t was not recognized here as an inflectional ending, it was sometimes integrated into English as if it were part of the word stem, as seen with the literary words scant, want, athwart, cp. Icel. snarling, swift, keen, neut. soon. Many charming old words that slipped out of public use a century or two ago, leaving no trace, can still be found in their rural haunts, still alive and well, albeit showing their age. It's hard to pick from so many, especially when only a few can be chosen, but the following may serve as representatives of the rest: attercop (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Wil.), a spider. This was in Old English attorney, a spider, derived from ātor, attorney, poison, and copper, which likely means head, stemming from the old belief that spiders were poisonous creatures. In the M.E. poem The Owl and the Nightingale (c. 1225), the owl mocks the nightingale for eating ‘nothing but spiders, and disgusting flies, and worms’. Wyclif (1382) states: ‘The peace [eggs]of spiders they break, and the webs of a spider they weave,’ Isaiah lix. 5. Bairn or barn (Sc. Irel. and all the n. counties to Chs. Der. Lin.), a child, O.E. bear, a child, a son or daughter, M.E. barn or bern. Due to its use among educated Scottish people, this word has made some inroads into our everyday speech, and it has always been used in poetry, but its true stronghold remains Scotland and the North. Perhaps no other word expresses such warmth and affection as this does. How much better is the barns compared to our normal term the kids; or a bit bairn, or bairnie compared to the less appealing term a kiddie! Pillow-bere (Irel. n.Cy. Yks. Chs. Der. Lin. Shr. e.An. Ken. Sus. Som. Cor.), a pillowcase. We read about Chaucer’s ‘gentil Pardoner’ that:
The word also occurs in several of the wills published in Wells Wills, by F. W. Weaver, 1890, as, for instance, in that of Juliane Webbe, of Swainswick, dated Jan. 11, 1533: ‘Julian Woodman vj shepe, a cowe &c. a salteseller, a knede cover, a stand, my ijⁿᵈ apparell of my body, a flockebed &c. ij pelowberys.’ Char, or chare (many dials.), an errand, a turn of work, an odd job, O.E. cerr, a turn, temporis spatium. We retain the word in the compound charwoman, and in a[Pg 38] disguised form in ajar, which literally means on the turn. An old proverbial saying (1678) runs: ‘That char is char’d, as the goodwife said when she had hanged her husband.’ Shakespeare has the word in:
The word also appears in several of the wills published in Wells Wills by F. W. Weaver, 1890, such as in the will of Juliane Webbe from Swainswick, dated Jan. 11, 1533: ‘Julian Woodman vj sheep, a cow &c., a salt shaker, a kneading cover, a stand, my ijⁿᵈ clothing, a flock bed &c. ij pillow bears.’ Char or chare (in many dials.) means an errand, a turn of work, or an odd job, stemming from O.E. cerr, which means a turn, time space. We still use the word in the compound charwoman and in a [Pg 38] disguised form in ajar, which literally means on the turn. An old saying from 1678 goes: ‘That character is done for, as the wife said when she had hanged her husband.’ Shakespeare uses the word in:
Charm (gen. use in midl. and s. counties), a confused intermingled song or hum of birds or bees, e.g. Ow the birds bin singin’ this mornin’, the coppy’s all on a charm. It is also used of the sound of many voices. A Herefordshire farmer’s wife writing to me about her five children under seven years of age, added: ‘You can guess what a charm they make.’ The O.E. form was cierm, a noise, with a verb cierman, to make a noise. Palsgrave (1530) has: ‘I chitter, I make a charme as a flock of small byrdes do when they be together.’ But we know the word best in Milton’s lines:
Charm (gen. use in midl. and s. counties), a mixed song or hum of birds or bees, e.g. "Oh, the birds have been singing this morning; the countryside's all in a charm." It's also used to describe the sound of many voices. A Herefordshire farmer’s wife wrote to me about her five children under seven and added, “You can imagine what a charm they make.” The O.E. form was cierm, meaning a noise, with a verb cierman, to make a noise. Palsgrave (1530) has: “I chitter, I make a charm like a flock of small birds when they're together.” But we know the word best from Milton’s lines:
The phrase to charm or cherm bees belongs here, and has no connexion with the ordinary word charm, of French origin. To charm bees is to follow a swarm of bees, beating a tea-tray, or ringing a stone against a spade or watering-can. This music is supposed to cause the bees to settle; but another object in doing thus is to let the neighbours know who owns the bees, if they should chance to settle on adjacent property. Har, or harr (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. also Mid. e.An. Hmp. Wil. Som.), the upright part of a gate or door to which the hinges are fastened, O.E. heorr, a hinge. Chaucer, in describing the ‘Mellere’, tells us:
The term charm or cherm bees is relevant here and has no relation to the usual word charm, which comes from French. To charm bees means to follow a swarm of bees while making noise, like banging a tea tray or hitting a stone against a spade or watering can. This noise is thought to help the bees settle down; another reason for doing this is to inform neighbors who owns the bees in case they land on nearby property. Har or harr (found in Scotland Sc., Northumberland Nhb., Durham Dur., Cumberland Cum., Westmorland Wm., Yorkshire Yks., Lancashire Lan.; also in Middlesex Mid., East Anglia e.An., Hampshire Hmp., Wiltshire Wil., and Somerset Som.) refers to the vertical part of a gate or door where the hinges are attached, O.E. heorr, a hinge. Chaucer, in describing the ‘Mellere’, tells us:
Hulk (n.Cy. Nhb. Nhp.), a cottage, a temporary shelter in a field for the shepherd during the lambing season, O.E. hulc,[Pg 39] tugurium. The ‘lodge in a garden of cucumbers’, Isaiah i. 8, is in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘an hulke in a place where gourdis wexen.’ Marrow (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and n. counties to Chs. Der.), a match, equal, a mate, spouse, &c. The word is found in the Promptorium Parvulorum (c. 1440): ‘Marwe, or felawe yn trauayle, socius, sodalis, compar.’ We are chiefly familiar with it in the ballad of The Braes of Yarrow, which begins:
Hulk (n.Cy. Nhb. Nhp.), a cottage, a temporary shelter in a field for the shepherd during lambing season, O.E. hulc,[Pg 39] tugurium. The ‘lodge in a garden of cucumbers’, Isaiah i. 8, appears in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘a huge thing in a place where gourds grow.’ Marrow (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and n. counties to Chs. Der.), a match, equal, a mate, spouse, &c. The word is found in the Promptorium Parvulorum (c. 1440): ‘Marwe, or fellow in trouble, friend, companion, peer.’ We know it mainly from the ballad of The Braes of Yarrow, which begins:
Mommet (n.Cy. Wm. Yks. Lan. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), an image, effigy, a scarecrow, &c., M.E. mawmet, an idol, O.Fr. mahummet, mahommet, ‘idole en général,’ La Curne; Mahumet, one of the idols of the Saracens. It is the same word as Mahomet, Arab. Muhammed. The form in Shakespeare is mammet:
Mommet (n.Cy. Wm. Yks. Lan. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a figure, effigy, a scarecrow, &c., M.E. dummy, an idol, O.Fr. mahommed, mohammed, ‘general idol,’ La Curne; Mahumet, one of the idols of the Saracens. It’s the same word as Mahomet, Arab. Muhammad. The form in Shakespeare is mammet:
In Wyclif’s Bible it is mawmet: ‘And thei maden a calf in tho daies, and offriden a sacrifice to the mawmet,’ Acts vii. 41; ‘My little sones, kepe ȝe ȝou fro maumetis,’ 1 John v. 21. Quag (gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a quagmire. This word occurs in The Pilgrim’s Progress, in the description of the Valley of the Shadow of Death: ‘behold, on the left hand there was a very dangerous Quag, into which, if even a good man falls, he finds no bottom for his foot to stand on: Into that Quag King David once did fall, and had, no doubt, therein been smothered, had not he that is able plucked him out.’ Immediately afterwards the same ‘Quag’ is called a ‘Mire’: ‘when he sought, in the Dark, to shun the Ditch on the one hand, he was ready to tip over into the Mire on the other.’ Mire, a bog, a swamp, is common in the Lake District and Devonshire. Yet another word with the same meaning is mizzy (n.Cy. Lan.), used by the Lancashire author of Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight (c. 1360) in one of the most picturesque passages in the whole poem, the account[Pg 40] of Sir Gawayne’s ride through the forest on Christmas Eve:
In Wyclif’s Bible, it is *mawmet*: ‘And they made a calf in those days, and offered a sacrifice to the mawmet,’ Acts vii. 41; ‘My little children, keep yourselves from mawmetis,’ 1 John v. 21. *Quag* (general dialect use in Scotland and England), means a quagmire. This word appears in The Pilgrim’s Progress, in the description of the Valley of the Shadow of Death: ‘behold, on the left side there was a very dangerous Quag, into which, if even a good man falls, he finds no bottom for his foot to stand on: Into that Quag King David once did fall, and had, no doubt, been smothered there, had not he who is able pulled him out.’ Immediately afterwards, the same ‘Quag’ is referred to as a ‘Mire’: ‘when he sought, in the Dark, to avoid the Ditch on one side, he was about to tip over into the Mire on the other.’ *Mire*, a bog, a swamp, is common in the Lake District and Devonshire. Another word with the same meaning is *mizzy* (north Country Lancashire), used by the Lancashire author of Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight (c. 1360) in one of the most vivid passages in the entire poem, the account of Sir Gawayne’s ride through the forest on Christmas Eve:
Rise (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), a branch, twig, O.E. hrīs, a twig. ‘Cherries in the ryse’ is an old London Street Cry, as we know from Lydgate’s poem entitled London Lyckpeny:
Rise (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), a branch or twig, O.E. hrīs, a twig. "Cherries in the rise" is an old street cry from London, as we know from Lydgate’s poem titled London Lyckpeny:
Another instance of the use of the word may be taken from the old carol The Flower of Jesse (c. 1426):
Another example of the use of the word can be found in the old carol The Jesse Tree (c. 1426):
Steven (Cum. w.Yks.), a gathering; an appointment. Hence, to set the steven, a phrase meaning to agree upon the time and place of meeting, O.E. stefn, a voice. The phrase ‘at unset stevene’ occurs in Chaucer’s Knightes Tale, l. 666, and in other early poems. In the Cokes Tale we read concerning ‘Perkin Revelour’ and his friends:
Steven (Cum. w.Yks.), a gathering; an appointment. Therefore, to set the steven means to agree on the time and place to meet, from O.E. stefn, meaning a voice. The phrase ‘at unset stevene’ appears in Chaucer’s Knight's Tale, l. 666, and in other early poems. In the Coke's Story, we read about ‘Perkin Revelour’ and his friends:
Shep (Cum. Lin. Som. Dev.), a shepherd. This form is familiar to us as occurring in the opening lines of Piers Plowman:
Shep (Cum. Lin. Som. Dev.), a shepherd. This version is known to us from the opening lines of Piers Plowman:
Toll-booth (Sc. Yks.), a place where tolls are paid, a town or market hall. Matthew, according to Wyclif (1388), was ‘sittynge in a tolbothe’, Matt. ix. 9. Thwittle (n.Cy. Cum. Yks. Lan.), a large knife. Simkin, the miller of Trumpington, had one:
Toll-booth (Sc. Yks.), a place where tolls are paid, a town or market hall. Matthew, according to Wyclif (1388), was ‘sitting in a toll booth’, Matt. ix. 9. Thwittle (n.Cy. Cum. Yks. Lan.), a large knife. Simkin, the miller of Trumpington, had one:
The word is a derivative of thwite (Sc. n.Cy. Lan. Der. Shr. Dev.), to pare wood, to cut with a knife, O.E. þwītan, to cut, shave off.
The word comes from thwite (Sc. n.Cy. Lan. Der. Shr. Dev.), meaning to shave wood or cut with a knife, O.E. þwītan, to cut or shave off.
‘Hit were to tore [hard] for to telle of þe tenþe dole’ of these old substantives still surviving in the dialects, but I will add just a few more in a list: ask (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. to Chs. and n.Lin.), a newt, lizard, O.E. āðexe, cp. Germ. Eidechse; bree (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs.), the eyelid, the eyebrow, O.E. brǣw, the eyelid; cloam (Pem. Nrf. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), crockery, earthenware, O.E. clām, clay; dig (Irel. Yks. Lan. Chs.), a duck, cp. ‘Here are doves, diggs, drakes’ Chester Plays, c. 1400, Deluge, 189, ‘anette, a duck, or dig,’ Cotgrave; gavelock (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lin. Nrf. Suf.), an iron crowbar, O.E. gafeluc, a spear; holster (Som. Dev. Cor.), a hiding-place, O.E. heolster, a place of concealment; ham (Not. Nhp. Glo. Sus. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev.), flat, low-lying pasture, land near a stream or river, O.E. hamm, a pasture or meadow inclosed with a ditch; haffet (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm.), the temple, the side of the face, O.E. healf-hēafod, the front part of the head; heugh (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.), a crag, cliff, precipice, O.E. hōh, a promontory, lit. a hanging (precipice); hull (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a husk, a pod, also used as a verb, to remove the outer husk of any vegetable or fruit, O.E. hulu, husk, cp. ‘Take Whyte Pesyn, and hoole hem in þe maner as men don Caboges,’ Cookery Book, c. 1430; hoar-stone (Sc. Lan. Oxf.), a boundary stone, O.E. hār stān (lit. a hoar stone, i.e. a grey or ancient stone), often occurs in Charters in the part describing the boundary line; haysuck (Wor. Glo.),[Pg 42] hedge-sparrow, O.E. hegesugge; hobbleshow (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), a tumult, disturbance, &c. ‘An hubbleshowe, tumultus’, Levins, Manipulus Vocabulorum, 1570; litten (Brks. Sus. Hmp. Wil. Som.), a churchyard, a cemetery, O.E. līctūn, an enclosure in which to bury people; lide (w.Cy. Wil. Cor.), the month of March, O.E. hlȳda; lave (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks.), the remainder, O.E. lāf; leap (many dials.), a large basket, seed-lip (gen. dial. use in Yks. Midl. e. s. and w. counties from Lei.), a basket used to hold the seed when sowing, O.E. sǣdlēap; oly-praunce (Nhp.), a merry-making, M.E. olipraunce, vanity, fondness for gay apparel; pollywig, pollywiggle (Sc. Lan. Lei. Nhp. e.An. Hmp. Dev.), a tadpole, cp. ‘Polewigges, tadpoles, young frogs,’ Florio, 1611, ‘Polwygle, wyrme,’ Promptorium Parvulorum; porriwiggle, porwiggle (n.Cy. Yks. Lei. e.An. Sur.), a tadpole, cp. ‘that which the ancients called gyrinus, we a porwigle or tadpole,’ Sir Thomas Browne, Vulgar Errors, 1646; preen (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks.), a pin, O.E. prēon; rake (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Lin.), a track, path, &c., cp. O.E. racu, a hollow path; ridder (Oxf. Hrt. Mid. e.Cy. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Cor.), a sieve for sifting grain, O.E. hrīdder; rivlin (Sh. & Or.I.), a kind of sandal made of undressed skin with the hair outside, O.E. rifeling; ream (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Cum. Yks. Lan. Dev. Cor.), cream, O.E. rēam; rother (n.Cy. Lan. War. Wor. Hrf. Sus.), horned cattle, M.E. rother, an ox; sax (Sh.I. Lin. Brks. w.Cy. Som. Dev. Cor.), a knife, O.E. seax; seal (Sc. Chs. e.An.), time, season—the seal of the day to you is a friendly salutation; to give a person the seal of the day is to give him a passing salutation—O.E. sǣl, time, season, &c.; shippen (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), a cow-house, a cattle-shed, O.E. scypen, scipen, a stall, a fold for cattle or sheep; slade (many dials.), a valley, a grassy plain between hills, O.E. slæd; souter (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Nhp.), a shoemaker, O.E. sūtere, from Lat. sutor; soller (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Shr. Hrf. e.An. s.Cy. Cor.), an upper chamber or loft, O.E. solor, a loft, upper room, from Lat. solarium; singreen (Wor. Shr. Bck. Ken. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil.), the house-leek,[Pg 43] O.E. singrēne, the houseleek, lit. evergreen; snead (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), the handle of a scythe, O.E. snǣd; whittle (Irel. Dur. Lei. War. Pem. Glo. Oxf. Suf. Sus. Hmp. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a cape, a shawl, &c., O.E. hwītel, a cloak, a blanket; wogh (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), a wall, O.E. wāg, wāh; yelm (War. Glo. Bdf. Mid.), straw laid ready for thatching, O.E. gelm, a handful, a sheaf.
‘It's hard to talk about the tenth part of these old nouns that still exist in the dialects, but I'll list just a few more: ask (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. to Chs. and n.Lin.), a newt, lizard, O.E. āðexe, cp. Germ. Gecko; bree (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs.), the eyelid, the eyebrow, O.E. brew, the eyelid; cloam (Pem. Nrf. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), crockery, earthenware, O.E. claim, clay; dig (Irel. Yks. Lan. Chs.), a duck, cp. ‘Here are doves, digs, drakes’ Chester's Games, c. 1400, Flood, 189, ‘anette, a duck, or dig,’ Cotgrave; gavelock (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lin. Nrf. Suf.), an iron crowbar, O.E. gafeluc, a spear; holster (Som. Dev. Cor.), a hiding-place, O.E. holster, a place of concealment; ham (Not. Nhp. Glo. Sus. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev.), flat, low-lying pasture, land near a stream or river, O.E. hamm, a pasture or meadow enclosed with a ditch; haffet (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm.), the temple, the side of the face, O.E. healed head, the front part of the head; heugh (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.), a crag, cliff, precipice, O.E. huh, a promontory, lit. a hanging (precipice); hull (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a husk, a pod, also used as a verb, to remove the outer husk of any vegetable or fruit, O.E. Hulu, husk, cp. ‘Take Whyte Pesyn, and cook it in the way that people prepare Caboges.,’ Cookery Book, c. 1430; hoar-stone (Sc. Lan. Oxf.), a boundary stone, O.E. här stān (lit. a hoar stone, i.e. a grey or ancient stone), often occurs in Charters in the part describing the boundary line; haysuck (Wor. Glo.),[Pg 42] hedge-sparrow, O.E. hegesugge; hobbleshow (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), a tumult, disturbance, &c. ‘A Hubble show, disturbance’, Levins, Manipulus Vocabulorum, 1570; litten (Brks. Sus. Hmp. Wil. Som.), a churchyard, a cemetery, O.E. lifestyle, an enclosure in which to bury people; lide (w.Cy. Wil. Cor.), the month of March, O.E. hlȳda; lave (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks.), the remainder, O.E. bread; leap (many dials.), a large basket, seed-lip (gen. dial. use in Yks. Midl. e. s. and w. counties from Lei.), a basket used to hold the seed when sowing, O.E. saddlebag; oly-praunce (Nhp.), a merry-making, M.E. olipraunce, vanity, fondness for gay apparel; pollywig, pollywiggle (Sc. Lan. Lei. Nhp. e.An. Hmp. Dev.), a tadpole, cp. ‘Polewogs, tadpoles, young frogs,’ Florio, 1611, ‘Polwygle, dragon,’ Promptorium Parvulorum; porriwiggle, porwiggle (n.Cy. Yks. Lei. e.An. Sur.), a tadpole, cp. ‘what the ancients calledgyrinus, we a tadpole,’ Sir Thomas Browne, Vulgar Errors, 1646; preen (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks.), a pin, O.E. prion; rake (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Lin.), a track, path, &c., cp. O.E. raccoon, a hollow path; ridder (Oxf. Hrt. Mid. e.Cy. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Cor.), a sieve for sifting grain, O.E. hrīdder; rivlin (Sh. & Or.I.), a kind of sandal made of undressed skin with the hair outside, O.E. rifling; ream (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Cum. Yks. Lan. Dev. Cor.), cream, O.E. rеam; rother (n.Cy. Lan. War. Wor. Hrf. Sus.), horned cattle, M.E. brother, an ox; sax (Sh.I. Lin. Brks. w.Cy. Som. Dev. Cor.), a knife, O.E. seax knife; seal (Sc. Chs. e.An.), time, season—the seal of the day to you is a friendly salutation; to give a person the seal of the day is to give them a passing salutation—O.E. sail, time, season, &c.; shippen (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), a cow-house, a cattle-shed, O.E. scypen, scipen, a stall, a fold for cattle or sheep; slade (many dials.), a valley, a grassy plain between hills, O.E. sled; souter (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Nhp.), a shoemaker, O.E. suitor, from Lat. tailor; soller (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Shr. Hrf. e.An. s.Cy. Cor.), an upper chamber or loft, O.E. solar, a loft, upper room, from Lat. sunroom; singreen (Wor. Shr. Bck. Ken. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil.), the house-leek,[Pg 43] O.E. singrēne, the houseleek, lit. evergreen; snead (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), the handle of a scythe, O.E. snip; whittle (Irel. Dur. Lei. War. Pem. Glo. Oxf. Suf. Sus. Hmp. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a cape, a shawl, &c., O.E. white, a cloak, a blanket; wogh (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), a wall, O.E.
It would be possible to produce samples of these retired English words categorized under each of the various parts of speech, but it will be sufficient here to keep to the most important categories, namely, nouns, adjectives, and verbs. Not but what many interesting words will thus perforce stand neglected, for even the humble adverb is often worth a glance. Take for example the modest form tho (Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), then, at that time. This is the regularly developed lineal descendant of O.E. þā, and Chaucer’s tho in the line:
It would be possible to create samples of these outdated English words organized by their different parts of speech, but here it’s enough to focus on the most important categories: nouns, adjectives, and verbs. However, this means that many interesting words will unfortunately be overlooked, as even the simple adverb can be worth noting. Take, for example, the lesser-known form tho (Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), which was used back then. This is the direct descendant of O.E. þā, and Chaucer’s though in the line:
The common dialect adverb nobbut, only, nothing but, lit. not but, occurs in Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight. When Sir Gawayne is looking for ‘þe grene chapelle’, to his disgust he finds that it consists of a hollow mound, ‘nobot an old caue,’ where, he says:
The common dialect adverb nobbut, meaning only or nothing but, appears in Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight. When Sir Gawayne is searching for ‘the green chapel’, he is dismayed to discover that it's just a hollow mound, ‘nobot an old cause’, where he says:
But to come to our second category, namely, old adjectives now disused in standard English, examples are: argh (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks. Lin.), timorous, apprehensive, O.E. earh (earg), cowardly (cp. Germ. arg), ‘His hert arwe as an hare,’ Rob. of Gloucester, Chron., c. 1300; brant (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), steep, high, also erect, and hence proud, pompous, e.g. as brant as a besom, O.E. brant, bront. Brantwood on the eastern margin of Coniston Lake, the residence of Ruskin, was so called from the brant, or steep wood which rises behind it. Dern (Sc. Nhb. Chs.), secret, obscure, also dreary, dark,[Pg 44] O.E. dyrne, derne, cp. ‘For derne love of thee lemman, I spille,’ Milleres Tale, l. 92; elenge (Ken. Sur. Sus.), solitary, lonely, tedious, O.E. ǣlenge, tedious, tiresome, lit. very long; fremd (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin. Nhp.), strange, foreign, not of kin, O.E. fremde, foreign, cp. Germ. fremd. In M.E. this word is often coupled with sibb, which latter word has the opposite meaning of related, akin, as for example in the lines from the Moral Ode, c. 1200:
But moving on to our second category, which includes old adjectives no longer used in standard English, examples are: argh (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks. Lin.), timid, anxious, O.E. earth (earg), cowardly (cp. Germ. arg), ‘His heart is like a hare,’ Rob. of Gloucester, Chron., c. 1300; brant (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), steep, high, also upright, and hence proud, pretentious, e.g. as brant as a besom, O.E. brant, bront. Brantwood on the eastern margin of Coniston Lake, the home of Ruskin, was named for the brant, or steep wood that rises behind it. Dern (Sc. Nhb. Chs.), secret, hidden, also gloomy, dark,[Pg 44] O.E. dyrne, derne, cp. ‘For the love of you, my dear, I will act.,’ Miller's Tale, l. 92; elenge (Ken. Sur. Sus.), solitary, lonely, wearisome, O.E. ǣlenge, tedious, tiresome, lit. very long; fremd (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin. Nhp.), strange, foreign, not related, O.E. strange, foreign, cp. Germ. strange. In M.E. this word is often paired with sibling, which has the opposite meaning of related, akin, as in the lines from the Moral Ode, c. 1200:
This too remains in the dialects as sib (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. Nhp. War. Wor.), closely related, akin, e.g. Oor Marmaduke’s sib to all the gentles in th’ cuntry, though he hes cum doon to leäd coäls. Fenny (Ken. Hmp. Wil.), mouldy, mildewed, also in the form vinny (Glo. Brks. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), O.E. fynig, used by Ælfric in translating Joshua ix. 5, of the Gibeonites’ bread; hettle(Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks.)-tongued, foul-mouthed, irascible in speech, O.E. hetol, full of hate, malignant. Lief, dear, beloved, is obsolete as an adjective even in the dialects, but as an adverb it is common throughout the country, so too is the comparative form liefer, more willingly, rather, M.E. me were lever, I had rather, a phrase familiar to us in the description of the Clerk of Oxenford:
This also persists in the dialects as sib (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. Nhp. War. Wor.), related, similar, e.g. Oor Marmaduke’s sib to all the folks in the area, even though he has come down to lead coal. Fenny (Ken. Hmp. Wil.), musty, moldy, also in the form vinny (Glo. Brks. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), O.E. finding, used by Ælfric in translating Joshua ix. 5, regarding the Gibeonites’ bread; hettle(Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks.)-tongued, foul-mouthed, irritable in speech, O.E. hetol, full of hate, spiteful. Lief, dear, beloved, is outdated as an adjective even in the dialects, but as an adverb it is common across the country, as is the comparative form liefer, more willingly, rather, M.E. me were lever, I would rather, a phrase we recognize in the description of the Clerk of Oxford:
Piping hot (gen. dial. and colloquial use) is a phrase also found in Chaucer:
Piping hot (gen. dial. and colloquial use) is a phrase also found in Chaucer:
Punch (Sc. n.Cy. Yks.), short, fat, occurs in Pepys’s Diary, April 30, 1669, ‘I ... did hear them call their fat child punch, which pleased me mightily, that word being become a word[Pg 45] of common use for all that is thick and short.’ Rathe (Sc. Irel. Yks. Hrf. Gmg. Pem. Glo. Brks. Hrt. e.An. Ken. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev.), adj. and adv. early, soon, quick, O.E. hræð, adj. quick, swift, hræðe, adv. quickly, soon, recalls Milton’s line:
Punch (Sc. n.Cy. Yks.), short and chubby, appears in Pepys’s Diary, April 30, 1669, ‘I heard them call their chubby child "punch," which made me really happy since that word has become a popular way to describe anything thick and short.’ Rathe (Sc. Irel. Yks. Hrf. Gmg. Pem. Glo. Brks. Hrt. e.An. Ken. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev.), adj. early, soon, quick, O.E. hræð, adj. quick, swift, hræðe, adv. quickly, soon, relates to Milton’s line:
In many of the dialects the word is found in the compound rathe-ripe, coming early to maturity, for the use of which we have evidence as far back as the seventeenth century, in an epitaph on two little children who died in 1668 and 1670:
In many dialects, the word appears in the compound rathe-ripe, meaning coming early to maturity. We have evidence of its use going back to the seventeenth century, as seen in an epitaph for two little children who died in 1668 and 1670:
Another familiar Miltonic word is scrannel (Yks. Lan. Not. Nhp. War.), lean, thin; of the voice: weak, piping.
Another familiar Miltonic word is scrannel (Yks. Lan. Not. Nhp. War.), meaning lean or thin; when referring to the voice: weak and piping.
Sackless (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.) is a word which has fallen from its high estate, just like the standard English word silly, which originally meant blessed, happy (cp. Germ. selig). O.E. saclēas signified free from accusation, innocent, but in the modern English dialects the usual meaning is lacking common sense, foolish, stupid, or weak in body or mind, feeble, helpless, e.g. She leuk’d sackless and deead-heeaded, an we put her intiv a gain-hand garth te tent her, i.e. she [the cow] looked helpless and hung her head, and we put her into an adjoining enclosure to look after her. Span-new (gen. dial. and colloquial use in Sc. and Eng.), quite new, M.E. spannewe, occurs in The Lay of Havelok the Dane, c. 1280:
Sackless (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.) is a word that has lost its significance, similar to the standard English word silly, which originally meant blessed or happy (cp. Germ. blessed). O.E. sacless meant free from accusation, innocent, but in modern English dialects, the common meaning is lacking common sense, foolish, stupid, or weak in body or mind, feeble, helpless. For example, she looked sackless and dead-headed, and we put her into a nearby pen to take care of her, meaning she [the cow] looked helpless and hung her head, and we put her into an adjoining enclosure to look after her. Span-new (gen. dial. and colloquial use in Sc. and Eng.), meaning completely new, M.E. spanner, appears in The Story of Havelok the Dane, c. 1280:
It is originally a Norse form, O.N. spān-nȳr, literally, new as a chip of wood, the vowel of spān having become short in M.E., and the O.N. nȳr replaced by the native equivalent newe. Spān is the O.N. cognate of our word spoon, O.E. spōn, an article made out of wood when it first took shape. Tickle (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), insecure, unstable, &c., is used by Chaucer in the Milleres Tale:
It originally comes from Norse, O.N. spanner, which literally means new like a chip of wood. The vowel in spān has shortened in M.E., and the O.N. nȳr has been replaced by the native equivalent newe. Spān is the O.N. equivalent of our word spoon, O.E. spoon, which was originally made out of wood. Tickle (used in general dialects in Sc., Irel., and Eng.) means insecure, unstable, &c., and is used by Chaucer in the Miller's Tale:
A word of almost the same meaning is wankle (Sc. n. and midl. counties to Wor. Shr. Hrf.), insecure, tottering, also weak, delicate, O.E. wancol, used in the same senses. Swipper (Sc. n.Cy. Lan.), quick, nimble, is recorded in the Promptorium Parvulorum, ‘Swypyr, or delyvyr, agilis.’ Nesh, meaning soft, brittle, delicate, &c., O.E. hnesce; and rear, used of meat, eggs, &c., half-cooked, underdone, O.E. hrēr, are still in common use all over England. Lear, empty, hungry, O.E. lǣre (cp. Germ. leer), is found in almost all the Midland, Southern, and South-western counties. A curious relic of an obsolete verb is the participle forwoden (n.Cy. Yks.), in a state of dirt, desolation, and waste, generally caused by vermin, overrun, e.g. Oor apple cham’er is fair forwoden wi’ rattens and meyce. It is the same word as O.E. forworden, undone, perished, the past participle of forweorþan, to perish, a compound of the prefix for- expressing destruction, and weorþan, to become, which remains to us in the Biblical phrase, ‘Woe worth the day!’ Ezek. xxx. 2, and the dialect wae worth, or wa worth (Sc. n.Cy. Dur. Lakel. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der.), used as an imprecation, or as an exclamation of dismay on hearing fearful tidings.
A word with a similar meaning is wankle (Sc. n. and midl. counties to Wor. Shr. Hrf.), which means insecure, tottering, as well as weak and delicate. This comes from O.E. wancoal, used in the same contexts. Swipper (Sc. n.Cy. Lan.), meaning quick and nimble, is mentioned in the Promptorium Parvulorum, as ‘Swypyr, or delivery, quick.’ Nesh, meaning soft, brittle, and delicate, comes from O.E. hnesce; and rear, which refers to meat, eggs, and other dishes that are half-cooked or underdone, is derived from O.E. hrēr, and is still commonly used throughout England. Lear, meaning empty or hungry, is from O.E. lair (cp. Germ. leering), is found in almost all Midland, Southern, and South-western counties. A curious remnant of an outdated verb is the participle forwoden (n.Cy. Yks.), which describes a state of dirt, desolation, and waste, typically caused by vermin, for instance, Oor apple cham’er is fair forwoden wi’ rattens and meyce. It’s the same word as O.E. forwarded, meaning undone or perished, the past participle of forweorþan, to perish, comprised of the prefix for- indicating destruction, and become, to become, which we still see in the Biblical phrase, ‘Woe worth the day!’ Ezek. xxx. 2, and the dialect wae worth, or wa worth (Sc. n.Cy. Dur. Lakel. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der.), which is used as a curse or an expression of shock when hearing bad news.
This brings us to the third category, the time-honoured verbs, and truly their name is legion. Dow (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. e.An.), to thrive, prosper, to be good for something, &c., O.E. dugan, to be strong, to avail (cp. Germ. taugen), M.E. dowen:
This brings us to the third category, the traditional verbs, and truly their name is many. Dow (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. e.An.), to thrive, prosper, to be useful, &c., O.E. dugan, to be strong, to be of use (cp. Germ. taugen), M.E. down:
This verb contains the stem from which comes the adjective doughty:
This verb has the stem that the adjective doughty comes from:
But even this is now archaic, and the verb has wholly disappeared from the standard speech, whilst it remains in various forms and meanings in the dialects. It is a saying in Yorkshire that: They never dow that strange dogs follow. Another current expression, ‘He’ll never dow, egg nor bird,’ occurs amongst Ray’s Proverbs, 1678. Dow occurs as a substantive meaning worth, value, in several phrases, as: to do no dow, to be of no use or value, e.g.
But even this is now outdated, and the verb has completely vanished from standard speech, while it still exists in various forms and meanings in regional dialects. There's a saying in Yorkshire: "They never dow that strange dogs follow." Another common expression, "He'll never do, egg, or bird.," appears in Ray’s Proverbs, 1678. Dow is also used as a noun meaning worth or value in several phrases, such as: to do no dow, meaning to be of no use or value, e.g.
Dree (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), to endure, suffer, O.E. drēogan, M.E. dreyen, drien. In a description of the building of the Tower of Babel, given in the Cursor Mundi (c. 1300), are the lines:
Dree (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), to endure, suffer, O.E. endure, M.E. dreyen, drien. In a description of the building of the Tower of Babel, given in the Cursor Mundi (c. 1300), are the lines:
To dree one’s weird, to endure one’s fate, is a phrase now practically confined to Scotland, though this was not the case in the earlier periods of the language. It occurs, for instance, in Cleanness, a poem probably written by the author of Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, who was a Lancashire man:
To face one's fate, to accept what life brings, is a phrase that's now mostly used in Scotland, although it wasn't always the case in earlier times. It appears, for example, in Cleanness, a poem likely written by the same author as Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, who was from Lancashire:
Flite (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin.), to scold, find fault, O.E. flītan, to strive, chide, M.E. flīten, to quarrel, contend:
Flite (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin.), to criticize, find fault, O.E. flit, to struggle, argue, M.E. flee, to fight, contend:
Heal (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), to hide, conceal, keep secret, O.E. helan, str. vb. and helian, wk. vb., to conceal, M.E. helen:
Heal (used in Sc., Irel., and Eng.) means to hide, conceal, or keep secret, from O.E. helan, str. vb. and helian, wk. vb., to conceal, from M.E. helena:
A healer is a receiver of stolen goods, a common word in the proverb: the healer’s as bad as the stealer. The verb is also used in the sense of to cover, to wrap up, to tuck up with bed-clothes. The allied verb hill (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Lei. Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Oxf. Wil.), to wrap, cover with clothes, is a Scandinavian loan-word, O.N. hylja, to cover (cp. Goth. huljan):
A healer is someone who accepts stolen goods, a common phrase in the saying: the healer’s just as bad as the stealer. The verb is also used in the sense of covering, wrapping up, or tucking in with blankets. The related verb hill (from various northern regions including n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Lei. Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Oxf. Wil.) means to wrap or cover with clothes, and it comes from a Scandinavian loan-word, O.N. hylja, meaning to cover (cp. Goth. huljan):
Another verb of the same meaning is hap (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and n. counties to Der. Not. Lin.), which also occurs in our early literature:
Another verb with the same meaning is hap (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and n. counties to Der. Not. Lin.), which also appears in our early literature:
Hish (Sc. War. Nrf.), to make a hissing noise to hound on a dog, occurs in Wyclif’s Bible, ‘The Lord ... ȝaf hem in to stiryng, and in to perischyng, and in to hisshing,’ 2 Chron. xxviii. 8. Lout (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Yks. Hmp.), to stoop, bend, bow, O.E. lūtan, M.E. louten:
Hish (Sc. War. Nrf.), to make a hissing noise to signal a dog, appears in Wyclif’s Bible, ‘The Lord... gave them over to confusion, destruction, and whispering.,’ 2 Chron. xxviii. 8. Lout (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Yks. Hmp.), to stoop, bend, or bow, O.E. lutan, M.E. lout:
Latch (n.Cy. Dur. Yks. Lan. Der. e.An.), to catch, lay hold of, O.E. læccan, M.E. lacchen, to catch, seize. In a poem called Patience, written by the same author as Cleanness and Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, the word occurs in a striking and curiously realistic description of Jonah inside the whale: ‘Lorde! colde watȝ his cumfort & his care huge.... How fro[Pg 49] þe bot in-to þe blober [bubbling waves] watȝ with [by] a best lacched.’ Lathe (n.Cy. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), to bid, ask, invite, especially to invite to a funeral or wedding, O.E. laðian, M.E. laðien:
Latch (n.Cy. Dur. Yks. Lan. Der. e.An.), to catch, grab, O.E. læccan, M.E. lacchen, to catch, seize. In a poem called Patience, written by the same author as Cleanness and Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, the word appears in a striking and notably realistic description of Jonah inside the whale: ‘Lord! cold was his comfort and his care huge... How from[Pg 49] the bot into the blobber [bubbling waves]Watch with a best catch.’ Lathe (n.Cy. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), to invite, request, ask, especially to invite to a funeral or wedding, O.E. laðian, M.E. lady:
Nim (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Nhp. Lei. War. Ken. Som. Dev.), to catch up quickly, to take or catch up on the sly, to steal, O.E. niman, to take, M.E. nimen:
Nim (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Nhp. Lei. War. Ken. Som. Dev.), to quickly catch up, to take or sneak up on something, to steal, O.E. niman, to take, M.E. nimen:
In this sense the verb is obsolescent in the dialects, but it is still used in the sense of to walk with quick, short steps, to walk briskly and lightly, or mincingly. Probably this meaning is a development of the earlier uses of the verb in the phrase ‘to take one’s way’, and hence simply, to go, cp.:
In this way, the verb is becoming outdated in the dialects, but it is still used to mean walking with quick, short steps, walking briskly and lightly, or walking in a dainty manner. This meaning likely evolved from the earlier uses of the verb in the phrase 'to take one’s way', which basically means to go, cp.:
The standard adjective nimble is related to this old verb, so too is that apparently meaningless word nim in the old nursery rhyme said or sung to a baby on one’s knee:
The standard adjective nimble is related to this old verb, and so is that seemingly meaningless word nim in the old nursery rhyme said or sung to a baby on one’s knee:
One is glad to give a local habitation and a name to a friend of such tender associations! Quop (Lei. Wor. Hrf. Glo. Oxf.[Pg 50] Brks.), to palpitate, throb with pain, M.E. quappen, occurs in Chaucer’s Troilus and Creseyde (c. 1374): ‘So that his herte gan to quappe,’ Bk. III, l. 57, and also in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘And he [Tobie] wente out for to wasshen his feet; and lo! a gret fish wente out for to deuouren hym. Whom dredende Tobie criede out with a gret vois, seiende, Lord, he asaileth me. And the aungil seide to hym, Cach his fin, and draȝ it to thee. The whiche thing whan he hadde do, he droȝ it in to the drie, and it began to quappe befor his feet,’ Tobit vi. 2-5. Ream (Sc. Dur. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp. Shr.), to shout, cry aloud, to weep, bewail, O.E. hrēman, M.E. rēmen:
One is happy to give a local home and a name to a friend with such cherished memories! Quop (Lei. Wor. Hrf. Glo. Oxf.[Pg 50] Brks.), to beat, throb with pain, M.E. quappen, appears in Chaucer’s Troilus and Criseyde (c. 1374): ‘So that his heart began to tremble.,’ Bk. III, l. 57, and also in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘Tobie went out to wash his feet, and suddenly, a huge fish came out to swallow him. Fearful, Tobie shouted loudly, saying, "Lord, it’s attacking me." The angel said to him, "Catch its fin and pull it toward you." When he did this, he dragged it onto dry land, and it started to thrash around before his feet.,’ Tobit vi. 2-5. Ream (Sc. Dur. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp. Shr.), to shout, cry out, to weep, lament, O.E. hrēman, M.E. ramen:
Speer (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Nhp. Som.), to search out, to ask, inquire, O.E. spyrian, M.E. spürien, speren, spiren:
Speer (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Nhp. Som.), to search out, to ask, inquire, O.E. spyrian, M.E. spürien, sperens, spiral:
Shale (Dur. w.Yks. Nhp. e.An. Wil. Dor.), to walk crookedly or awkwardly, to shamble:
Shale (Dur. w.Yks. Nhp. e.An. Wil. Dor.), to walk in a crooked or awkward way, to shuffle:
Snib (Sc. Irel. Rut. Lei. Nhp. Bdf.), to check, restrain, rebuke, M.E. snibben:
Snib (Sc. Irel. Rut. Lei. Nhp. Bdf.), to check, restrain, rebuke, M.E. snibben:
Swink (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. War. Hrf. Ken.), to work hard, labour, toil, O.E. swincan, M.E. swinken:
Swink (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. War. Hrf. Ken.), to work hard, labor, toil, O.E. swincan, M.E. work:
The form swinked, oppressed, tired, also occurs, reminding us of Milton’s:
The form swinked, weighed down, exhausted, also appears, reminding us of Milton’s:
Thole (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der.), to bear, suffer, endure, O.E. þolian, M.E. tholien, tholen:
Thole: to bear, suffer, endure.
Won (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Lan. Chs. Der.), to dwell, live, O.E. wunian, M.E. wunien, wunen, and wonen, with o written for u as in N.E. come, love, &c.
Won (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Lan. Chs. Der.), to dwell, live, O.E. wunian, M.E. wunien, wunen, and wonen, with o written for u as in N.E. come, love, &c.
But in many districts this is said to be obsolescent in the dialects of to-day. The past participle of this verb, O.E. wunod, M.E. wuned, early came to be used in the sense of accustomed, for instance:
But in many areas, this is said to be outdated in today’s dialects. The past participle of this verb, O.E. wunod, M.E. wonded, soon began to be used to mean accustomed, for example:
Cp. ‘Wunt, or vsyed: assuetus,’ Promptorium Parvulorum. From this was developed the standard English form wont, which ought to be pronounced wunt, but the graphic o has been taken for an original o, and the spelling has influenced the pronunciation. Wont occurs in a few of the Midland dialects as a verb meaning to familiarize, to domesticate, accustom, e.g. If you tek the cat, you’ll hev to butter her feet to wont her, an’ then it’s chanch if shay doon’t coom back ’ere agen (Lei.). Welk (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Hrf. Bdf. Hrt. e.An. Ken.), to wither, to fade, M.E. welken:
Cp. ‘Wunt, or vsyed: usual,’ Children's Dictionary. From this came the standard English form wont, which should be pronounced wunt, but the written o has been mistaken for an original o, and the spelling has affected the pronunciation. Wont appears in a few Midland dialects as a verb meaning to get used to, to acclimate, for example: If you take the cat, you’ll have to butter her feet to get her used to it, and then it’s a chance she won’t come back here again (Lei.). Welk (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Hrf. Bdf. Hrt. e.An. Ken.), to wither, to fade, M.E. wilt:
Another verb with the same meaning is wellow (Yks.), which occurs in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘The reed and the resshe shal welewen,’ Isaiah xix. 6. Yawl (Sc. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin. Lei. Nhp. War. e.An. Som.), to howl, to bawl, is found in Sir Gawayne:
Another verb with the same meaning is wellow (Yks.), which appears in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘The reed and the rush shall flourish.,’ Isaiah xix. 6. Yawl (Sc. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin. Lei. Nhp. War. e.An. Som.), meaning to howl or bawl, is found in Sir Gawayne:
The more common verb in this sense is yowl (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), cp. ‘Y shal weile and ȝoule,’ Wyclif, Micah i. 8.
The more common verb in this sense is yowl (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), cp. ‘You shall wail and yell.,’ Wyclif, Micah i. 8.
The majority of the verbs given above are of such frequent occurrence in Old and Middle English, that to give just one quotation, chosen more or less at random, is apt to be misleading, yet space forbids any more exhaustive treatment. There are hundreds of these verbs still existing in the dialects, which could be illustrated from our older literature down the course of several centuries before they disappeared from the standard language. A few further examples are: greet (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der.), to cry, weep, O.E. grǣtan; heald (Sh.I. n.Cy. Yks.), to lean, incline, O.E. hieldan; kythe (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Dur. Yks.), to make known, show, display, O.E. cȳðan; lofe (Sc. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. War. Shr.), to offer, offer at a price, O.E. lofian, to praise, to appraise, set a price on; pote (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Som. Dev. Cor.), to kick, push with the hands or feet, O.E. potian; reese (I.W. Cor.), of grain: to drop out of the ear from over-ripeness, O.E. hrēosan, to fall down; lease (many dials.), to pick out, to glean, &c., O.E. lesan, to gather, collect; mint (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp. e.An.), to purpose, intend, &c., O.E. myntan; retch (gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), to stretch, extend, fig. to exaggerate, lie, O.E. reccan, to stretch, extend; sam (Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Wor.), to gather or scrape together, to collect, O.E. samnian; smoor (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin. Lei. Nhp. e.An.), to smother, suffocate, O.E. smorian; tend (n.Cy. Wm. Lan. Chs. Stf. Nhp. Wor. Shr. Oxf. Som. Dev. Cor.), to kindle, light, set[Pg 53] fire to, O.E. on-tendan; umbethink, or unbethink (Nhb. Lakel. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. Shr. Dev.), to bethink oneself, to recollect, O.E. ymbeðencen, to think about, consider; walt (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. Suf.), to totter, to lean to one side, O.E. wealtan, to roll, stagger.
The majority of the verbs listed above were commonly used in Old and Middle English, so providing just one quote, picked somewhat randomly, might be misleading. However, there isn’t enough space for a more thorough discussion. There are hundreds of these verbs that are still present in various dialects, which could be illustrated through our older literature spanning several centuries before they vanished from the standard language. Here are a few more examples: greet (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der.), to cry, weep, O.E. greet; heald (Sh.I. n.Cy. Yks.), to lean, incline, O.E. hieldan; kythe (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Dur. Yks.), to make known, show, display, O.E. cȳðan; lofe (Sc. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. War. Shr.), to offer, offer at a price, O.E. lofian, to praise, to assess a value; pote (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Som. Dev. Cor.), to kick, push with hands or feet, O.E. potian; reese (I.W. Cor.), of grain: to drop from the ear due to over-ripeness, O.E. hrēosan, to fall down; lease (many dials.), to pick out, to gather, &c., O.E. lesan, to collect; mint (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp. e.An.), to intend, plan, &c., O.E. myntan; retch (gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), to stretch, extend, fig. to exaggerate, lie, O.E. recan, to stretch, extend; sam (Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Wor.), to gather or scrape together, O.E. samnian; smoor (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin. Lei. Nhp. e.An.), to smother, suffocate, O.E. smore; tend (n.Cy. Wm. Lan. Chs. Stf. Nhp. Wor. Shr. Oxf. Som. Dev. Cor.), to kindle, light, set fire to, O.E. on-trend; umbethink, or unbethink (Nhb. Lakel. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. Shr. Dev.), to reflect, to remember, O.E. ymbeðencen, to consider; walt (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. Suf.), to wobble, lean to one side, O.E. wealthy, to roll, stagger.
It is interesting to note how many of the archaic words of our Authorized Version of the Bible (1611) can be found remaining in the dialects. For example: blain (Sc. Dur. Yks. Lan. e.An.), a sore, an ulcer, O.E. blegen; bolled (Lin. Lei.), of corn or flax: ripe, in pod, in seed; botch (Yks.), a breaking-out on the skin; brickle (Yks. Lan. Chs. Nhp. Wor. Shr. Suf. Sur. Hmp. Dor. Som.), brittle, easily broken: ‘This man that of earthly matter maketh brickle vessels,’ Wisdom xv. 13; chanel-bone (Lin. Som.), the collar-bone, Job xxxi. 22, marginal note; charger (Yks. Chs. Sus.), a large platter, or meat-dish, A.Fr. chargeour; chest (Sc. Nhb. Suf.), to put into the coffin: ‘he [Jacob] dieth and is chested,’ Gen. 1, chapter heading; clout (var. dial. uses in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a patch, a rag; cocker (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin.), to indulge, pamper: ‘Cocker thy child, and he shall make thee afraid,’ Ecclus. xxx. 9; coney (Yks. Lin. e.An. Ken. Sus. Wil. Cor.), a rabbit; daysman (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.), an arbitrator, an umpire; ear (n.Cy. Yks. Lei. Hrf. Ken. Wil. Som.), to till or plough land; fitches (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), vetches; leasing (Sc. Nhb. Yks.), lying, falsehood; let (Irel. Wm. Yks. Chs. Der. Lin. War. sw.Cy.), to hinder, impede; magnifical (Som.), grand, fine; marish (Sc. Irel. Yks. Chs.), a marsh, O.Fr. mareis; mote (Sc. Irel. Yks. I.W. sw.Cy.), an atom, a minute splinter of wood, or particle of straw; pill (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Midl. Shr. e.An. Som.), to peel, strip off the outer bark; tabor (Chs. Stf. Lei. Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Glo.), to rap, tap lightly; wist (Nhb. Yks.), knew, and known, in the phrase had I wist (Nhb. Yks. Lan.), had I known, cp.:
It’s interesting to see how many old words from our Authorized Version of the Bible (1611) still exist in various dialects. For example: blain (Sc. Dur. Yks. Lan. e.An.), meaning a sore or ulcer, O.E. blegen; bolled (Lin. Lei.), referring to corn or flax that is ripe, in pod, or in seed; botch (Yks.), an outbreak on the skin; brickle (Yks. Lan. Chs. Nhp. Wor. Shr. Suf. Sur. Hmp. Dor. Som.), meaning brittle or easily broken: ‘This man makes fragile vessels from earthly materials.,’ Wisdom xv. 13; chanel-bone (Lin. Som.), referring to the collar-bone, Job xxxi. 22, marginal note; charger (Yks. Chs. Sus.), a large platter or meat-dish, A.Fr. charge our; chest (Sc. Nhb. Suf.), to place in the coffin: ‘he [Jacob] dieth and is canceled,’ Gen. 1, chapter heading; clout (var. dial. uses in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a patch or rag; cocker (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin.), to pamper or indulge: ‘Spoil your child, and he will make you fear.,’ Ecclus. xxx. 9; coney (Yks. Lin. e.An. Ken. Sus. Wil. Cor.), a rabbit; daysman (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.), an arbitrator or umpire; ear (n.Cy. Yks. Lei. Hrf. Ken. Wil. Som.), to till or plow land; fitches (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), vetches; leasing (Sc. Nhb. Yks.), lying or falsehood; let (Irel. Wm. Yks. Chs. Der. Lin. War. sw.Cy.), to hinder or impede; magnifical (Som.), grand or fine; marish (Sc. Irel. Yks. Chs.), a marsh, O.Fr. mareis; mote (Sc. Irel. Yks. I.W. sw.Cy.), an atom or tiny piece of wood or straw; pill (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Midl. Shr. e.An. Som.), to peel or strip bark; tabor (Chs. Stf. Lei. Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Glo.), to rap or tap lightly; wist (Nhb. Yks.), meaning knew or known, as in the phrase had I wist (Nhb. Yks. Lan.), meaning had I known, cp.:
Wrought (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Der. Suf.), preterite of to work: worked, laboured. Some of these old words and expressions have become so common that they must now be counted as colloquialisms, as, for instance, the phrase away with, meaning to endure, put up with: ‘The calling of assemblies I cannot away with,’ Isaiah i. 13, cp. ‘I can nat away with my wyfe, she is so heedy, je ne puis poynt durer auecques ma femme, elle est si testue,’ Palsgrave, c. 1530. Another now commonplace word is ado, which has been immortalized by Shakespeare’s use of it in the title of one of his plays. It occurs in Mark v. 39: ‘Why make ye this ado, and weep?’ cp. ‘Ado or gret bysynesse, sollicitudo,’ Prompt. Parv.
Wrought (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Der. Suf.), past tense of to work: worked, labored. Some of these old words and expressions have become so common that they are now considered colloquialisms, like the phrase away with, meaning to endure or put up with: ‘The calling of assemblies I cannot away with,’ Isaiah i. 13, cp. ‘I can't stand my wife; she's really stubborn., I can't stand being with my wife; she is so stubborn.,’ Palsgrave, c. 1530. Another now common word is ado, which has been made famous by Shakespeare's use of it in the title of one of his plays. It appears in Mark v. 39: ‘Why are you making such a big deal and crying?’ cp. ‘A lot of fuss, solicitude,’ Prompt. Parv.
In the same way most of the obsolete Shakespearian words can still be traced in the dialects. The Shakespeare-Bacon theory, if not too dead and gone to be worth further combat, could easily be completely overthrown by any one who chose to array against it the convincing mass of evidence which proves Shakespeare’s intimate acquaintance with the Warwickshire dialect. Numbers of the words and phrases which Shakespeare used, and which we have since lost, still exist in his native county, and in the other counties bordering on Warwickshire. Some of them were at that date part and parcel of the standard vocabulary, and might be put by Shakespeare into the mouths of his highest personages; others again must even then have been regarded by him as dialect, and natural only to the speech of lower folk. It is Corporal Nym who says shog for move, jog: ‘Will you shog off?’ Hen. V, II. i. 47; ‘Shall we shog? the king will be gone from Southampton,’ Hen. V, II. iii. 47. It is a serving-man who uses the phrase to sowl by the ears: ‘He’ll go, he says, and sowl the porter of Rome gates by the ears,’ Cor. IV. v. 213; and it is Mistress Quickly, the hostess of a tavern, who calls herself a ‘lone woman’ when she means she is a widow: ‘A hundred mark is a long one for a poor lone woman to bear,’ 2 Hen. IV, II. i. 35. But to classify after this sort all the old words in Shakespeare would entail a[Pg 55] classification of all the characters in the plays, and would thus be outside the scope of this book. I cannot therefore do more than give examples massed together irrespective of the question whether they were literary words or not in Shakespeare’s time:
In the same way, many of the outdated words from Shakespeare can still be found in regional dialects. The Shakespeare-Bacon theory, if not completely invalid, could easily be disproven by anyone who chooses to present the compelling evidence that demonstrates Shakespeare’s close familiarity with the Warwickshire dialect. Many of the words and phrases Shakespeare used, which we have since lost, still exist in his home county and in the neighboring counties. Some of these were commonly used at that time and could be spoken by Shakespeare's most noble characters; others were likely seen by him as dialect and natural only to the speech of common people. It is Corporal Nym who says shog to mean move or jog: ‘Will you show off?’ Hen. V, II. i. 47; ‘Shall we go? The king will be leaving Southampton.,’ Hen. V, II. iii. 47. It is a servant who uses the phrase to sell by the ears: ‘He says he’ll go and grab the porter at the Rome gates by the ears.,’ Cor. IV. v. 213; and it is Mistress Quickly, the hostess of a tavern, who calls herself a ‘single woman’ when she means she is a widow: ‘A hundred marks is a heavy burden for a poor single woman to carry.,’ 2 Hen. IV, II. i. 35. However, categorizing all of Shakespeare's old words in this way would require a classification of all characters in the plays, which is beyond the scope of this book. Therefore, I can only provide examples grouped together without regard to whether they were considered literary words in Shakespeare’s time:
Bavin, a bundle of brushwood, a faggot, cp.:
Bavin, a bundle of sticks, a faggot, cp.:
Bawcock, a semi-mocking term of endearment, a foolish person; biggin, a nightcap without a border:
Bawcock, a somewhat teasing term of affection, a silly person; biggin, a nightcap without a brim:
The word also denoted a child’s cap, hence: From the biggin to the nightcap, signifies from childhood to old age. It is worth noting that this is the meaning which Dr. Johnson assigns to the word—cp. ‘Biggin ... A child’s cap’—and he gives as the sole illustration the above quotation from Shakespeare. Bolter, used of snow, dirt, &c., means to cohere, form into lumps: ‘blood-boltered Banquo smiles upon me,’ Macb. IV. i. 123; blouze, a fat, red-faced wench, a coarse, untidy woman, also termed a blossom: ‘Sweet blowse, you are a beauteous blossom, sure,’ Tit. And. IV. ii. 72; codger, a shoemaker: ‘Ye squeak out your cozier’s catches,’ Twelfth N. II. iii. 97; day-woman, a dairymaid; dowl, down, soft feathers; drumble, to be sluggish and slow in movement; cowl, a large tub: ‘Go take up these clothes here quickly. Where’s the cowl-staff? look, how you drumble! Carry them to the laundress in Datchet-mead; quickly, come,’ Merry Wives, III. iii. 156; fettle, to prepare, make ready; fill-horse, the shaft-horse; firk, to beat; flap-jack, a pancake; gaberdine, a loose garment or smock-frock: ‘Alas, the storm is come again! my best way is to creep under his gaberdine; there is no other shelter hereabout: misery[Pg 56] acquaints a man with strange bed-fellows,’ Temp. II. ii. 40; flaw, a sudden gust or blast of wind:
The word also referred to a child's cap, so: From the biggin to the nightcap symbolizes the journey from childhood to old age. It's important to point out that this is the definition Dr. Johnson gives to the word—cp. ‘Biggin ... A child’s cap’—and he uses the quotation from Shakespeare as the only example. Bolter, when used about snow, dirt, &c., means to stick together, form into lumps: ‘bloody Banquo smiles at me,’ Macb. IV. i. 123; blouze, a chubby, red-faced woman, also called a blossom: ‘Sweet blowse, you are a beautiful flower, no doubt.,’ Tit. And. IV. ii. 72; codger, a shoemaker: ‘You squeeze out your cozy's catches.,’ Twelfth N. II. iii. 97; day-woman, a dairymaid; dowl, down, soft feathers; drumble, to move slowly and lazily; cowl, a large tub: ‘Go grab those clothes over there quickly. Where’s the cowl-staff? Look how slow you’re moving! Take them to the laundress in Datchet-mead; hurry up, come on!,’ Merry Wives, III. iii. 156; fettle, to prepare, get ready; fill-horse, the shaft-horse; firk, to beat; flap-jack, a pancake; gaberdine, a loose garment or smock-frock: ‘Oh no, the storm is here again! The best thing I can do is hide under his coat; there’s no other shelter around here: hardship makes a person familiar with unusual companions.,’ Temp. II. ii. 40; flaw, a sudden gust or blast of wind:
Gallow, to frighten; geck, a fool; grize, a step; haggle, to hack, mangle; inch-meal, little by little; inkle, an inferior, coarse kind of tape: ‘He hath ribbons of all the colours i’ the rainbow, ... inkles, caddisses, cambrics, lawns,’ Wint. Tale, IV. iv. 208. As a simple word, inkle is dying out now, but the compound inkle-weaver is very common in the phrase: As thick as inkle-weavers, very friendly or intimate together. Insense, to cause to understand, to explain, inform, literally to put sense into. The word is usually spelt incense in Shakespeare editions, so that it becomes mixed up with incense, to enrage, incite, but insense is clearly the right spelling in such a passage as:
Gallow, to scare; geck, an idiot; grize, a step; haggle, to chop, tear apart; inch-meal, bit by bit; inkle, a lower-quality, rough kind of tape: ‘He has ribbons in every color of the rainbow, ... inkles, caddisses, cambrics, lawns.,’ Wint. Tale, IV. iv. 208. As a standalone word, inkle is becoming less common now, but the compound inkle-weaver is frequently used in the phrase: As thick as inkle-weavers, very friendly or close together. Insense, to make someone understand, to explain, inform, literally to put sense into. The word is usually spelled incense in Shakespeare editions, causing confusion with incense, to provoke or stir up, but insense is clearly the correct spelling in passages like:
Jance, to knock about, expose to circumstances of fatigue; kam, crooked, awry, e.g. It’s clean kam, an’ nowt else (Lan.), cp. ‘This is clean kam,’ Cor. III. i. 304; kecksies, hemlock, and similar hollow-stalked plants; keech, a lump of congealed fat:
Jance, to mess around, subject to tiring situations; kam, crooked, off; for example. It’s totally off, and nothing else (Lan.), cp. ‘This is completely wrong,’ Cor. III. i. 304; kecksies, hemlock, and similar hollow-stemmed plants; keech, a chunk of solidified fat:
Cp. ‘Did not goodwife Keech, the butcher’s wife, come in then and call me gossip Quickly?’ 2 Hen. IV, II. i. 101; kibe, a chilblain, a crack in the skin: ‘The age is grown so picked that the toe of the peasant comes so near the heel of the courtier, he galls his kibe,’ Ham. V. i. 153. An Irish recipe for the cure of kibes is as follows: The person suffering from kibes must go at night to some one’s door and knock.[Pg 57] When any one asks ‘Who’s there?’ the person who knocked must run away calling, ‘Kibey heels, take that.’ Then the kibes will leave the person who has them, and pass to the one who called ‘Who’s there?’ Knoll, to toll; malkin, a slattern; mammock, to break or cut to pieces, tear, mangle; mated, confused, bewildered, e.g. I be reg’lar mated (Oxf.), cp. ‘My mind she has mated, and amazed my sight,’ Macb. V. i. 86; mazzard, the head or face; milch or melch, warm, soft, and moist, in the modern dialects applied chiefly to the weather, e.g. Ther’s a deäl of foäks is badly, an’ its all thruf this melch weather (Lin.), cp. ‘Would have made milch the burning eyes of heaven,’ Ham. II. ii. 540. The word is connected with Du. malsch, tender, soft, E.Fris. malsk, and has probably nothing to do with milch, milk-giving. Minikin, small, delicate, effeminate; moble, to muffle the head and shoulders in warm wraps:
Cp. ‘Didn't goodwife Keech, the butcher's wife, come in then and call me gossip Quickly?’ 2 Hen. IV, II. i. 101; kibe, a chilblain, a crack in the skin: ‘The times have become so particular that the toe of the peasant gets so close to the heel of the courtier, it irritates his kibe,’ Ham. V. i. 153. An Irish remedy for kibes is as follows: The person with kibes must go at night to someone’s door and knock.[Pg 57] When someone asks ‘Who’s there?’ the person who knocked must run away shouting, ‘Kibey heels, take that.’ Then the kibes will leave the person who has them and transfer to the one who asked ‘Who’s there?’ Knoll, to toll; malkin, a slattern; mammock, to break or cut to pieces, tear, mangle; mated, confused, bewildered, e.g. I be regular mated (Oxf.), cp. ‘She has captivated my mind and astonished my senses.,’ Macb. V. i. 86; mazzard, the head or face; milch or melch, warm, soft, and moist, in the modern dialects primarily used to describe the weather, e.g. There's a lot of folks feeling poorly, and it's all because of this melch weather (Lin.), cp. ‘Would have made milk the burning eyes of heaven,’ Ham. II. ii. 540. The term is linked to Du. malsch, tender, soft, E.Fris. malsk, and likely has no relation to milch, milk-producing. Minikin, small, delicate, effeminate; moble, to muffle the head and shoulders in warm wraps:
Muss, a disturbance, uproar, squabble; neeze, to sneeze:
Muss, a commotion, chaos, argument; neeze, to sneeze:
Cp. ‘By his neesings a light doth shine,’ Job xli. 18; nook-shotten, shot into a corner, used in Cheshire of cheese put aside from the rest as inferior:
Cp. ‘When he sneezes, a light glows.,’ Job xli. 18; nook-shotten, shot into a corner, used in Cheshire for cheese set aside from the rest as inferior:
Nay-word, a by-word; orts, remnants, scraps, especially of food; peat, a term of endearment, a pet; pick-thank, a flatterer, a tale-bearer, a mischief-maker; plash, a puddle, a small pool; pink, adj. and vb. small, to make small, to contract, especially to contract the eyes: ‘Plumpy Bacchus with pink eyne,’[Pg 58] A. and C. II. vii. 121; poach, potch, to poke, especially with the fingers, to thrust; pomewater, a large kind of apple; quat, a pimple; rack, flying clouds, thin broken clouds driven by the wind:
Nay-word, a catchphrase; orts, leftovers, scraps, especially of food; peat, a term of endearment, a pet; pick-thank, a flatterer, a gossip, a troublemaker; plash, a puddle, a small pool; pink, adj. and vb. small, to make smaller, to contract, especially to narrow the eyes: ‘Plump Bacchus with pink eyes,’[Pg 58] A. and C. II. vii. 121; poach, potch, to poke, especially with the fingers, to prod; pomewater, a large type of apple; quat, a pimple; rack, fast-moving clouds, thin broken clouds driven by the wind:
Reechy, smoky, begrimed with smoke, dirty; reneague, renege, to refuse, deny; rivelled, wrinkled, puckered; shive, a slice of anything edible, especially of bread; skillet, a small metal vessel used for boiling liquids: ‘Let housewives make a skillet of my helm,’ Oth. I. ii. 273; sleeveless, useless, bootless, especially in the phrase a sleeveless errand, cp. Troil. and Cr. V. iv. 9; squinny, to squint, look askance; stover, winter fodder for cattle:
Reechy, smoky, covered in grime; reneague, renege, to refuse or deny; rivelled, wrinkled, puckered; shive, a slice of any food, especially bread; skillet, a small metal pot used for boiling liquids: ‘Let housewives make a frying pan out of my helmet.,’ Oth. I. ii. 273; sleeveless, useless, especially in the phrase a sleeveless errand, cp. Troil. and Cr. V. iv. 9; squinny, to squint, look askance; stover, winter feed for cattle:
Tetchy, peevish, irritable; trash, a cord used in checking dogs, a long slender rope fastened to the collar of a young pointer or setter if headstrong and inclined to run in:
Touchy, grumpy, irritable; leash, a cord used to control dogs, a long slim rope attached to the collar of a young pointer or setter if it's stubborn and prone to running off:
Trencher-man, a term applied to a person with a good, hearty appetite; urchin, a hedgehog; utis, noise, confusion: ‘By the mass, here will be old utis,’ 2 Hen. IV, II. iv. 22; yare, ready, prepared; yerk, to strike hard, to beat.
Trencher-man, a term for someone with a big, hearty appetite; urchin, a hedgehog; utis, noise, confusion: ‘By the crowd, there will be old utis.,’ 2 Hen. IV, II. iv. 22; yare, ready, prepared; yerk, to strike hard, to beat.
Among interesting expressions of Shakespeare’s date still existing in the dialects are: to burn daylight, to light candles before they are wanted; figuratively, to waste time:
Among interesting expressions from Shakespeare’s time that still exist in the dialects are: to burn daylight, to light candles before they are needed; figuratively, to waste time:
[Pg 59]To make a coil, to make a stir, confusion, or fuss: ‘I am not worth this coil that’s made for me,’ King John, II. i. 165; come your ways, come here, Ham. I. iii. 135, Troil. and Cres. III. ii. 44; pass, condition, state, in phrases: ‘What, have his daughters brought him to this pass?’ Lear, III. iv. 65, ‘Till I be brought to such a silly pass,’ T. Shrew, V. ii. 124; to one’s head, to one’s face, e.g. I told him to his head that I wouldn’t have such goings on in my house any more (Sus.):
[Pg 59]To make a coil, to stir things up, create confusion, or cause a fuss: ‘I'm not worth all this fuss that's being made about me.,’ King John, II. i. 165; come your ways, come here, Ham. I. iii. 135, Troil. and Cres. III. ii. 44; pass, condition, state, in phrases: ‘What, have his daughters gotten him into this state?’ Lear, III. iv. 65, ‘Until I find myself in such a ridiculous situation,’ T. Shrew, V. ii. 124; to one’s head, to one’s face, e.g. I told him to his face that I wouldn’t have such behavior in my house anymore (Sus.):
To be helped up, used ironically: to be in a difficulty, e.g. What with the missis bad, and him out of work, they’re well helped up (War.). You’re prettily holp up, is a common expression of derision, cp.:
To be helped up, used ironically: to be in a tough spot, e.g. With the wife unwell and him unemployed, they’re really helped up (War.). You’re doing great, is a common expression of mockery, cp.:
To be in a taking (gen. colloq. use), a state of excitement, grief, or perplexity; a fit of petulance or temper, cp. ‘What a taking was he in when your husband asked who was in the basket,’ Mer. Wives, III. iii. 191; a hole in the coat, a flaw or blemish in character or conduct, cp. ‘If I find a hole in his coat, I will tell him my mind,’ Hen. V, III. vi. 87; to make the door, to shut or fasten the door: ‘Make the doors upon a woman’s wit, and it will out at the casement,’ A. Y. L. I. IV. i. 162; to stand one on, to be incumbent on, to be to one’s interest, cp.:
To be in a taking (gen. colloq. use), a state of excitement, sadness, or confusion; a fit of annoyance or anger, cp. ‘What a commotion he caused when your husband asked who was in the basket.,’ Mer. Wives, III. iii. 191; a hole in the coat, a flaw or imperfection in character or behavior, cp. ‘If I find a flaw in his character, I will say what I think.,’ Hen. V, III. vi. 87; to make the door, to shut or secure the door: ‘Shut down a woman's cleverness, and it will find a way to escape through the window.,’ A. Y. L. I. IV. i. 162; to stand one on, to be necessary for, to be in one’s best interest, cp.:
A thing of nothing, a trifle, next to nothing, e.g. He bought a lot o’ taters for his cows, and got ’em for a thing o’ nothing (Chs.), cp.: Ham. The king is a thing— Guil. A thing, my lord? Ham. Of nothing, Ham. IV. ii. 30-32. Beside this[Pg 60] exists also the parallel expression ‘a thing of naught’, in the dialects now, a thing of nowt: ‘You must say “paragon”: a paramour is, God bless us, a thing of naught,’ Mids. N. D. IV. ii. 14, cp. ‘They that war against thee shall be as nothing, and as a thing of nought,’ Isaiah xli. 12. Worth a Jew’s eye, of great value, e.g. Hoo mays a rare weife, hoo’s wo’th a Jew’s eye (Chs.), cp.:
A thing of nothing, something trivial, almost nothing, e.g. He bought a lot of potatoes for his cows and got them for practically nothing (Chs.), cp.: Ham. The king is irrelevant— Guil. A thing, Your Highness? Ham. Of nothing, Ham. IV. ii. 30-32. Alongside this[Pg 60] there is also the similar phrase ‘a thing of naught,’ in dialects today, a thing of nowt: ‘You must say "paragon": a lover is, thank goodness, worthless.,’ Mids. N. D. IV. ii. 14, cp. ‘Those who fight against you will be like nothing, and as if they don't exist.,’ Isaiah xli. 12. Worth a Jew’s eye, of great value, e.g. Hoo mays a rare weife, hoo’s wo'th a Jew’s eye (Chs.), cp.:
The Quartos and Folios read ‘a Jewes eye’, which is now considered the better reading. The expression the varsal world only differs by a normal change in pronunciation from Shakespeare’s ‘versal world’: ‘I’ll warrant you, when I say so, she looks as pale as any clout in the versal world,’ Rom. and Jul. II. iv. 220. Opinions differ as to the precise meaning of the second element in cock-shut, twilight, the close of the day, used also in the phrase cock-shut time:
The Quartos and Folios read ‘a Jew's eye’, which is now seen as the better version. The term the varsal world just has a normal pronunciation change compared to Shakespeare’s ‘universal world’: ‘I promise you, when I say this, she looks as pale as any rag in the entire world.,’ Rom. and Jul. II. iv. 220. There are different opinions on the exact meaning of the second part in cock-shut, twilight, the end of the day, also used in the phrase cock-shut time:
The corresponding term for daybreak is cock-light. More sacks to the mill is a game played in Oxfordshire and Berkshire. It is a rough-and-tumble boys’ game, in which as many boys as possible are heaped together, one above another. As each successive boy is added to the heap the boys shout: More sacks to the mill! cp.:
The modern term for daybreak is cock-light. More sacks to the mill is a game popular in Oxfordshire and Berkshire. It's a rough-and-tumble boys’ game where as many boys as possible pile on top of one another. As each new boy is added to the stack, the boys shout: More sacks to the mill! cp.:
The ancient game of loggats has died out, but the term is still used to denote the small sticks or pieces of wood used in playing trunket and other games. Cp. ‘Did these bones cost no more the breeding, but to play at loggats with ’em? mine ache to think on’t,’ Ham. V. i. 100. Another Shakespearian[Pg 61] game is the Nine Men’s Morris, also known as Merills: ‘The boyish game called Merils or five-penny Morris; played here most commonly with stones, but in France with pawns or men made of purpose and tearmed Merelles,’ Cotgrave, cp. ‘The nine men’s morris is fill’d up with mud,’ Mids. N. D. II. i. 98. Hunt’s up is an old pipe tune especially used by the waits on Christmas Eve or Christmas morning:
The ancient game of loggats has faded away, but the term is still used to refer to the small sticks or pieces of wood used in playing trunket and other games. Cp. ‘Did these bones cost no more than the breeding, just to mess around with them at loggats? It’s painful to think about.’ Ham. V. i. 100. Another Shakespearean[Pg 61] game is the Nine Men’s Morris, also known as Merills: ‘The boyish game known as Merils or five-penny Morris is often played here with stones, but in France, it's played with specially made pawns or pieces called Merelles.’ Cotgrave, cp. ‘The nine men’s morris is covered in mud.’ Mids. N. D. II. i. 98. Hunt’s up is an old pipe tune especially used by the waits on Christmas Eve or Christmas morning:
Cp. ‘Hunting thee hence with hunt’s up to the day,’ Rom. and Jul. III. v. 34. From the derived sense of tumult, outcry, has been developed a verb used in the Lake District in the meaning of to scold, rate, abuse, e.g. He’ll hunsip thi fer thi pains. But, lest this list become wearisomely long, it shall close with the time-worn interjectional phrase: Adone, cease, leave off, cp. ‘Therefore ha’ done with words,’ T. Shrew, III. ii. 118.
Cp. ‘Chasing you off with the hunt's call until morning.,’ Rom. and Jul. III. v. 34. From the derived sense of chaos, noise, has evolved a verb used in the Lake District meaning to scold, criticize, or insult, e.g., He’ll hunsip you for your troubles. But, in order to avoid making this list tedious, I’ll finish with the old-fashioned interjection: Adone, stop, give it a rest, cp. ‘So stop talking,’ T. Shrew, III. ii. 118.
Dr. Johnson bears his testimony to Shakespeare’s knowledge of dialect and colloquial speech in the Preface to the Dictionary: ‘If the language of theology were extracted from Hooker and the translation of the Bible; the terms of natural knowledge from Bacon; the phrases of policy, war, and navigation from Raleigh; the dialect of poetry and fiction from Spenser and Sidney; and the diction of common life from Shakespeare, few ideas would be lost to mankind, for want of English words, in which they might be expressed.’ But the Dictionary ‘was intended primarily to furnish a standard of polite usage, suitable for the classic ideals of the new age’ (v. Six Essays on Johnson, by Walter Raleigh, p. 82). Johnson, therefore, though he incorporated this ‘diction of common life’, did not hesitate to sit in judgment upon it when he thought fit. Take for example the phrase to make bold, which appears in the Dictionary thus: ‘to make bold. To take freedoms: a phrase not grammatical,[Pg 62] though common. To be bold is better; as, I was bold to speak.
Dr. Johnson acknowledges Shakespeare’s grasp of dialect and everyday speech in the Preface to the Dictionary: ‘If the language of theology were pulled from Hooker and the Bible translation; the terms of natural knowledge from Bacon; the phrases of politics, war, and navigation from Raleigh; the language of poetry and fiction from Spenser and Sidney; and the speech of common life from Shakespeare, few ideas would be lost to humanity, due to a lack of English words to express them.’ However, the Dictionary ‘was intended primarily to provide a standard of polite usage, in line with the classic ideals of the new age’ (v. Six Essays on Johnson, by Walter Raleigh, p. 82). Johnson, therefore, while he included this ‘speech of common life’, didn’t hesitate to evaluate it when he felt it necessary. For example, the phrase to make bold appears in the Dictionary as: ‘to make bold. To take liberties: a phrase that isn't grammatical,[Pg 62] though common. To be bold is preferable; as in, I was bold to speak.
(This—it may be mentioned in passing—is one of the cases where Johnson is quoting from memory, rather than from a printed text, as is shown by slight verbal inaccuracies, v. Oth. III. i. 35.) Or again: ‘To have rather. [This is, I think, a barbarous expression of late intrusion into our language, for which it is better to say will rather.]’ It is a very common phrase in Shakespeare, though Johnson does not here cite his authority.
(This—it may be worth noting—is one of the instances where Johnson is quoting from memory, rather than from a printed text, as indicated by slight verbal inaccuracies, v. Oth. III. i. 35.) Or again: ‘To have rather. [This is, I believe, a clunky phrase that has recently entered our language, and it’s better to say will rather.]’ It’s a very common phrase in Shakespeare, although Johnson does not cite his source here.
In the early days of Dictionaries a lexicographer impressed his work with the stamp of his own personality in a way which is impossible in modern times when Dictionary-making ranks among the abstract sciences. Johnson’s Dictionary is pre-eminently personal, betraying the author’s character and opinions at every turn; indeed, certain definitions, such as those of ‘lexicographer’, ‘grubstreet’, ‘pension’, ‘excise’, &c., have become the hackneyed illustrations wherever Johnson’s life and writings are discussed. It is not surprising, therefore, if we find in his treatment of dialect words some points of biographical interest. Certain of his views with regard to literature and language are plainly given in his Preface to the Dictionary: ‘I soon discovered that the bulk of my volumes would fright away the student, and was forced to depart from my scheme of including all that was pleasing or useful in English literature, and reduce my transcripts very often to clusters of words, in which scarcely any meaning is retained; thus to the weariness of copying, I was condemned to add the vexation of expunging. Some passages I have yet spared, which may relieve the labour of verbal searches, and intersperse with verdure and flowers the dusty desarts of barren philology.’ Speaking of the difficulty of collecting words, he says: ‘the deficiency of[Pg 63] dictionaries was immediately apparent; and when they were exhausted, what was yet wanting must be sought by fortuitous and unguided excursions into books, and gleaned as industry should find, or chance should offer it, in the boundless chaos of living speech.... That many terms of art and manufacture are omitted, must be frankly acknowledged; but for this defect I may boldly allege that it was unavoidable: I could not visit caverns to learn the miner’s language, nor take a voyage to perfect my skill in the dialect of navigation, nor visit the warehouses of merchants, and shops of artificers, to gain the names of wares, tools, and operations, of which no mention is found in books; what favourable accident, or easy inquiry brought within my reach, has not been neglected; but it had been a hopeless labour to glean up words, by courting living information, and contesting with the sullenness of one, and the roughness of another.’ But even a cursory glance through the pages of the Dictionary show that where the ‘living information’ was his own knowledge of the dialect words of his native county it was a ‘labour’ of love to glean them up and place them among his ‘verdure and flowers’, above the region of ‘boundless chaos’. Just as it can be shown from the internal evidence of their respective Dictionaries that Skinner belonged to Lincolnshire, Levins to Yorkshire, and Cotgrave to Cheshire, so it could be proved that Johnson belonged to Staffordshire, even if we had no other testimony outside his Dictionary. Some of the most striking of these evidences are as follows: ‘Lich.... A dead carcase; whence lichwake, the time or act of watching by the dead; lichgate, the gate through which the dead are carried to the grave; Lichfield, the field of the dead, a city in Staffordshire, so named from martyred Christians. Salve magna parens.’ ‘Kecksy. n.s. [commonly kex, cigue, French; cicuta, Latin. Skinner.] Skinner seems to think kecksy or kex the same as hemlock. It is used in Staffordshire both for hemlock, and any other hollow jointed plant.’ ‘Shaw.... A thicket; A small wood. A tuft of trees near Lichfield is called Gentle shaw.’ ‘Tup. n.s. [I know not of[Pg 64] what original.] A ram. This word is yet used in Staffordshire, and in other provinces.’ In other cases, though he does not mention his own native county, he seems to be so familiar with the word in question, as belonging to rustic speech, that, with the evidence of its existence in the Midland dialects of to-day, we may safely assume that it was current in the Staffordshire dialect of his time. For example: ‘Huff. n.s. [from hove, or hoven, swelled: he is huffed up by distempers. So in some provinces we still say the bread huffs up, when it begins to heave or ferment: huff, therefore, may be ferment. To be in a huff is then to be in a ferment, as we now speak],’ cp. huff (Sh.I. Yks. Lei. Nhp. War.), to swell, puff up; to rise in baking, generally used with up. ‘Clees, n.s. The two parts of the foot of beasts which are cloven-footed. Skinner. It is a country word, and probably corrupted from claws,’ cp. clee (gen. dial. use in Eng.), claw. It represents O.E. clēa, the nom. form of the substantive which in the oblique cases has given Eng. claw. ‘Fleet. v.a.... 3. [In the country.] To skim milk; to take off the cream: whence the word fleeting dish,’ cp. fleet (Cum. w.Yks. Lan. Hrt. e.An. Suf. Ken.), to skim, take off the surface, especially to take off the cream from milk; fleeting-dish, a flat dish used in skimming cream from milk. ‘Gleed. n.s.... A hot glowing coal. A provincial and obsolete word,’ cp. gleed (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lei. Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Glo.), a spark, ember, red hot-coal, &c. ‘To Pound, v.a. [punian, Sax. whence in many places they use the word pun].’ The form pun still exists in the following counties: n.Cy. w.Yks. s.Chs. Der. Not. Lei. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. ‘Rear. adj.... 1. Raw; half roasted; half sodden. 2. Early. A provincial word.
In the early days of dictionaries, lexicographers infused their work with their own personality in a way that’s impossible today, as dictionary-making is now considered an abstract science. Johnson’s Dictionary is highly personal, revealing the author's character and opinions at every turn; in fact, certain definitions, like those for 'lexicographer', 'grubstreet', 'pension', 'excise', &c., have become common examples whenever Johnson's life and writings are discussed. So, it’s not surprising that we find some biographical interest in his treatment of dialect words. Some of his views on literature and language are clearly expressed in his Preface to the Dictionary: "I soon found that the bulk of my volumes would scare off the student and had to change my plan of including everything pleasing or useful in English literature, often reducing my entries to clusters of words that hardly retain any meaning; thus, along with the weariness of copying, I had to add the frustration of cutting things out. However, I have left some passages that may ease the burden of verbal searches and intersperse the dusty deserts of barren philology with greenery and flowers." Addressing the challenge of collecting words, he states: "The shortcomings of dictionaries were immediately clear; once they were exhausted, anything lacking had to be found by random and unplanned searches through books, gathered as opportunity allowed in the endless chaos of living language... It must be honestly admitted that many technical and specialized terms are missing; but for this shortcoming, I can confidently say it was unavoidable: I couldn’t explore mines to learn the miners' language, or take a journey to master the dialect of navigation, or visit warehouses and workshops to learn the names of goods, tools, and processes that aren’t mentioned in books; whatever fortunate chance or easy inquiry came my way, I didn’t neglect; but it would have been a futile effort to gather words by relying on living information while contesting with the indifference of some and the roughness of others." Yet, even a quick look through the pages of the Dictionary shows that where "living information" came from his own knowledge of the dialect words of his home region, it was a "labor" of love to gather them and place them among his "greenery and flowers," above the realm of "boundless chaos." Just as it can be shown through the internal evidence of their respective Dictionaries that Skinner was from Lincolnshire, Levins was from Yorkshire, and Cotgrave from Cheshire, it could also be proven that Johnson hailed from Staffordshire, even if we had no other proof outside his Dictionary. Some of the most striking pieces of evidence include: "Lich... A dead body; hence lichwake, the time or act of watching the dead; lichgate, the gate through which the dead are carried to the grave; Lichfield, the field of the dead, a city in Staffordshire, named after martyred Christians. Salve magna parens." "Kecksy. n.s. [usually kex, cigue in French; cicuta in Latin. Skinner.] Skinner seems to equate kecksy or kex with hemlock. It's used in Staffordshire both for hemlock and any other hollow-stemmed plant." "Shaw... A thicket; A small wood. A cluster of trees near Lichfield is called Gentle shaw." "Tup. n.s. [I can't identify the origin.] A ram. This word is still used in Staffordshire and other areas." In other instances, although he doesn’t mention his native county, he appears so familiar with the word as part of rural speech that, with the evidence of its presence in today’s Midland dialects, we can safely assume it was common in the Staffordshire dialect of his time. For example: "Huff. n.s. [from hove or hoven, swollen: he is huffed up by diseases. In some regions, we still say the bread huffs up when it starts to rise or ferment: thus, huff may mean ferment. To be in a huff is then to be in a ferment, as we now say]," cp. huff (Shetland Isles, Yorkshire, Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, Warwickshire), to swell, puff up; to rise in baking, commonly used with up. "Clees, n.s. The two parts of the foot of animals that have cloven hooves. Skinner. It’s a country term, likely derived from claws," cp. clee (general dialect use in England), claw. It represents Old English clēa, the nominative form of the noun which in the oblique cases led to the English claw. "Fleet. v.a.... 3. [In the countryside.] To skim milk; to remove the cream: hence the word fleeting dish," cp. fleet (Cumberland, west Yorkshire, Lancashire, Hertfordshire, East Anglia, Suffolk, Kent), to skim, remove the surface, especially to take off the cream from milk; fleeting-dish, a flat dish used in skimming cream from milk. "Gleed. n.s.... A hot glowing coal. A provincial and obsolete word," cp. gleed (Scotland, Ireland, Northumberland, Cumberland, Cheshire, Staffordshire, Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, Gloucestershire), a spark, ember, red hot coal, &c. "To Pound, v.a. [punian, Saxon where in many areas they use the word pun]." The form pun is still used in the following counties: north Country, west Yorkshire, south Cheshire, Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, Shropshire, Herefordshire, Gloucestershire. "Rear. adj.... 1. Raw; half roasted; half boiled. 2. Early. A provincial word."
Cp. rear (gen. dial. use in Eng.), of meat, eggs, &c.: half-cooked, underdone, O.E. hrēr, not thoroughly cooked, lightly boiled. ‘Soe. n.s. [sae, Scottish]. A large wooden vessel with hoops, for holding water; a cowl. A pump[Pg 65] grown dry will yield no water; but pouring a little into it first, for one bason full you may fetch up as many soe-fills. ’ Cp. soa (n.Cy. Nhb. Stf. Lin. Bdf. e.An.), a large round tub, gen. with two ears; used for brewing or carrying water, O.N. sār, gen. sās, a large cask. ‘Suds. n.s.... 1. A lixivium of soap and water. 2. To be in the Suds. A familiar phrase for being in any difficulty.’ The same phrase is still extant in n.Lin. and s.Wor. ‘To Toot. v.n.... To pry; to peep; to search narrowly and slily. It is still used in the provinces, otherwise obsolete.
Cp. rear (gen. dial. use in Eng.), of meat, eggs, &c.: half-cooked, undercooked, O.E. hrēr, not thoroughly cooked, lightly boiled. 'Soe. n.s. [sae, Scottish]. A large wooden container with hoops, used for holding water; a cowl. A pump[Pg 65] that has run dry won’t yield any water; but if you pour a little into it first, for one basin full you can draw up as many soe-fills. ' Cp. soa (n.Cy. Nhb. Stf. Lin. Bdf. e.An.), a large round tub, gen. with two handles; used for brewing or carrying water, O.N. sour, gen. saws, a large cask. ‘Suds. n.s.... 1. A mixture of soap and water. 2. To be in the Suds. A common phrase for being in any trouble.’ The same phrase is still used in n.Lin. and s.Wor. ‘To Toot. v.n.... To pry; to peep; to search closely and slyly. It is still used in the provinces, otherwise obsolete.
Cp. toot (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. Rut. Lei. Nhp. War.), to peep, and pry about; to spy, O.E. tōtian, to peep out. ‘To Trape. v.a. [commonly written to traipse: probably of the same original with drab]. To run idly and sluttishly about. It is used only of women,’ cp. trape (Cum. Wm. Lin. Nrf. Suf.), to walk in a slovenly manner, especially with the dress trailing; and trapes (gen. dial. and colloq. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), used in the same sense. One striking example of accurate knowledge of a word belonging only to a very limited locality is the entry: ‘Sarn. n.s. A British word for pavement, or stepping stones, still used in the same sense in Berkshire and Hampshire,’ cp. sarn (Shr. Brks. Hmp.), a culvert; a pavement; stepping stones, cp. Wel. sarn, pauimentum. The word atter Johnson introduces on the authority of Skinner: ‘Atter. n.s.... Corrupt matter, A word much used in Lincolnshire. Skinner.’ It is used to-day only in certain northern counties, and in East Anglia. The information concerning words then current ‘in the northern counties, and in Scotland’, was probably supplied by Johnson’s assistants. Out of his six amanuenses, five were Scots.[1] A few examples of these words are: ‘Fain.[Pg 66] adj.... 1. Glad; merry; chearful; fond. It is still retained in Scotland in this sense.’ ‘Flit. v.n.... 2. To remove; to migrate. In Scotland it is still used for removing from one place to another at quarter-day, or the usual term.’ ‘Grout. n.s. [... In Scotland they call it groats.] 1. Coarse meal.’ ‘Haver is a common word in the northern counties for oats: as, haver bread for oaten bread.’ ‘Kirk. n.s.... An old word for a church, yet retained in Scotland.’ ‘To Lout. v.n.... In Scotland they say, a fellow with lowtan or luttan shoulders; that is, one who bends forwards; his shoulders or back,’ cp. looting, ppl. adj. stooping, bending, now occurring in Sc. dialects only. ‘Leverook. n.s.... This word is retained in Scotland, and denotes the lark. The smaller birds have their seasons; as, the leverook. Angler. If the lufft faa ’twill smoore aw the leverooks. Scotch Prov.’ This proverbial saying is still found in Sc. dialects, used in speaking to those who expect unlikely evils to befall them. Other examples of extant Scottish words noted by Johnson are Ambry, Bannock, Jannock, Lyart, Lope, Piggin, Sark, Skep, Thrapple, Throdden. Numbers of modern dialect words are to be found in Johnson’s Dictionary stigmatized by him as ‘low’. Without making a complete collection of them, and submitting them to careful linguistic study, it is impossible to say definitely in each case why he thus marked them off from polite speech. One is, however, tempted to think that he sometimes thus disposed of a word simply because he did not happen to know it in his own dialect; for some of his ‘low’ words have no worse history than others which he admits as ‘provincial’. For example: ‘To dag. v.a.... To daggle; to bemire; to let fall in the water,’ is given[Pg 67] as ‘a low word’, while the synonymous ‘To daggle’ is admitted without comment; cp. dag, to trail in the dew, wet, or mire, to bedraggle, now essentially a Midland word, and daggle (n.Cy. Yks. Chs. Lei. Nhp. War. Oxf. e.An. Suf.), with the same meaning. Others of his ‘low’ words yet current are: ‘To Collogue, v.n.... To wheedle; to flatter; to please with kind words’; ‘A Clutter, n.s.... A noise; a bustle; a busy tumult; a hurry; a clamour’; ‘To dizen. v.a.... To dress; to deck; to rig out.’ On the other hand, modern usage confirms Johnson’s opinion in the case of: ‘Souse. adv. With sudden violence. A low word’; ‘To Swop. v.a. [Of uncertain derivation.] To change; to exchange one thing for another. A low word’; and so with many other words, which are to the present day, not dialect, but colloquial and slang expressions that have never worked their way up into ‘polite usage’, as has been the better fortune of: ‘To budge’; ‘To coax’; ‘Quandary’; ‘Touchy’; and a few more, which were once also under the ban of Johnson’s opprobrium, and were each branded with his stern, judicial dictum, ‘a low word’.
Cp. toot (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. Rut. Lei. Nhp. War.), to look and snoop around; to spy, O.E. together, to peek out. ‘To Trape. v.a. [commonly written to traipse: probably has the same origin as drab]. To wander aimlessly and carelessly around. It’s only used for women,’ cp. trape (Cum. Wm. Lin. Nrf. Suf.), walking in a messy way, especially with clothes trailing; and trapes (gen. dial. and colloq. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), used in the same way. One striking example of precise knowledge of a word known only in a very limited area is the entry: ‘Sarn. n.s. A British word for pavement, or stepping stones, still used in the same way in Berkshire and Hampshire,’ cp. sarn (Shr. Brks. Hmp.), a ditch; a pavement; stepping stones, cp. Wel. sarn, pavement. The word atter Johnson introduces based on Skinner: ‘Atter. n.s.... Decomposed matter, A word frequently used in Lincolnshire. Skinner.’ It’s currently only used in some northern counties and in East Anglia. The information about words common ‘in the northern counties, and in Scotland’ was likely provided by Johnson’s assistants. Of his six scribes, five were Scottish.[1] A few examples of these words include: ‘Fain.[Pg 66] adj.... 1. Happy; cheerful; fond. It’s still used in Scotland in this way.’ ‘Flit. v.n.... 2. To move; to migrate. In Scotland, it's still used for moving from one place to another at quarter-day, or the usual time.’ ‘Grout. n.s. [... In Scotland, they call it groats.] 1. Coarse meal.’ ‘Haver is a common word in the northern counties for oats: as in, haver bread for oat bread.’ ‘Kirk. n.s.... An old word for a church, still used in Scotland.’ ‘To Lout. v.n.... In Scotland, they say, a guy with lowtan or luttan shoulders; that is, someone who bends forward; his shoulders or back,’ cp. looting, ppl. adj. stooping, bending, now only appearing in Sc. dialects. ‘Leverook. n.s.... This word is still used in Scotland, and refers to the lark. The smaller birds have their seasons; such as, the leverook. Angler. If the wind blows it’ll choke all the leverooks. Scotch Prov.’ This proverb is still found in Sc. dialects, used when talking to people who expect unlikely bad things to happen to them. Other examples of living Scottish words noted by Johnson are Ambry, Bannock, Jannock, Lyart, Lope, Piggin, Sark, Skep, Thrapple, Throdden. Many modern dialect words found in Johnson’s Dictionary are marked by him as ‘low’. Without making a comprehensive collection of them and analyzing them carefully, it’s impossible to definitively understand why he categorized them as distinct from polite speech. However, it’s tempting to think that he sometimes labeled a word as ‘low’ simply because he wasn’t familiar with it in his own dialect; as some of his ‘low’ words have no worse history than others he accepts as ‘provincial’. For instance: ‘To dag. v.a.... To daggle; to muddy; to drop in the water,’ is marked as ‘a low word’, while the synonymous ‘To daggle’ is accepted without comment; cp. dag, to trail in dew, wet, or mud, to mess up, now essentially a Midland word, and daggle (n.Cy. Yks. Chs. Lei. Nhp. War. Oxf. e.An. Suf.), with the same meaning. Other ‘low’ words that are still in use include: ‘To Collogue, v.n.... To charm; to flatter; to please with sweet talk’; ‘A Clutter, n.s.... A noise; a fuss; a busy hubbub; a hurry; a commotion’; ‘To dizen. v.a.... To dress up; to adorn; to outfit.’ On the other hand, modern usage supports Johnson’s view in the case of: ‘Souse. adv. With sudden force. A low word’; ‘To Swop. v.a. [Of uncertain origin.] To change; to exchange one thing for another. A low word’; and this applies to many other words that are still colloquial and slang expressions today that have never made it into ‘polite usage’, unlike: ‘To budge’; ‘To coax’; ‘Quandary’; ‘Touchy’; and a few more, which also faced Johnson’s disapproval at one time, and were each labeled with his stern judgment, ‘a low word’.
We have already seen that numbers of familiar words which we were wont to look upon as dead bodies embalmed in the prose or verse of bygone centuries, are yet alive and active in the dialects of to-day. But not only have the familiar words been thus preserved, but also, sometimes, the rare and unfamiliar. Where scholars have been unable to discern the true meaning, or where the sense has been merely deduced from the context, the discovery of the living word in some rustic dialect has supplied the missing clue, or turned vague conjecture into well-grounded certainty. There exists in Sussex and Hampshire the word crundel, used to denote a ravine, or a strip of covert dividing open country, always in a dip, usually with running water in the middle. In the Codex Diplomaticus edited by Kemble, more than sixty crundels are mentioned, but the meaning of the word had always remained a puzzle. Sweet, in his Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, defines it as a cavity, a chalk-pit(?), a pond(?);[Pg 68] Bosworth-Toller as a barrow, a mound raised over graves to protect them; Leo as a spring or well; Kemble as a sort of watercourse, or a meadow through which a stream flows. It was the discovery of the existence of the word in the dialects which placed the correct meaning beyond doubt. In the Old English epic poem Beowulf, occurs the following passage: Ofer þǣm hongiað hrinde bearwas, Over which [lake] hang ... woods. The question as to the meaning of hrinde has formed the subject of frequent discussion, and various translations have been suggested, e.g. barky, rustling, placed in a ring or circle, standing in a ring, or gnarled(?), v. Beowulf, by W. J. Sedgefield, Litt.D., 1910. Dr. Richard Morris, however, proved fairly conclusively that the right meaning should be rimy, frosty. The word hrinde was taken to be a corrupt form of O.E. hrīmge, rimy, covered with hoar-frost, and this amended reading was adopted in subsequent editions of the text. Now the word for hoar-frost in several northern dialects is rind, and from a philological point of view, it is quite possible to connect the two words, and justify the retention of the MS. reading, whilst corroborating the accepted translation.
We have already seen that many familiar words we used to think of as long gone and preserved only in the writing of past centuries are still alive and well in today's dialects. Not only have these familiar words been preserved, but sometimes even rare and unfamiliar ones have as well. In cases where scholars couldn’t determine the true meaning, or when the meaning was just inferred from context, finding the living word in some local dialect has provided the missing link or turned vague guesses into solid facts. In Sussex and Hampshire, there’s the word crundel, used to describe a ravine or a strip of thick vegetation separating open land, usually in a dip and often with running water in the middle. In the Diplomatic Code edited by Kemble, over sixty crundels are mentioned, but the word's meaning had always remained a mystery. Sweet, in his Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, defines it as a cavity, a chalk pit(?), a pond(?); [Pg 68] while Bosworth-Toller defines it as a barrow, a mound raised over graves for protection; Leo as a spring or well; and Kemble as a type of watercourse or a meadow where a stream flows. The discovery of the word in the dialects brought the correct meaning into focus. In the Old English epic poem Beowulf, there is the passage: Offer the hungry fresh berries, Over which [lake] hang ... woods. The meaning of hrinde has been frequently debated, with various translations proposed, like barky, rustling, arranged in a ring or circle, standing in a ring, or gnarled(?), v. Beowulf, by W. J. Sedgefield, Litt.D., 1910. Dr. Richard Morris, however, convincingly argued that the correct meaning should be rimy or frosty. The word hrinde was considered a corrupt form of O.E. hrīmge, meaning rimy or covered with hoar-frost, and this revised interpretation was included in later editions of the text. Now, the word for hoar-frost in several northern dialects is rind, and from a linguistic perspective, it’s quite feasible to connect the two words, supporting both the manuscript reading and the accepted translation.
About the middle of the fourteenth century were produced four remarkable poems, Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, a romantic story of the adventures of an Arthurian knight; Pearl, a Vision; Cleanness; and Patience, stories taken from the Bible. We know nothing of the life of the author, we do not even know his name. Perhaps the little ‘Marjory’ who ‘lyfed not two yer in our thede [country]’ was the poet’s own daughter, and the Pearl the In Memoriam outpouring of his life’s sorrow. If so, it is the only shred of his biography which we possess, and some scholars would rob us even of that, by affirming that the lost ‘Pearl’ was purely a poetic creation. We can only guess at the man through his works. Judged by them, he appears to have been a literary country gentleman, born and bred in Lancashire, a man equally at home in his study, pen in hand, describing armed knights, and embattled castles, the tumultuous[Pg 69] surgings of the Deluge, and the woes of Jonah in the ‘maw’ of the ‘wylde walterande whal’; or, in the saddle, following the ‘wylde swyn’, or ‘reynarde’ ‘þe schrewe’ to the sound of horn and bugle and the ‘glauerande glam of gedered rachchez’ [yelping cry of a pack of hounds]. He possessed, on the one hand, a real vein of poetic imagination, coupled with learning and knowledge, and on the other, all the instincts of a keen sportsman. He was a lover of nature and outdoor life, with extraordinary powers of accurate observation, and an artist’s eye for picturesque detail. Thus his memory was stored with a rich and varied vocabulary which the exigencies of his alliterative verse brought into full play. Many of the words he used are not found recorded anywhere else in literature, but they have remained in the dialect of the district to which the poet belonged. Sir Gawayne especially, by reason of its more secular subject-matter, abounds in words which are common in the North-country dialects of to-day, and it is these modern instances which have brought to light previously hidden meanings, and have confirmed contextual deductions, and thus enabled us to appreciate more fully the skilful handling of a wide range of vocabulary which characterizes this unknown poet, sportsman, and man of letters. In the description of the wondrous caparison of the Green Knight’s horse are mentioned ‘his molaynes’. The Glossary to the text gives this word as signifying: round embossed ornaments, but with a query. Stratmann’s Dictionary gives ‘Molaine, sb.? some ornament of a shield’. No other instance of the use of the word occurs in literature, but it is found in the Midland and South Midland spoken dialects: Mullen, the head-gear of a horse; the bridle of a cart-horse. Similarly, ‘toppyng’, another word peculiar to this poem. The Glossary and Dictionary suggest the meanings ‘mane(?), or top, head(?)’; the correct meaning as shown by the dialects is: a horse’s forelock. When the Man in Green ‘gedereȝ vp hys grymme tole, Gawayn to smyte’, he ‘mynteȝ at hym maȝtyly’, l. 2290. Obviously the verb ‘mynt’ means, as the Glossary says, to[Pg 70] aim, or strike, but the more exact sense, and the one required by the story, is shown by the modern dialect mint (Sc. Irel. and n.Cy. dialects), to make a feigned attempt at, to make a movement as if to strike a blow but without doing it. The Green Knight had appointed his ‘grene chapelle’ as the place where Sir Gawayne was to receive this blow, and it proves to be ‘nobot an olde caue, Or a creuisse of an olde cragge’:
About the middle of the fourteenth century, four remarkable poems were created: Sir Gawayne and the Green Knight, a romantic tale about the adventures of an Arthurian knight; Pearl, a vision; Cleanness; and Patience, stories drawn from the Bible. We know nothing about the author's life; we don't even know his name. Perhaps the little 'Marjory' who 'lyfed not two yer in our thede' [country] was the poet's own daughter, and the Pearl was the In Memory expression of his life's sorrow. If so, that's the only fragment of his biography we have, and some scholars would take even that away from us by claiming that the lost ‘Pearl’ was purely a poetic invention. We can only infer about the man through his works. Judging by them, he seems to have been a literary country gentleman, born and raised in Lancashire, a person equally comfortable in his study, pen in hand, describing armed knights, fortified castles, the turbulent surges of the Deluge, and the troubles of Jonah in the ‘maw’ of the ‘wylde walterande whal’; or, in the saddle, hunting the ‘wylde swyn’ or ‘reynarde’ ‘þe schrewe’ to the sound of horns and bugles and the ‘glauerande glam of gedered rachchez’ [the yelping cry of a pack of hounds]. He possessed, on one hand, a genuine sense of poetic imagination, along with knowledge and learning, and on the other, all the instincts of an avid sportsman. He was a nature lover and enjoyed the outdoors, with remarkable powers of precise observation, and an artist’s eye for beautiful details. Consequently, his memory was filled with a rich and varied vocabulary that the demands of his alliterative verse brought into play. Many of the words he used aren’t recorded anywhere else in literature, but they've remained in the dialect of the region he came from. Sir Gawayne, particularly due to its more secular subject matter, is full of words that are common in today’s North-country dialects, and it is these modern examples that have revealed previously hidden meanings, confirmed contextual interpretations, and allowed us to fully appreciate the skilled use of a wide range of vocabulary that distinguishes this unknown poet, sportsman, and gentleman of letters. In the description of the remarkable adornment of the Green Knight’s horse, ‘his molaynes’ are mentioned. The Glossary of the text defines this word as meaning round embossed ornaments, but it's uncertain. Stratmann’s Dictionary defines ‘Molaine, sb.? some ornament of a shield’. There are no other instances of this word used in literature, but it's found in the Midlands and South Midlands dialects: Mullen, referring to the headgear of a horse; the bridle of a cart horse. Similarly, ‘topping’, another word unique to this poem. The Glossary and Dictionary suggest it means ‘mane(?), or top, head(?)’; the correct meaning indicated by the dialects is a horse’s forelock. When the Man in Green ‘Gawain raised his fierce sword to strike.’, he ‘mint at him masterfully’, l. 2290. Obviously, the verb ‘mint’ means, as the Glossary states, to aim or strike, but the more precise meaning, especially relevant to the story, is shown by the modern dialect mint (in Sc. Irel. and n.Cy. dialects), which means to feign an attempt at striking a blow or to make a motion as if to strike without actually doing it. The Green Knight had designated his ‘green chapel’ as the location where Sir Gawayne was to receive this blow, and it turns out to be ‘not an old cause, or a crevice of an old crag’:
This word ‘wysty’ is translated in the Glossary by: desert, waste, but with a query; the marginal paraphrase gives: ‘a desert is here.’ The word does not, as far as I know, occur in any other literary monument, but it has been preserved in the poet’s native dialect, cp. wisty (Lan. Chs.), spacious, empty, bare, large, often used in the sense of needlessly spacious. This meaning is exactly in accordance with the rest of the speech, and it adds a realistic touch, which was wanting in ‘desert’. Sir Gawayne was looking into the chapel, and he sees it all big, and bare, and empty—it was an uncanny place:
This word ‘wisty’ is defined in the Glossary as: desert, waste, but with a question; the marginal note says: ‘a desert is here.’ The word doesn't, as far as I know, appear in any other literary work, but it has been kept in the poet’s native dialect, cp. wisty (Lan. Chs.), meaning spacious, empty, bare, large, often used to describe something that is unnecessarily spacious. This meaning fits perfectly with the rest of the speech and adds a realistic touch that was missing with ‘desert’. Sir Gawayne was looking into the chapel, and he saw it all big, bare, and empty—it was an eerie place:
In the poem called Cleanness, beginning with the parable of the Marriage Feast, occurs the word ‘trasches’:
In the poem titled Cleanness, starting with the parable of the Marriage Feast, the word ‘trashes’ appears:
The Glossary gives: ‘Trasches = trauses or trossers, ... trousers?’ and Stratmann’s Dictionary favours the same[Pg 71] suggestion, but there is no longer any doubt that the word is correct as it stands, and that it is the same as the modern trash (w.Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der.), an old worn-out boot, shoe, or slipper. The combination ‘cockers and trashes’ appears in Grose’s Provincial Glossary, 1790: ‘Cockers and Trashes. Old stockings without feet, and worn-out shoes. North.’ The next line of the poem runs:
The Glossary states: ‘Trasches = trauses or trossers, ... trousers?’ and Stratmann’s Dictionary supports the same[Pg 71] idea, but there’s no doubt that the word is correct as it is, and that it’s the same as the modern trash (w.Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der.), referring to an old worn-out boot, shoe, or slipper. The phrase ‘cockers and trashes’ can be found in Grose’s Provincial Glossary, 1790: ‘Cockers and Trashes. Old stockings without feet, and worn-out shoes. North.’ The next line of the poem continues:
Here both the Glossary and Dictionary suggest that ‘toteȝ’ is a corrupt form meaning ‘toes’, the suggestion being made to fit the word ‘oute’, regardless of the fact that the lad’s feet had already been described in the previous line. In all probability ‘his toteȝ oute’ means: his locks disordered, hanging loosely about, cp. tot (Lan. Sus. Hmp. Som.), in forms tooat, tote (Lan.), a tuft, as of grass, hair, &c. The poem Patience is the story of Jonah, enlarged, and pointed with a moral. When Jonah is told to rise up quickly and take his way to Nineveh, he fears the consequences:
Here, both the Glossary and Dictionary suggest that ‘toteȝ’ is a corrupted form meaning ‘toes,’ implying the word ‘oute,’ despite the fact that the boy's feet were described in the previous line. Most likely, ‘his totes out’ refers to: his hair being messy, hanging down loosely, cp. tot (Lan. Sus. Hmp. Som.), in forms tooat, tote (Lan.), meaning a tuft, like grass or hair, &c. The poem Patience tells the story of Jonah, expanded, and has a moral lesson. When Jonah is told to get up quickly and go to Nineveh, he fears the consequences:
Both Glossary and Dictionary translate ‘warlok’ by prison, which, besides being a superfluous repetition of ‘prisoun’ in the preceding line, does not harmonize with the verb ‘wryþe’. A far better sense is gained by taking ‘warlok’ to mean chain, fetter, cp. warlock (Lan. Chs. Som.), to tighten the rope or chain which binds the load upon a wagon; sb. a method of tightening the rope or chain of a wagon-load, the fastening thus made, cp. ‘Warloke, or fetyr lock: Sera pedicalis uel compedalis,’ Prompt. Parv. circa 1440.
Both the Glossary and the Dictionary translate ‘warlock’ as prison, which, in addition to unnecessarily repeating ‘prisoun’ in the previous line, doesn’t fit well with the verb ‘writhe’. A much clearer meaning is obtained by interpreting ‘warlock’ as chain or fetter, cp. warlock (Lan. Chs. Som.), referring to the act of tightening the rope or chain that secures a load on a wagon; sb. a way to tighten the rope or chain for a wagon-load, the fastening this creates, cp. ‘Warloke, or fetyr lock: Sera pedicalis or compedalis,’ Prompt. Parv. circa 1440.
These are only a few examples out of very many which could have been cited from these fourteenth-century poems alone, to illustrate the way in which the study of modern[Pg 72] dialects helps us to a better understanding and appreciation of our older literature.
These are just a few examples from the numerous ones that could have been mentioned from these fourteenth-century poems to show how studying modern[Pg 72] dialects helps us better understand and appreciate our older literature.
Before leaving the subject of the preservation of old words in the dialects, one other store-chamber of words no longer current in the standard speech is worth a passing notice. Many old words which have ceased to be used as common nouns, have become crystallized in surnames, and it is interesting to compare them with the existing cognates in the dialects. I am aware that any attempt to go etymologizing among surnames or place-names is treading on dangerous ground. It is so easy to rush in with a fair sounding derivation, which is in reality nothing more than a worthless guess. I shall not, therefore, venture far afield.
Before moving on from the topic of preserving old words in dialects, there's one more category of words that aren't used in standard speech worth briefly mentioning. Many old words that have fallen out of use as common nouns have ended up as surnames, and it’s interesting to compare them with the related words in dialects. I know that trying to trace the origins of surnames or place names is tricky. It's easy to throw out a nice-sounding explanation that ends up being nothing more than a meaningless guess. So, I won't go too far with this.
Amongst the names here brought together, I have not included those which have now no living representative, as for example: Hordern, which is the O.E. hord-ærn, a treasury, a storeroom, lit. a hoard-house. The word ærn is, as far as I know, wholly obsolete, all except its final n remaining in barn, literally, a barley-house. Or again, Newbottle, Newbold, which contain the forms O.E. botl, bold, a house, a dwelling, now no longer used as a simple word, remaining only in surnames and place-names.
Among the names listed here, I haven't included those that no longer have living representatives, like Hordern, which is the O.E. horde barn, meaning a treasury or storeroom, literally a hoard-house. The word earn is, to my knowledge, completely obsolete, with its final n surviving only in barn, which literally means a barley-house. Similarly, Newbottle and Newbold include the forms O.E. bottle and bold, meaning a house or dwelling, which are no longer used as standalone words and now only appear in surnames and place names.
The O.E. suffix -estre was originally used in forming feminine nomina agentis, but already in later O.E. we find bæcestre used to denote a male as well as a female baker, the name changing hands with the trade. During the M.E. period -estre became -ster and was felt to be only an emphatic form of the masculine -er, and could be used indifferently for men or women, so that when baking, brewing, dyeing, weaving, &c., ceased to be feminine pursuits, the terms bakester, brewester, litester, webster ceased to convey any tinge of feminine gender, and in course of time they became the surnames Baxter, Brewster, Litster, Webster. To sit and spin was, however, an occupation to which the ladies held undisputed claim, and spinster continued to designate[Pg 73] a woman as distinct and apart from a man, even when the trade was forgotten, so the term has never become a surname. As a common noun backster for baker is known in a few northern dialects, but its use is dying out. In the form bakester it is, however, used in Cornwall. In the same districts brewster for brewer holds a similar position. Litster for dyer is practically obsolete now, though the verb lit, to dye, remains in Scotland and the North. It is a Scandinavian word, from O.N. lita, to dye, already occurring in M.E., cp. ‘That thi fote be littid in blode,’ Hampole, c. 1330, Ps. lxvii. 25. Webster belongs also to Scotland and the North, but it is rapidly disappearing in favour of the ordinary word weaver. Where the A.V. has: ‘My days are swifter than a weaver’s shuttle,’ Job vii. 6, Wyclif wrote: ‘My daies passiden swiftliere thanne a web is kit down of a webstere.’
The O.E. suffix -estreet was originally used to create feminine agent's name, but even in later O.E. texts, we see backstreet being used for both male and female bakers, as the name shifted along with the profession. During the M.E. period, -estre evolved into -ster and came to be viewed as just a stronger form of the masculine -er, which could refer to either men or women. As baking, brewing, dyeing, weaving, &c. stopped being seen as exclusively women's work, the terms baker, brewer, litester, and Webster lost any hint of feminine gender, gradually transforming into the surnames Baxter, Brewster, Litster, and Webster. However, spinning remained a task that women claimed for themselves, so "spinster" continued to refer specifically to a woman, distinct from a man, even after the profession faded away, which is why it never became a surname. The common noun backster for baker still appears in a few northern dialects, but its usage is declining. In Cornwall, however, the term bakester is still in use. Similarly, in the same regions, brewster for brewer holds a comparable status. The term litster for dyer is nearly obsolete now, though the verb lit, meaning to dye, is still found in Scotland and the North. This word comes from the Scandinavian O.N. lita, which was already present in M.E., for example, in ‘That this foot be covered in blood.,’ Hampole, c. 1330, Ps. lxvii. 25. The term Webster also belongs to Scotland and the North, but it is quickly being replaced by the more common term weaver. Where the A.V. states: ‘My days fly by faster than a weaver’s shuttle.,’ Job vii. 6, Wyclif wrote: ‘My days pass by faster than a spider's web is spun by a weaver.’
The name Brewis means broth, pottage, cp. brewis, browis (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Chs. Wal. Der. Shr.), broth, or bread soaked in hot water, gravy, &c., originally a French word, O.Fr. broez, broth, in M.E. brouis, brois, cp.:
The name Brewis refers to broth, pottage, cp. brewis, browis (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Chs. Wal. Der. Shr.), broth, or bread soaked in hot water, gravy, &c., originally a French term, O.Fr. bros, broth, in M.E. brouis, bros, cp.:
Bentley is the grassy meadow, Broadbent, the broad field, or hill-side, cp. bent (Sc. Irel. and in gen. use in n. and midl. counties and e.An.), any coarse grass, especially that found on moorlands or near the sea, also a sandy hillock or knoll covered with coarse grass, a hill-side. The word is used by Chaucer, and by many other early writers. Brock means a badger, cp. brock (Sc. Irel. n. counties to Chs., also Lin. Lei., &c.), a badger; but the word is obsolescent. Chapman is a word that occurs frequently in M.E. literature, meaning merchant, trader. It is closely connected with cheap, and chaffer, cp. chapman (Sc. Irel. Yks. Lan. Lei. Nhp. Shr. e.An.), a pedlar, a small dealer. Clough, Fairclough, signifies a ravine, cp. clough (n.Cy. dialects), a ravine, chasm, narrow glen. It occurs in Barbour’s Bruce (1375) in the form clewch:[Pg 74] ‘In a clewch ... All his archeres enbuschit he,’ xvi. 386. Garth is the Norse form of our word yard, cp. garth (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Not. Lin. Nhp.), a small piece of enclosed ground, usually beside a house, O.N. garðr, a small enclosure of land. Ginnell is probably the same word as O.Fr. chenel, or chanel, a channel, cp. ginnell (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs.), a narrow passage or entry between buildings. In Scotland it denotes a small channel for water, a street gutter. Greaves is an old form of groves, cp. greave (Irel. Lan.), a grove, a division of a forest, O.E. grǣfa, a bush. Chaucer has the word in a well-known passage:
Bentley is the grassy meadow, Broadbent is the wide field or hillside, compare bent (Sc. and Irel. and used generally in northern and midlands counties and East Anglia), meaning any coarse grass, especially that which grows on moorlands or near the sea, also a sandy hillock or knoll covered with coarse grass, a hillside. The term has been used by Chaucer and many early writers. Brock means a badger, compare brock (Sc. Irel. northern counties to Cheshire, also Lincolnshire, Leicestershire, etc.), which refers to a badger; however, the word is becoming outdated. Chapman is a term that often appears in Middle English literature, meaning merchant or trader. It is closely related to cheap and chaffer, compare chapman (Sc. Irel. Yorkshire, Lancashire, Leicestershire, Northamptonshire, Shropshire, East Anglia), which refers to a pedlar or small dealer. Clough, Fairclough, means a ravine, compare clough (n.Cy. dialects), a ravine, chasm, or narrow glen. It appears in Barbour's Bruce (1375) in the form clewch: [Pg 74] ‘In a clewch ... All his archers ambushed he,’ xvi. 386. Garth is the Norse version of our word yard, compare garth (Sc. Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmorland, Yorkshire, Lancashire, Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, Northamptonshire), referring to a small enclosed piece of land, usually next to a house, Old Norse garðr, a small enclosure of land. Ginnell is likely the same word as Old French chenel or chanel, meaning a channel, compare ginnell (Cumberland, Westmorland, Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire), which refers to a narrow passage or entry between buildings. In Scotland, it means a small channel for water, like a street gutter. Greaves is an old version of groves, compare greave (Irel. Lancashire), meaning a grove, a section of a forest, Old English grǣfa, a bush. Chaucer uses the word in a well-known passage:
Hayward means literally hedge-warden, cp. hayward (Chs. Lin. Wor. Glo. Oxf. Bdf. Sus. Hmp. Dor. Som.), a manorial officer whose duty it is to see that fences are kept in repair, to look after the stock, and to impound stray cattle. One of the earliest instances of the use of the word in M.E. occurs in the Ancren Riwle (c. 1210), or Rule of Nuns, where reasons are given in support of the Rule that a nun should keep no beast but a cat only. Among the worldly cares and employments which would come upon her if she were to keep a cow, is that she would have to flatter the ‘heiward’. Holt, Hurst, Shaw are common words in the dialects for wood, copse, O.E. holt, hyrst, scaga, cp. ‘Gaillard he was as goldfinch in the shaws,’ Cokes Tale, l. 3. Inge means a meadow, cp. ing (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Not. Lin. e.An. Ken. Sur. Sus.), a meadow, pasture, especially low-lying land by the side of a stream or river, M.E. eng, O.N. eng. Kemp originally meant a fighter, cp. kemp (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm.), a champion, a bold impetuous person, O.E. cempa, a soldier, warrior, O.N. kempa, M.E. kempe, a soldier, a champion.[Pg 75] In the Lay of Havelok (c. 1280) we read concerning ‘þe starke laddes’ who ‘putten with a mikel ston’:
Hayward literally means hedge-warden, cp. hayward (Chs. Lin. Wor. Glo. Oxf. Bdf. Sus. Hmp. Dor. Som.), a manorial officer responsible for ensuring that fences are maintained, taking care of livestock, and impounding stray cattle. One of the earliest mentions of the word in M.E. occurs in the Ancren Riwle (c. 1210), or Rule of Nuns, where reasons are given for the Rule that a nun should only keep a cat and no other animal. Among the worldly concerns she would face if she kept a cow is that she would have to deal with the ‘heyward’. Holt, Hurst, Shaw are common terms in the dialects for wood, thicket, O.E. hold, hyrst, scaga, cp. ‘Gaillard was like a goldfinch in the bushes.,’ Coke's Story, l. 3. Inge means a meadow, cp. ing (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Not. Lin. e.An. Ken. Sur. Sus.), a meadow or pasture, especially flat land next to a stream or river, M.E. eng, O.N. eng. Kemp originally meant a fighter, cp. kemp (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm.), referring to a champion or bold person, O.E. cempa, a soldier or warrior, O.N. kempa, M.E. kempe, a soldier or champion.[Pg 75] In the Lay of Havelok (c. 1280) we read about ‘the strong ladders’ who ‘putting with a mickle stone’:
Murgatroyd, the moor-gate-royd, means the moor-way clearing. This gate has nothing to do with gate, an opening, but we have it in gait, with specialized meaning. It is from O.N. gata, a way, cp. gate (var. dial. uses in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a way, path, road. It is very common in M.E. writings. -royd is related to Icel. ruð, a clearing in a wood, cp. royd (Yks. Lan.), a clearing in a wood, now generally found in place-names and field-names. Pargeter means a plasterer, and is borrowed from French, cp. parget (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin. Nhp. War. Hrf. Glo. Ken. Sur. Sus. Som.), to plaster with cement or mortar, also to whitewash; pargeter, a plasterer. Fr. (Norm. dial.) porjeter, crépir, couvrir une muraille d’un enduit, O.Fr. (Norm.) pargeter, projeter, jeter et répandre en avant. Wyclif has: ‘Seie thou to hem that pargiten without temperure, that it schal falle doun,’ Ezek. xiii. 11. Ruddock denotes a robin, cp. ruddock (n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. War. Wor. Suf. Ken. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), the robin, O.E. rudduc. Chaucer mentions ‘the tame ruddok’ in his Parliament of Foules. Rutherford means cattle-ford; the more common form of the word is found in Rotherhithe, literally cattle-harbour, cp. rother (n.Cy. Lan. War. Wor. Hrf. Sus.), a horned beast, horned cattle. John of Trevisa, writing of this country in 1387, says: ‘Þis ylond ys best to brynge forþ tren, & fruyt, & roþeron, & oþere bestes.’ Slade means a valley, a hollow, a grassy plain between hills, the side or slope of a hill, and is found in many dialects. Snell is originally an adjective, meaning quick, prompt, cp. snell (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lin.), quick, sharp, acute, keen; and of the weather: cold, piercing, O.E. snell, quick, active. Souter means a shoemaker, cp. souter (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Nhp.), a shoemaker, a cobbler, O.E. sūtere[Pg 76] (from Lat. sutor), M.E. soutere, cp. ‘A somer-game of souteres,’ P. Plow. Bk. V, 413. Todhunter is the fox-hunter, cp. tod (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), a fox. An early occurrence of the word is found in one of Ben Jonson’s poems. Wong means a field, cp. wong (Yks. Not. Lin. Lei. Nhp.), a field, a meadow, low-lying land, O.E. wang, wong, a plain, mead, field, M.E. wonge:
Murgatroyd, the moor-gate-royd, refers to the moor-way clearing. This gate is not related to gate, which means an opening, but we do have it in gait, with a specific meaning. It comes from O.N. cat, meaning a way, cp. gate (used in var. dial. in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), meaning a way, path, or road. It appears frequently in M.E. texts. -royd is connected to Icel. ruin, which means a clearing in a woods, cp. royd (Yks. Lan.), a clearing in a woods, typically seen in place-names and field-names. Pargeter means a plasterer and comes from French, cp. parget (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin. Nhp. War. Hrf. Glo. Ken. Sur. Sus. Som.), meaning to plaster with cement or mortar, or to whitewash; pargeter, a plasterer. Fr. (Norm. dial.) project, plaster, cover a wall with a coating, O.Fr. (Norm.) plasterer, project, throw, and spread forward. Wyclif states: ‘Tell them that they should not act without moderation, or it will all come crashing down.,’ Ezek. xiii. 11. Ruddock refers to a robin, cp. ruddock (n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. War. Wor. Suf. Ken. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), the robin, O.E. rudduc. Chaucer mentions ‘the domesticated ruddock’ in his Parliament of Fowls. Rutherford means cattle-ford; the more common version of the word appears in Rotherhithe, literally cattle-harbour, cp. rother (n.Cy. Lan. War. Wor. Hrf. Sus.), meaning horned creature, horned cattle. John of Trevisa, writing about this country in 1387, states: ‘This land is best for producing trees, fruits, herbs, and other goods.’ Slade means a valley, a hollow, a grassy area between hills, the side or slope of a hill, and appears in many dialects. Snell originally is an adjective meaning quick, prompt, cp. snell (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lin.), meaning quick, sharp, acute, keen; and for the weather: cold, piercing, O.E. snell, meaning quick, active. Souter means a shoemaker, cp. souter (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Nhp.), meaning a shoemaker, a cobbler, O.E. sneaker[Pg 76] (from Lat. suitor), M.E. souter, cp. ‘A summer game of jump rope,’ P. Plow. Bk. V, 413. Todhunter is the fox-hunter, cp. tod (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), meaning a fox. An early use of the word can be found in one of Ben Jonson’s poems. Wong means a field, cp. wong (Yks. Not. Lin. Lei. Nhp.), referring to a field, a meadow, low-lying land, O.E. wang, wong, meaning a plain, mead, field, M.E. wonge:
[1] ‘For the mechanical part he employed, as he told me, six amanuenses; and let it be remembered by the natives of North Britain, to whom he is supposed to have been so hostile, that five of them were of that country. There were two Messieurs Macbean; Mr. Shiels, who we shall hereafter see partly wrote the Lives of the Poets to which the name of Cibber is affixed; Mr. Stewart, son of Mr. George Stewart, bookseller at Edinburgh; and a Mr. Maitland. The sixth of these humble assistants was Mr. Peyton, who, I believe, taught French, and published some elementary tracts.’—Boswell, Life of Johnson, sub anno 1748. Ed. G. Birkbeck Hill (1887), vol. i, p. 187.
[1] ‘For the mechanical work, he used, as he told me, six scribes; and let it be noted by the people of North Britain, who he is thought to have been so unfriendly towards, that five of them were from that region. There were two Mr. Macbeans; Mr. Shiels, who we will later see partly wrote the Lives of the Poets that bears Cibber’s name; Mr. Stewart, son of Mr. George Stewart, a bookseller in Edinburgh; and a Mr. Maitland. The sixth of these humble assistants was Mr. Peyton, who, I believe, taught French and published some basic educational pamphlets.’—Boswell, Life of Johnson, sub anno 1748. Ed. G. Birkbeck Hill (1887), vol. i, p. 187.
CHAPTER VI
OLD MEANINGS AND FORMS IN THE DIALECTS
So far we have considered only those words which, whether recently or long ago, have left the ranks of standard modern English and become ‘dialect’. But another wide field for study opens up when we come to look at common standard English words as they are used in the dialects. We shall find that the dialects have frequently preserved a well-authenticated old meaning which we have let slip, and now express by some quite different word or phrase. What may now sound to us like a perverted sense is often historically correct, for whereas learned influences, the introduction of foreign words—which makes for further specialization and differentiation of meaning—and the general march of civilization affecting manners, customs, and habits of thought, all tend to divert the normal course of language, the dialects have meanwhile kept the noiseless tenor of their way unmolested. Thus it may often happen that it is we of the literary speech who use a word in a perverted or specialized sense, while the unlearned rustic is keeping to one which has been handed down steadily from father to son since the days of Wyclif or Shakespeare, or to go still further back, since the days of Alfred or Chaucer. A few examples of these words used with their older meanings are: able (n.Cy. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. War. Hrf.), well-to-do, rich, e.g. Bob’s a yabble chap, he can live wi’oot wahkin’, cp. ‘Able (wealthy), opulentis,’ Coles, Dict., 1679; admire (Irel. Wm. Yks. Chs. Lei. Nhp. War. Oxf. Som.), to wonder at, notice with astonishment: e.g. Yan wad admire how yau gits sec cauds [such colds], or used with at: Ah caan’t bud admire at t’waay he did it. Cp. ‘Admire not in thy mind, why I do call thee so,’ Twelfth Night, III. iv. 165. The word is frequently used in this sense in Jervas’ Translation of Don Quixote (1742),[Pg 78] e.g. ‘The duchess could not forbear laughing to hear the simplicity of her duenna, nor admiring to hear the reasonings and proverbs of Sancho’; ‘he admired at the length of his horse,’ vol. ii, p. 272, l. 6; p. 120, l. 15, World’s Classics edit. Cp. ‘I wondered with great admiration,’ A.V. Rev. xvii. 6. Anatomy (in gen. use throughout dials. except in se. counties), a skeleton, a very thin emaciated person, e.g. She’s dwinnel’t away til a atomy, ’Er little un’s nuth’n but a natomy, cp. ‘They brought one Pinch, a hungry lean-faced villain, A mere anatomy,’ Com. Err. V. i. 238; baby (Dur. Wm. Lan. Lin.), a doll, cp. ‘The baby of a girl,’ Macb. III. iv. 106, and:
So far, we've only looked at those words that, whether recently or long ago, have moved out of standard modern English and become 'dialect.' But another broad area for study opens up when we examine common standard English words as they are used in dialects. We often find that dialects have preserved an authentic old meaning that we've lost, which we now express with completely different words or phrases. What may sound like a twisted meaning to us is often historically accurate; while educated influences, the introduction of foreign words—which create further specialization and differentiation of meaning—and the general progression of civilization affecting manners, customs, and ways of thinking all tend to change the normal course of language, dialects have quietly continued on their own path, untouched. So, it can happen that we in literary speech are using a word in a twisted or specialized way, while the uneducated local person is using a meaning that has been passed down steadily from parent to child since the days of Wyclif or Shakespeare, or going even further back, since the days of Alfred or Chaucer. A few examples of these words used with their older meanings are: able (n.Cy. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. War. Hrf.), meaning well-to-do or rich, as in, Bob’s a yabble chap, he can live wi’oot wahkin’, cp. ‘Affluent, opulent,’ Coles, Dict., 1679; admire (Irel. Wm. Yks. Chs. Lei. Nhp. War. Oxf. Som.), meaning to wonder at or notice with astonishment: e.g. Yan wad admire how yau gits sec cauds [such colds], or used with at: Ah caan’t bud admire at t’waay he did it. Cp. ‘Admire not in thy mind, why I do call thee so,’ Twelfth Night, III. iv. 165. The word is frequently used in this sense in Jervas’ Translation of Don Quixote (1742),[Pg 78] e.g. ‘The duchess could not forbear laughing to hear the simplicity of her duenna, nor admiring to hear the reasonings and proverbs of Sancho’; ‘he admired at the length of his horse,’ vol. ii, p. 272, l. 6; p. 120, l. 15, World’s Classics edit. Cp. ‘I wondered with deep admiration,’ A.V. Rev. xvii. 6. Anatomy (in gen. use throughout dials. except in se. counties), meaning a skeleton or a very thin, emaciated person, e.g. She’s dwinnel’t away til a atomy, ’Er little un’s nuth’n but a natomy, cp. ‘They brought in a guy named Pinch, a hungry, thin-faced criminal, just a skinny figure.,’ Com. Err. V. i. 238; baby (Dur. Wm. Lan. Lin.), meaning a doll, cp. ‘The girl's baby,’ Macb. III. iv. 106, and:
Bachelor (Irel.), an admirer, a suitor, cp. ‘broom-groves, Whose shadow the dismissed bachelor loves,’ Temp. IV. i. 67; bid (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der.), to invite, especially to a wedding or funeral, hence: bidden-wedding, one to which a large number of guests are invited, and as at a penny-wedding, expected to contribute, cp. ‘As many as ye finde, byd them to the mariage,’ Tindale, 1534, Matt. xxii. 9; bravery (War. Brks.), splendour, fine clothes, cp. ‘With scarfs and fans and double change of bravery,’ T. of Shrew, IV. iii. 57; bride-ale (n.Cy. Som.), a wedding feast, O.E. brȳd-ealo; budget (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Stf. Not. Shr. Wil. Dor.), a workman’s bag, generally made of leather, especially a tinker’s wallet, Fr. bougette, sac de cuir que l’on portait en voyage. There is an old saying in Nottinghamshire: Yer mun wait while [till] yer get it, like the tinker an’ ’is budget, alluding to the frequent pawning of the budget, to pay for the tinker’s board and lodging, cp.:
Bachelor (Irel.), an admirer, a suitor, cp. ‘broom groves, whose shade the rejected bachelor enjoys,’ Temp. IV. i. 67; bid (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der.), to invite, especially to a wedding or funeral, hence: bidden-wedding, one to which a large number of guests are invited, and as at a penny-wedding, expected to contribute, cp. ‘Invite as many as you find to the wedding.,’ Tindale, 1534, Matt. xxii. 9; bravery (War. Brks.), splendor, fine clothes, cp. ‘With scarfs and fans and double change of bravery,’ T. of Shrew, IV. iii. 57; bride-ale (n.Cy. Som.), a wedding feast, O.E. bride ale; budget (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Stf. Not. Shr. Wil. Dor.), a workman’s bag, usually made of leather, especially a tinker’s wallet, Fr. bougette, a leather bag that was used for traveling. There is an old saying in Nottinghamshire: Yer mun wait while [till] yer get it, like the tinker an’ ’is budget, referring to the frequent pawning of the budget to pay for the tinker’s board and lodging, cp.:
In a treatise on English Dogs translated from Latin in 1570,[Pg 79] we read: ‘This kind of dog is called, in like manner, Canis Sarcinarius; in Latin, and may aptly be Englished, a Tinker’s Cur. Because with marvellous patience, they bear big budgets fraught with tinker’s tools and metal meet to mend kettles, porridge-pots, skillets, and chafers.’ Burrow (Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Oxf. Bck. Wil.), shelter from the sun or wind, cp. ‘A burrow (covert), latibulum,’ Coles, Dict., 1679; child (Lan. Shr. Glo. Oxf.), a female child, a girl, cp. ‘Mercy on’s, a barne; a very pretty barne! A boy or a child, I wonder?’ Wint. T. III. iii. 71; dizzy (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Chs. War. Shr. e.An.), foolish, stupid, half-witted, O.E. dysig, M.E. dysy, foolish; enough (Yks. Lan. Lin.), used elliptically for enough cooked, e.g. T’beef’s enough, cp. ‘He took his simples, and made a compound of them, mixing them together, and boiling them a good while, until he thought they were enough,’ Don Quix. i. 134, Jervas; fond (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Not. Lin. e.An.), foolish, silly, daft; a very common simile is: as fond as a besom. There is an old English proverb: He’s a fond chapman that comes the day after the fair. The substantive fondness, foolishness, nonsense, occurs in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘And in the profetis of Samarie Y siȝ fonnednesse,’ Jer. xxiii. 13. Foul (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. War. Wor. Shr.), ugly, e.g. There never wur a fou’ face but there wur a fou’ fancy to match it; Fawn-freckles han made a vow They’ll noan come on a face that’s feaw, cp. ‘Fairing the foul with art’s false borrow’d face,’ Shaks. Sonnet cxxvii. 6. Frame (n. country dials.), to set about doing anything, to prepare, &c. Cp. Milton:
In a treatise on English Dogs translated from Latin in 1570,[Pg 79] we read: ‘This type of dog is also known as Canis Sarcinarius in Latin, which can be accurately translated as a Tinker’s Cur. They have amazing patience and carry heavy loads filled with tools and materials for tinkerers to repair kettles, porridge pots, skillets, and chafers.’ Burrow (Nhp. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Oxf. Bck. Wil.), shelter from the sun or wind, cp. ‘A burrow (hideout), latibulum,’ Coles, Dict., 1679; child (Lan. Shr. Glo. Oxf.), a female child, a girl, cp. ‘Wow, what a cute kid! I wonder if it's a boy or a girl?’ Wint. T. III. iii. 71; dizzy (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Chs. War. Shr. e.An.), foolish, stupid, half-witted, O.E. dysfunction, M.E. dizzy, foolish; enough (Yks. Lan. Lin.), used elliptically for enough cooked, e.g. T’beef’s enough, cp. ‘He took his simples, and made a compound of them, mixing them together, and boiling them a good while, until he thought they were enough,’ Don Quixote i. 134, Jervas; fond (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Not. Lin. e.An.), foolish, silly, daft; a very common saying is: as fond as a besom. There’s an old English proverb: He’s a foolish trader who comes the day after the fair. The noun fondness, foolishness, nonsense, appears in Wyclif’s Bible: ‘And in the prophecies of Samaria, I see foolishness.,’ Jer. xxiii. 13. Foul (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. War. Wor. Shr.), ugly, e.g. There never was an ugly face but there was an ugly fancy to match it; Fawn-freckles have made a vow They’ll not come on a face that’s few, cp. ‘Concealing the ugly with art's deceptive appearance,’ Shaks. Sonnet cxxvii. 6. Frame (n. country dials.), to start doing anything, to prepare, &c. Cp. Milton:
Garret in the sense of watch-tower, is obsolete now, but remained in Newcastle-on-Tyne into last century, cp. ‘garyteȝ ful gaye gered bi-twene,’Sir Gaw., l. 791, O.Fr. garite, a tower on the walls of a town; gossip (Sc. Irel. Yks. Lan.[Pg 80] Lin. Lei. War. Shr. Hrf. Suf. Som. Dev. Cor.), a godparent, a sponsor at baptism, O.E. godsibb, a sponsor; haunt (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks. Chs. Som.), a custom, practice, e.g. at your oud hants, at your old habits, cp. ‘Of cloth-makyng she hadde such an haunt,’ Chaucer, Prol. l. 447; hind (n. dials. also Sus. Dev. Cor.), a farm-labourer, servant, or bailiff. The final d is excrescent, and the word is formed from O.E. hī(g)na, gen. pl. of hīwa, hīga, member of a family, servant, M.E. hine, cp.:
Garret, meaning watch-tower, is outdated now, but it was still used in Newcastle-on-Tyne until the last century, cp. ‘garyteȝ fully gay dressed between,’Sir Gaw., l. 791, O.Fr. garite, a tower on the walls of a town; gossip (Sc. Irel. Yks. Lan.[Pg 80] Lin. Lei. War. Shr. Hrf. Suf. Som. Dev. Cor.), a godparent, a sponsor at baptism, O.E. godsibb, a sponsor; haunt (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks. Chs. Som.), a custom, practice, e.g. at your old habits, cp. ‘She was really skilled at making cloth.,’ Chaucer, Prol. l. 447; hind (n. dials. also Sus. Dev. Cor.), a farm-laborer, servant, or bailiff. The final d is unnecessary, and the word comes from O.E. hygna, gen. pl. of hīwa, hike, a member of a family, servant, M.E. hine, cp.:
In hugger-mugger (Sh.I. Nhb. Yks. Der. Suf. Dev.), clandestinely, privately, in a sneaking way, cp. ‘that his body should be honourably buried, and not in hugger-mugger, et non point à cachettes,’ North’s Plutarch, 1579, cp. Hamlet, IV. v. 67; imp (Sc. Dur. Cum. Yks. Hrf. Rdn. Dev.), a shoot from a tree or fence, a sucker, an ingrafted slip, O.E. impa, a sucker, scion; lead (Sh.I. Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. Rut. War. Shr.), to carry, cart, convey goods by cart, used especially of corn or hay, O.E. lǣdan, M.E. leden, to lead, to carry, cp.:
In secret (Sh.I. Nhb. Yks. Der. Suf. Dev.), hidden away, privately, in a sneaky way, cp. ‘that his body should be respectfully buried and not in secret, and not to hiding places,’ North’s Plutarch, 1579, cp. Hamlet, IV. v. 67; imp (Sc. Dur. Cum. Yks. Hrf. Rdn. Dev.), a shoot from a tree or fence, a sucker, an ingrafted slip, O.E. impa, a sucker, scion; lead (Sh.I. Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. Rut. War. Shr.), to carry, cart, transport goods by cart, especially grain or hay, O.E. lēdan, M.E. months, to lead, to carry, cp.:
Learn (gen. dials.), to teach, e.g. ’E nivver larnt me nowt, he never taught me anything. In O.E. the two verbs lǣran, to teach, and leornian, to learn, were kept quite separate in meaning, but already in M.E. lernen sometimes took over the sense of leren. Chaucer has: ‘To lerne a lewed [ignorant] man this subtilte,’ Chanounes Yemannes Tale, l. 844, cp. ‘Lead me forth in thy truth and learn me,’ Prayer Book Ps., XXV. 4. In a Northamptonshire churchyard, there is an epitaph on a village singing-master, dated 1729, which runs as follows:
Learn (gen. dials.), to teach, e.g. 'He never learned me anything, he never taught me anything.' In O.E., the two verbs lǣran, to teach, and leornian, to learn, were clearly separate in meaning, but already in M.E. learn sometimes took on the meaning of learn. Chaucer wrote: ‘To learn a lesson [ignorant] man this subtitle,’ Yemenite Tale of Chanounes, l. 844, cp. ‘Guide me in your truth and teach me.,’ Prayer Book Ps., XXV. 4. In a Northamptonshire churchyard, there is an epitaph on a village singing-master, dated 1729, which reads as follows:
Like (Sc. n.Cy. Yks.), to please, be agreeable to, e.g. If it likes them to do it, let them do it. In O.E. this verb was always used impersonally in this sense, but during the M.E. period it came to be used personally as well. Lodge (Sc. Irel. Yks. Chs. War. Shr. Oxf. Brks. Ken. Sur. Sus. Wil.), of corn or grass: to lie flat, to be beaten down by wind and rain, generally used in the past participle, cp. ‘Like to the summer’s corn by tempest lodged,’ 2 Hen. VI, III. ii. 176; loft (n. counties and midl.), the upper floor of a house of two stories, an upper room, cp. ‘Eutychus ... fell down from the third loft, and was taken up dead,’ A.V. Acts xx. 9; meat (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), food in general, victuals, also used as a verb, e.g. Well, ya see, ma’am, he meats hissen, an’ ah weshes him, i.e. he finds his own food, and I wash for him, O.E. mete, food. We are all familiar with the word in this sense in the proverb: One man’s meat is another man’s poison, and in the Bible, cp. ‘And if thou bring an oblation of a meat offering baken in the oven, it shall be unleavened cakes of fine flour mingled with oil, or unleavened wafers anointed with oil,’ A.V. Lev. ii. 4. Nephew (Ken.), a grandson. This meaning occurs in Shakespeare, and several times in the Bible, cp. ‘And he had forty sons, and thirty nephews,’ with the marginal note: ‘Heb. sons’ sons,’ A.V. Judges xii. 14. Dr. Johnson gives it, but as an archaism: ‘The grandson. Out of use.’ Similarly niece (Ken.) is used to signify a granddaughter, cp. Rich. III, IV i. 1. Owe (Sh.I. Irel. n.Cy. Cum. Yks. e.An. w.Cy.), to own, possess, e.g. Let ta awe ta, an’ ta tither, let the one person possess the one, and the other person the remaining one, O.E. āgan, cp. ‘the noblest grace she owed,’ Temp. III. i. 45; painful (Yks. Chs.), painstaking, hardworking, active, cp. ‘ Such servants are oftenest painfull and good,’ Tusser, Husb., 1580. An inscription on a memorial brass dated 1639 begins thus:
Like (Sc. n.Cy. Yks.), to be agreeable to, e.g. If they want to do it, let them do it. In O.E. this verb was always used impersonally in this sense, but during the M.E. period, it came to be used personally as well. Lodge (Sc. Irel. Yks. Chs. War. Shr. Oxf. Brks. Ken. Sur. Sus. Wil.), of corn or grass: to lie flat, to be crushed by wind and rain, generally used in the past participle, cp. ‘Like summer corn caught in a storm,’ 2 Hen. VI, III. ii. 176; loft (n. counties and midl.), the upper floor of a two-story house, an upper room, cp. ‘Eutychus fell from the third floor and was found dead.,’ A.V. Acts xx. 9; meat (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.), food in general, provisions, also used as a verb, e.g. Well, you see, ma’am, he finds his own food, and I wash for him, O.E. measure, food. We are all familiar with the word in this sense in the proverb: One man’s meat is another man’s poison, and in the Bible, cp. ‘If you present a grain offering baked in the oven, it should consist of unleavened cakes made from fine flour mixed with oil, or unleavened wafers brushed with oil.,’ A.V. Lev. ii. 4. Nephew (Ken.), a grandson. This meaning appears in Shakespeare and several times in the Bible, cp. ‘He had forty sons and thirty nephews.,’ with the marginal note: ‘grandsons,’ A.V. Judges xii. 14. Dr. Johnson states it, but as an archaic term: ‘The grandson. Out of use.’ Similarly niece (Ken.) is used to mean a granddaughter, cp. Rich. III, IV i. 1. Owe (Sh.I. Irel. n.Cy. Cum. Yks. e.An. w.Cy.), to own, possess, e.g. Let the one have one, and the other person the remaining one, O.E. āgan, cp. ‘the greatest grace she owed,’ Temp. III. i. 45; painful (Yks. Chs.), hardworking, diligent, cp. ‘Such servants are often painful yet good.,’ Tusser, Husb., 1580. An inscription on a memorial brass dated 1639 begins thus:
Pity (Sc. Cum. e.Yks.), impers. it fills one with pity, e.g. It fair pitied me to see t’poor auld galloway so sairly failed, cp. ‘It pitieth them to see her in the dust,’ Prayer Book, Ps. cii. 14; proper (Sc. Nhb. Glo. e.An. Ken. Hmp. Wil. Dor. Dev. Cor.), handsome, fine, well-grown, cp. ‘This Ludovico is a proper man,’ Othello, IV. iii. 36, ‘they saw he was a proper child,’ A.V. Heb. xi. 23; quick (n. and midl. counties), alive, e.g. I thoht thaay was dead last back-end, bud thaay’re wick eniff noo, cp. ‘I had rather be set quick i’ the earth,’ Mer. Wives, III. iv. 90. We are of course familiar with the word in this sense in the Bible and Prayer Book, and in phrases such as: a quickset hedge, the quick of the nail, quicksilver, &c. A quickset hedge is a living hedge, as distinct from a dead fence or stockade, and the young thorn-plants for forming such a hedge are known in the dialects as quick, or quicks. The following is an advertisement which appeared in the Oxford Chronicle: ‘Quick! Quick!! QUICK!!! for hedgerows. 1,000,000 for sale,’ February 1, 1901. Sad (many dials.), solid, firm, compact; of bread, pastry, &c.: heavy, close; also: grave, discreet. The original meaning of O.E. sæd was satiated, the word being cognate with German satt, e.g. wīnsæd, satiated with wine, but already in Middle English it came to mean quiet, discreet, solid, cp.:
Pity (Sc. Cum. e.Yks.), impers. it makes one feel pity, e.g. It really made me feel sorry to see the poor old galloway so badly failed, cp. ‘They feel sorry to see her in the dust.,’ Prayer Book, Ps. cii. 14; proper (Sc. Nhb. Glo. e.An. Ken. Hmp. Wil. Dor. Dev. Cor.), attractive, nice, well-grown, cp. ‘This Ludovico is a decent guy.,’ Othello, IV. iii. 36, ‘they realized he was a good kid,’ A.V. Heb. xi. 23; quick (n. and midl. counties), alive, e.g. I thought they were dead last autumn, but they’re alive enough now, cp. ‘I would rather be buried alive in the ground.,’ Mer. Wives, III. iv. 90. We are of course familiar with the word in this sense in the Bible and Prayer Book, and in phrases such as: a quickset hedge, the quick of the nail, quicksilver, &c. A quickset hedge is a living hedge, as different from a dead fence or stockade, and the young thorn-plants for forming such a hedge are known in the dialects as quick, or quicks. The following is an advertisement which appeared in the Oxford Chronicle: ‘Quick! Quick!! QUICK!!! for hedgerows. 1,000,000 for sale,’ February 1, 1901. Sad (many dials.), solid, firm, compact; of bread, pastry, &c.: heavy, dense; also: serious, discreet. The original meaning of O.E. sad was satisfied, the word being related to German satisfied, e.g. winesad, satisfied with wine, but already in Middle English it started to mean quiet, discreet, solid, cp.:
Wyclif has: ‘And whanne greet flood was maad, the flood was hurtlid to that hous, and it miȝte not moue it, for it was foundid on a sad stoon,’ St. Luke vi. 48. Similarly, sadness (Yks. Lan. Chs. Lei. War.), solidity, seriousness; in good sadness means in earnest. Shakespeare plays upon the two meanings of the word in a well-known passage beginning: ‘Tell me in sadness, who is that you love,’ Rom. & Jul. I. i. 205. Connected with these words is the verb sade (n.Cy. Chs. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. w.Cy.), to satiate, also to become weary or tired, especially used in the phrase sick and saded,[Pg 83] O.E. sadian, to become satiated or weary. Serve (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. War. Wor. Shr. Oxf. Hmp. Wil.), to supply an animal with food, e.g. Ah’ll gan an’ sarve t’pigs, cp. ‘See cattle well serued, without and within, and all thing at quiet ere supper begin,’ Tusser, Husb.; shed (Sc. and n. counties), to part, separate, O.E. scādan, scēadan, to divide, separate, a meaning which is retained in the standard language in the compound watershed; silly (Ess. Som.), simple, rustic, (Nhb.) pure, innocent, e.g. The bit bairn’s asleep, silly thing, cp.:
Wyclif has: ‘And when a major flood came, the water crashed against that house, but it couldn't shake it because it was built on solid rock.,’ St. Luke vi. 48. Similarly, sadness (Yks. Lan. Chs. Lei. War.), solidity, seriousness; in good sadness means in earnest. Shakespeare plays upon the two meanings of the word in a well-known passage beginning: ‘Tell me in sadness, who do you love?,’ Rom. & Jul. I. i. 205. Connected with these words is the verb sade (n.Cy. Chs. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. w.Cy.), to satiate, also to become weary or tired, especially used in the phrase sick and saded,[Pg 83] O.E. sardonic, to become satiated or weary. Serve (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. War. Wor. Shr. Oxf. Hmp. Wil.), to provide an animal with food, e.g. I’ll go and feed the pigs, cp. ‘See the cattle well taken care of, both outside and inside, and everything calm before dinner starts.,’ Tusser, Husb.; shed (Sc. and n. counties), to part, separate, O.E. scādan, scēadan, to divide, separate, a meaning which is retained in the standard language in the compound watershed; silly (Ess. Som.), simple, rustic, (Nhb.) pure, innocent, e.g. The little child’s asleep, silly thing, cp.:
Another dialect form of the word is seely, O.E. gesǣlig, happy, blessed. Speed (Sc. Yks. Lan. Lin. Glo. Cor.), success, is familiar to us in certain phrases and sayings, such as: More haste worse speed. An old Lincolnshire parish clerk affirmed that in his young days it was customary for men, before they began work in the morning, to say: May God speed us well. Another of the fraternity used to call out in church: God speed ’em weel, in a high monotone immediately after the publication of banns of marriage. Godspeed (Lakel.) is the name for a wooden screen or barrier against the wind within the door, apparently so called because leave-takings or good-byes were said there. Spill (Sc. Midl. Ken. Sur. Sus.), to spoil, ruin, destroy, O.E. spillan, to destroy; stickler (Glo. Som. Dev. Cor.), an umpire, especially an umpire at a wrestling-match or bout of singlestick, cp.:
Another dialect version of the word is seely, O.E. gesǣlig, meaning happy or blessed. Speed (Sc. Yks. Lan. Lin. Glo. Cor.), meaning success, is familiar to us in certain phrases and sayings, like: More haste, worse speed. An old parish clerk from Lincolnshire claimed that in his younger days, it was common for men to say: May God speed us well before starting work in the morning. Another member of the community would call out in church: God speed ’em weel, in a high monotone right after announcing banns of marriage. Godspeed (Lakel.) refers to a wooden screen or barrier against the wind by the door, apparently named for the goodbyes exchanged there. Spill (Sc. Midl. Ken. Sur. Sus.), meaning to spoil, ruin, or destroy, comes from O.E. spillan, to destroy; stickler (Glo. Som. Dev. Cor.), refers to an umpire, especially one at a wrestling match or singlestick bout, cp.:
Tell (many dials.), to count, reckon up, e.g. Tell them ther ship [sheep], ’ooll ’e, an let I knaw how many ther be on ’em, O.E. tellan, to count, cp.:
Tell (many dials.), to count, figure out, e.g. Tell them how many sheep there are, and let me know how many there are, O.E. tellin, to count, cp.:
Whether (Yks. Lan.), which of two, e.g. Wether will ta ’ev, this er that? O.E. hwæþer, which of two, cp. ‘Whether of them twain did the will of his father?’ A.V. Matt. xxi. 31; witty (Sc. Yks. Chs. Not. Lin. Ken. Dev.), wise, knowing, sensible, shrewd, e.g. He’s a witty mon, is yander, there’s noo bestin’ him at a bargain, O.E. wittig, wise, cp.:
Whether (Yks. Lan.), which of two, e.g. Which will take it, this or that? O.E. hwæþer, which of two, cp. ‘Which of them did what their father wanted?’ A.V. Matt. xxi. 31; witty (Sc. Yks. Chs. Not. Lin. Ken. Dev.), clever, smart, sensible, sharp, e.g. He’s a clever guy, that one, there’s no outsmarting him in a deal, O.E. witty, wise, cp.:
Wretch (War. Wor. Glo. Bck.), used as a term of endearment, sympathy, or compassion, e.g. I set a deal o’ store by Lucy, poor wratch! cp.:
Wretch (War. Wor. Glo. Bck.), used as a term of endearment, sympathy, or compassion, e.g. I care a lot about Lucy, poor wretch! cp.:
Side by side with these historical meanings preserved in the dialects, are the historical forms. Many a word which we meet in the dialects in some unfamiliar shape, can be shown to be no mere vulgar mispronunciation or misspelling, but a genuine old form, once under distinguished patronage in our earlier literature. Or again, formations which appear to be ignorant errors in grammar can be shown to be grammatically regular, the divergence of the standard form being due to analogy, or some other influence. It is surprising to find what a number of cases there are where a word in literary English has become corrupt, whilst in the dialects it has followed its normal development. To take some examples of these justifiable dialect forms: alablaster (n. and midl. counties) for alabaster, e.g. It’s a straange nist bairn, it’s skin’s that clear it’s like alablaster, cp.:
Side by side with these historical meanings preserved in the dialects are the old forms. Many words we encounter in the dialects, though they seem unfamiliar, can be shown to be genuine old forms that were once prestigious in our earlier literature. Additionally, formations that seem like ignorant grammatical errors can be demonstrated to be grammatically sound, with the divergence from the standard form due to analogy or some other influence. It’s surprising to see how many cases exist where a word in literary English has become corrupt, while in the dialects it has developed normally. Here are some examples of these legitimate dialect forms: alablaster (n. and midl. counties) for alabaster, e.g., It’s a strange nice child, its skin is so clear it’s like alablaster, cp.:
This was the general spelling of alabaster in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Apricock (n.Cy. Lan. Lin. Lei. Nhp. War. Shr. Hrf.) for apricot, cp. ‘Yond dangling apricocks,’ Rich. II, III. iv. 29. The word came originally[Pg 85] from the Portuguese albricoque, and the change from the final ck to t was due to the French cognate abricot. Crowner (in gen. dial. use in Irel. and Eng.) for coroner, e.g. I do lot as they’l ’ave a crowner’s quest on he, cp. ‘Crowner’s quest law,’ Ham. V. i. 24. Laylock (in gen. dial. use in Eng.) for lilac, cp. ‘The Lelacke Tree,’ Bacon, Essays, ed. 1625. Our pronunciation lilac is borrowed from those dialects where byby is the normal pronunciation of baby. We have erred in the same direction in discarding the older obleege (now confined to the dialects) in favour of the modern oblige. The correct pronunciation of the French ī is that in machine. Newelty (Nhp. Oxf. Bdf. Hnt. e.An. Som.) for novelty, e.g. Well! there idn very much newelty in thick there contraption like, cp. ‘Novella, a tale, a parable, or a neweltee,’ Thomas, Italian Grammar, 1562. Shool or showl (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.) for shovel, cp. ‘Item, j. dressyng knyfe, j. fyre showle,’ Paston Letters, 1459. This must have been the proper pronunciation when the nursery rhyme Cock Robin was composed:
This was the general spelling of alabaster in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Apricock (n.Cy. Lan. Lin. Lei. Nhp. War. Shr. Hrf.) for apricot, cp. ‘Those dangling apricots,’ Rich. II, III. iv. 29. The word originally came from the Portuguese albricoque, and the change from the final ck to t was due to the French cognate abricot. Crowner (in gen. dial. use in Irel. and Eng.) for coroner, e.g. I do a lot as they’ll have a crowner’s quest on him, cp. ‘Coroner's inquest law,’ Ham. V. i. 24. Laylock (in gen. dial. use in Eng.) for lilac, cp. ‘The Lelacke Tree,’ Bacon, Essays, ed. 1625. Our pronunciation lilac is borrowed from those dialects where byby is the normal pronunciation of baby. We have made the same mistake in discarding the older obleege (now confined to the dialects) in favor of the modern oblige. The correct pronunciation of the French ī is that in machine. Newelty (Nhp. Oxf. Bdf. Hnt. e.An. Som.) for novelty, e.g. Well! there isn’t very much newelty in that contraption like, cp. ‘Novelette, a story, a lesson, or a novelty,’ Thomas, Italian Grammar, 1562. Shool or showl (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. Eng.) for shovel, cp. ‘Item, j. dressy knife, j. fire shovel,’ Paston Letters, 1459. This must have been the proper pronunciation when the nursery rhyme Cock Robin was composed:
Similarly, comparison with the dialects restores correct rhyme to the water: after in Jack and Jill, and correct metre to: ‘Mary, Mary, quite contrary.’ Abear for bear, endure, is widely diffused through the dialects. It is O.E. āberan, to endure, suffer, a form which apparently dropped out of the literary language in the thirteenth century, but which has lived on ever since in the spoken dialects. Affodil or affrodile (Chs.) for daffodil is found in Cotgrave: ‘Affrodille, th’ Affodille or Asphodill flower.’ It is, in fact, etymologically the correct form, from a M.Lat. affodillus, Lat. asphodilus, and the prefixed d of the standard form has yet to be satisfactorily explained. Disgest (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) for digest was the common form in literary English in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Haviour (Sc. Yks. Chs.) for behaviour occurs in Spenser;[Pg 86] ‘Her heavenly haveour, her princely grace,’ Shepherd’s Cal., 1579. Overlive (Lan. Der. Rut. Lei. Nhp.) for outlive occurs in Shakespeare and in the Bible: ‘And Israel served the Lord all the days of Joshua, and all the days of the elders that overlived Joshua,’ A.V. Josh. xxiv. 31. Ballet (Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Nhp. War. Shr. Hrf. Brks. Ess. Ken. Sus. Wil. Som. Dev.) for ballad is a corruption common in the literary language in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, cp. ‘The Ballet of Ballets of Solomon,’ Bishops’ Bible, 1568; ‘I occasioned much mirth by a ballet I brought with me made from the seamen at sea to their ladies in town,’ Pepys’ Diary, Jan. 2, 1665. In like manner the form sallet for salad remains in the dialects. Brinded (Der. Not. Wil. Som.) for brindled recalls the well-known line: ‘Thrice the brinded cat hath mew’d,’ Macb. IV. i. 1. Darkling (Sc. Yks. Lin.) for in the dark is used by Shakespeare and by Milton, cp. ‘The wakeful bird sings darkling,’ Par. Lost, iii. 39. Flannen (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) is the correct form for flannel, from Welsh gwlanen, woollen material, cp. ‘She found Dorus, apparelled in flanen,’ Sydney, Arcadia, c. 1585. Lovier (e.An. Dor. Som.) for lover carries us back to Chaucer’s ‘yong Squyer’ who was: ‘A lovyere, and a lusty bacheler,’ Prol. l. 80. Margent (Sc. Yks. e.An.) for margin, with excrescent t, is a Shakespearian form. Jeremy Taylor has: ‘She was arrested with a sorrow so great as brought her to the margent of her grave,’ Holy Living, 1650. Neglection (Glo. Suf.) for neglect, and robustious (Sc. n.Cy. I.Ma. War.) for robust, are both to be found in Shakespeare’s Plays; cp. also Milton:
Similarly, comparing with the dialects brings back proper rhyme to the water: after in Jack and Jill, and correct meter to: ‘Mary, Mary, quite contrary.’ Abear for bear, endure, is widely used in the dialects. It is O.E. āberan, to endure, suffer, a form that seems to have disappeared from written language in the thirteenth century, but has continued in spoken dialects ever since. Affodil or affrodile (Chs.) for daffodil is noted in Cotgrave: ‘Affrodille, the Afodill or Asphodel flower.’ It is actually the correct etymological form, from a M.Lat. affodillus, Lat. asphodel, and the added d in the standard form has not yet been satisfactorily explained. Disgest (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) for digest was the common form in literary English during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Haviour (Sc. Yks. Chs.) for behaviour appears in Spenser; [Pg 86] ‘Her divine beauty, her royal elegance,’ Shepherd’s Calendar, 1579. Overlive (Lan. Der. Rut. Lei. Nhp.) for outlive is found in Shakespeare and in the Bible: ‘And Israel worshiped the Lord throughout the lifetime of Joshua and as long as the elders who outlived Joshua were alive.,’ A.V. Josh. xxiv. 31. Ballet (Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Nhp. War. Shr. Hrf. Brks. Ess. Ken. Sus. Wil. Som. Dev.) for ballad was a common corruption in literary language during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, cp. ‘The Ultimate Ballet of Solomon,’ Bishops’ Bible, 1568; ‘I caused a lot of laughter with a ballet I brought with me, inspired by the sailors at sea and their ladies back in town.,’ Pepys’ Diary, Jan. 2, 1665. Similarly, the form sallet for salad remains in the dialects. Brinded (Der. Not. Wil. Som.) for brindled brings to mind the famous line: ‘Three times the brindled cat has meowed.,’ Macb. IV. i. 1. Darkling (Sc. Yks. Lin.) for in the dark is used by Shakespeare and by Milton, cp. ‘The alert bird sings at night,’ Par. Lost, iii. 39. Flannen (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) is the correct form for flannel, from Welsh gwlanen, woollen material, cp. ‘She found Dorus dressed in flannel.,’ Sydney, Arcadia, c. 1585. Lovier (e.An. Dor. Som.) for lover takes us back to Chaucer’s ‘young Squire’ who was: ‘A charming and lively bachelor,’ Prol. l. 80. Margent (Sc. Yks. e.An.) for margin, with extra t, is a form from Shakespeare. Jeremy Taylor wrote: ‘She was arrested with a sorrow so deep that it brought her to the edge of her grave.,’ Holy Living, 1650. Neglection (Glo. Suf.) for neglect, and robustious (Sc. n.Cy. I.Ma. War.) for robust, are both found in Shakespeare’s Plays; cp. also Milton:
Ruinate for ruin is now so common that it is a colloquialism rather than dialect. Johnson gives quotations for it from Shakespeare and other authors, but says: ‘This word is now obsolete.’
Ruinate for ruin is now so common that it's more of a colloquialism than a dialect. Johnson provides quotes from Shakespeare and other authors but notes: ‘This word is now obsolete.’
Sometimes a dialect form which sounds like a corruption,[Pg 87] is in reality a different word from the standard form with which we associate it, for example: meese (Glo. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), moss, is not a corruption of moss, but the regular descendant of O.E. mēos, the literary form being probably a Scandinavian import. Rivel (War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Dor.), to shrivel, is from M.E. rivelen, to wrinkle, whilst shrivel is of different origin. Shakespeare uses both words. Shill (Sc. Dur. Yks. Nhp. Dor.), shrill, is from O.E. scill, sonorous, etymologically quite distinct from shrill. Quite distinct too is the dialect lew-warm (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), from the standard lukewarm, tepid, cp. ‘Thou art lew, and nether cold, nether hot,’ Wyclif, Rev. iii. 16.
Sometimes a dialect term that sounds like a mistake,[Pg 87] is actually a different word from the standard term we associate it with. For example: meese (Glo. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), meaning moss, is not a corruption of moss, but the regular descendant of O.E. mēos, with the literary form likely being a Scandinavian import. Rivel (War. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Dor.), meaning to shrivel, comes from M.E. rivelen, which means to wrinkle, while shrivel has a different origin. Shakespeare uses both words. Shill (Sc. Dur. Yks. Nhp. Dor.), meaning shrill, comes from O.E. scill, meaning sonorous, and is etymologically quite different from shrill. The dialect lew-warm (used generally in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), comes from the standard lukewarm, meaning tepid, cp. ‘You are lukewarm, neither cold nor hot.,’ Wyclif, Rev. iii. 16.
Or again, the difference between the dialect and the standard word may be traced back to a grammatical or phonological variation in the O.E. period, resulting in the development of two distinct types side by side, one of which came to be preserved in the literary language and the other in the spoken dialects. Among such are: ax (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), beside ask, O.E. ācsian, āxian, beside the non-metathesized form āscian. The common dialect form cowslop for our cowslip goes back to O.E. cū-sloppe beside cū-slyppe. Yat or yet is more usual in the dialects than gate, and is perfectly regular. The form in O.E. was geat in the singular, whence correctly yat or yet; and gatu in the plural, whence our gate with the hard g. A farm I knew well near my Herefordshire home was known as ‘The Three Hats’, apparently a corruption of ‘The Three Yats’, so called from its situation at the junction of three farm-roads, each shut off by a gate. Gate meaning road is, as we have already noticed (p. 75), a Norse loan-word, and not to be confused with gate, an opening. Lat (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lei. War. Wor. Shr.) beside late is the normal descendant of the adjective O.E. læt, beside the adverb O.E. late which has given the standard form. Neist (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Der. Nhp. Shr. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.), nearest, nighest, beside next goes back to an O.E. contracted form nēst, beside the uncontracted nēhst, which became next. Quid, which in many[Pg 88] dialects is used for our cud, is from O.E. cwidu, beside which was the by-form cudu, which gave cud. Rew (Wor. Sur. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Som. Dev.) beside our row goes back to O.E. rǣw beside rāw, a row, a line. Sealch (Sc. Irel.) for seal is from the O.E. nominative seolh, whereas seal is from the oblique cases where there was no h. Shilder (Lan.) for shoulder is derived from the plural form O.E. gescyldru, shoulders. The Scotch and North-country weel for the adverb well is from an O.E. wēl which existed beside the form with e, whence our well.
Or again, the difference between the dialect and the standard word may be traced back to a grammatical or phonological variation from the O.E. period, resulting in the development of two distinct types side by side, one of which was preserved in the literary language and the other in the spoken dialects. Among such are: *ax* (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), beside *ask*, O.E. *ācsian*, *āxian*, beside the non-metathesized form *āscian*. The common dialect form *cowslop* for our *cowslip* goes back to O.E. *cū-sloppe* beside *cū-slyppe*. *Yat* or *yet* is more common in the dialects than *gate*, and is perfectly regular. The form in O.E. was *geat* in the singular, hence correctly *yat* or *yet*; and *gatu* in the plural, leading to our *gate* with the hard *g*. A farm I knew well near my Herefordshire home was called ‘The Three Hats’, apparently a corruption of ‘The Three Yats’, named for its location at the junction of three farm-roads, each closed off by a gate. *Gate* meaning road is, as we have already noted (p. 75), a Norse loan-word, and should not be confused with *gate*, an opening. *Lat* (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Chs. Derbyshire Lei. Warwickshire Wor. Shropshire) beside *late* is the normal descendant of the adjective O.E. *læt*, alongside the adverb O.E. *late* which has given the standard form. *Neist* (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan. Derbyshire Nhp. Shropshire Hmp. Wiltshire Som. Devonshire Cor.), nearest, nighest, beside *next* goes back to an O.E. contracted form *nēst*, alongside the uncontracted *nēhst*, which became *next*. *Quid*, which in many dialects is used for our *cud*, comes from O.E. *cwidu*, alongside which was the by-form *cudu*, which gave *cud*. *Rew* (Wor. Surrey Sussex Hmp. I.W. Som. Devonshire) beside our *row* comes from O.E. *rǣw* alongside *rāw*, a row, a line. *Sealch* (Sc. Irel.) for *seal* is from the O.E. nominative *seolh*, whereas *seal* comes from the oblique cases where there was no *h*. *Shilder* (Lan.) for *shoulder* is derived from the plural form O.E. *gescyldru*, shoulders. The Scottish and North-country *weel* for the adverb *well* is from an O.E. *wēl* that existed alongside the form with *e*, thus leading to our *well*.
Grammatical distinctions are frequently kept up in the dialects, where they have become obliterated in the literary language, for example: kemb (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Cor.) vb. to comb, beside comb subs., in O.E. cemban vb., and camb, comb subs. Keel is the common dialect verb meaning to make cool, in O.E. cēlan vb. beside cōl adj. Wyclif has: ‘Sende Lazarus, that he dippe the ende of his fyngur in watir, to kele my tunge,’ Luke xvi. 24. Snew (Irel. Yks. Lan. Glo. Nrf. Dev.), to snow, to abound, beside snow subs. is from O.E. snīwan vb. beside snāw subs., cp. ‘It snewede in his hous of mete and drinke,’ Chaucer, Prol. l. 345. Smeeth (Nhb. Chs.), to smooth, beside the adj. smooth is from O.E. smēðian vb. The correct form of the adjective is found in a few North-country dialects as smeeth, from O.E. smēðe adj.; our smooth is from the O.E. adverb smōðe. A difference of pronunciation of work, verb and noun, is found in nearly all dialects; in O.E. wyrcan vb. and weorc subs. In mean (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan.), moan vb. and subs., the verbal form O.E. mǣnan has predominated, whilst in the standard language we have formed our verb from the noun. In kuss (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.) vb. and subs., the dialects have taken the noun form, O.E. coss, for both uses, whilst the standard language has retained only the verbal one, O.E. cyssan, to kiss.
Grammatical distinctions are often maintained in dialects, where they have disappeared in the written language. For example: kemb (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Cor.) vb. means to comb, as opposed to comb subs., in O.E. cemban vb., and camb, comb subs. Keel is the common verb in dialects for making something cool, which corresponds to O.E. cēlan vb. next to cōl adj. Wyclif states: ‘Send Lazarus to dip the tip of his finger in water to cool my tongue.,’ Luke xvi. 24. Snew (Irel. Yks. Lan. Glo. Nrf. Dev.), means to snow or to abound, next to snow subs. and comes from O.E. sniveling vb. compared to snow subs., cp. ‘It snowed in his house of food and drink.,’ Chaucer, Prol. l. 345. Smeeth (Nhb. Chs.), means to smooth, next to the adj. smooth and originates from O.E. sméthing vb.. The correct form of the adjective can be found in a few northern dialects as smeeth, from O.E. smoothed adj.; our smooth comes from the O.E. adverb smooth. Almost all dialects show a difference in how work is pronounced, both as a verb and a noun; in O.E. create vb. and work subs.. In mean (Sc. Nhb. Lakel. Yks. Lan.), which means moan vb. and subs., the verbal form O.E. mēnan has dominated, while in standard language we derived our verb from the noun. In kuss (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.) vb. and subs., dialects have adopted the noun form, O.E. cousins, for both uses, while standard language has kept only the verbal one, O.E. cyssan, to kiss.
In the conjugation of verbs, the dialects have also often retained an old formation which has become obsolete in standard English, for example: afrore (sw. counties), frozen, O.E. gefroren. Our frozen has taken its medial consonant[Pg 89] from the stem of the Present. In the form frore this word has maintained a fitful existence in poetry ever since Milton wrote: ‘the parching air Burns frore,’ Par. Lost, ii. 594, but this is merely an archaism. Forboden (Yks.), O.E. forboden, is strictly correct; our forbidden has been influenced by the vowel of the Infinitive. Getten, the dialect past participle of to get, is, in the same way, the true form grammatically, and got is due to analogy. Raught (Sc. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. War. Shr. Glo. Brks. Hmp. I.W. Som.) is from O.E. rǣhte, and might have remained like taught, but the standard language has selected the new preterite reached, made from the Infinitive, cp. ‘He smiled me in the face, raught me his hand,’ Hen. V, IV. vi. 21. Weared (Sc. n.Yks. Nhp. Wor. Som. Dev. Cor.) is from O.E. werede. Chaucer has: ‘A whit cote and a blew hood werede he,’ Prol. l. 564. We have since made a new strong preterite wore on the analogy of bore. Wrought (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Suf.), as a preterite and participle, is familiar to us in the Bible, cp. ‘He abode with them and wrought,’ Acts xviii. 3, M.E. wrohte, wroht; but the standard language has adopted the newer form worked, retaining wrought only as an adjective. The common dialect adjective afeared or feared for afraid is originally a past participle, O.E. āfǣred, cp. ‘I am afeard you make a wanton of me,’ Ham. V. ii. 310. To illustrate the use of the word in modern times, a Dialect Glossary gives the following anecdote: Two ladies, alarmed at some cows that obstructed their path, called a boy to drive them away, when having been rewarded for his trouble, he said, Would you please to be feared of the sheep too?
In verb conjugation, dialects have often kept an old form that has become outdated in standard English. For example: afrore (sw. counties), frozen, O.E. frozen. Our frozen has taken its medial consonant[Pg 89] from the stem of the present tense. The form frore has had a sporadic existence in poetry ever since Milton wrote: ‘the dry air Burns cold,’ Par. Lost, ii. 594, but this is just an old-fashioned way of speaking. Forboden (Yks.), O.E. forboden, is strictly correct; our forbidden has been influenced by the vowel from the infinitive. Getten, the dialect past participle of to get, is, in the same way, the grammatically correct form, while got comes from analogy. Raught (Sc. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. War. Shr. Glo. Brks. Hmp. I.W. Som.) is from O.E. rǣhte, and might have stayed like taught, but the standard language chose the new preterite reached, made from the infinitive, cp. ‘He smiled at me, offered me his hand.,’ Hen. V, IV. vi. 21. Weared (Sc. n.Yks. Nhp. Wor. Som. Dev. Cor.) comes from O.E. werede. Chaucer has: ‘He wore a white coat and a blue hood.,’ Prol. l. 564. We have since created a new strong preterite wore based on the analogy of bore. Wrought (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Suf.), as a preterite and participle, is familiar to us in the Bible, cp. ‘He stayed with them and worked.,’ Acts xviii. 3, M.E. wrote, wrote; but the standard language has adopted the newer form worked, keeping wrought only as an adjective. The common dialect adjective afeared or feared for afraid is originally a past participle, O.E. afraid, cp. ‘I’m afraid you’re treating me carelessly.,’ Ham. V. ii. 310. To illustrate the use of the word in modern times, a Dialect Glossary gives the following anecdote: Two ladies, alarmed by some cows blocking their path, called a boy to drive them away, and after being rewarded for his trouble, he said, "Would you like to be feared of the sheep too?"
The basis of the standard language is the sound-system of what is called the Mercian Dialect of the O.E. period, and the East Midland Dialect of the M.E. period, but occasionally we meet with words which have been borrowed from some district outside the East Midland area, and incorporated into literary English with the characteristic pronunciation of the district whence they came. For instance, our pronunciation of among is irregular; we ought to make it rhyme with hang[Pg 90] or long, as it does in various dialects. Our among rhyming with hung is a West Midland form, specially common in Lancashire. Again, our vat, vane, vixen with initial v are south-western dialect forms; the regular standard pronunciation should be fat, &c., cp. ‘The fats shall overflow with wine and oil,’ A.V. Joel ii. 24; ‘pressfat,’ A.V. Hag ii. 16, from O.E. fæt. The forms brize (Sc. Nhb. Yks.), from O.E. brȳsan, and kidgel (Nhb. Yks.), from O.E. cycgel, have been ousted from the literary speech by the south-western bruise and cudgel. The common dialect pronunciation bile for boil subs., from O.E. bȳl, would be correct in literary English; our form boil is irregular and corrupt.
The foundation of the standard language is the sound system of what's known as the Mercian Dialect from the O.E. period, and the East Midland Dialect from the M.E. period. However, we sometimes encounter words that have been borrowed from regions outside the East Midland area, and these are incorporated into literary English with the distinct pronunciation from where they originated. For example, our pronunciation of among is irregular; it should rhyme with hang[Pg 90] or long, as it does in various dialects. Our among rhyming with hung is a West Midland form, especially common in Lancashire. Also, our vat, vane, and vixen with an initial v are forms from the south-western dialect; the standard pronunciation should be fat, &c., cp. ‘The vats will overflow with wine and oil.,’ A.V. Joel ii. 24; ‘press fat,’ A.V. Hag ii. 16, from O.E. fatted. The forms brize (Sc. Nhb. Yks.), from O.E. brȳsan, and kidgel (Nhb. Yks.), from O.E. cycling, have been replaced in literary speech by the south-western bruise and cudgel. The common dialect pronunciation bile for boil subs., from O.E. bȳl, would actually be correct in literary English; our form boil is irregular and incorrect.
The name of the irregularities in the standard speech is legion, and it is an enticing pursuit to hunt for the regular forms in the dialects and compare them with their literary cognates. Bread (Sc. Dur. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. Shr. Pem.), breadth, is the normal development of O.E. brǣdu; the form breadth has taken over a final -th from other abstract nouns such as length. Lin (Sc. Irel. and n. and w. counties), flax, linen, is the correct representative of the O.E. substantive līn, M.E. lin, as we have it in linseed; our linen is properly an adjective, meaning made of flax. Mirk (Sc. and n. counties), dark, gloomy, also sb. darkness, gloom, from M.E. mirk(e, may be used in modern poetry, but the ordinary form is mirky, murky, with the addition of -y from other adjectives where it was regular. Similarly, red(d (Sc. Irel.) for ready, and slipper (Som. Dev. Cor.) for slippery, cp. O.E. ge-rǣde, slipor. Sloum (Sc. Irel. and n. counties) for slumber is O.E. slūma, without the later additions of the frequentative suffix, and intrusive b. Peel (Glo. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.) for pillow is from the O.E. nominative pylu, whereas from the oblique cases came M.E. pilwe, whence our pillow. Graff (Sc. Yks. Hrf.) for graft, and hoise (Sc. Irel. Cum. Yks. Lan.) for hoist, are both correct forms without the additional t, which is probably due to confusion with verbal forms in the Past tense, cp. ‘We’ll quickly hoise Duke Humphrey from his seat,’2 Hen. VI, I. i. 169. Hose (Rut. Som.[Pg 91] Dev.) and haiss (Sc.) for hoarse from O.E. hās are correctly without the intrusive r. Hollin (n. and n. midl. counties) for holly, and miln (Sc. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lin.) for mill have not acquired a final n, but they retain one which has been lost in the standard forms. The O.E. originals were hole(g)n and myln. The latter remains intact in the surnames Milne and Milner. Ridless (Wor. Shr.) for riddle, a conundrum, from O.E. rǣdels, preserves the final s which has been discarded from the literary form, or rather, the s being taken as the sign of the plural, a new singular has been formed without it. The same process has given us our pea, burial, Sherry, and Bret Harte’s Chinee. With these literary examples before us we cannot find fault with the dialect form shimmy (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), the supposed singular of chemise; or with apse (Som. Dev. Cor.), from a plural-sounding abscess.
The names for the irregularities in standard speech are numerous, and it's a fascinating task to search for the regular forms in the dialects and compare them with their literary counterparts. Bread (Sc. Dur. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Not. Lin. Shr. Pem.), breadth, is the typical development of O.E. bread; the form breadth has taken on a final -th from other abstract nouns like length. Lin (Sc. Irel. and n. and w. counties), flax, linen, correctly represents the O.E. noun līne, M.E. lin, as seen in linseed; our linen is actually an adjective, meaning made of flax. Mirk (Sc. and n. counties), dark, gloomy, also sb. darkness, gloom, from M.E. mirk, can be used in modern poetry, but the common form is mirky, murky, with the addition of -y from other adjectives where it was typical. Likewise, red(d (Sc. Irel.) for ready, and slipper (Som. Dev. Cor.) for slippery, cp. O.E. ge-read, slip-on. Sloum (Sc. Irel. and n. counties) for slumber is O.E. slūma, without the later additions of the frequentative suffix, and the intrusive b. Peel (Glo. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.) for pillow comes from the O.E. nominative pylu, while from the oblique cases came M.E. pilwe, which evolved into our pillow. Graff (Sc. Yks. Hrf.) for graft, and hoise (Sc. Irel. Cum. Yks. Lan.) for hoist, are both correct forms without the extra t, likely due to confusion with past tense verb forms, cp. ‘We'll quickly lift Duke Humphrey from his seat.,’2 Hen. VI, I. i. 169. Hose (Rut. Som.[Pg 91] Dev.) and haiss (Sc.) for hoarse from O.E. hugs are both correctly without the intrusive r. Hollin (n. and n. midl. counties) for holly, and miln (Sc. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lin.) for mill have not picked up a final n, but they still keep one that has been lost in standard forms. The O.E. originals were hole(g)n and myln. The latter remains unchanged in the surnames Milne and Milner. Ridless (Wor. Shr.) for riddle, a puzzle, from O.E. riddles, keeps the final s which has been dropped from the literary form, or rather, the s taken as the plural sign led to a new singular being formed without it. The same process has given us our pea, burial, Sherry, and Bret Harte’s Chinee. With these literary examples in mind, we can't criticize the dialect form shimmy (generally used in Sc. and Eng.), purportedly the singular of chemise; or apse (Som. Dev. Cor.), from a plural-sounding abscess.
Nearly all the dialects have lat for lath, regularly developed from O.E. lætt, and latta, the th in our lath being the irregular element. Lynse-pin (War. Sus. Wil. Som. Cor.), from M.E. linse, an axle, is correct, and our linch-pin is corrupt. Popple (Wor. Pem. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.) represents O.E. papol, and leaves our pebble to be explained. Penny-winkle (Nhb. Yks. Der. War. Brks. Suf. Dev.), the mollusc, from O.E. pinewincla is the correct form beside our corrupt periwinkle. The common dialect pronunciation kindom regularly represents O.E. cynedōm, M.E. kinedom, whereas in our kingdom popular etymology has substituted the well-known word king for the forgotten cyne, royal.
Nearly all the dialects use lat for lath, which comes from O.E. lɒt and latta, with the th in our lath being the irregular part. Lynse-pin (War. Sus. Wil. Som. Cor.), from M.E. rinse, meaning an axle, is correct, while our linch-pin is incorrect. Popple (Wor. Pem. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.) comes from O.E. papol, which leaves our pebble needing explanation. Penny-winkle (Nhb. Yks. Der. War. Brks. Suf. Dev.), the mollusc, comes from O.E. pinewincla and is the correct form next to our incorrect periwinkle. The common dialect pronunciation kindom regularly represents O.E. cynedom and M.E. kinedom, while our kingdom has replaced the forgotten cyne, meaning royal, with the well-known word king.
Amongst these dialect words which differ in form and pronunciation from their equivalents in the standard language are many French words, borrowed several centuries ago either from Old French, or through the medium of Anglo-Norman French. Meanwhile, we of the standard speech have perhaps re-borrowed the word in a more modern shape, or re-modelled it after the pattern of its Latin cognate, or, where in older times the standard vocabulary included two forms side by side, we have since discarded one of[Pg 92] them, and left it to drop into obscurity. Regarded thus, the dialect form can take its legitimate place as the second half of a doublet, with as good a title to name and fame as the half that remained in the ranks of the literary vocabulary. There are quantities of doublets of this nature still in everyday standard use, but because we are familiar with each half of the pair, we are not tempted to regard one of them as vulgar or corrupt because it differs from the other. Examples of these literary doublets are: caitiff and captive; mayor and major; parson and person; royal and regal; &c., &c. In all these cases a divergence of meaning has taken place, so that each member of the pair maintains a separate existence, but in the following examples from the dialects, I have for the most part selected those words where the meaning is the same as that of the literary form: Aunter (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), an adventure, a story of adventure, an unlikely story, was the common form in M.E. for adventure, cp. M.E. antur, aunter, from Anglo-French aventure. The form aunters (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.), with the addition of an adverbial s, means perhaps, lest, in case that, cp. ‘Aunters, peradventure,’ Coles, 1677. Callenge (Glo. I.W. Dor. Som.) for challenge is from A.Fr. calenge. Causey (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) is from A.Fr. caucè, the standard form causeway is a compound of causey and way. Chat (Dor. Dev. Cor.), a kitten, is not a dialect pronunciation of cat, but from Fr. chat. Chieve (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp.) is an aphetic form of achieve common in M.E. writings. Corrosy (Dev. Cor.), an annoyance, a grudge, is a popular form of the learned corrosive, something that corrodes or causes annoyance. It occurs as far back as Tusser, cp. ‘So lose ye your cost, to your corosie and smart,’ Husb., 1580. Descrive (Sc.) is from O.Fr. descrivre, whilst our describe is from the Latin form. Gilliver (Sc. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Lei. War.) for gillyflower represents M.E. gilofre, for O.Fr. girofre, girofle, cp. ‘Then make your garden rich in gillyvors,’ Wint. Tale, IV. iv. 98. The form gillyflower is due to a confusion with flower. Hamel (n.Cy. Nhb. Lan.[Pg 93] Chs. Sus.) for hamlet is from O.Fr. hamel, whilst the standard form goes back to the double diminutive O.Fr. hamelet. Inobedient (Sc. n.Cy. Som.) beside disobedient is from O.Fr. inobedient, cp. ‘Adam inobedyent,’ Cleanness, l. 237, c. 1360. Kiver (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) for cover is from the stressed stem-form cuev- of O.Fr. covrir, cp. ‘If oure gospel is kyuerid, in these that perischen it is kyuerid,’ Wyclif, 2 Cor. iv. 3. Liver (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin.) for deliver is from Fr. livrer beside délivrer, cp.:
Among these dialect words that are different in form and pronunciation from their equivalents in standard language are many French words, borrowed several centuries ago either from Old French or through Anglo-Norman French. Meanwhile, we in the standard speech may have re-borrowed the word in a more modern form or restructured it after its Latin equivalent, or where in the past the standard vocabulary included two forms side by side, we have since abandoned one of them, allowing it to fade into obscurity. Viewed this way, the dialect form can take its rightful place as the second half of a pair, deserving the same recognition as the half that remained in the literary vocabulary. There are many pairs like this still in everyday standard use, but since we are familiar with each half of the pair, we don’t tend to view one as vulgar or corrupt just because it differs from the other. Examples of these literary pairs include: caitiff and captive; mayor and major; parson and person; royal and regal; etc., etc. In all these cases, a shift in meaning has occurred, so that each member of the pair exists separately. However, in the following examples from the dialects, I have mostly chosen those words where the meaning is the same as that of the literary form: Aunter (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), meaning an adventure, a story of adventure, or an unlikely story, was the common form in Middle English for adventure, compare M.E. antur, aunter, from Anglo-French aventure. The form aunters (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.) with an added adverbial s means perhaps, lest, in case that, compare ‘Aunters, peradventure,’ Coles, 1677. Callenge (Glo. I.W. Dor. Som.) for challenge is from A.Fr. calenge. Causey (used in general dialect in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) is from A.Fr. caucè; the standard form causeway is a combination of causey and way. Chat (Dor. Dev. Cor.), meaning a kitten, is not simply a dialect version of cat, but comes from Fr. chat. Chieve (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Lin. Nhp.) is a shortened form of achieve commonly found in M.E. writings. Corrosy (Dev. Cor.), meaning an annoyance or a grudge, is a popular form of the learned corrosive, something that annoys or causes irritation. It appears as early as Tusser, compare ‘So lose ye your cost, to your corosie and smart,’ Husb., 1580. Descrive (Sc.) is from O.Fr. descrivre, while our describe is derived from the Latin form. Gilliver (Sc. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Lei. War.) for gillyflower comes from M.E. gilofre, from O.Fr. girofre, girofle, compare ‘Then make your garden rich in gillyvors,’ Wint. Tale, Act 4 scene 4 line 98. The form gillyflower results from confusion with flower. Hamel (n.Cy. Nhb. Lan.) for hamlet comes from O.Fr. hamel, while the standard form goes back to the double diminutive O.Fr. hamelet. Inobedient (Sc. n.Cy. Som.) alongside disobedient comes from O.Fr. inobedient, compare ‘Adam inobedyent,’ Cleanness, l. 237, c. 1360. Kiver (used in general dialect in Sc. Irel. and Eng.) for cover is from the stressed stem-form cuev- of O.Fr. covrir, compare ‘If oure gospel is kyuerid, in these that perischen it is kyuerid,’ Wyclif, 2 Cor. iv. 3. Liver (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin.) for deliver is from Fr. livrer beside Fr. délivrer, compare:
Marriable (Yks. Lan.) for marriageable is from O.Fr. mariable. Noy (Sc. n.Cy. Yks.) for annoy is an aphetic form common in M.E. literature. Paise (Sc. n. and sw. counties), to weigh, is from O.Fr. Norman dialect peiser beside O.Fr. poiser, M.E. peisen and poisen. The common dialect forms perfit, parfit are from O.Fr. parfit, through M.E. perfit, parfit, whilst our perfect has been remodelled to conform with Lat. perfectus. Parsil (Sc. n.Cy. Wm. Yks. Lan.) beside parsley is from Fr. persil, M.E. percel, beside perceli, which owes its ending to O.E. petersilie. Pearch (Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin.) for pierce is from O.Fr. Norman dialect percher beside O.Fr. percer. Perceivance (Yks. e.An.) for perception is used by Milton, cp. ‘The senses and common perceivance might carry this message to the soul within,’ Church Government, 1641, cp. O.Fr. percevance. Planch (Gmg. Suf. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.) is from Fr. planche, whilst our plank is from O.N.Fr. planke. Plat (Shet. and Ork. I. n.Cy. also sw. counties) for flat is from O.Fr. plat, whilst our word is of Scandinavian origin. Portmantle (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), compounded from O.Fr. mantel, is the old form common from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century; our portmanteau is a later borrowing, when the French form was manteau. Provand (Sc. Yks. Lan. Chs.) for provender is from O.Fr. provende beside provendre, cp. ‘Than camels in the war, who have their provand Only for bearing burdens,’ Coriol. II. i. 267, 268[Pg 94]. Queer (Sc. n.Cy. Dur. Yks. Chs. Lin.) for choir represents the M.E. quer, quere, from O.Fr. cuer. The standard form should be spelt quire, as it is pronounced, but the orthography has been influenced by the word chorus. Ratten (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr.) is from O.Fr. raton, cp. ‘Wiþ þat ran þere a route of ratones at ones,’ Piers Plow. B, Prol. l. 146. Our rat is probably from the O.E. ræt. Remeid (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.) for remedy is from O.Fr. remede, M.E. remede, beside remedie from Anglo-Fr. remedie. Scry (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Cor.), to cry, proclaim, is from O.Fr. escrier beside crier. Skelet (Lin. Cor.) for skeleton is from Fr. scelete (Cotgrave), our form is from the Greek word. Vage (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks. Lin. w.Cy.) for voyage is from O.Fr. veiage, M.E. viage, veage, cp. ‘For he was late ycome from his viage,’ Chaucer, Prol. l. 77.
Marriable (Yks. Lan.) for marriageable comes from O.Fr. miserable. Noy (Sc. n.Cy. Yks.) for annoy is a common form in M.E. literature. Paise (Sc. n. and sw. counties), to weigh, comes from O.Fr. Norman dialect peiser alongside O.Fr. poser, M.E. dishes and poison. The common dialect forms perfit, parfit are from O.Fr. parfit, through M.E. perfect, parfit, while our perfect has been reshaped to align with Lat. perfect. Parsil (Sc. n.Cy. Wm. Yks. Lan.) next to parsley is from Fr. Persil, M.E. parcel, next to parcel, which owes its ending to O.E. parsley. Pearch (Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin.) for pierce is from O.Fr. Norman dialect perch next to O.Fr. pierce. Perceivance (Yks. e.An.) for perception is used by Milton, cp. ‘The senses and common perception might convey this message to the soul inside.,’ Church Government, 1641, cp. O.Fr. perseverance. Planch (Gmg. Suf. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.) comes from Fr. board, while our plank is from O.N.Fr. plank. Plat (Shet. and Ork. I. n.Cy. also sw. counties) for flat comes from O.Fr. plate, while our word has Scandinavian roots. Portmantle (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), combined from O.Fr. mantle, is the older form used from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century; our portmanteau is a later borrowing, when the French form was coat. Provand (Sc. Yks. Lan. Chs.) for provender is from O.Fr. provende next to provide, cp. ‘Than camels in the war, which have their supplies solely for carrying loads.,’ Coriol. II. i. 267, 268[Pg 94]. Queer (Sc. n.Cy. Dur. Yks. Chs. Lin.) for choir comes from the M.E. quer, quere, from O.Fr. cure. The standard form should be spelled quire, as it is pronounced, but the spelling has been affected by the word chorus. Ratten (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr.) is from O.Fr. mouse, cp. ‘With that, a pack of rats ran at once.,’ Piers Plow. B, Prol. l. 146. Our rat likely comes from the O.E. rhet. Remeid (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.) for remedy comes from O.Fr. remedy, M.E. remedy, next to remedy from Anglo-Fr. remedy. Scry (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Cor.), to cry, proclaim, is from O.Fr. writer next to town crier. Skelet (Lin. Cor.) for skeleton is from Fr. scelete (Cotgrave), our form comes from the Greek word. Vage (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Yks. Lin. w.Cy.) for voyage is from O.Fr. voyage, M.E. travel, vague, cp. ‘For he arrived late from his journey.,’ Chaucer, Prol. l. 77.
Further, there are the dialect words in which the apparent irregularity is due to their Scandinavian origin. For example: boun (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin.), e.g. Awm beawn to Stopport, I am bound for Stockport, is from O.N. būinn, prepared, the past part, of būa, to get ready, M.E. boun. Our bound has acquired an excrescent d, in common with sound sb., and other words. Dead (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Not. Lin. e.An.) for death is from the Norwegian dialect form død; the standard English death is native, O.E. dēað. Drucken (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.) for drunken is from the O.N. adjective and past participle drukkin, drunk. Garn (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Lan. Stf.) beside yarn is again the O.N. form beside the English. Gavel (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Yks.) for gable is from O.N. gafl, Norwegian dialect gavl. Ice-shackle, ice-shockle (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Nhp.) for icicle represent O.N. jökull, Norw. dialect isjøkul, whilst our word is from the O.E. compound īs-gicel. The simple word remains in the dialect ickle (n. and midl. counties), e.g. It’s bin a snirpin’ fros’ sence it lef’ off rainin’, theer’s iccles at the aisins [eaves] a yard lung. Loup, lope (n.Cy. n.midl. and e.An.) for leap is from O.N. hlaupa, Norw. dialect laupa and lope, to run, cognate with O.E. hlēapan,[Pg 95] whence our form leap. Similarly the Sc. and northern forms rin and ren, both common in M.E., are Norse words, whilst our run is of native extraction. Sniggle (Lei. Nhp.) for snail is from O.N. snigill, beside the native snail from O.E. snægl. Stam (Rut. Nhp. Wor. Glo. Oxf. Bdf. s.Cy. Sur. Sus. Hmp.) for stem, stalk, is from Danish stamme. Stang (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin.), to sting, is from O.N. stanga, to prick. Starn (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.) beside star is from O.N. stjarna, beside O.E. steorra, whence our star. Teind (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Yks.), a tithe, a tenth part, is from O.N. tīund. War (Sc. Irel. n. and n. midl. counties) for worse is from O.N. verr adv., verri adj., worse; our form is native English. Nearly all these words, and numbers more of the same type, can be traced in early literary works written in those districts where the Norse influence was strong; and on the other hand, if evidence is wanted for localizing such writings, it is supplied by the existence of these old forms in the spoken dialects of to-day.
Furthermore, there are dialect words where the seeming irregularity comes from their Scandinavian roots. For example: boun (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin.), as in "Awm beawn to Stopport," meaning "I am bound for Stockport," comes from O.N. būinn, which means prepared, the past participle of bowl, to get ready, M.E. bounced. Our bound has gained an extra d, similar to sound sb., and other words. Dead (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Not. Lin. e.An.) for death comes from the Norwegian dialect form dead; the standard English death is native, O.E. death. Drucken (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.) for drunken comes from the O.N. adjective and past participle drinking, meaning drunk. Garn (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Lan. Stf.) alongside yarn is again the O.N. form next to the English. Gavel (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Yks.) for gable comes from O.N. gafl, Norwegian dialect gavl. Ice-shackle, ice-shockle (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Nhp.) for icicle represent O.N. glacier, Norw. dialect glacier, while our word comes from the O.E. compound ice cream. The simple word remains in the dialect as ickle (n. and midl. counties), for example, "It’s bin a snirpin’ fros’ sence it lef’ off rainin’, theer’s iccles at the aisins [eaves] a yard lung." Loup, lope (n.Cy. n.midl. and e.An.) for leap comes from O.N. hlaupa, Norw. dialect laupa and lope, meaning to run, related to O.E. hlēapan,[Pg 95] from which we get our form leap. Similarly, the Sc. and northern forms rin and ren, both common in M.E., are Norse words, while our run is of native origin. Sniggle (Lei. Nhp.) for snail comes from O.N. snail, alongside the native snail from O.E. snail. Stam (Rut. Nhp. Wor. Glo. Oxf. Bdf. s.Cy. Sur. Sus. Hmp.) for stem, stalk, comes from Danish stutter. Stang (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin.), meaning to sting, comes from O.N. stanga, to prick. Starn (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.) alongside star comes from O.N. star, alongside O.E. star, from which our star originates. Teind (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Yks.), meaning a tithe, a tenth part, comes from O.N. tuned. War (Sc. Irel. n. and n. midl. counties) for worse comes from O.N. verr adv., verri adj., worse; our form is native English. Almost all these words, along with many others of a similar nature, can be found in early literary works written in the regions where Norse influence was strong; conversely, if proof is needed to locate such writings, it is provided by the presence of these old forms in today's spoken dialects.
CHAPTER VII
Foreign loanwords
We have often been told, or we have read in newspaper reviews and suchlike works, that the rustic vernacular is indigenous to the soil, mostly raw material in the rough, but entirely a native product. Of course this is in the main true, the real backbone of the dialects is genuine English, but when we examine the whole vocabulary in detail, we find it contains a very considerable admixture of foreign elements. French, Scandinavian, Celtic, and even Latin words permeate the dialects throughout the country, in varying proportions according to the geographical area. To take first a sample of the French loan-words: agist (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lin. Rut. Lei. Nhp. w.Cy.), to receive cattle to graze for a fixed sum, to put out cattle to pasture, O.Fr. agister, to lodge, to make to lie; aigle (midl. counties), an icicle, Fr. aiguille, a needle; avoirdupois (Wor. Hrf. Suf.), to consider, to weigh mentally, adv. undecided, in doubt, e.g. I be quite haverdepaise about sending Jane to service; arain (Dur. Yks. Lan. Der.), a spider, O.Fr. araigne, iraigne, cp. ‘Oure ȝeris schulen bithenke as an yreyn,’ Wyclif, Ps. lxxxix. 10; asprous (Lei. War.), of the weather: raw, inclement, Fr. aspre, sharp, harsh, rough, + the termination -ous; bastile (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Rut. War. Wor.), a popular name for the workhouse, an application of Fr. Bastille, the prison-fortress built in Paris in the fourteenth century, and destroyed in 1789; bowet (Sc. Nhb.), a hand lantern, Fr. dial. bouete, an equivalent of Fr. boite; benè(s (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.), in the phrase to clap benè(s, to clap the hands as an expression of thanks or of pleasure, used in children’s language. Children are taught to clap benè before partaking of food, and nurses say: Clap benès for daddy to cum, An’[Pg 97] bring lile babby a ceàk an’ a bun. The word benès is a shortened form of benison, a blessing, benediction, used in M.E. in the sense of grace before meat, cp. ‘bord leyd, And the beneysun was seyd,’ Hav. l. 1723, O.Fr. beneison. Boco (Sus.), a large quantity, used principally of fish, Fr. beaucoup, a great deal, much; bran (Lin. Oxf. Nrf. Suf.), freckles, Fr. ‘bran de Judas, freckles in the face,’ Cotgrave. Littré says: ‘Bran de Judas, tache de rousseur au visage. Locution vieillie, et qui vient sans doute de ce qu’on se représenta Judas roux.’ Chibbole (War. Wor. Glo. Oxf. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a young onion with the green stalk attached, a scallion, O.Fr. (Picard) chibole, Mod.Fr. ciboule, cp. ‘Chibolles and cheruelles and ripe chiries manye,’ Piers Plow. B, VI, l. 296; courant (Sc. Wm. Yks. Chs. Shr. I.W. Dev. Cor.), a running and violent dance, a revel, a romp, &c., Fr. ‘courante, sorte de danse,’ Littré; dishabille (n. and midl. dials. also s.), disorder, a state of confusion, working-dress, Fr. en déshabillé, ‘en vêtement aisé que l’on porte d’ordinaire chez soi,’ Hatzfeld; dole (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Stf. Der. Dor. Cor.), sorrow, grief, misfortune, O.Fr. dol, dul, deul, Mod.Fr. deuil, sorrow; fammel (War. Wor. Glo. Oxf.), to starve, famish, e.g. I’m half fammel’d, Norm. dial. fameiller, ‘être affamé,’ Moisy, O.Fr. fameiller, avoir faim; fay (Sc. Yks. Som. Dev. Cor.), faith, used as an interjection, and in assertions and quasi-oaths, cp.:
We’ve often heard, or read in newspaper reviews and similar sources, that the local dialect is rooted in the land, mostly rough, but completely a native creation. This is generally true; the core of the dialects is genuine English. However, when we look closely at the entire vocabulary, we can see it features a significant mix of foreign elements. French, Scandinavian, Celtic, and even Latin words are found throughout the dialects in different amounts depending on the region. For example, let’s look at some French loanwords: agist (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Der. Not. Lin. Rut. Lei. Nhp. w.Cy.), which means to receive cattle for grazing for a set fee. O.Fr. teacher means to lodge or to make something lie down; aigle (midl. counties) means icicle, from Fr. peak, which means needle; avoirdupois (Wor. Hrf. Suf.), meaning to think about or weigh mentally, as in the phrase, I be quite haverdepaise about sending Jane to service; arain (Dur. Yks. Lan. Der.), which means spider, from O.Fr. araigne; asprous (Lei. War.), describing the weather as raw or harsh, from Fr. aspre; bastile (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Der. Rut. War. Wor.), a common term for a workhouse, derived from Fr. Bastille, the fortress-prison built in Paris in the fourteenth century and destroyed in 1789; bowet (Sc. Nhb.), meaning a hand lantern, from Fr. dial. bouete, similar to Fr. box; benè(s (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.), as in the phrase to clap benè(s, meaning to clap hands to show thanks or happiness, often used by children. Kids are taught to clap benè before eating, and caregivers say: Clap benès for daddy to cum, An’[Pg 97] bring lile babby a ceàk an’ a bun. The word benès is a shortened version of blessing, meaning a blessing or grace before meals, which is used in M.E.. For comparison: ‘border laid, and the benediction was said,’ Hav. l. 1723, O.Fr. favor. Boco (Sus.), meaning a large quantity, especially of fish, from Fr. a lot, meaning a lot; bran (Lin. Oxf. Nrf. Suf.), meaning freckles, from the Fr. ‘Judas tree, freckles on the face,’ according to Cotgrave. Littré states: ‘Bran of Judas, freckle on the face. An outdated expression, likely stemming from the image of Judas as a redhead.’ Chibbole (War. Wor. Glo. Oxf. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), refers to a young onion with its green stalk still attached, similar to a scallion, from O.Fr. (Picard) chibole, Mod.Fr. scallions, as noted in ‘Cherries, sweet pastries, and plenty of ripe cherries.,’ Piers Plow. B, VI, l. 296; courant (Sc. Wm. Yks. Chs. Shr. I.W. Dev. Cor.), meaning a lively, vigorous dance or romp, from &c., Fr. ‘current, dance style,’ Littré; dishabille (n. and midl. dials. also s.), describing a state of disorder or a working outfit, from Fr. in a robe, meaning ‘in cozy clothes worn at home,’ Hatzfeld; dole (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Stf. Der. Dor. Cor.), meaning sadness, grief, or misfortune, from O.Fr. dol, dul, duel, and Modern French grief meaning sorrow; fammel (War. Wor. Glo. Oxf.), meaning to starve or be famished, as in I’m half fammel’d, from Norman dialect fame, meaning ‘to feel hungry,’ and O.Fr. fame, meaning to be hungry; fay (Sc. Yks. Som. Dev. Cor.), meaning faith, used as an interjection and in affirmations and quasi-oaths.
O.Fr. fei, faith; flasket (Yks. Lan. Chs. Lei. Nhp. Hnt. Ken. Sus. Som.), a kind of basket, a shallow, oval washing-tub, Fr. (Béarnais) flasquet, ‘flasque’; flue (Hrf. Brks. Ken. Sur. Sus. Hmp. Wil.), delicate, sickly, thin, in poor condition, O.Fr. ‘flou, délicat, en parlant des choses; doux, en parlant des personnes,’ La Curne; frap (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Suf. Sus.), to strike, rap, Fr. frapper, to strike; gigot (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Der. Lei.), a leg of mutton, Fr. ‘gigot (de mouton), a leg (of mutton),’ Cotgrave; goo (Sc. Nhb.), taste, relish, Fr.[Pg 98] goût, ‘sensation agréable que produisent certaines saveurs,’ Hatzfeld; hogo (Irel. Nhb. Yks. Nhp. Hrt. e.An. Ken. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Som.), used of tainted meat and strong cheese: a strong disagreeable smell or odour, Fr. haut goût, high flavour; hone (Sc. n.Cy. Lin. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Dev.), to whine, complain, with after or for: to repine for want of, to long or pine for, Fr. (Norman dial.) hoigner, ‘hogner, geindre, pleurnicher, se lamenter,’ Moisy. Dr. Johnson has: ‘to Hone.... To pine; to long for any thing,’ but without any quotations. Hanch (n. counties), to bite, snap at with the teeth as a dog does, e.g. That dog o’ yours hanched at ma when ah tried ti clap [pat] him, Fr. hancher, to snatch at with the teeth; hespel, huspel (Wor. Shr. Hrf.), to worry, harass, to hurry, drive away, Fr. houspiller, ‘maltraiter (qqn.) en le secouant,’ Hatzfeld; jet (Sc. Lakel. Yks. Not. Lin. War. e.An. s. and sw. counties), to throw, Fr. ‘jetter, to throw,’ Cotgr.; jigget (Sc. Irel. Lan. War. Oxf. Brks. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.), to ride or walk at a jog-trot, to shake, to dance up and down, Fr. gigotter, ‘remuer vivement les jambes,’ Littré; jouke (Yks. Der.), to sleep or roost as partridges, O.Fr. (Picard) jouquer, ‘percher, jucher,’ joquer, ‘être en repos, percher,’ La Curne, M.E. jouken, cp.:
O.Fr. fei, faith; flasket (Yks. Lan. Chs. Lei. Nhp. Hnt. Ken. Sus. Som.), a type of basket, a shallow, oval washing tub, Fr. (Béarnais) flask, ‘flasque’; flue (Hrf. Brks. Ken. Sur. Sus. Hmp. Wil.), delicate, weak, thin, in poor condition, O.Fr. ‘fuzzy, delicate, when referring to things; gentle, when referring to people,’ La Curne; frap (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Suf. Sus.), to hit, rap, Fr. knock, to hit; gigot (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Der. Lei.), a leg of mutton, Fr. ‘leg of lamb, a leg (of mutton),’ Cotgrave; goo (Sc. Nhb.), taste, flavor, Fr.[Pg 98] taste, ‘pleasant sensation that certain flavors produce,’ Hatzfeld; hogo (Irel. Nhb. Yks. Nhp. Hrt. e.An. Ken. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Som.), used for tainted meat and strong cheese: a strong unpleasant smell or odor, Fr. fine taste, strong flavor; hone (Sc. n.Cy. Lin. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Dev.), to complain, with after or for: to long or pine for, Fr. (Norman dial.) hoigner, ‘whine, complain, cry, lament,’ Moisy. Dr. Johnson has: ‘to Hone.... To pine; to long for anything,’ but without any quotes. Hanch (n. counties), to snap or bite at like a dog, e.g. That dog of yours hanched at me when I tried to pet [pat] him, Fr. hancher, to snap at with the teeth; hespel, huspel (Wor. Shr. Hrf.), to worry, harass, rush, drive away, Fr. housekeeper, ‘maltraiter (qqn.) en le secouant,’ Hatzfeld; jet (Sc. Lakel. Yks. Not. Lin. War. e.An. s. and sw. counties), to throw, Fr. ‘jetter, to toss,’ Cotgr.; jigget (Sc. Irel. Lan. War. Oxf. Brks. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.), to ride or walk in a jig-trot, to shake, to dance up and down, Fr. gigotter, ‘remuer les jambes énergiquement,’ Littré; jouke (Yks. Der.), to sleep or roost like partridges, O.Fr. (Picard) play, ‘None,’ joke, ‘take a break, perch,’ La Curne, M.E. criteria, cp.:
Jowl (Stf. Der. War. Shr.), an earthenware pan or vessel, Fr. jalle, ‘a soe or tub,’ Cotgr.; keeve (Sc. Irel. Glo. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a large tub, a vat used for fermenting beer, Fr. cuve, ‘an open tub, a fat or vat,’ Cotgr.; lash (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Lin. Nhp. e.An. Som.), relaxed in consequence of weakness or fatigue; as applied to fruit and grass feed: soft and watery, Fr. lasche, ‘slack, loose, weak, faint,’ Cotgr., cp. ‘That the Israelites were forbidden to eat the fruit of their new-planted trees, before the fifth year, was very agreeable unto the natural rules of husbandry; fruits being unwholesome and lash, before the fourth or fifth year,’ Sir T. Browne,[Pg 99] Garden of Cyrus, 1658; latten (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Nhp. Oxf. e.An. Sus. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), any kind of very thin sheet-metal, tin plate, Fr. laiton, ‘lattin (metal),’ Cotgr., cp. ‘He hadde a croys of latoun ful of stones,’ Prol. l. 699; lingle (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb.), shoemakers’ thread, Fr. ligneul; lyart (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.), of hair: streaked with grey, O.Fr. liart, ‘gris,’ La Curne; maugre (Sc. Lin. Suf.), in spite of, notwithstanding, e.g. Theäre’s a right of waay by the Milner’s Trod, and I’ll goä by it when I want, mauger the teäth of all th’lords and squires i’Linkisheer, O.Fr. maugré, ‘malgré,’ La Curne; maund (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a basket, a hamper, O.Fr. mande, ‘panier d’osier à deux anses,’ La Curne; mell (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lei. Dor. Som. Dev.), to mix, mingle, to meddle, interfere, O.Fr. mesler, mêler, ‘unir ensemble,’ Hatzfeld; merry (Wm. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. Oxf. Brks. Bck. Hnt. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor.), the wild cherry, Fr. merise, ‘a small bitter cherry,’ Cotgr. The English form without the s is parallel to cherry, from Fr. cerise, where the s has been supposed to be a plural suffix. Mort (in gen. dial. use in Irel. and Eng.), a quantity, a great deal, abundance, e.g. It did me a mort o’ good, There’s a mort o’fruit in the garden, Fr. (Norm. dial.) mort, in the phrase à mort, ‘en grande quantité: Le prunier a des prunes à mort,’ Moisy; mure (Sc. Yks. Cor.), to confine, as within prison-walls, Fr. murer, ‘to inclose, or shut up between two walls,’ Cotgr.; parl(e (Sc. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin. Glo. Brks.), to talk, converse, O.Fr. parler, cp. ‘Patriarkes and prophetes han parled her-of long,’ Piers Plow. B, XVIII. l. 268; peel (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a flat, long-headed shovel, generally of wood, used for taking bread and pies in and out of a brick oven, O.Fr. pele, ‘pelle,’ La Curne; pelt (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a skin, hide, Fr. (Norm. dial.) pelette, ‘morceau de peau de mouton, avec sa laine,’ Moisy; percage (Nhb.), a little sheltering cot for a man at a check gate, a shelter used by shepherds when sheep are lambing, O.Fr. parcage, ‘enceinte pour parquer les bestiaux,’ La Curne; quail, quell (Nhp. Bdf. e.An.), of milk: to curdle, to[Pg 100] turn sour, O.Fr. coailler, to curdle; quiddy (Sus.), what do you say? Fr. que dis-tu?; race (Nhb. Dur. Chs. War. Suf.), a root, especially of ginger, O.Fr. raïs, raïz, a root, cp. ‘a race or two of ginger,’ Wint. T., IV. iii. 50; regrater (Dev. Cor.), one who buys butter, fruit, &c., from the farmers to sell in the market, O.Fr. regratier, a huckster, cp. ‘Rose þe regratere was hir riȝte name,’ Piers Plow. B, V. l. 226; rigol (Shr.), a small gutter or channel, a surface-drain, Fr. rigole, ‘a trench, drain, gutter,’ Cotgr.; scute (Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a sum of money, a present, reward, payment, O.Fr. escut (Mod. écu), a buckler, shield, a coin; spairge (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Der.), to dash, to scatter broadcast, to sprinkle, Fr. asperger, ‘to besprinkle; to sprinkle, or strew water or dust upon,’ Cotgr.; stravaig (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb.), to wander about aimlessly, to stroll, saunter, O.Fr. estravaguer, from Low Latin extravagari, to wander out or beyond; suant (Gmg. Glo. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), smooth, even, regular, &c., O.Fr. suant, pres. part. of sivre, to follow; tass(e (Sc. Yks. e.An.), a cup, glass, a bowl, Fr. tasse; urchin (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a hedgehog, e.g. Hoo’s getten a tung sharp enough for t’shave a urchant (Lan.), O.Fr. eriçon, heriçon, cp. ‘I shal putte it in to the possession of an irchoun,’ Wyclif, Isaiah xiv. 23; venell (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks.), an alley, a narrow lane or passage, Fr. venelle, a little street, Hatzfeld.
Jowl (Stf. Der. War. Shr.), an earthenware pan or vessel, Fr. jalle, ‘a bowl or basin,’ Cotgr.; keeve (Sc. Irel. Glo. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a large tub, a vat used for fermenting beer, Fr. curve, ‘a large tub,’ Cotgr.; lash (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Lin. Nhp. e.An. Som.), relaxed due to weakness or fatigue; when referring to fruit and grass feed: soft and watery, Fr. lasche, ‘slack, loose, weak, faint,’ Cotgr., cp. ‘The Israelites were not allowed to eat the fruit from their newly planted trees until the fifth year, which aligns with natural farming practices; fruits are considered unhealthy and of poor quality before the fourth or fifth year.,’ Sir T. Browne,[Pg 99] Garden of Cyrus, 1658; latten (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Nhp. Oxf. e.An. Sus. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), any kind of very thin sheet-metal, tin plate, Fr. brass, ‘Latin (metal),’ Cotgr., cp. ‘He had a cross made of latoun filled with stones.,’ Prol. l. 699; lingle (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb.), shoemakers’ thread, Fr. ligneul; lyart (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb.), of hair: streaked with grey, O.Fr. liart, ‘gray,’ La Curne; maugre (Sc. Lin. Suf.), in spite of, notwithstanding, e.g. There’s a right of way by the Miller’s Trod, and I’ll go by it when I want, regardless of the opposition from all the lords and squires in Lincolnshire, O.Fr. despite, ‘despite,’ La Curne; maund (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a basket, a hamper, O.Fr. mande, ‘willow basket with 2 handles,’ La Curne; mell (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lei. Dor. Som. Dev.), to mix, mingle, to meddle, interfere, O.Fr. mesler, mix, ‘to come together,’ Hatzfeld; merry (Wm. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr. Oxf. Brks. Bck. Hnt. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor.), the wild cherry, Fr. merise, ‘a tiny sour cherry,’ Cotgr. The English form without the s is parallel to cherry, from Fr. pink, where the s has been assumed to be a plural suffix. Mort (in gen. dial. use in Irel. and Eng.), a quantity, a great deal, abundance, e.g. It did me a lot of good, There’s a lot of fruit in the garden, Fr. (Norm. dial.) dead, in the phrase to death, ‘in bulk: The plum tree has many plums.,’ Moisy; mure (Sc. Yks. Cor.), to confine, as within prison walls, Fr. murderer, ‘to enclose or confine within two walls,’ Cotgr.; parl(e (Sc. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin. Glo. Brks.), to talk, converse, O.Fr. speak, cp. ‘Patriarchs and prophets have been talking about this for a long time.,’ Piers Plow. B, XVIII. l. 268; peel (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a flat, long-handled shovel, generally of wood, used for taking bread and pies in and out of a brick oven, O.Fr. Pele, ‘shovel,’ La Curne; pelt (in gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a skin, hide, Fr. (Norm. dial.) palette, ‘piece of sheepskin, with its wool,’ Moisy; percage (Nhb.), a small shelter for a man at a check gate, a shelter used by shepherds when sheep are lambing, O.Fr. parking, ‘livestock enclosure,’ La Curne; quail, quell (Nhp. Bdf. e.An.), of milk: to curdle, to turn sour, O.Fr. coailler, to curdle; quiddy (Sus.), what do you say? Fr. what do you say?; race (Nhb. Dur. Chs. War. Suf.), a root, especially of ginger, O.Fr. raïs, root, a root, cp. ‘a root or two of ginger,’ Wint. T., IV. iii. 50; regrater (Dev. Cor.), someone who buys butter, fruit, &c., from farmers to sell in the market, O.Fr. regretter, a huckster, cp. ‘Rose the Grater was her real name.,’ Piers Plow. B, V. l. 226; rigol (Shr.), a small gutter or channel, a surface-drain, Fr. ditch, ‘a trench, drain, gutter,’ Cotgr.; scute (Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), a sum of money, a present, reward, payment, O.Fr. shield (Mod. écu), a shield, a coin; spairge (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Der.), to dash, to scatter, to sprinkle, Fr. Asperger's syndrome, ‘to sprinkle; to scatter water or dust on,’ Cotgr.; stravaig (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb.), to wander aimlessly, to stroll, O.Fr. extravagant, from Low Latin extravaganza, to wander out or beyond; suant (Gmg. Glo. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.), smooth, even, regular, &c., O.Fr. pursuant, pres. part. of saver, to follow; tass(e (Sc. Yks. e.An.), a cup, glass, a bowl, Fr. cup; urchin (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), a hedgehog, e.g. Who’s got a tongue sharp enough to shave an urchin (Lan.), O.Fr. ericson, hedgehog, cp. ‘I will give it to a hedgehog.,’ Wyclif, Isaiah xiv. 23; venell (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks.), an alley, a narrow lane or passage, Fr. alley, a little street, Hatzfeld.
There are certain French words peculiar to Scotland, but their number is not very large, for most of the French words found in Scotland belong also to parts of England. Examples of the exclusively Scottish loan-words are: ashet, a dish, Fr. assiette; cashie, delicate, not able to endure fatigue, also soft, flabby, not of good quality, Fr. cassé, ‘broken, quasht in pieces; also cassed; also decaied, worn, or broken with age,’ Cotgr.; evite, to avoid, escape, Fr. éviter, to avoid; fier, plur., the prices of grain legally fixed in each county for the current year, O.Fr. feur (foer, fuer), ‘prix, valeur,’ La Curne; graduwa, gradawa, a physician, a doctor with a medical degree, Fr. gradué, ‘a graduate, one that hath taken a degree in an University,’[Pg 101] Cotgr.; gillem, a carpenter’s or joiner’s tool, a rabbet-plane, Fr. guillaume, ‘rabot à fer étroit, échancré, pour faire les rainures,’ Hatzfeld; jupe, a woman’s skirt, or short petticoat, O.Fr. jupe; pirlicue, a brief résumé or recital given at the close of a series of addresses or sermons of the principal subjects and points treated, Fr. ‘par la queue, par le bout, par la fin,’ Littré; pownie, a peacock, Fr. paon; retour, a return, Fr. retour; skellat, a small bell, a hand-bell, O.Fr. eschalette, esqualette, escalette, a little bell; souflet, a stroke, blow, Fr. soufflet, ‘a box or cuff on the ear,’ Cotgr.; stance, a standing-place, position, a site, O.Fr. estance, a condition, situation; trance, a passage within a house, an entrance-hall, &c., O.Fr. transe, ‘passage,’ Godefroy; vivers, food, provision, Fr. vivres, food; vizzy, a look, view, a scrutinizing gaze, Fr. visée, ‘a levelling, or ayming at with the eye, a level or aym taken,’ Cotgrave.
There are some French words unique to Scotland, but there aren't many, since most of the French words found in Scotland are also present in parts of England. Examples of the exclusively Scottish loanwords include: ashet, a dish, Fr. plate; cashie, delicate, unable to endure fatigue, also soft, flabby, not of good quality, Fr. broken, ‘broken, shattered into pieces; also decayed, worn out, or damaged with age,’ Cotgr.; evite, to avoid, escape, Fr. avoid, to avoid; fier, plur., the legally fixed prices of grain in each county for the current year, O.Fr. fire (foer, fuer), ‘cost, worth,’ La Curne; graduwa, gradawa, a physician, a doctor with a medical degree, Fr. graduated, ‘a graduate, someone who has received a degree from a university,’[Pg 101] Cotgr.; gillem, a carpenter’s or joiner’s tool, a rabbet plane, Fr. guillaume, ‘a narrow chiseled planer for making grooves,’ Hatzfeld; jupe, a woman’s skirt or short petticoat, O.Fr. skirt; pirlicue, a brief summary or recap given at the end of a series of addresses or sermons outlining the main subjects and points discussed, Fr. ‘by the tail, from the end, from the finish,’ Littré; pownie, a peacock, Fr. pain; retour, a return, Fr. return; skellat, a small bell, a hand bell, O.Fr. eschalette, esqualette, escalette, a little bell; souflet, a stroke, blow, Fr. soufflé, ‘a box or a slap on the ear,’ Cotgr.; stance, a standing place, position, site, O.Fr. stance, a condition, situation; trance, a passage within a house, an entrance hall, &c., O.Fr. trans gender, ‘passage,’ Godefroy; vivers, food, provisions, Fr. living, food; vizzy, a look, view, a scrutinizing gaze, Fr. goal, ‘a sighting or aiming with the eye, a sight or aim established,’ Cotgrave.
A loan-word which has undergone a curious development of meanings is the common dialect word mooch (in gen. dial. use in Sc. and Eng.), meech, or mitch. In O.E. there must have been an unrecorded form mȳcan, which gave the dialect form mitch. This O.E. mȳcan corresponds to the O.H.G. mūhhan, to lie lurking secretly, to waylay a person with intent to do him bodily harm, a word which remains in the Modern German Meuchelmord. The German word passed into Northern French, and underwent the Norman-French change of hh [ch as in Sc. loch] to tch [as in such], becoming moucher. In this stage the Normans brought the word to this country, where it developed a curious category of meanings: 1. To idle and loaf about, generally with the idea of seeing what one can pick up on the sly; to pilfer, e.g. That owd black cat goes mouchin’ about, in an’ out uv folkses ’ousen, ’er’ll sure to get shot one uv these daays. Hence moocher, a pilferer, a loafer, one who dogs another by stealth; a beggar; a hawker. 2. To play truant, especially to play truant in order to gather blackberries; to absent oneself from business, e.g. My lad’s been mouching again. Hence moocher, a truant from school, especially one who plays[Pg 102] truant in order to gather blackberries; hence a gatherer of blackberries, a blackberry-moocher. 3. In the Imperative, mooch means Be off! 4. The phrase on the mooch means gone off loafing. 5. Mooch sb. means a blackberry. Meanwhile a further development in form took place on the Continent; the Norman-French moucher passed into Central French, and underwent the ordinary change of tch to ss, thereby becoming musser, and later muser, to lurk in a corner, preserved in the Modern French reflexive verb se muser, to play truant. From musser was derived the substantive musse, defined in Littré as a narrow passage through a wall or a hedge for hares, rabbits, and other game. This Central French word musse was brought over to England in the reign of Henry VII, as a hunting term, together with many other words of the same kind. It is common in English works of the seventeenth century in the form muse, familiar to us in the old English proverbial saying:
A loanword that has gone through an interesting evolution of meanings is the common dialect word mooch (used in gen. dial. in Sc. and Eng.), meech, or mitch. In O.E., there must have been an unrecorded form munch, which gave rise to the dialect form mitch. This O.E. m̄ycan corresponds to the O.H.G. mūhhan, which means to lie in wait secretly, to ambush someone with the intent to harm them, a word that survives in the Modern German Assassination. The German word made its way into Northern French and underwent the Norman-French change from hh [ch as in Sc. loch] to tch [as in such], resulting in snotty. At this point, the Normans brought the word to England, where it developed a range of meanings: 1. To hang around and loaf about, typically with the idea of seeing what one can sneak away with; to steal, e.g. That old black cat goes mouchin’ around, in and out of people's houses, she'll definitely get shot one of these days. Thus, moocher refers to a thief, a loafer, someone who follows another person stealthily; a beggar; a hawker. 2. To skip school, especially to skip in order to gather blackberries; to be absent from work, e.g. My kid's been mouching again. Thus, moocher denotes a school truant, particularly one who skips school to gather blackberries; hence, a gatherer of blackberries, a blackberry-moocher. 3. In the imperative, mooch means Go away! 4. The phrase on the mooch means gone off loafing. 5. Mooch sb. means a blackberry. In the meantime, a further change occurred on the Continent; the Norman-French nose blower transitioned into Central French, where it underwent the typical change from tch to ss, becoming musser, and later muser, meaning to lurk in a corner, preserved in the Modern French reflexive verb se muser, to skip school. From musician came the noun muse, defined in Littré as a narrow passage through a wall or hedge for hares, rabbits, and other game. This Central French word muse was brought to England during the reign of Henry VII as a hunting term, along with many other similar words. It appears in English works from the seventeenth century in the form muse, familiar to us in the old English proverbial saying:
Though obsolete now in the standard language, it is still very common in the dialects, meaning a small hole or ‘run’ through a hedge or through grass made by a rabbit, hare, or other small animal in its track. The form mitch, from the original O.E. mȳcan, developed meanings on the same lines as mooch. It is found in Shakespeare: ‘Marry, this is miching mallecho; it means mischief,’ Ham. III. ii. 147, together with the substantive micher: ‘Shall the blessed sun of heaven prove a micher and eat blackberries,’ 1 Hen. IV, II. iv. 450. Tusser writes in his ‘Good husbandlie lessons worthie to be followed of such as will thriue’:
Though no longer standard, it's still common in dialects, meaning a small hole or ‘run’ through a hedge or grass made by a rabbit, hare, or other small animal. The form mitch, from the original O.E. mystic, developed similar meanings to mooch. It appears in Shakespeare: ‘Wow, this is sneaky trouble; it means mischief.,’ Ham. III. ii. 147, along with the noun micher: ‘Will the blessed sun of heaven sneak around and eat blackberries?,’ 1 Hen. IV, II. iv. 450. Tusser writes in his ‘Good lessons for husbands that are worth following for those who want to succeed’:
where ‘micher’ conveys the old sense of lurking stealthily, with intent to do mischief.
where ‘micher’ conveys the old sense of lurking quietly, with the intent to cause trouble.
To take next some specimens of the Scandinavian loan-words: addle (n. counties to Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin., also in Rut. Lei. Nhp. War. e.An.), to earn, acquire by one’s labour, to gain, procure, e.g. It isn’t what a chap addles, but what a chap saves at makes him rich, cp. ‘Hu mann mihhte cwemenn [please] Godd & addlenn hefmess blisse,’ Ormulum, l. 17811, c. 1205, cp. O.N. øðla, reflexive øðlask, to acquire (for oneself) property; birr (Sc. Irel. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), force, impetus, energy, &c., cp. ‘Lo in a greet birre, al the drove wente heedlinge in to the see,’ Wyclif, Matt. viii. 32, O.N. byrr, a favourable wind; bulder, buller (Sc. Nhb. e.An.), a loud gurgling noise, a bellowing, Norw. dial. bulder, buller, a bubbling circle or whirlpool; dag (n.Cy. Lan. Chs. War. Brks. e.An.), dew, O.N. døgg (mod. gen. daggar), dew; ettle (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and all n. counties to Lan.), to intend, propose, have in mind, &c., O.N. ǣtla, to intend, purpose; fitty (Lin.), marsh-land lying between the sea-bank and the sea, Norw. dial. fit (pl. fitjar), a level meadow by the water; force (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), a waterfall or cascade. It is not uncommon in certain parts of Yorkshire to find that where sign-posts direct the traveller to ‘Stainforth Force’, or ‘Catterick Force’, the native will say, ‘Stainforth Foss’, ‘Catterick Foss’, the reason being that the O.N. fors, a waterfall, has in the written language become associated with force, and established as the standard form, whilst the Norw. dial. foss, Dan. fos, has been preserved in the spoken dialects. Frosk (Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), a frog, O.N. froskr; gaggle (e.An.), a flock of geese, O.N. gagl, a young goose; grum (Yks. Lan. Glo. Oxf. Som. Dev.), surly, cross, disagreeable, angry, Norw. dial. grum, proud, haughty, Dan. grum, fierce, angry. Dr. Johnson incorporates this adjective, but marks it as ‘a low word’. Hag (n. and midl. counties), to hew, O.N. höggva; haver (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), oats, Norw. dial. havre; heppen (n.Cy. Yks. Not. Lin.), tidy, respectable, handsome, handy, deft, O.N. heppinn, lucky, also dexterous; helder (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Der.), adv. more, rather, preferable[Pg 104] to, O.N. heldr, the English form helder being properly a double comparative; hill (n. and midl. counties), to cover up, to wrap, cover with clothes, &c., O.N. hylja; hooly (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm.), adv. slowly, carefully, gently, O.N. hōgliga, gently; keld (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan.), a spring of water, a fountain, a marshy place, O.N. kelda, a spring of water; lait (Sc. and n. counties), to seek, O.N. leita; lake (Sc. n. counties, Der. Not. Lin. Glo.), to play, sport, amuse oneself, to idle, to be out of employment, lake-house, a theatre, and laker, an actor, O.N. leika, to play, sport; lamp (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Chs. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf.), to walk with long, heavy steps, also to beat, thrash, Norw. dial. lampa, to walk with heavy steps, to beat; lea (n.Cy. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), a scythe, O.N. lē; loof (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Nhp.), the palm of the hand, the open hand, O.N. lōfi, the hollow of the hand; mense (Sc. Irel. and n. counties), honour, respect, hospitality good manners, &c., e.g. of a person who has neither manners nor understanding it is said: He hez nowder sense nor mense, O.N. mennska, humanity; mun (Sc. and gen. dial. use in Eng. down to Oxf. Brks.), must, O.N. munu, 3rd pr. pl. will, shall; nowt (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. e.An.), cattle, O.N. naut, the cognate English word is neat, as in neat-herd; oam (Sc. Dur.), steam, a blast of warm air, a warm aroma, Norw. dial. ome, smoke, the smell of something burning; ouse (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lin.), to empty out liquid, to bale out a boat, Norw. dial. ausa, to bale water out of a boat, O.N. ausa, to pump, especially a ship; owmly (Yks.), lonely, dreary, used with reference to large ancient houses, with few inmates, e.g. Ah sudn’t like ti sleep wi mi-sen i’ that greeat owmly hoose, Norw. dial aumleg, poor, wretched, miserable, O.N. aumligr; quey (Sc. Irel. n. and midl. counties), a heifer, O.N. kvīga; ean (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a balk in a field, a division of land, &c., O.N. rein, a strip of land; roose (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin.), to praise, O.N. hrōsa; seave (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin.), a generic name for the rush, O.N. sef; skep (Sc. Irel. Eng. and Wal.), a basket, O.N. skeppa, a measure; swip (Sc. Yks.), the exact image or likeness, O.N. svipr, a[Pg 105] likeness; tine (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Lan.), to lose, O.N. tȳna; tite (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Cum. Yks. Lan.), adv. soon, early, readily, &c., O.N. tītt, neut. of tīðr, frequent; wath (Sc. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), a ford, O.N. vað, a wading-place, a ford across a river or creek; will (Sc. e.An.), bewildered, lost in error, uncertain how to proceed, O.N. villr, bewildered, erring, astray, etymologically the same word as the native English wild.
To look at some examples of Scandinavian loanwords: addle (n. counties including Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin., also in Rut. Lei. Nhp. War. e.An.), meaning to earn or obtain through one's work, to gain, for example: "It’s not what a guy spends, but what a guy saves that makes him rich," cp. ‘Human might come [please] Good & additional happiness bliss,’ Ormulum, l. 17811, c. 1205, cp. O.N. øðla, reflexive øðlask, to acquire (for oneself) property; birr (Sc. Irel. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Der.), meaning force, impetus, energy, &c., cp. ‘Look, in a great storm, all the livestock went heading into the sea,’ Wyclif, Matt. viii. 32, O.N. byrr, a favorable wind; bulder, buller (Sc. Nhb. e.An.), meaning a loud bubbling sound, a bellowing, Norw. dial. builder, bouncer, a bubbling circle or whirlpool; dag (n.Cy. Lan. Chs. War. Brks. e.An.), dew, O.N. dawg (mod. gen. dagger), dew; ettle (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and all n. counties to Lan.), meaning to intend, propose, have in mind, &c., O.N. ǣtla, to intend, purpose; fitty (Lin.), marshland between the sea bank and the sea, Norw. dial. fit (pl. fitjar), a flat meadow by the water; force (Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), meaning a waterfall or cascade. It is common in certain areas of Yorkshire to find that where signs indicate ‘Stainforth Force’ or ‘Catterick Force,’ locals will say ‘Stainforth Foss’ or ‘Catterick Foss,’ the reason being that the O.N. for sure, a waterfall, has in written form become associated with force, established as the standard form, while the Norw. dial. fossil, Dan. fos, has been preserved in spoken dialects. Frosk (Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), meaning a frog, O.N. froskr; gaggle (e.An.), a flock of geese, O.N. gagl, a young goose; grum (Yks. Lan. Glo. Oxf. Som. Dev.), meaning surly, grumpy, unpleasant, Norw. dial. grumpy, proud, haughty, Dan. grumpy, fierce, angry. Dr. Johnson includes this adjective but notes it as ‘a low word’. Hag (n. and midl. counties), meaning to hew, O.N. chop; haver (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), meaning oats, Norw. dial. havre; heppen (n.Cy. Yks. Not. Lin.), meaning tidy, respectable, attractive, handy, deft, O.N. happening, lucky, also skilled; helder (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Der.), adv. more, rather, preferable [Pg 104] to, O.N. heldr, the English form helder being properly a double comparative; hill (n. and midl. counties), to cover, to wrap, to cover with clothing, &c., O.N. hylja; hooly (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Wm.), adv. slowly, carefully, gently, O.N. hog league, gently; keld (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan.), a spring of water, a fountain, a marshy area, O.N. kelda, a spring of water; lait (Sc. and n. counties), meaning to seek, O.N. search; lake (Sc. n. counties, Der. Not. Lin. Glo.), meaning to play, have fun, amuse oneself, to idle, to be out of work, lake-house, a theater, and laker, an actor, O.N. leica, to play, sport; lamp (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Chs. Stf. War. Wor. Shr. Hrf.), to walk heavily, also to hit, to strike, Norw. dial. lamp, to walk heavily, to strike; lea (n.Cy. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), meaning a scythe, O.N. lē; loof (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Nhp.), meaning the palm of the hand, the open hand, O.N. lofi, the hollow of the hand; mense (Sc. Irel. and n. counties), meaning honor, respect, hospitality, good manners, &c., for example, of someone who has neither manners nor understanding, it is said: "He has neither sense nor mense," O.N. person, humanity; mun (Sc. and gen. dial. use in Eng. down to Oxf. Brks.), meaning must, O.N. munu, 3rd pr. pl. will, shall; nowt (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. e.An.), meaning cattle, O.N. sailor, the related English word is neat, as in neat-herd; oam (Sc. Dur.), meaning steam, a blast of warm air, a warm aroma, Norw. dial. ome, smoke, the smell of something burning; ouse (Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lin.), meaning to empty out liquid, to bail out a boat, Norw. dial. ausa, to bail water out of a boat, O.N. ausa, to pump, especially a ship; owmly (Yks.), meaning lonely, dreary, used in reference to large old houses with few residents, for example: "I wouldn’t want to sleep by myself in that huge lonely house," Norw. dial aumleg, poor, wretched, miserable, O.N. aumligr; quey (Sc. Irel. n. and midl. counties), meaning a heifer, O.N. kvīga; ean (gen. dial. use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.), a balk in a field, a division of land, &c., O.N. rein, a strip of land; roose (Sc. n.Cy. Cum. Yks. Lan. Lin.), meaning to praise, O.N. hrōsa; seave (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Lin.), a general term for rushes, O.N. sef; skep (Sc. Irel. Eng. and Wal.), meaning a basket, O.N. skeppa, a measure; swip (Sc. Yks.), meaning the exact image or likeness, O.N. svipr, a likeness; tine (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Lan.), meaning to lose, O.N. tuna; tite (Sc. Nhb. Dur. Lakel. Cum. Yks. Lan.), adv. soon, early, readily, &c., O.N. titt, neut. of tide, frequent; wath (Sc. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Lin.), meaning a ford, O.N. vað, a wading place, a ford across a river or creek; will (Sc. e.An.), meaning bewildered, lost in error, uncertain how to proceed, O.N. villr, bewildered, confused, lost, etymologically the same word as the native English wild.
The number of Celtic words in the English dialects is relatively small, even if under the common term Celtic we group together Gaelic, Welsh, and Old Cornish words. Some of these loan-words are very early borrowings, and can be traced back to the O.E. period. Bannock (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. e.An. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev.), a cake composed of oatmeal or barley mixed with water and baked on a girdle, is O.E. bannuc; and brat (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. I.Ma. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Wor. Shr. Pem.), a child’s pinafore, a large coarse apron made with sleeves, worn by workers in factories, is found in the Northumbrian Gospels of the tenth century, bratt ‘pallium’, Matt. v. 40. Perhaps the most interesting of the early Celtic loan-words is the word tallet, meaning a hay-loft, especially one over a stable, also used of the space immediately under the roof in any building, but not applied to a ceiled room of any kind. It is originally a Latin word, tabulatum, a boarded floor, and must have been a relic of the Roman occupation, picked up by the ancient Britons, and preserved by them in a modified form, cp. Wel. taflod, a hay-loft, O.Ir. taibled, a story. Then later it was adopted by the Anglo-Saxon invaders, and became the English word tallet, which is found to-day in common use in the dialects of Cheshire and all the w.midl. and sw. counties, that is, in all the counties near the Welsh border. The remarkable point about the preservation of this word is that it never once occurs in the whole range of English literature down to the nineteenth century, when Blackmore introduced it in his Lorna Doone. Through all these centuries it has steadily[Pg 106] persisted in the spoken language without any help from the world of letters, linking the modern rustic to the early Briton and the subjects of Julius Caesar.
The number of Celtic words in English dialects is relatively small, even though we group Gaelic, Welsh, and Old Cornish words together under the common term Celtic. Some of these loanwords are very early borrowings and can be traced back to the Old English (O.E.) period. Bannock (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. e.An. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev.) is a cake made with oatmeal or barley mixed with water and baked on a girdle; it comes from the O.E. bannuc. Brat (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. I.Ma. Chs. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Wor. Shr. Pem.), a child's pinafore or a large coarse apron with sleeves worn by factory workers, is found in the Northumbrian Gospels of the tenth century as bratt ‘pallium’ (Matt. 5:40). Perhaps the most interesting of the early Celtic loanwords is tallet, meaning a hay-loft, especially one above a stable; it’s also used to describe the space right under the roof in any building, but not in a ceilinged room. It originally comes from the Latin word tabulatum, meaning a boarded floor, and must have been a remnant of the Roman occupation, picked up by the ancient Britons and preserved in a modified form, compare Welsh taflod, a hay-loft, and Old Irish taibled, a story. Later, it was adopted by the Anglo-Saxon invaders and became the English word tallet, which is still commonly used in the dialects of Cheshire and throughout the west midlands and south-west counties, that is, in all the counties near the Welsh border. The remarkable thing about the preservation of this word is that it never appears in English literature all the way up to the nineteenth century, when Blackmore introduced it in his novel Lorna Doone. For all these centuries, it has persistently remained in spoken language without any support from literature, connecting modern rural speakers to the early Britons and the subjects of Julius Caesar.
The dialects of Scotland have adopted a certain amount of Gaelic words into current speech, for example: fuilteachs, fultachs, sb.pl. a period partly in January and partly in February, according to ‘Old Style’ reckoning, now wholly in February. If the weather is fine during the fultachs, a bad summer and a cold wet harvest may be expected; but stormy fultachs betoken a good summer, Gael. faoilteach, the last fortnight of winter, and first fortnight of spring, proverbial for variableness. Glack, a ravine, glen, Gael. glac, a hollow, a narrow valley; oye, a grandchild, Gael. ogha; skeeny, pack-thread, twine, Gael. sgéinnidh, twine, flax or hemp thread; taisch, the voice of a person about to die, second sight, Gael. taibhs, a vision, apparition, ghost. Similarly, modern Irish has incorporated certain Old Irish words, such as: gra(h), affection, love, fondness, Ir. gradh, love; grafan, a small axe with the edge turned across like an adze, used for grubbing, Ir. grafán; miscaun, a lump of butter, Ir. miosgán, a small dish of butter; partan, the common crab, Ir. partán, portán, a crab; shanagh, shanacus, a gossip, chat, talk, Ir. seanchus, history, genealogy, every kind of knowledge. From Wales a few Welsh words have been taken over into the English dialects, for instance: cader (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Dev. Cor.), a cradle, Wel. cadair, a chair, cadair fagu, a cradle; keffel (n.Cy. Yks. War. Wor. Shr. Som.), a horse, generally an old or inferior one, Wel. ceffyl, a horse. The form flannen for flannel, which is in general dialect use in Scotland, Ireland, and England, is also Welsh, and not a corruption of the standard pronunciation, cp. Wel. gwlanen, woollen material. Old Cornish as a language ceased to be spoken about the end of the eighteenth century, but here and there can be found traces of it in the modern Cornish vocabulary, for example: mabyer, a young hen, a pullet, a chicken, O.Cor. mab + iar, i.e. the son of a hen; muryan, an ant, O.Cor. murrian, ants; palch, broken down[Pg 107] in health, palsied, &c., O.Cor. palch, weak, sickly; pilm, dust, dry dust, fluff, O.Cor. pilm, flying dust like flour; quilkin, a frog, O.Cor. cwilcen; subban, a sop, O.Cor. suben, a mass, a morsel.
The dialects of Scotland have incorporated a number of Gaelic words into everyday language, for instance: fuilteachs, fultachs, sb.pl. a period that falls partly in January and partly in February, according to the ‘Old Style’ calendar, now entirely in February. If the weather is nice during the fultachs, a bad summer and a cold, wet harvest can be expected; but stormy fultachs suggest a good summer, Gael. faoilteach, the last two weeks of winter and the first two weeks of spring, known for its unpredictability. Glack, a ravine or glen, Gael. glad, a hollow, a narrow valley; oye, a grandchild, Gael. ogha; skeeny, pack-thread or twine, Gael. sgéinnidh, twine, flax, or hemp thread; taisch, the voice of someone about to die, second sight, Gael. taibhs, a vision, apparition, ghost. Similarly, modern Irish has adopted certain Old Irish words, such as: gra(h), affection, love, fondness, Ir. grad, love; grafan, a small axe with the edge turned across like an adze, used for grubbing, Ir. grafán; miscaun, a lump of butter, Ir. miasma, a small dish of butter; partan, the common crab, Ir. partner, portán, a crab; shanagh, shanacus, gossip, chat, talk, Ir. seanchas, history, genealogy, all kinds of knowledge. From Wales, a few Welsh words have made their way into English dialects, for example: cader (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf. Dev. Cor.), meaning cradle, Wel. chair, a chair, fondue chair, a cradle; keffel (n.Cy. Yks. War. Wor. Shr. Som.), a horse, usually an old or inferior one, Wel. horse, a horse. The form flannen for flannel, commonly used in dialects across Scotland, Ireland, and England, is also Welsh, and not a variation of the standard pronunciation, cp. Wel. gwlanen, woolen material. Old Cornish as a language stopped being spoken around the end of the eighteenth century, but traces of it can still be found in modern Cornish vocabulary, for example: mabyer, a young hen, a pullet, a chicken, O.Cor. mab + iar, meaning the son of a hen; muryan, an ant, O.Cor. murrian, ants; palch, broken down[Pg 107] in health, palsied, &c., O.Cor. palch, weak, sickly; pilm, dust, dry dust, fluff, O.Cor. pilm, flying dust like flour; quilkin, a frog, O.Cor. cwilcen; subban, a sop, O.Cor. climb, a mass, a morsel.
The French and Scandinavian loan-words constitute by far the greater proportion of the foreign element in the dialects, and next come the Celtic words. Beside these, the borrowings from other languages are of little or no importance, beyond the fact of their adoption. It strikes one with surprise, for instance, to meet a Greek word like nous in common dialect use all over England, e.g. Th’ ’ead o’ un’s a-put on vitty, there’s some nouse about he (Som.), or: T’yent no good to ax he to do’t, vor ’e a-yent got no nowse (Brks.). Latin words have crept into English dialects from various sources. Some have drifted down from the Old English period, e.g. sicker (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Yks.), secure, safe, which is O.E. sicor, secure, certain, from Lat. securus; taffel (Sc.), a small table, which is the same word as O.E. tæfl, a chess-board, from Lat. tabula. Others have come through the medium of Old Norse, e.g. almous, aumous (Sc. Irel. and n. counties), money or food bestowed in charity, a small portion, &c., from O.N. almusa, beside the standard English form alms, from O.E. ælmysse, ælmesse, from a pop. Lat. *alimosina; scrive (Sc. Nhb. Yks.), to write, from O.N. skrifa, from Lat. scribere. Some are legal terms, e.g. mittimus (Wm. Yks.), a legal summons, a notice to quit, a dismissal from service, e.g. Poor fella, ah pity yon man, ah du really: t’landlord’s sent him hiz mittimus to leeav; siserary (Irel. Dur. Nhp. e.An. Suf. Dev.), a violent scolding, a severe blow, which is a dialect corruption and use of the legal term certiorari, a corruption found in Smollett’s Humphrey Clinker, cp. ‘I have gi’en the dirty slut a siserary.’ Others, again, are Church words, e.g. cirage-money (Chs.), church rates, originally the equivalent of ‘wax-shot’, a duty formerly paid towards the charge of wax candles in churches, from M.Lat. ceragium, ‘quod cerae nomine praestabatur ecclesiis ad luminarium concinnationem,’ Ducange; calends[Pg 108] (Wor. Shr. Hrf.), a name given in certain places to the footpath leading to the entrance of the church, from M.Lat. kalenda, ‘Initium cuiusvis rei, puta, Locus ubi territorium aliquod incipit,’ Ducange. A small sprinkling of Dutch words can be found, such as: dwile (e.An.), a coarse house-flannel, any coarse rubbing-rag, a mop, Du. dweyl, a clout to wash the floor, stok-dweyl, a mop; frow (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum-Yks. Lan.), a big, fat woman, Du. vrouw, a woman, wife.
The French and Scandinavian loanwords make up the majority of the foreign influence in the dialects, followed by Celtic words. The contributions from other languages are relatively minor, primarily existing as borrowed terms. It’s surprising, for example, to find a Greek word like us commonly used in dialects across England, as in: Th’ ’ead o’ un’s a-put on vitty, there’s some nouse about he (Som.), or: T’yent no good to ax he to do’t, vor ’e a-yent got no nowse (Brks.). Latin words have made their way into English dialects from various origins. Some have come down from the Old English period, like sicker (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum. Yks.), meaning secure or safe, which is derived from O.E. sicor, secure or certain, from Lat. secure; taffel (Sc.), meaning a small table, which is the same word as O.E. table, a chess-board, from Lat. table. Others have arrived through Old Norse, such as almous, aumous (Sc. Irel. and n. counties), referring to money or food given as charity, a small portion, &c., from O.N. almusa, alongside the standard English form alms, from O.E. ælmysse, Yule feast, derived from a pop. Lat. *donation; scrive (Sc. Nhb. Yks.), meaning to write, from O.N. write, and from Lat. write. Some terms are legal, like mittimus (Wm. Yks.), a legal summons, a notice to vacate, a dismissal from service, e.g. Poor fella, ah pity yon man, ah du really: t’landlord’s sent him hiz mittimus to leeav; siserary (Irel. Dur. Nhp. e.An. Suf. Dev.), meaning a severe scolding or blow, a dialect alteration of the legal term certiorari, noted in Smollett’s Humphrey Clinker, cp. ‘I have gi’en the dirty slut a siserary.’ Additionally, there are some Church-related terms, such as cirage-money (Chs.), referring to church rates, originally meaning ‘wax-shot,’ a fee previously paid towards the cost of wax candles in churches, from M.Lat. ceragium, ‘which was provided to the churches under the name of wax for the purpose of lighting arrangements,’ Ducange; calends[Pg 108] (Wor. Shr. Hrf.), a term used in certain regions for the footpath leading to the church entrance, from M.Lat. calendar, ‘The beginning of any matter, for example, the place where a certain territory starts.,’ Ducange. A few Dutch words can also be found, like dwile (e.An.), meaning a coarse house-flannel, a rough cleaning rag, a mop, Du. dweyl, a cloth used for washing the floor, stok-dweyl, a mop; frow (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Cum-Yks. Lan.), referring to a big, fat woman, Du. woman, meaning a woman or wife.
Another feature of the dialect vocabulary which is worth a passing notice, is the existence therein of words which we are wont to regard as too poetical, or too literary for everyday use. We should fear to be considered affected, and given to a habit of interlarding our conversation with quotations from books, if we called a song-thrush a mavis, or a throstle, and spoke of a merle or an ousel instead of saying blackbird, yet all these four are extremely common dialect terms. In parts of Yorkshire dialect-speakers call honeysuckle eglantine, as Milton did in L’Allegro; and in certain southern counties a stream is called a bourn, reminding us of Milton’s ‘bosky bourn’; the two words would not, however, be still heard in conjunction with one another, for bosky is confined to the northern dialects. In a number of counties from north to south mead is a common term for a field, a meadow, e.g. The beeses is i’ the mead; similarly delve is a common verb for dig, dight for prepare, hie for hasten, e.g. Hie thee, Sarah, hie thee, and bring me a sope o’ beer, aw’m welly [well-nigh] kilt wi’ droot (Chs.); lap for wrap; rive for tear; rue for regret, e.g. I’ve never rued it but once, and that’s ever sin; wax for grow, e.g. He’s waxed sair sin aa seed him last (Nhb.), Ah wax warm (Suf.). Sear, adj. withered, dry, is common in East Anglia. A Sussex rhyme runs:
Another interesting aspect of the dialect vocabulary is the presence of words that we often see as too poetic or too literary for everyday conversation. We might worry about seeming pretentious if we referred to a song-thrush as a mavis or a throstle, and used merle or ousel instead of just saying blackbird, yet all four of these terms are quite common in dialect. In parts of Yorkshire, speakers of the dialect call honeysuckle eglantine, just like Milton did in L’Allegro; and in some southern counties, a stream is referred to as a bourn, reminiscent of Milton’s ‘wooded stream.’ However, you wouldn't normally hear these two words used together anymore, because bosky is limited to the northern dialects. Across various counties from north to south, mead is a common word for a field or meadow, e.g. The bees are in the mead; likewise, delve is a well-used verb for dig, dight for prepare, hie for hasten, e.g. Hie thee, Sarah, hie thee, and bring me a sip of beer, I’m almost [well-nigh] done in with thirst (Chs.); lap for wrap; rive for tear; rue for regret, e.g. I’ve never rued it but once, and that’s been ever since; wax for grow, e.g. He’s grown sore since I last saw him (Nhb.), Ah grow warm (Suf.). Sear, adj. meaning withered or dry, is common in East Anglia. A Sussex rhyme goes:
There is a ring of poetry in the mere sound of such a word as dimble (Der. Not. Lei.) for dingle, an echo of Ben Jonson’s[Pg 109] line: ‘Within a gloomy dimble she doth dwell’; and the expression a wimpling burn (n. counties) seems to carry with it the note of fresh, running water.
There’s a melodic quality to the sound of a word like dimble (Der. Not. Lei.), which refers to a dingle, echoing Ben Jonson’s[Pg 109] line: ‘She lives in a dark, gloomy hollow..’ Additionally, the phrase a wimpling burn (n. counties) seems to suggest the sound of fresh, flowing water.
Beside these, are the words with a savour of academic learning such as: accord (Wor. Hrf.) for agree, e.g. ’Im an’ ’er can’t accard together no waay; element (n. and sw. counties) for sky, atmosphere. A Somersetshire man describing a thunder-storm said: Th’element was all to a flicker. The Yorkshire proverbial saying: Ah could na more do it ner ah could fly into t’element, is worth recording before the oncoming cloud of aeroplanes has made us forget that it could ever typify the impossible. The term cabal can be used to describe a group of people met together for gossip, e.g. There wor Jane, an’ Hoppy, an’ Sal, an’ the hull cabal on ’em i’ the lane (Not.), or it can signify a great noise of talking, &c., e.g. They war makkin’ a fine auld cabal at t’public-hoose last neet (Wm.). In some parts of Ireland a gladiathor is a well-known term for a fine fellow, a roysterer, a fighter, e.g. Whin I comes acrass a man who has two or three hundred pounds, an’ sees all his capers an’ antics, I says to meself, What a gladiathur ye are. But here we have to deal also with the change of meaning which the literary word has undergone, and as the majority of what we have termed learned words are used in a transferred sense in the dialects, the remainder of our examples must be carried over into the next chapter.
Alongside these, there are words that have an academic flair like: accord (Wor. Hrf.) meaning agree, for example, "I’m and her can’t accord together no way;" element (n. and sw. counties) meaning sky or atmosphere. A man from Somerset describing a thunderstorm said: "The element was all to a flicker." The Yorkshire saying: "I could no more do it than I could fly into the element," is worth noting before the looming presence of airplanes makes us forget that it could ever symbolize the impossible. The term cabal can refer to a group of people gathered for gossip, e.g., "There were Jane, and Hoppy, and Sal, and the whole cabal of them in the lane" (Not.), or it can indicate a loud noise of talking, &c., e.g., "They were making a fine old cabal at the pub last night" (Wm.). In some areas of Ireland, a gladiathor is a well-known term for a great guy, a party-goer, a fighter, e.g., "When I come across a man who has two or three hundred pounds and sees all his antics, I say to myself, 'What a gladiathor you are.'" But here we also need to address the shift in meaning that the literary word has gone through, and since most of what we called learned words are used in a different sense in the dialects, the rest of our examples must be addressed in the next chapter.
CHAPTER VIII
LITERARY WORDS WITH DIALECT DEFINITIONS
The linguistic study of the dialects becomes an entertaining pursuit when we turn our attention to the dialect usage of literary words in a sense other than that to which we are accustomed in standard English. This can only be illustrated by quotations, for only thus can the true inwardness of the dialect meaning be appreciated. Adapted (Hmp.) means accustomed to: a man adapted to pigs is a man experienced in the rearing of swine; agreeable (Yks.) means suitable, to one’s taste or liking, e.g. Noo, reach to, an’ mak’ yersels agreeable, an’ if ye dean’t lahk it lay back, is a friendly invitation to guests at the board to help themselves to what they fancy; an auction (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf.) is a dirty or untidy place or room, a meaning which no doubt has had its origin in the state of dirt and disorder occasioned by a public sale: Ah nivver seed sitch a auction i’ all my life as their hahse is, t’furnitur’s onnywheear but whear it sud be; cake (Yks.) is bread, whilst bread means oatcake, e.g. Etten cake’s sooin forgotten is a proverbial saying; to call a person (gen. dial. use) means to abuse him to his face, to abuse any one behind his back is to illify. A Yorkshire minister preaching on Christian forbearance counselled his hearers thus: If they call ya, tak neea heed on’t, bud if they bunch [kick] ya, or cobble ya wi’ steeans, gan ti t’justice, an’ a’e deean wi’t at yance. Casualty (n. m. and w. dials.) is used as an adjective meaning precarious, risky, uncertain, not to be relied upon, e.g. Cauves is cazzlety things to rear; a Christian (gen. dials.) is a human being as distinguished from one of the lower animals, e.g. W’y ’e’d get on that wall, said a woman of a favourite dog, an’ bark like a krischun ’e ’ood, ’e knowed so well who wuz a-comin’. A shop-bill announcing the attendances of[Pg 111] a veterinary at Mansfield Market more than a century ago, concluded with the words: ‘N.B. Likewise bleeds Christians.’ A chintz cat is a tortoiseshell cat; clever (Nhb. Dur. Yks. Ken. Dev. Cor.) means well, in good health, active, e.g. Hoo are ye the day, lad? Man, aa’s clivver; comical (Wor. Hrf. Glo. Bdf.) means unwell, out of sorts, e.g. I’ve felt bad and comical a many days; used of roads (Shr.) it signifies bad, dangerous, e.g. It’s a comical road, specially if theer comes on a mug [fog]; a conceit (Irel. n. and midl. counties) is an opinion, idea, fancy, e.g. If a wanst teks a consate, loike, you mee as good talk to a win’mill, and it can be used as a verb in a like sense, e.g. What do you understand by being confirmed? Why, I consate I’ll have to fight the devil by mysel’; dead (Irel. Hrf. Glo. Cor.) means faint, unconscious, e.g. I was dead ever so long; a deaf nut (n. midl. and sw. counties) is one without a kernel, e.g. He does not look as if he lived on deaf nuts is said of a man who looks well-fed and prosperous; to disannul (n. midl. w. and e. counties) means to abolish, destroy, e.g. Mr. B. has disannulled the pigsty; or to disarrange, inconvenience, e.g. Yo’ can come in, yo’ oonna disannul the ladies; discourse (Lin. Som. Dev.) is bad language, e.g. Of all the discoose ever I yurd in my life, that there beat everything; a dormouse (Glo.) is a bat; dubious (Chs. Shr.) or jubious (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der. War.) means suspicious, e.g. ’Er’s as jubous as ’er’s scrimmity [niggardly], weighs the flour out, an’ then the bread after it’s baked, be’appen ’er thinks as I should ate the duff; a faggot (midl. and s. counties) is a dish, usually a small cake or rissole made of the fry, liver, or inferior portions of a pig or sheep, e.g. ‘Hot faggots to-night’ is a not uncommon notice to be seen, for example, in the windows of small eating-houses in Malvern, Cheltenham, or Oxford; a fig (Brks. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.) is a raisin, hence figgy-pudding stands for plum-pudding. A woman who made plum-puddings for sale, placed this notice in her shop-window: ‘Figgy pudden wan appeny a slice, more figgier wan penny a slice.’ It is a common saying that[Pg 112] a Cornishman’s idea of happiness is: A fresh preacher and a figgy-pudding every Sunday. False (n. and midl. counties), applied to children and animals, means sharp, shrewd, clever, precocious, e.g. as fause as a Christian, often said of a clever animal; fierce (midl. and e.An.) means brisk, lively, in good health, and is usually applied to babies, it can also signify brave, valiant, mettlesome, as in the ironical simile: as fierce as a maggot; fog (in gen. dial. use) is the aftermath, the second crop of hay, or the long grass left standing in the fields during winter. In a M.E. account of the fate of Nebuchadnezzar we read: ‘He fares forth on alle faure [fours], fogge watȝ his mete.’ A printed notice conspicuous in the market-square of Settle a few years ago advertised ‘120 acres of fog for Sale’. Flippant (Dor. Som. Dev.) is used of rods or sticks in the sense of pliant, used of persons it means quick, nimble; frightful (Hrf. e.An. Som.) means timid, easily frightened, e.g. Lauk! Miss, how frightful you are! said by a homely wench when Miss screams at a toad or a spider; a gentleman (midl. and s. counties) is a man who need not work, or is disabled from work, e.g. He’s a gentleman now, but he just manages to doddle about his garden with a weedin’-spud. It can be applied to a sick woman, e.g. I’m sure I’ve done all I could for mother; if she isn’t a gentleman, I should like to know who is! Good (Sc. n.Cy. Suf.), with names of relationship, denotes kinship by marriage, e.g. my good aunt, is my aunt by marriage; my good son, is my son-in-law; good-natured (Dev.) can be used of inanimate objects, e.g. A good-natured stone is one easy to work; a gull (midl. counties) is an unfledged gosling, called in parts of Hampshire a maiden; head (Som. Dev.) can signify the cream on the surface of milk, so that if a farmer’s wife is asked for milk in the forenoon, she may reply: I ’ont break my head vor nobody; a hypocrite (Suf. Sus.) is a person who is unwell, or a lame person, e.g. She’s quite a hypocrite, she can’t walk a step without her stilts; idle (Suf. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor.) means mischievous, saucy, flippant. It is said that half the choir in a Dorsetshire village resigned when[Pg 113] a lady told them they were idle. They believed that she had accused them of leading a vicious life. To imitate (Chs. Shr. e.An. Nrf. Suf.) means to attempt, endeavour, e.g. Don’t yow imitate hittin’ me, or yow’ll find it won’t pay; an income (Sc. n.Irel. n.Cy.) is an internal disease, or an abscess, boil; inconsistent (Nhp. Hnt.) means reprehensible; to intend (w.Yks.) can be used to express a desire or expectation beyond one’s own control, e.g. I had intended our Rector to be a Bishop; an item (Yks. Chs. Der. Lin. War. Wor. Shr. Sus.) is a hint, signal, cue, e.g. I sid the Maister comin’ so I gid ’im the item. In Somerset and Devon it can mean a trick, antic, e.g. Her’s za vull ov items as a egg’s vull ov mayte. Jolly (n.Cy. n.midl. e.An.) means fat, plump, e.g. the phrase a jolly wench would be applied to a young woman weighing about twelve stone; kind (midl. and s. counties) means in good condition, thriving, healthy, e.g. These’m nice kind pigs, He’s always been a kindly bullock. It can also signify pleasant, agreeable, as in the Lancashire saying: There’s never a gate ’at’s so kind to th’ fuut as th’ gate one likes to go. A maxim (War. Wor. Suf. Som. Dev. Cor.) is a plan, contrivance, e.g. The curate’s a fustrate ’un amongst the lads, ’e’s got such a many maxims to amuse ’um; mean (Yks.) signifies angry, e.g. I war ganging by t’field, and there war Willy Lowis’ bull. I couldna rin, and ’ea cam and leuked at me across t’stile. ‘Is ta gaen to be mean?’ says I; megrims (Yks. Chs. Stf. Der. Lin. War. Shr.) are antics, tricks, gesticulations, grimaces, e.g. Them childern wun naughty i’ church, they wun makin’ maigrims an’ witherin’ one to another all the wilde, where witherin implies muttering with an accompaniment of nods and winks; miraculous (Sc. Yks.) means wild, eccentric, reckless, venturesome, e.g. He’s a bit mirak’lous wiv a gun; to mortify (Yks. Der. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Oxf. Som.) is to tease, vex, annoy, e.g. Drat the cheel! her’s enough to mortify anybody out o’ their life; novice (Yks.) is a very common term of reproach, used of a person who is awkward in manner or procedure; odd (Cum. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin. Lei. War.) means solitary, single, lonely, e.g. He lives e’ a niced[Pg 114] house, but it was so odd, there wasn’t a place of worship within three mile; a very common phrase is: an odd one, meaning a single one, e.g. Oor parson ewsed to keäp two curates, bud noo he’s a-gooin’ to mak shift wi’ a odd un. A Primitive Methodist preacher was advocating the missionary cause. Describing the heathen, he said: Them poor creätures weds as mony wives as iver thaay’ve a mind to, but th’Testament says as clear as daayleet, we’re nobbut to hev a odd un a-peäce. To perch (Lan. Gmg. Pem. Dor. Som. Dev.) means to sit, sit down, take a seat, e.g. Prithee, perch!; similarly to pitch, e.g. Plaze to pitch, ma’am; and to print (Cum. Wm. Yks.), e.g. Print thi body doon e’ that chair tell ah git a bit o’ this muck off mi hands an’ fiase; a phrase (Cor.) is a habit, custom, e.g. She’s all the time groanin’, and it’s nothin’ in the world but a nasty old phrase she’ve took up; a pig (Sc. Nhb.) or piggy, is a hot-water bottle. A traveller is said to have reported that in Northumberland the people slept with the pigs for warmth, because he had been asked if he would have a piggy in his bed. In parts of Scotland a pig means a flower-pot. A rich Glasgow merchant once sent for a London artist to decorate the panels in the cabins of his yacht. The artist asked what kind of decoration was desired. The reply was: Ony thing simple, just a pig wi’ a flower. Plain (Sc. Lin. Wor. Hrf. Dor.) signifies frank, unaffected, homely, e.g. Lady Jane is such a plain lady, she come into my ’ouse, an’ sits down, an’ takes the childern in ’er lap as comfortable as con be. She’s as plain as you be, Miss, every bit; a posy (Lakel. Lan. Yks.) is used of any single flower, which explains the line: ‘He promised to buy me a garland of posies’; a pot (Yks.) is an awful chasm, almost a bottomless pit, not uncommon in certain moorland districts, technically it is a fissure in limestone; pot (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Not. Lei.) also means earthenware. Of a man with a squint it may be said: He skens wor nor a pot cat. To prove (Nhp. Oxf.), applied to yeast or dough, means to rise, or to set to rise. When I complained recently that the bread was hard and dry, I received the following letter[Pg 115] from the baker: ‘Dear Madam, I am sorry to receive your complaint concerning the bread; the tin bread had been overproved, I fear, but the foreman will make an extra care, so that it shall not occur again.’ Purgatory (Der. Stf. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Oxf.) is a receptacle for ashes beneath or in front of the grate; a radical (Cum. Yks. Lan. Oxf. Brks. and se. counties) means a troublesome boy, an impudent, idle fellow, e.g. That little chap be a proper young radical, a wunt do nothun’ his mother tells un; rapid (Lin. Nhp. Glo. Ken. Sus. Wil. Som. Dev.) means violent, severe, applied specially to pain; a retinue (w.Yks.) is a long, tedious tale; to serve is a very common verb meaning to supply an animal with food, e.g. Ah’ll gan an’ sarve t’pigs; a sessions (n.Cy. Yks. Ken. Sus.) is a disturbance, fuss, a great difficulty, e.g. Noo there’ll be a bonny sessions aboot it; to settle (Yks. Lan. Lin.) is to reduce, to fall in price, e.g. Breead’s sattl’d a haup’ny; severe (Som. Dev.) means sheepish, ashamed; to shut (Shr.) means to yoke horses to the implements, to unshut is to unyoke, or unharness them. This latter word occurs in an epitaph on a tombstone in Ludlow churchyard, over the grave of one John Abingdon, ‘who for forty years drove the Ludlow stage to London, a trusty servant, a careful driver, and an honest man’:
The study of dialects becomes an entertaining pursuit when we look at how literary words are used in ways different from what we're used to in standard English. This can be best shown through quotes, as only then can we truly grasp the meaning of the dialect. Adapted (Hmp.) means accustomed to: a man adapted to pigs is someone experienced in raising them; agreeable (Yks.) means suitable or to one’s taste, e.g. "Now, help yourself and make yourself agreeable, and if you don't like it, just lay back" is a friendly invite for guests to take what they prefer; an auction (Yks. Lan. Chs. Stf.) refers to a dirty or messy place or room, a meaning likely derived from the chaos often associated with public sales: "I've never seen such a mess in my life as their house is, the furniture is just about everywhere except where it should be; cake (Yks.) means bread, while bread refers to oatcake, e.g. "Eating cake is soon forgotten" is a saying; to call someone (gen. dial. use) is to insult them to their face, while to insult someone behind their back is to illify. A Yorkshire minister preaching about Christian patience advised his audience: "If they call you names, pay no attention to it, but if they kick or stone you, go to the authorities and sort it out right away." Casualty (n. m. and w. dials.) is used as an adjective meaning precarious, risky, uncertain, not dependable, e.g. "Cows are tricky to raise;" a Christian (gen. dials.) is a human being as opposed to lower animals, e.g. "Why would he get up on that wall?" said a woman about her favorite dog, "He’d bark like a Christian if he knew who was coming." A shop bill from a veterinary at Mansfield Market over a century ago ended with the words: "N.B. Also bleeds Christians." A chintz cat is a tortoiseshell cat; clever (Nhb. Dur. Yks. Ken. Dev. Cor.) means well, in good health, active, e.g. "How are you today, lad? Man, I'm doing great;" comical (Wor. Hrf. Glo. Bdf.) means unwell, out of sorts, e.g. "I've felt bad and comical for many days;" used in reference to roads (Shr.), it signifies bad, dangerous, e.g. "It's a bad road, especially if it gets foggy;" a conceit (Irel. n. and midl. counties) is an opinion, idea, whim, e.g. "If someone has a notion, it's as good as talking to a windmill," and it can be used as a verb in a similar sense, e.g. "What do you think being confirmed means? Well, I think I'll have to fight the devil on my own;" dead (Irel. Hrf. Glo. Cor.) means faint, unconscious, e.g. "I was out cold for quite a while;" a deaf nut (n. midl. and sw. counties) means one without a kernel, e.g. "He doesn’t look starved" is said of a man who looks well-fed; to disannul (n. midl. w. and e. counties) means to abolish, destroy, e.g. "Mr. B. has taken down the pigsty;" or to disarrange, inconvenience, e.g. "You can come in, but you’re not going to disturb the ladies;" discourse (Lin. Som. Dev.) means bad language, e.g. "Of all the nonsense I've heard in my life, that beats everything;" a dormouse (Glo.) refers to a bat; dubious (Chs. Shr.) or jubious (Sc. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der. War.) means suspicious, e.g. "She’s as suspicious as she is stingy, weighs the flour before baking the bread, perhaps she thinks I would eat the dough; a faggot (midl. and s. counties) is a dish, usually a small cake or rissole made from the fry, liver, or lesser parts of a pig or sheep, e.g. "Hot faggots tonight" is commonly seen in the windows of small eateries in Malvern, Cheltenham, or Oxford; a fig (Brks. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev. Cor.) is a raisin, hence figgy-pudding stands for plum-pudding. A woman who sold plum-puddings put up this sign in her window: "Figgy pudding one penny a slice, more figgy one penny a slice." It’s said that a Cornishman’s idea of happiness is: "A fresh preacher and a figgy-pudding every Sunday." False (n. and midl. counties), when referring to kids and animals, means sharp, shrewd, clever, precocious, e.g. "As sharp as a Christian," often said of a clever animal; fierce (midl. and e.An.) means energetic, lively, in good health, commonly used to describe babies, it can also mean brave, spirited, as in the ironic comparison: "as fierce as a maggot;" fog (in gen. dial. use) is the aftergrowth, the second crop of hay, or the long grass left standing in the fields through winter. In a M.E. account of Nebuchadnezzar’s fate we read: "He set out on all fours, fog was his food." A printed notice prominently displayed in the Settle market square a few years back advertised "120 acres of fog for Sale." Flippant (Dor. Som. Dev.) refers to rods or sticks in the sense of pliant, used in reference to people, it means quick, agile; frightful (Hrf. e.An. Som.) means timid, easily scared, e.g. "Goodness! Miss, how scared you are!" said by a simple woman when Miss screamed at a toad or spider; a gentleman (midl. and s. counties) is a man who doesn’t have to work or is unable to work, e.g. "He’s a gentleman now, but he just manages to potter around his garden with a weeding fork." It can also refer to a sick woman, e.g. "I’m sure I’ve done all I could for mother; if she’s not a lady, I'd like to know who is!" Good (Sc. n.Cy. Suf.), with names of relation, indicates kinship through marriage, e.g. my good aunt, is my aunt by marriage; my good son, is my son-in-law; good-natured (Dev.) can refer to inanimate objects, e.g. "A good-natured stone is one that’s easy to work;" a gull (midl. counties) is an unfledged gosling, referred to in some parts of Hampshire as a maiden; head (Som. Dev.) can mean the cream on milk's surface, so if a farmer’s wife is asked for milk in the morning, she might say: "I won’t break my head for anyone;" a hypocrite (Suf. Sus.) is a person who is unwell or disabled, e.g. "She’s quite a hypocrite, can’t walk a step without her crutches;" idle (Suf. Sus. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor.) means mischievous, saucy, flippant. It’s said half the choir in a Dorset village quit when a lady accused them of being idle. They thought she was accusing them of living a disreputable life. To imitate (Chs. Shr. e.An. Nrf. Suf.) means to attempt, endeavor, e.g. "Don't try hitting me, or you'll find it won't work;" an income (Sc. n.Irel. n.Cy.) refers to an internal disease, or an abscess, boil; inconsistent (Nhp. Hnt.) means reprehensible; to intend (w.Yks.) can express a desire or expectation out of one's control, e.g. "I had thought our Rector would become a Bishop;" an item (Yks. Chs. Der. Lin. War. Wor. Shr. Sus.) is a hint, signal, cue, e.g. "I saw the Master coming so I gave him the hint." In Somerset and Devon, it can mean a trick, antic, e.g. "She's full of tricks like an egg is full of yolk." Jolly (n.Cy. n.midl. e.An.) means fat, plump, e.g. the phrase a jolly wench would typically refer to a woman weighing about 12 stone; kind (midl. and s. counties) means in good condition, thriving, healthy, e.g. "These are nice healthy pigs, he's always been a healthy bullock." It can also mean pleasant, agreeable, as in the Lancashire saying: "There’s never a gate that’s as kind to the foot as the gate one likes to go through." A maxim (War. Wor. Suf. Som. Dev. Cor.) means a plan, device, e.g. "The curate’s a tricky one among the lads, he’s got so many plans to amuse them;" mean (Yks.) signifies angry, e.g. "I was walking by the field, and there was Willy Lowis’ bull. I couldn’t run, and he came and looked at me across the stile. 'Are you planning to be angry?' I asked; megrims (Yks. Chs. Stf. Der. Lin. War. Shr.) are antics, tricks, gestures, funny faces, e.g. "Those children were so naughty in church, they kept making funny faces at each other all the time, where witherin implies muttering with accompanying nods and winks; miraculous (Sc. Yks.) means wild, eccentric, reckless, adventurous, e.g. "He’s a bit of a wild one with a gun;" to mortify (Yks. Der. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Oxf. Som.) is to tease, vex, annoy, e.g. "Drat that child! She’s enough to annoy anyone out of their wits;" novice (Yks.) is a common term of reproach, used for someone who is awkward in manner or procedure; odd (Cum. Yks. Lan. Der. Lin. Lei. War.) means solitary, single, lonely, e.g. "He lives in a nice house, but it's so lonely, there isn't a place of worship within three miles;" a common phrase is: an odd one, meaning a single one, e.g. "Our parson used to keep two curates, but now he’s going to make do with an odd one." A Primitive Methodist preacher was promoting the missionary cause. Describing the heathens, he claimed: "Those poor creatures marry as many wives as they want, but the Testament clearly says, we’re only allowed to have one at a time." To perch (Lan. Gmg. Pem. Dor. Som. Dev.) means to sit down or take a seat, e.g. "Please, take a seat!"; similarly to pitch, e.g. "Please pitch here, ma’am; and to print (Cum. Wm. Yks.), e.g. "Sit yourself down in that chair while I clean this muck off my hands and face;" a phrase (Cor.) is a habit, custom, e.g. "She’s always groaning, and it’s just a nasty old habit she picked up;" a pig (Sc. Nhb.) or piggy, is a hot-water bottle. A traveler is said to have reported that in Northumberland people slept with the pigs for warmth because he was asked if he would like a piggy in his bed. In some parts of Scotland, a pig refers to a flower-pot. A wealthy Glasgow merchant once hired a London artist to decorate the panels in his yacht. When the artist asked what kind of decoration was desired, the reply was: "Anything simple, just a pig with a flower." Plain (Sc. Lin. Wor. Hrf. Dor.) means honest, straightforward, unpretentious, e.g. "Lady Jane is such a down-to-earth person, she comes into my house and sits down, taking the children in her lap just as comfortably as can be. She's as plain as you are, Miss, every bit;" a posy (Lakel. Lan. Yks.) refers to any single flower, which clarifies the line: "He promised to buy me a garland of posies;" a pot (Yks.) signifies a deep chasm, almost a bottomless pit, frequently found in certain moorland areas, technically it is a fissure in limestone; pot (Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Not. Lei.) also refers to earthenware. Regarding a man with a squint, one might say: "He looks worse than a pot cat." To prove (Nhp. Oxf.), when applied to yeast or dough, means to rise or to be left to rise. When I recently complained about the bread being hard and dry, I received the following letter[Pg 115] from the baker: "Dear Madam, I regret to hear about your complaint regarding the bread; I fear the tin bread had been overdone, but the foreman will ensure extra care is taken so it won’t happen again." Purgatory (Der. Stf. Wor. Shr. Hrf. Glo. Oxf.) is a container for ashes beneath or in front of the fireplace; a radical (Cum. Yks. Lan. Oxf. Brks. and se. counties) refers to a troublesome boy, a bold, idle fellow, e.g. "That little chap is a proper young troublemaker, he won’t do anything his mother tells him;" rapid (Lin. Nhp. Glo. Ken. Sus. Wil. Som. Dev.) means violent, severe, specifically referring to pain; a retinue (w.Yks.) is a long, tedious story; to serve is a very common verb meaning to feed an animal, e.g. "I'll go and feed the pigs;" a sessions (n.Cy. Yks. Ken. Sus.) is a disturbance, fuss, a big hassle, e.g. "Now there'll be quite a fuss about it;" to settle (Yks. Lan. Lin.) means to decrease or drop in price, e.g. "Bread’s gone down a half-penny;" severe (Som. Dev.) means sheepish, ashamed; to shut (Shr.) means to yoke horses to implements, while unshut means to remove the harness. This latter term is found on an epitaph on a tombstone in Ludlow churchyard, over the grave of one John Abingdon, "who for forty years drove the Ludlow stage to London, a trusted servant, a careful driver, and an honest man":
Simple (Ken. Sur. Sus.) means unintelligible, hard to understand, e.g. Will you please lend mother another book? She says this one is so simple she can’t make it out at all; small (Yks. Lan.) is thin, slender, so that a man over six feet high may be small; in the phrase: a small family (Sc. n.Cy.) it means young, e.g. A small family of nine[Pg 116] children; a soul (Yks. Glo.) is a night-flying white moth; a stag (n. w. and sw. counties) is a young cock. A School Inspector who asked a child what it was that recalled St. Peter to repentance, was completely nonplussed when informed that it was a stag. To stammer (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Cum. Yks.) is to stagger, stumble, totter, e.g. Grandfather’s very stammering, though ’e’s lisher [more nimble] of his feet than uncle; to be suited (Cum. Yks. Lin.) is to be pleased, e.g. Oor Bill’s just suited noo he’s getten into th’quire wi’ a white surplice on; to suppose (Yks. Not. Lin. Rut. Lei. War. Shr. Hrf. Sus.), in the phrase I suppose, is used to express certainty, e.g. I suppoäse he’s deäd for I was at th’ funeral; tender (Hmp.), used of the wind, means sharp, biting; to terrify (midl. and s. dialects) is to annoy, irritate, worry, e.g. ’E canna get a wink a slip uv a night, ’is cough is that terrifyin’; it can also mean to damage, destroy, e.g. Thay wapses do terrify our plums; thin (Irel. Yks. Chs. Wor.), used of wind or weather, means cold, piercing, e.g. My word! but it’s a thin wind this morning, it’ll go through you before it’ll go round you; a pair of twins (Shr.) is an agricultural implement for breaking the clods and uprooting the weeds of ploughed land, e.g. Tell Jack to shet [yoke] a couple o’ ’orses to that par o’ twins; to upbraid (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Lin.) is used in speaking of digestion, e.g. Ah nivver eeats onions bud they upbraids mă; to up-raise, or up-rise (Dev. Cor.) is to church a woman, e.g. Please, Sir, can Mrs. Smith be uprose this afternoon?; to live upright (Yks. Lin. Nrf.) means to have independent means, e.g. He lives upright, and keeps a pig; to worship (Som.) is to be fond of, e.g. Her [a cat] idn arter the pheasants, ’tis the rabbits her do worship; young (Som. Cor.) means unmarried, e.g. Are you young or married? Of a very young bride it was said: She du look a pretty lot better than when she was young.
Simple (Ken. Sur. Sus.) means impossible to understand, for example, Will you please lend mom another book? She says this one is so simple she can’t figure it out at all; small (Yks. Lan.) means thin, slender, so that a man over six feet tall can be small; in the phrase: a small family (Sc. n.Cy.) it means young, for example, A small family of nine[Pg 116] children; a soul (Yks. Glo.) is a night-flying white moth; a stag (n. w. and sw. counties) is a young male. A School Inspector who asked a child what it was that reminded St. Peter to repent was completely caught off guard when told it was a stag. To stammer (Sc. n.Cy. Nhb. Cum. Yks.) means to stagger, stumble, or totter, for example, Grandfather’s really stammering, though he’s more nimble on his feet than uncle; to be suited (Cum. Yks. Lin.) means to be pleased, for example, Oor Bill’s just suited now that he’s joined the choir with a white surplice on; to suppose (Yks. Not. Lin. Rut. Lei. War. Shr. Hrf. Sus.), in the phrase I suppose, is used to express certainty, for example, I suppose he’s dead because I was at the funeral; tender (Hmp.), when describing the wind, means sharp, biting; to terrify (midl. and s. dialects) means to annoy, irritate, or worry, for example, He can’t get a wink of sleep at night, his cough is so terrifying; it can also mean to damage or destroy, for example, Those wasps are damaging our plums; thin (Irel. Yks. Chs. Wor.), when describing wind or weather, means cold, piercing, for example, Wow! It’s a thin wind this morning, it’ll cut through you before it goes around you; a pair of twins (Shr.) is an agricultural tool for breaking up clods and uprooting weeds from plowed land, for example, Tell Jack to hitch a couple of horses to that pair of twins; to upbraid (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Lin.) refers to digestion, for example, Ah never eat onions but they upbraid me; to up-raise or up-rise (Dev. Cor.) means to church a woman, for example, Please, Sir, can Mrs. Smith be upraised this afternoon?; to live upright (Yks. Lin. Nrf.) means to have independent means, for example, He lives upright and keeps a pig; to worship (Som.) means to be fond of, for example, Her [a cat] isn’t after the pheasants, it’s the rabbits she worships; young (Som. Cor.) means unmarried, for example, Are you young or married? Of a very young bride, it was said: She does look a lot better than when she was young.
Sometimes the simplest of English words have a peculiar idiomatic use in the dialects, which may sound curious to our ears; for instance, with belong (Wm. Lin. Stf. Nhp. Som.) property and its possessor are reversed, e.g. Who do[Pg 117] belong to these here bullicks? A town boy, seeing some geese pasturing on the wide expanse of Newby Moor, wanted to carry off one of them, and being remonstrated with, he replied: Why! nobody belongs to ’em! To break (Nhp. Glo. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev.) is used of things which tear, and conversely, tear is used of things which break, e.g. Please, governess, her’s a-broke my jacket. Who’ve a-bin an’ a-tord the winder? He wadn a-tord ’smornin’. Few in many dialects is used in speaking of liquid food, more especially of broth, e.g. Will ye hev a few mair broth? Just (Nhb. Der. Gmg. Pem.) implies nearly, almost, e.g. She’ve a just cut her hand off, means she has narrowly missed doing so; partly (Yks. Chs. Der. Oxf. Brks. Hnt.) is similarly used, e.g. He’s partly ten years old. It is also often used as a termination to a sentence, much in the same way as like, or in a manner of speaking and other phrases intended to round off the angles of a too explicit statement, e.g. Well, ah thenk a’d a-coom if his woife ’ud a-let him, paartly. To want (Sc. Irel. and n. dialects) signifies to do or be without, to be free from, e.g. She never knew what it was to want a headache; to half do a thing (Oxf.), used with a negative, implies an excessive amount of energy in the performance of the action, e.g. She didn’t half cry, means that she made a tremendous noise; while (Sc. n.midl. and e.An.) means until. A north-countryman taking a Sunday-school class ‘down south’ surprised his hearers by saying: Now, boys, I can’t do nothing while you are quiet. An epitaph in a Lancashire church runs:
Sometimes the simplest English words have a unique idiomatic use in different dialects, which might sound odd to us. For example, with belong (Wm. Lin. Stf. Nhp. Som.), property and its owner are swapped, e.g. Who do[Pg 117] belong to these here bulls? A town kid, seeing some geese grazing on the wide expanse of Newby Moor, wanted to take one of them, and when confronted, he replied: Why! nobody belongs to ‘em! To break (Nhp. Glo. Hmp. Wil. Som. Dev.) is used for things that tear, and conversely, tear is used for things that break, e.g. Please, governess, hers a-broke my jacket. Who’ve been and a-tored the window? He wasn’t a-tored this morning. Few in many dialects is used when talking about liquid food, especially broth, e.g. Will you have a few more broth? Just (Nhb. Der. Gmg. Pem.) means nearly or almost, e.g. She just cut her hand off, means she narrowly missed doing so; partly (Yks. Chs. Der. Oxf. Brks. Hnt.) is used similarly, e.g. He’s partly ten years old. It’s also often used at the end of a sentence, much like like or in a manner of speaking and other phrases meant to soften a too explicit statement, e.g. Well, I think I’d have come if his wife would have let him, partly. To want (Sc. Irel. and some dialects) means to be without or free from, e.g. She never knew what it was to want a headache; to half do something (Oxf.), used with a negative, implies an excessive amount of effort in the action, e.g. She didn’t half cry, means she made a tremendous noise; while (Sc. n.midl. and e.An.) means until. A north-countryman taking a Sunday school class ‘down south’ surprised his audience by saying: Now, boys, I can’t do anything while you are quiet. An epitaph in a Lancashire church reads:
Another, commemorating a married pair in Lincolnshire, is as follows:
Another, commemorating a married couple in Lincolnshire, is as follows:
This use of while was once literary, and occurs in Shakespeare’s Plays. The conjunctions if, and, used as present participles, form an expression denoting hesitation, e.g. I axed that ŏŏman about the weshin’, an’ after a good bit o’ iftin’-an’-andin’ ’er said ’er’d come—but ’er didna seem to car’ about it (Shr.). Neighbour, used as a verb, is very common in the sense of associate with, visit, go about gossiping, e.g. I give them the time o’ day, but I don’t neighbour with any of them.
This use of while used to be literary and shows up in Shakespeare’s plays. The conjunctions if and and, when used as present participles, create an expression that indicates hesitation, for example, I asked that woman about the washing, and after a long bit of if-ing and and-ing she said she’d come—but she didn’t seem to care about it (Shr.). Neighbour, used as a verb, is very common in the sense of associating with, visiting, or gossiping, e.g. I give them the time of day, but I don’t neighbour with any of them.
Then there are an almost unlimited number of dialect terms which sound like familiar forms in standard English speech, but which are in reality words of totally different origin and meaning. Agate is a very common adverb in all the north-country dialects, meaning on the way, afoot, astir, &c., concerning which a story is told of a farmer’s wife giving her instructions to a new, south-country servant thus: Thoo mun git a-gait i’ good tahm i’ t’mornin’ an’ leet t’fires. The poor girl was seen wandering about the fields in the early morning, and when the mistress appeared and reproached her for the unlighted fires, she explained that she had been searching in vain for an old gate to break up and use for kindling. A villager meeting the new curate accosted him with: ‘Ah see you’re a-gait.’ ‘No,’ replied the parson in an indignant tone, ‘I’m the curate.’ A badger (n. and midl. counties) is a corn dealer, or a huckster, a very old term, found in early English Dictionaries; a banker (Yks. Stf. Lin.) is a navvy, a drain-and ditch-digger. The judge and bar were puzzled by being told that a disreputable fellow whom the police had found asleep under a stack was a banker. ‘A banker!’ exclaimed the judge. ‘Yes, sur, and he is a banker, that I’ll take my Bible oath on, for I seed him mellin’ doon kids at the stathe end not ower three weeks sin’,’ replied the witness, and an interpreter had to be found in court to explain to the men of law that the witness had described a navvy occupied in hammering down faggots supporting the foreshore of a river. A banker-mason (Rut.) is one who works fine stone: We call them as chops stones for walls, choppers-[Pg 119]and-wallers. If you called a banker-mason a chopper-and-waller, he’d look awkward [annoyed]. To boast (w.Yks.) is to dress stone with a chisel, which chisel is termed a boaster; a bounder (Cor.) is the holder of a tin-bound or parcel of land in the tin-mines; a damsel (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Chs.) is a damson plum, e.g. Fine fresh damsels at sixpence a peck; a dodger (Ken.) is a night-cap; a fresher (e.An.) is a young frog; a humbug (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. War. Wor. Hrf. Glo. Wil. Dev.) is a particular kind of sweetmeat, varying in different localities. A well-known vendor of humbugs, familiarly called Dan, until a few years ago regularly plied his trade on the platform of Shipley station, and was wont to relate with pride that he had once sent a parcel of his wares to Her Majesty Queen Victoria, by the hand of Princess Beatrice. Love (Ess.) means lather, soap-suds; an old maid (Wor. Glo.) is a horse-fly; to peck (Wor. Oxf. Brks. Sus. Wil.) is to use a pickaxe. In a case of manslaughter the witness giving evidence remarked: You see he pecked he with a peck, and he pecked he with a peck, and if he’d pecked he with his peck as hard as he pecked he with his peck, he would have killed he, and not he he. Raps (Chs. War. Shr.) are sports, games, fun of any kind, e.g. It wuz rar’ raps to ’ear the ’unters shoutin’ to the scar-crow to know which way the fox went; shale (w.Yks.) denotes a fire-lighter, made by cutting down a piece of soft deal wood into something resembling a tree-fern. A showman proclaimed that within his show we were to be told something worth a pound for a penny. Inside was a man cutting shales, and all he said was: Always cut from you and you’ll never cut yourself. To simper (Irel. w.Yks. e.An.) is to simmer, cp. ‘I symper, as lycour dothe on the fyre before it begynneth to boyle,’ Palsgrave, 1530; a slip (Irel. Pem. I.W. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.) is a young pig; to steal (Yks.) is to put handles on pots. The following conundrum was once very common: As Ah went ower Rummles Moor, Ah pept dahn a nick an’ Ah seed a man steylin’ pots, an’ they wor all his awn. Hah could that be? A wig (in gen. dial. use) is a kind of cake or bun, a plain wig[Pg 120] is a bun without currants, a spice wig is one with currants. The Lincolnshire version of the common nursery rhyme runs as follows:
Then there are nearly endless dialect terms that sound like familiar words in standard English but actually come from entirely different origins and meanings. Agate is a very common adverb in all the northern dialects, meaning on the way, afoot, astir, &c.. There's a story about a farmer's wife giving instructions to a new servant from the south: "You must get going in good time in the morning and light the fires." The poor girl was seen wandering about the fields early in the morning, and when the mistress showed up and scolded her for not lighting the fires, the girl explained that she had been looking for an old gate to break up and use for kindling. A villager approached the new curate and said, "I see you're a-gait." "No," replied the parson indignantly, "I'm the curate." A badger (in n. and midl. counties) is a corn dealer or a huckster, an old term found in early English dictionaries; a banker (from Yks. Stf. Lin.) is a navvy, a drain and ditch digger. The judge and the bar were confused when they were told that a disreputable guy whom the police had found asleep under a stack was a banker. "A banker!" exclaimed the judge. "Yes, sir, and he is a banker, I’ll swear on my Bible that I saw him dealing with kids at the stage end not more than three weeks ago," replied the witness, and they had to find an interpreter in court to explain that the witness was describing a navvy working on hammering down faggots supporting the river’s foreshore. A banker-mason (Rut.) is someone who works with fine stone: We call them choppers and wallers for stone walls. If you called a banker-mason a chopper-and-waller, he'd look uncomfortable [annoyed]. To boast (w.Yks.) means to dress stone with a chisel, which is called a boaster; a bounder (Cor.) is the holder of tin-bound land or a parcel of land in the tin-mines; a damsel (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Yks. Lan. Chs.) is a damson plum, for example, "Fine fresh damsels at sixpence a peck"; a dodger (Ken.) is a nightcap; a fresher (e.An.) is a young frog; a humbug (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Lin. War. Wor. Hrf. Glo. Wil. Dev.) is a specific type of sweet, which varies by location. A well-known vendor of humbugs, casually called Dan, used to regularly sell his goods at Shipley station, and he liked to brag that he once sent a parcel of his sweets to Queen Victoria through Princess Beatrice. Love (Ess.) means lather or soap suds; an old maid (Wor. Glo.) is a horse-fly; to peck (Wor. Oxf. Brks. Sus. Wil.) means to use a pickaxe. In a manslaughter trial, a witness remarked: "You see, he pecked him with a peck, and he pecked him with a peck, and if he had pecked him with his peck as hard as he pecked him with his peck, he would have killed him, and not him!" Raps (Chs. War. Shr.) are sports, games, or fun of any kind, e.g., "It was rare raps to hear the hunters shouting to the scarecrow to know which way the fox went;" shale (w.Yks.) refers to a fire-lighter made by cutting down a piece of soft wood into something resembling a tree fern. A showman announced that inside his show we would learn something worth a pound for just a penny. Inside was a man cutting shales, and all he said was: "Always cut away from you, and you’ll never cut yourself." To simper (Irel. w.Yks. e.An.) means to simmer, cp. ‘I simmer, like liquid does on the fire before it starts to boil.,’ Palsgrave, 1530; a slip (Irel. Pem. I.W. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor.) is a young pig; to steal (Yks.) means to put handles on pots. The following riddle was once very common: "As I went over Rummles Moor, I looked down a nick and I saw a man stealing pots, and they were all his own. How could that be?" A wig (in gen. dial. use) is a type of cake or bun, a plain wig is a bun without currants, and a spice wig is one with currants. The Lincolnshire version of the common nursery rhyme goes like this:
The ordinary version substitutes ‘pig’ for ‘wig’, and makes Tom’s father a ‘piper’. It is a question for textual critics to settle, but natural sequence of idea and detail is on the side of the ‘wig’-version being the original one; and it is easy to see how in a literary nursery, authority would say that the most omnivorous of small boys could not eat a periwig, and therefore the word must be pig. This change once made, Tom’s father becomes a piper for the sake of alliteration, rather than because there is any historical connexion between a piper and a pig.
The common version replaces ‘wig’ with ‘pig’ and turns Tom’s father into a ‘piper’. It’s up to textual critics to figure it out, but the natural flow of ideas suggests that the original was the ‘wig’ version. It’s easy to understand how, in a literary kids' setting, authority would argue that the hungriest of little boys couldn’t eat a periwig, so the word must be pig. Once that change is made, Tom’s father becomes a piper just for the alliteration, not because there’s any historical link between a piper and a pig.
CHAPTER IX
ALLITERATIVE AND RHYMING PHRASES AND COMPOUNDS
A love of alliteration and rhyme in phrase and compound has always been characteristic of English as a whole. We tend naturally to say weary and worn, or sad and sorrowful, and we cling to compounds like helter-skelter and pell-mell. We even begin the education of our babies by teaching them to call a dog a bow-wow, and a horse a gee-gee. It is not, therefore, surprising to find this prevalence still more marked in the dialects, where all normal tendencies have fuller sway than in the standard language. Some of the alliterative compounds are very expressive. A few examples are: chim-cham (Som. Dev.), undecided talk, e.g. You niver can’t get no sense like out o’ un, cause he’s always so vull o’ chim-cham, which was said of a certain candidate for Parliament; easy-osie (Sc.), easy-going, e.g. He was an easy-osie bodie, a kind of we’ve-aye-been-providit-for-and-sae-will-we-yet sort of man; feery-fary (Sc.), tumult, noise, passion, cp. ‘Cupido ... Quha reft me, and left me In sik a feirie-farye,’ Montgomerie, Cherrie, 1597; flim-flam (Som. Dev.), idle talk, nonsense, e.g. Don’t thee ever tell up no such flim-flam stuff, else nobody ’ont never harky to thee, nif ever thee’s a-got wit vor to tell sense; giddle-gaddle (Yks. Chs.), a contrivance used instead of a stile or gate, an effective bar to cattle and a trial to stout persons; giff-gaff (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Lei.), mutual obligation, reciprocity, used especially in the proverbial saying: giff-gaff makes good friends. A farmer said in reference to a douceur which his landlord’s agent appeared to expect: Chiff-chaff, feer an’ squeer, that’s roight enew, but this here giff-gaff grease i’ fist sort o’ woo’k doon’t dew for may. The word is found as far back as the year 1549 in one of Latimer’s sermons: ‘Giffe gafe was a good felow, this gyffe gaffe led them clene from iustice.’[Pg 122] Hiver-hover (Stf. War. Wor. Shr.), wavering, undecided, e.g. Did’n yo goo? No, I wuz ’iver-’over about it fur a bit, but as I said I oodna, I didna; kim-kam (Shr.), awry, perverse; midge-madge (I.W. Som.), confusion, disorder, e.g. Go home hon a will, ’tis always the same, all to a midge-madge, and her away neighbourin’; miff-maff (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.), nonsense, foolishness; mingle-mangle (Sc. Lan. Lei. Nhp.), a medley, a confused mixture, cp. ‘Centon, a mingle-mangle of many matters in one book,’ Cotgr.; nilder-nalder (Yks.), to idle, to waste time, to pace along idly, e.g. Nilder-naldering and sinter-sauntering; pip-pop (Bck.), a swing-gate, such as is called in many dialects a kissing-gate; reel-rall (Sc. Irel.), a state of confusion, disturbance; trinkum-trankums (Sc. Cum. Lan. Chs. e.An.), trinkets, gewgaws; wee-wow (Chs. War. Wor. Shr. e.An. Som. Dev. Cor.), crooked, ill-balanced, unsteady, e.g. I knowed well enough that loäd ŏŏd never raich wham, it wuz all wee-wow afore it lef’ the fild. As a noun it is common in the phrase: all of a wee-wow. It can also signify squinting, e.g. ’Er babby’s eyes is drefful wee-wow-like. Dr. Johnson exhibits some contempt for this type of word, as for example: ‘Twittletwattle. n.s. [A ludicrous reduplication of twattle.] Tattle, gabble. A vile word.’ Cp. Twattle (Yks.), foolish talk, gossip.
A love for alliteration and rhyme in phrases and compound words has always been a characteristic of English as a whole. We naturally tend to say weary and worn, or sad and sorrowful, and we hold on to compounds like helter-skelter and pell-mell. We even start teaching our babies to call a dog a bow-wow and a horse a gee-gee. So, it's not surprising to see this tendency even more pronounced in dialects, where all normal tendencies have a stronger influence than in standard language. Some of the alliterative compounds are very expressive. A few examples are: chim-cham (Som. Dev.), undecided talk, e.g. You can never get any sense out of him because he's always full of chim-cham, which was said of a certain candidate for Parliament; easy-osie (Sc.), easy-going, e.g. He was an easy-osie guy, a kind of we’ve-always-been-provided-for-and-so-will-we sort of man; feery-fary (Sc.), tumult, noise, passion, cp. ‘Cupid... Who took me away and left me in such a wild state.,’ Montgomerie, Cherrie, 1597; flim-flam (Som. Dev.), idle talk, nonsense, e.g. Don’t you ever say any flim-flam stuff like that, or nobody will ever listen to you, if you’ve got wit enough to say sense; giddle-gaddle (Yks. Chs.), a contrivance used instead of a stile or gate, an effective barrier for cattle and a trial for stout people; giff-gaff (Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Lei.), mutual obligation, reciprocity, especially used in the saying: giff-gaff makes good friends. A farmer referred to a little gift his landlord’s agent seemed to expect by saying: Chiff-chaff, fair enough, but this here giff-gaff grease in hand sort of work doesn’t do for me. The term dates back to 1549 in one of Latimer’s sermons: ‘Giffe gafe was a good guy, but this gyffe gaffe completely led them away from justice.’[Pg 122] Hiver-hover (Stf. War. Wor. Shr.), wavering, undecided, e.g. Did you go? No, I was wavering about it for a bit, but as I said I shouldn’t, I didn’t; kim-kam (Shr.), awry, perverse; midge-madge (I.W. Som.), confusion, disorder, e.g. Go home on a will, it’s always the same, all to a midge-madge, and her away neighborin’; miff-maff (n.Cy. Yks. Lan.), nonsense, foolishness; mingle-mangle (Sc. Lan. Lei. Nhp.), a medley, a confusing mixture, cp. ‘Centon, a collection of various topics in one book,’ Cotgr.; nilder-nalder (Yks.), to idle, waste time, to stroll idly, e.g. Nilder-naldering and sinter-sauntering; pip-pop (Bck.), a swing-gate, often called a kissing-gate in many dialects; reel-rall (Sc. Irel.), a state of confusion, disturbance; trinkum-trankums (Sc. Cum. Lan. Chs. e.An.), trinkets, gewgaws; wee-wow (Chs. War. Wor. Shr. e.An. Som. Dev. Cor.), crooked, unsteady, e.g. I knew well enough that load would never reach home, it was all wee-wow before it left the field. As a noun, it’s common in the phrase: all of a wee-wow. It can also mean squinting, e.g. ‘Her baby’s eyes are dreadfully wee-wow-like.’ Dr. Johnson shows some contempt for this type of word, as in: ‘Twittletwattle. n.s. [A silly repetition of twattle.] Tattle, gabble. A vile word.’ Cp. Twattle (Yks.), foolish talk, gossip.
In some dialects even the cat takes up the alliterative tale; the purring sound she makes is called three thrums (Sc. Cum. Yks. Chs. Lin.), and when children beg to be told what she sings, Pussy’s song put into words is: Three threads in a thrum, Three threads in a thrum.
In some dialects, even the cat gets in on the alliterative story; the sound she makes when she purrs is called three thrums (Sc. Cum. Yks. Chs. Lin.), and when kids ask to know what she’s singing, Pussy’s song in words is: Three threads in a thrum, Three threads in a thrum.
It is very common to find two verbs of similar meaning coupled together by and, as for instance: to blare and blore, of cattle, to bellow, low. A Lincolnshire preacher, discoursing on Saul’s capture of Agag said: You seä Samuel was a prophet o’ th’ Loord, an’ was not to be sucked in wi’ Saul’s lees, soä he said unto him: ‘Saul,’ says he, ‘your goin’ about to tell me ’at you’d dun as the Lord tell’d ye is all a heap o’ noht at all. Do ye think I can’t hear them theare[Pg 123] beäs blarin’ an’ bloorin’, an’ them sheäp bealin’ oot? Naaither God nor me is deäf, man.’ To chop and change is so common as to have become a colloquialism. It is a very old phrase, occurring as far back as fifteenth-century English literature. Tusser has: ‘... chopping and changing I cannot commend with theefe and his marrow, for feare of ill end.’ To glop and gauve (Yks.) means to stare stupidly, gaze open-mouthed; to glunch and gloom (Sc.), is to look surly or sulky, to whine, grumble; to peak and pine is to waste away, cp. ‘Weary se’nnights nine times nine Shall he dwindle, peak, and pine,’ Macbeth, I. iii. 23; to pell and pelfer (Chs.) is to eat daintily, to pick and choose when eating; to quimble and quamble is to fondle, caress; to rap and ran or rein (Lakel. Yks. Ess.), rap and rear (Lin.), rap and reeve (Cum.), are all expressions signifying to seize with violence, get by any means, fair or foul; to rap and rend (Sc. n.Cy. Shr. Hrf. e.An.) has the same meaning, but can also bear the sense of to destroy property, waste. Dr. Johnson has: ‘To Rap and rend [more properly rap and ran ...] To seize by violence,’ exemplified by a quotation from Butler’s Hudibras. To rug and rive (Sc. n.Cy.) is to pull and tear, to drag forcibly. A Northumbrian proverbial saying is: Like the butter of Halterburn, it would neither rug nor rive, nor cut with a knife—it was confounded. To screw and scruple (Brks.) is to beat down in price; to steven and stoor (Yks.) of the wind, is to howl and bluster. To tew and tave (n.Cy. Lin. Dor. Som.) is to toss, to throw the hands wildly about as a person in fever does; to tug and tew (Yks.) is to toil, to work hard and incessantly, e.g. T’poar slave mun tug an’ tew wi’t wark Wolivver shoo can crawl; to twist and twine (Nhb. Cum. Yks.) is to whine, cry, to be peevish and out of temper; squetched and skywannocked (Lin.) signifies all awry; to meddle or (and) make (in gen. dial. use) is to interfere in matters which do not concern one—the phrase is generally used in the negative, as in the old Berkshire proverb: Quoth the young cock, I’ll neither meddle nor make.
It’s pretty common to see two verbs with similar meanings linked by and, like: to blare and bloor, regarding cattle, meaning to bellow or low. A preacher from Lincolnshire, talking about Saul capturing Agag, said: “You see, Samuel was a prophet of the Lord, and wasn’t about to be fooled by Saul’s lies, so he said to him: ‘Saul,’ he said, ‘your claim that you’ve done what the Lord told you is just a load of nonsense. Do you think I can’t hear those beasts [Pg 123] blaring and blooring, and those sheep bleating? Neither God nor I are deaf, man.’ To chop and change is so common it’s become a saying. It’s a very old phrase, appearing all the way back in fifteenth-century English literature. Tusser wrote: ‘... I can’t endorse the constant switching because of the thief and his intentions, for fear of a bad outcome.’ To glop and gauve (Yks.) means to stare blankly, to gaze open-mouthed; to glunch and gloom (Sc.) means to look sour or sulky, to whine, or grumble; to peak and pine means to waste away, cp. ‘Tired for nine times nine weeks, he will waste away, grow thin, and suffer.,’ Macbeth, I. iii. 23; to pell and pelfer (Chs.) is to eat delicately, to pick and choose when eating; to quimble and quamble is to caress or fondle; to rap and ran or rein (Lakel. Yks. Ess.), rap and rear (Lin.), rap and reeve (Cum.), are all expressions meaning to seize with force, to get by any means necessary; to rap and rend (Sc. n.Cy. Shr. Hrf. e.An.) has the same meaning, but can also imply destroying property or wasting it. Dr. Johnson states: ‘To Rap and rend [more correctly rap and ran ...] To seize by violence,’ illustrated by a quote from Butler’s Hudibras. To rug and rive (Sc. n.Cy.) means to pull and tear, to drag forcefully. A Northumbrian saying goes: Like the butter of Halterburn, it neither rug nor rive, nor cuts with a knife—it was awful. To screw and scruple (Brks.) means to lower prices; to steven and stoor (Yks.) regarding the wind means to howl and bluster. To tew and tave (n.Cy. Lin. Dor. Som.) means to toss about, moving one’s arms wildly like someone who’s feverish; to tug and tew (Yks.) means to work hard and nonstop, e.g., T’poar slave mun tug an’ tew wi’t wark Wolivver shoo can crawl; to twist and twine (Nhb. Cum. Yks.) means to whine or cry, to be cranky and temperamental; squetched and skywannocked (Lin.) means all messed up; to meddle or (and) make (in gen. dial. use) means to interfere in things that aren’t one's business—the phrase is usually used negatively, as in the old Berkshire saying: Quoth the young cock, I’ll neither meddle nor make.
In the same way two nouns beginning with the same letter[Pg 124] are yoked together to form a phrase, as for example: care and cark (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Glo. Suf. I.W. Som.), anxiety, sorrow; by raff and reng (Yks.), by little and little; scrap and screed (Wm.), every particle, e.g. He’s geean, an’ teean iv’ry scrap an’ screed he could lig hands on. I’ve neither brass nor benediction (Yks.) means I am quite destitute. Of a total disappearance it may be said: There was nowther head nor hair on’t, moit nor doit (n.Yks.).
In the same way, two nouns starting with the same letter[Pg 124] are paired together to create a phrase, like: care and worry (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Yks. Lan. Glo. Suf. I.W. Som.), anxiety, sorrow; bit by bit (Yks.) means gradually; every little bit (Wm.), every small part, e.g., He’s taken every little bit he could get his hands on. I’ve got no money or blessings (Yks.) means I am completely broke. About a total disappearance, one might say: There was neither head nor tail to it, not a trace (n.Yks.).
Beside these are the rhyming words and phrases, such as: argle-bargle (Sc. Lin.), to argue; crawly-mawly (e.An.), poorly, ailing; dimmy-simmy (Shr.), languishing, affected; eeksie-peeksie (Sc.), equal, on an equality; ham-sam (Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), adv. irregularly, confusedly; hanchum-scranshum (Lin.), bewilderment, confusion; havey-cavey (Yks. Lan. Der. Nhp.), unsteady, trembling in the balance; hay-bay (Lakel. Cum. Yks.), a hubbub, uproar, commotion; hirdum-dirdum (Sc. Lan.), confused, noisy mirth; how-skrow (Lakel.), disorder, a state of confusion, e.g. It’s cleenin’ time an’ we’re o in a how-skrow; kabbie-labby (Sc.), an altercation, wrangle; mimpsy-pimsey (Dev.), fastidious, affected, e.g. Whot a poor mimpsey-pimsey craycher ’tez, tü be sure; nibby-gibby (Cor.), a narrow escape; otty-motty (Chs. Der.), suspense, e.g. Keepin’ him in otty-motty, an noather tellin’ him one thing or another—it’s enough to vex annybody; pinky-winky (n.Cy. Lan. Nhp.), very small; quavery-mavery (e.An.), undecided, hesitating; rory-tory (Som. Dev. Cor.), loud, noisy, also gaudy, tawdry, e.g. Of all the rory-tory bonnets ever you zeed, Mrs. Vickery’s beat ’em all, he was all the colours of the rainbow. The word occurs in Fielding’s Jonathan Wild, cp. ‘Cavaliers and rory-tory ranter boys.’ Tacky-lacky (Som. Dev.), a drudge, a person at every one’s beck and call, e.g. Poor maid, her’s tacky-lacky to all the tother sarvunts.
Beside these are the rhyming words and phrases, such as: argle-bargle (Sc. Lin.), to argue; crawly-mawly (e.An.), poorly, ailing; dimmy-simmy (Shr.), languishing, affected; eeksie-peeksie (Sc.), equal, on an equality; ham-sam (Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.), adv. irregularly, confusedly; hanchum-scranshum (Lin.), bewilderment, confusion; havey-cavey (Yks. Lan. Der. Nhp.), unsteady, trembling in the balance; hay-bay (Lakel. Cum. Yks.), a hubbub, uproar, commotion; hirdum-dirdum (Sc. Lan.), confused, noisy mirth; how-skrow (Lakel.), disorder, a state of confusion, e.g. It’s cleaning time and we’re all in a how-skrow; kabbie-labby (Sc.), an altercation, wrangle; mimpsy-pimsey (Dev.), fastidious, affected, e.g. What a poor mimpsy-pimsey creature it is, to be sure; nibby-gibby (Cor.), a narrow escape; otty-motty (Chs. Der.), suspense, e.g. Keeping him in otty-motty, and not telling him one thing or another—it’s enough to irritate anybody; pinky-winky (n.Cy. Lan. Nhp.), very small; quavery-mavery (e.An.), undecided, hesitating; rory-tory (Som. Dev. Cor.), loud, noisy, also gaudy, tawdry, e.g. Of all the rory-tory bonnets you've ever seen, Mrs. Vickery’s beats them all, she was all the colors of the rainbow. The word occurs in Fielding’s Jonathan Wild, cp. ‘Cavaliers and rory-tory ranter boys.’ Tacky-lacky (Som. Dev.), a drudge, a person at everyone’s beck and call, e.g. Poor maid, she's tacky-lacky to all the other servants.
To biver and wiver (Ken. Dev.) means to shake and tremble, e.g. Aw, Loramassy, Joan, ’ow you did stertlee me! I’ve abin a-bivering an’ a-wivering iver zince. Yü shüde be more thortvul; to blare and stare (War. Glo.) is to wander[Pg 125] about, e.g. What bist a blarin’ and starin’ thur for?; to codge and modge (War.) is to muddle and cobble, e.g. You’ve codged and modged this sewing pretty well; to haggle and jaggle (Yks. Lakel.) is to quarrel; to holler and boller (Lei.) is to shout, halloo, e.g. They was a-’ollerin’ an’ a-bollerin’, yo moight a-’eern ’em a moile off; to moil and toil (in gen. dial. use) is to work hard, e.g. Yo met’n mwoil an’ toil a couple o’ ’ours, an’ ’ardly get a wisket full. Tusser tells us in his autobiographical poem:
To biver and wiver (Ken. Dev.) means to shake and tremble, e.g. Aw, goodness, Joan, you really startled me! I’ve been shivering and trembling ever since. You should be more thoughtful; to blare and stare (War. Glo.) is to wander around, e.g. Why are you blaring and staring over there?; to codge and modge (War.) is to muddle and cobble, e.g. You’ve done a pretty good job of codging and modging this sewing; to haggle and jaggle (Yks. Lakel.) is to quarrel; to holler and boller (Lei.) is to shout, e.g. They were hollering and boller-ing, you could hear them a mile away; to moil and toil (in gen. dial. use) is to work hard, e.g. You’re met with moil and toil a couple of hours and hardly get a basket full. Tusser tells us in his autobiographical poem:
To rape and scrape (Chs. Not. Glo. e.An.) is to scrape together, to get by any means in one’s power; to raunch and scraunch (War. Shr.) is to snatch greedily, e.g. Look at that ŏŏman [a gleaner] raunchin’ an’ scraunchin’, ’er’ll be all o’er the fild afore the others bin in at the gate; to slave and drave (Wil.) is to toil; shaffling and haffling (Chs.) means acting in an undecided, shilly-shallying way; wafting and draughting (Chs.) means bustling about; to wink and skrink (Cor.) means to make signs by winking. The following story is told of a Cornish lad: he had been left in charge of the Sunday dinner whilst the family were at church, and like King Alfred, he let it burn. He repaired to the church, and endeavoured by his energetic signs from the porch, to draw out the housewife. She in turn made signs to him to wait, when, growing impatient, he cried out: ‘Yiew may winky and skrinky as long as yiew du plase, but the figgy dowdy [plum pudding] is burnt gin the crock.’
To rape and scrape (Chs. Not. Glo. e.An.) means to scrape together, to manage by any means possible; to raunch and scraunch (War. Shr.) means to snatch greedily, e.g. Look at that girl [a gleaner] raunchin’ and scraunchin’, she’ll be all over the field before the others even get in at the gate; to slave and drave (Wil.) means to work hard; shaffling and haffling (Chs.) means acting in an indecisive, wishy-washy manner; wafting and draughting (Chs.) means moving around busily; to wink and skrink (Cor.) means to make signs by winking. The following story is told of a Cornish boy: he had been left in charge of the Sunday dinner while the family was at church, and like King Alfred, he let it burn. He went to the church and tried energetically to signal to the housewife from the porch. She, in turn, motioned for him to wait, when, growing impatient, he shouted: ‘You may wink and squint all you want, but the figgy dowdy [plum pudding] is burnt in the pot.’
By habs and nabs (Yks. Lin.), and by hobs and jobs (Shr.) are phrases signifying little by little, bit by bit; by hulch and by stulch (Chs.) is equivalent to by hook or by crook; hitheracs and skitheracs (Yks.) are odds and ends.
By habs and nabs (Yks. Lin.), and by hobs and jobs (Shr.) are phrases meaning little by little, bit by bit; by hulch and by stulch (Chs.) is similar to by hook or by crook; hitheracs and skitheracs (Yks.) are odds and ends.
CHAPTER X
Phonology and Grammar
The average educated Englishman has no accurate conception of what a dialect really is, beyond a vague notion that the term covers a mass of barbarisms, corruptions, and mispronunciations of the King’s English, devoid of any order or system, and used by the illiterate rustic in a haphazard fashion with no regard to consistency. But as we have already seen in Chapter VII, in very many cases it is the standard language which contains the anomalies and the corruptions, whilst the correct forms have been handed down in the dialects where systematic sound-laws and exact grammatical rules have been regularly developed and carried out unhampered by the arbitrary rules of fashion, or the regulations of a stereotyped spelling 400 years behind the pronunciation. As Max Müller puts it: ‘the real and natural life of language is in its dialects,’ The Science of Language, vol. i, p. 55.
The average educated English person doesn’t really understand what a dialect is, other than a vague idea that it refers to a bunch of mistakes, misuses, and mispronunciations of proper English, lacking any order or system, and used by uneducated people in a random manner without any consistency. However, as we’ve seen in Chapter VII, in many cases it’s the standard language that has the inconsistencies and errors, while the correct forms have been preserved in dialects where systematic sound rules and precise grammatical guidelines have been regularly developed and followed without being affected by arbitrary fashion rules or outdated spelling standards that are 400 years behind current pronunciation. As Max Müller puts it: ‘the real and natural life of language is in its dialects,’ The Science of Language, vol. i, p. 55.
A dialect may be defined as one of the subordinate forms or varieties of a language arising from local peculiarities of pronunciation, vocabulary, and idiom, or as that form or idiom of a language peculiar to a limited region or people, as distinguished from the literary language of the whole people. Hitherto we have been concerned chiefly with the second of these three characteristics of a dialect, namely vocabulary, but we will now consider in some detail the first on the list, namely pronunciation, and here we cannot fail to be struck by the wonderful uniformity and regularity of the sound-system of modern dialects.
A dialect can be defined as one of the lesser forms or variations of a language that come from local differences in pronunciation, vocabulary, and idiom, or as the specific form or idiom of a language that is unique to a specific area or group of people, as opposed to the standard literary language used by the entire population. Up to now, we have mainly focused on the second characteristic of a dialect, which is vocabulary, but we will now take a closer look at the first characteristic on the list, which is pronunciation. Here, we can't help but notice the amazing uniformity and consistency of the sound systems in modern dialects.
To classify the modern dialects of a country is a difficult and unsatisfactory task. If we possessed about three hundred detailed grammars of the principal English dialects[Pg 127] spoken in the United Kingdom, and could find hundreds of competent people willing to answer queries about difficult or doubtful points, it might be possible to furnish a classification which would be tolerably accurate. But this is a state of things never likely to be realized. Though a great deal has been done in collecting material, it is as yet insufficient to enable any one to give the exact geographical area over which many of the grammatical phenomena extend, hence the boundaries given in the classification of our dialects are more or less roughly drawn. For all practical purposes we may divide the English dialects into the following seven groups:
Classifying the modern dialects of a country is a tough and often unfulfilling job. If we had around three hundred detailed grammars of the main English dialects[Pg 127] spoken in the United Kingdom, and could find hundreds of knowledgeable people willing to answer questions about tricky or unclear points, it might be possible to create a classification that would be fairly accurate. But this situation is unlikely to happen. While a lot of effort has been put into gathering material, it’s still not enough for anyone to pinpoint the exact geographical areas where many of the grammatical features occur, so the boundaries in our dialect classification are somewhat roughly drawn. For all practical purposes, we can divide English dialects into the following seven groups:
(1) Scottish, including n.Nhb. and n.Cum. Here literary English a has a tendency to become à before a single nasal in such words as can, man. The sound is generally represented in books by o, as con, mon. O.E. æ (a) in originally open syllables and O.E. ā have fallen together, as name, hame (O.E. nama, hām), lit. Eng. name, home. O.E. o in originally open syllables and O.E. ā are still kept apart, as kōl, hame (O.E. colu, hām), lit. Eng. coal, home. O.E. i and u have not been diphthongized before a following nd as in lit. Eng. O.E. u has become ɒ [the sound in sun] as in lit. Eng. O.E. ū has generally remained, but in s.Sc. it has become ɒu [the sound in cow] when final. In Sc. medial d has disappeared after n in such words as cinder, wonder. Final l has generally disappeared after a guttural vowel, as ā, fū, lit. Eng. all, full. r is strongly trilled in all positions.
(1) Scottish, including n.Nhb. and n.Cum. Here, literary English a tends to become à before a single nasal in words like can and man. This sound is usually shown in books as o, like in con and mon. O.E. æ (a) in originally open syllables and O.E. ā have merged, as in name and home (O.E. nama, home), lit. Eng. name and home. O.E. o in originally open syllables and O.E. ā are still distinguished, as in kōl and home (O.E. colu, home), lit. Eng. coal and home. O.E. i and u have not become diphthongs before a following nd, as in lit. Eng. O.E. u has turned into ɒ [the sound in sun] while lit. Eng. O.E. ū has generally stayed the same, but in s.Sc. it has become ɒu [the sound in cow] at the end. In Sc., the medial d has vanished after n in words like cinder and wonder. Final l has usually disappeared after a guttural vowel, as in ā, fū, lit. Eng. all and full. The r is strongly trilled in all positions.
(2) North-country, meaning Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. (except sw. and s.Yks.), and the northern portion of Lancashire. O.E. i has remained before nd, e.g. a word like blind rhymes with lit. Eng. wind sb. O.E. u has generally remained, and also when followed by nd. In words like cup, summer, pound (O.E. pund), the u has the sound of the u in lit. Eng. pull. O.E. ū has generally remained as in hūs, ūt, lit. Eng. house, out. r is uvular in Nhb. and parts of Dur. This is called ‘the Northumberland burr’.
(2) North-country, meaning Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. (except sw. and s.Yks.), and the northern part of Lancashire. O.E. i has stayed the same before nd, for example, a word like blind rhymes with lit. Eng. wind sb. O.E. u has mostly remained the same, even when followed by nd. In words like cup, summer, pound (O.E. pundit), the u sounds like the u in lit. Eng. pull. O.E. ū has generally remained as in house, ūp, lit. Eng. house, out. The r is uvular in Nhb. and parts of Dur. This is known as ‘the Northumberland burr’.
(3) North Midland, meaning sw. and s.Yks., the southern[Pg 128] portion of Lan. I.Ma. Chs. n.Wal. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Rut. Lei. Shr. O.E. a has become e before g in parts of Yks. and Lan. as dreg, reg, lit. Eng. drag, rag. O.E. a(o) has in several of these dialects become u or ɒ before ng in such words as long, wrong. This pronunciation has been taken over into the standard language in among, -monger, mongrel. O.E. e in originally open syllables, Germanic ǣ and O.E. ǣ (= i-umlaut of ā) are still kept apart in several dialects, whereas in lit. Eng. they have fallen together, e.g. steal, sleep, heal (O.E. stelan, slǣpan, hǣlan beside hāl).
(3) North Midland, meaning sw. and s.Yks., the southern[Pg 128] part of Lan. I.Ma. Chs. n.Wal. Stf. Der. Not. Lin. Rut. Lei. Shr. O.E. a has changed to e before g in some parts of Yks. and Lan. as dregs, reg, lit. Eng. drag, rag. O.E. a(o) has in several of these dialects changed to u or ɒ before ng in words like long, wrong. This pronunciation has been adopted into standard language in among, -monger, mongrel. O.E. e in originally open syllables, Germanic ǣ and O.E. ǣ (= i-umlaut of ā) are still distinguished in several dialects, whereas in lit. Eng. they have merged, e.g. steal, sleep, heal (O.E. stolen, slāpan, heal beside hāl).
(4) South Midland, meaning Nhp. War. Wor. Hrf. Mon. s.Wal. Glo. Oxf. Bck. Bdf. Hrt. Mid. Hnt. O.E. a(o) has become u or ɒ before ŋ in long, wrong, &c. O.E. a has become ā before sp, ss, st, as in lit. Eng. gasp, grass, fast. Initial shr has become sr, as in srimp, srivel, lit. Eng. shrimp, shrivel.
(4) South Midland, meaning Nhp. War. Wor. Hrf. Mon. s.Wal. Glo. Oxf. Bck. Bdf. Hrt. Mid. Hnt. O.E. a(o) has changed to u or ɒ before ŋ in long, wrong, &c. O.E. a has changed to ā before sp, ss, st, as in lit. Eng. gasp, grass, fast. Initial shr has changed to sr, as in srimp, srivel, lit. Eng. shrimp, shrivel.
(5) East-country, meaning Cmb. Nrf. Suf. Ess. O.E. a has become ā before sp, ss, st. O.E. y has become e, as pet (O.E. pytt), lit. Eng. pit, but this e is rapidly disappearing through the influence of the standard language. It has been adopted into lit. Eng. in evil, fledge, merry (O.E. yfel, -flycge, myrige). O.E. ȳ has become ī, as mīs (O.E. mȳs), lit. Eng. mice.
(5) East-country, referring to Cmb. Nrf. Suf. Ess. O.E. a has changed to ā before sp, ss, st. O.E. y has changed to e, like in pet (O.E. pytt), lit. Eng. pit, but this e is quickly fading away due to the influence of the standard language. It has been taken into lit. Eng. in evil, fledge, merry (O.E. yfel, -flycge, my rage). O.E. ȳ has changed to ī, like in meme (O.E. mice), lit. Eng. mice.
(6) South-country, Ken. Sur. Sus. Brks. O.E. a has become ā before sp, ss, st. O.E. æ(a) in originally closed syllables has become e in parts of Kent, as bek, thet (O.E. bæc, þæt), lit. Eng. back, that. Initial þr has become dr, as drī, lit. Eng. three. Initial and medial v has become w in Ken. and e.Sus.
(6) South-country, Ken. Sur. Sus. Brks. O.E. a has become ā before sp, ss, st. O.E. æ(a) in originally closed syllables has become e in parts of Kent, as bek, thet (O.E. back, þæt), lit. Eng. back, that. Initial þr has become dr., as drip, lit. Eng. three. Initial and medial v has become w in Ken. and e.Sus.
(7) South-west-country, meaning I.W. Hmp. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor. O.E. æ(a) has become ǣ before sp, ss, st. O.E. or in the combination or + consonant has become ā in such words as corn, storm. This also occurs in Group 6 above. O.E. i has generally become e before ng or nk, especially in Wil. and Dev. as theng, drenk, lit. Eng. thing, drink. A d has been developed between l—r, r—l, n—r, as pālder, mādl, tailder, kānder, lit. Eng. parlour, marl, tailor, corner. Initial f and s have become v and z in native words[Pg 129] in Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Initial þ [the sound in thin] has become ð [the sound in then] in sm. Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. e.Cor. Initial þr has become dr.
(7) South-west country, referring to I.W. Hmp. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Cor. O.E. æ(a) has changed to ǣ before sp, ss, st. O.E. or in the combination or + consonant has turned into ā in words like corn, storm. This also happens in Group 6 above. O.E. i has mostly changed to e before ng or nk, especially in Wil. and Dev. as theng, drenk, lit. Eng. thing, drink. A d has formed between l—r, r—l, n—r, as polder, maddie, tailored, kinder, lit. Eng. parlour, marl, tailor, corner. Initial f and s have become v and z in native words[Pg 129] in Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. Initial þ [the sound in thin] has changed to ð [the sound in then] in small Hmp. I.W. Wil. Dor. Som. Dev. e.Cor. Initial þr has changed to dr.
The above are the main distinguishing features of the phonology of the dialects as taken in groups, but no such list can adequately represent the range of pronunciation in the dialects taken individually. The extent of this range can be shown by taking a list of common standard English words, where the number of different ways in which they are known to be pronounced in the various dialects has been carefully counted and registered, e.g. all (20), both (27), chamber (23), close (33), clothes (29), coat (20), cold (31), cow (20), cucumber (35), daughter (36), do (17), done (24), earth (44), father (35), gate (30), good (21), have (24), hold (37), home (44), house (29), night (22), oats (30), old (42), one (21), potato (46), so (24), through (29), whole (33), wrong (22).
The above are the main distinguishing features of the phonology of the dialects grouped together, but no list can truly capture the variety of pronunciations found in the individual dialects. This variety can be illustrated by listing common standard English words, where the number of different pronunciations recorded in the various dialects has been carefully counted, e.g. all (20), both (27), chamber (23), close (33), clothes (29), coat (20), cold (31), cow (20), cucumber (35), daughter (36), do (17), done (24), earth (44), father (35), gate (30), good (21), have (24), hold (37), home (44), house (29), night (22), oats (30), old (42), one (21), potato (46), so (24), through (29), whole (33), wrong (22).
The evidence of the pronunciation of words in the different English dialects is of great importance to the student of English philology, as he is thereby often enabled to explain anomalies in the standard language. To take only one instance: philologists have been at a loss to explain why the word oven in lit. Eng. does not rhyme with cloven. The O.E. recorded form is ofen parallel to the past participle clofen, yet while the latter word has followed the normal development, the former has the development not of an original O.E. o, but of u. Now the collected evidence of the dialects goes to show that there must have been beside the recorded O.E. ofen an unrecorded form *ufen from which lit. Eng. oven is quite regularly developed, for the o representing an older u is no more than the old French spelling with which we are familiar in such words as love, come, son, &c.
The way words are pronounced in different English dialects is really important for anyone studying English philology because it often helps clarify inconsistencies in standard English. For example, linguists have struggled to explain why the word oven in lit. Eng. doesn't rhyme with cloven. The O.E. form is oven, which parallels the past participle clofen, yet while the latter has followed the normal progression, the former has evolved from an original O.E. o
We can best compare the phonology of the dialects with that of the standard language by examining the vowels and consonants categorically, and noting some of the differences in development. The following is merely a rough outline[Pg 130] of the subject, and some of the phonological points noticed in the classification of the dialects will not here be repeated.
We can best compare the vowel and consonant sounds of the dialects with those of the standard language by looking at them in categories and highlighting some of the development differences. The following is just a rough outline[Pg 130] of the topic, and some of the phonological points noted in the classification of the dialects won't be repeated here.
Vowels.—(1) a. The sound æ which is regular in lit. Eng. in close syllables such as back, thatch, is rare in the dialects, occurring chiefly in e. and s.Cy. The majority of the dialects have a in this position. The a in open syllables which has become ei in lit. Eng. as in name, shake, has become ē in Sc. n.Cy. and Midl. In s.Sc. and nearly all the other dialects it has become diphthongized to eə or iə, but ai [the sound in time] in Hrt. Lon. Ess. and se.Kent.
Vowels.—(1) a. The sound æ that is common in lit. Eng. in close syllables like back and thatch is uncommon in the dialects, mostly appearing in e. and s.Cy. Most dialects have a in this position. The a in open syllables, which has changed to ei in lit. Eng. as in name and shake, has turned into ē in Sc. n.Cy. and Midl. In s.Sc. and almost all the other dialects, it has become a diphthong like eə or iə, but AI [the sound in time] in Hrt. Lon. Ess. and se.Kent.
(2) e. O.E. e of whatever origin has in close syllables generally had the same development in the dialects as in the standard language, but in many of the s.Sc. e. and sw.Cy. dialects it has become æ [the sound in hat, man]. O.E. e of whatever origin, has in originally open syllables generally had the same development in Sc. n. and s.Cy. as in the standard language, i.e. it has become ī, but in the s.Midl. e.Cy. and sw.Cy. dialects it has mostly become ē, and in the other dialects it has generally been diphthongized into ei or iə, the former occurring especially in the w. and s. portions of Yks., in Lan. n.Stf. and Nhp., and the latter in the remaining portions of Yks. Lan. and in Lin. s.Oxf. and w.Wil.
(2) e. O.E. e of any origin generally developed the same way in close syllables across the dialects as it did in the standard language. However, in many of the s.Sc. e. and sw.Cy. dialects, it has become æ [the sound in hat, man]. The O.E. e of any origin in originally open syllables has generally followed the same development in Sc. n. and s.Cy. as in the standard language, meaning it has become ī. However, in the s.Midl. e.Cy. and sw.Cy. dialects, it has mostly become ē. In other dialects, it has generally turned into a diphthong, either ei or iə, with the former especially occurring in the w. and s. portions of Yks., in Lan. n.Stf. and Nhp., and the latter in the remaining parts of Yks., Lan., as well as in Lin., s.Oxf., and w.Wil..
(3) i. This vowel has generally had the same development in the dialects as in the standard language, but in s.Sc. n.Nhb. n.Cum. Der. and w.Som. it has become e. In most Sc. dialects except in the south, it has become a kind of mixed vowel somewhat resembling the e in German Gabe.
(3) i. This vowel has usually developed the same way in the dialects as it has in the standard language, but in s.Sc. n.Nhb. n.Cum. Der. and w.Som., it has changed to e. In most Sc. dialects, except in the south, it has turned into a sort of mixed vowel somewhat similar to the e in German Gabe.
(4) u. This vowel has had the same development in Sc. n.Nhb. n.Cum. e. s. and sw.Cy. and in some of the s.Midl. dialects as in the standard language, but in the n.Cy. and many of the n.Midl. dialects O.E. u has generally remained unchanged. In some of the n.Midl. and many of the s.Midl. dialects it has become ù, a sound formed with the lips more open than for u, and which acoustically resembles an o-sound. It should be noted that those dialects which have ɒ or ù, generally also have it in those words where the standard language has u, as in bull, put.
(4) u. This vowel has developed similarly in Sc. n.Nhb. n.Cum. e. s. and sw.Cy. and in some of the s.Midl. dialects as it has in the standard language, but in the n.Cy. and many of the n.Midl. dialects O.E. u has mostly stayed the same. In some of the n.Midl. and many of the s.Midl. dialects, it has turned into ù, a sound made with the lips more open than for u, which sounds like an o-sound. It's important to note that those dialects that have ɒ or ù, usually also have it in those words where the standard language has u, such as in bull, put.
(5) y. This vowel has generally had the same development as in the standard language, but in Ken. e.Sc. and e.An. it has regularly become e, which was a characteristic feature of these dialects already in the M.E. period.
(5) y. This vowel has mostly followed the same changes as in the standard language, but in Ken. e.Sc. and e.An. it has consistently become e, which has been a defining trait of these dialects since the M.E. period.
(6) o. In close syllables. This vowel has generally had the same development in the dialects as in the standard language, but in the m.Sc. s.Midl. s. and sw.Cy. dialects there is a tendency to lengthen the vowel in monosyllables, and in some dialects there is also a tendency to change o to a especially before a following p and ft, as shap, tap, craft, lit. Eng. shop, top, croft.
(6) o. In close syllables. This vowel has generally had the same development in the dialects as in the standard language, but in the m.Sc. s.Midl. s. and sw.Cy. dialects, there is a tendency to lengthen the vowel in monosyllables, and in some dialects, there is also a tendency to change o to a, especially before a following p and ft, as in shap, tap, craft, lit. Eng. shop, top, croft.
o. In originally open syllables. In the development of this vowel the dialects differ entirely from the standard language. In the southern portions of Yks. and Lan. it has become oi (parallel with the development of e to ei, v. (2) above), but in all the other dialects it has become long close ō or has become diphthongized to uə (often written oə). It should be noted that in Lan. ne.Der. and all the dialects north of the Humber the development of O.E. o in open syllables and O.E. ā is still kept apart, whereas in all the other parts of England the two sounds have fallen together.
o. In originally open syllables. The way this vowel has developed varies significantly among the dialects compared to the standard language. In the southern parts of Yks. and Lan., it has changed to hey (similar to how e has developed into ei, v. (2) above), but in all the other dialects, it has turned into a long close ō or has diphthongized to uə (often spelled as oə). It’s important to note that in Lan., Der. and all the dialects north of the Humber, the development of O.E. o in open syllables and O.E. ā is still distinguished, whereas in all the other regions of England, the two sounds have merged.
(7) ā. In all the dialects north of the Humber this vowel has had the same development as O.E. a, æ, in open syllables, i.e. it has become ē, eə, or iə(ia), whereas in the dialects south of the Humber the regular development is generally the same as for O.E. o in open syllables.
(7) ā. In all the dialects north of the Humber, this vowel has developed in the same way as O.E. a, æ in open syllables, meaning it has become ē, eə, or iə(ia). In contrast, the dialects south of the Humber generally follow the same pattern as O.E. o in open syllables.
(8) ǣ (= Germanic ǣ, W.S. ǣ, Anglian ē). This vowel has generally had the same development in the dialects as in the standard language, i.e. it has become ī, but in the southern half of England it has not unfrequently become ē or iə, rarely ei, and these diphthongs also occur sporadically as far north as Yorkshire.
(8) ǣ (= Germanic ǣ, W.S. ǣ, Anglian ē). This vowel has generally developed the same way in the dialects as it has in the standard language, meaning it has become ī, but in the southern half of England, it has often turned into ē or iə, and rarely ei, with these diphthongs also appearing sporadically as far north as Yorkshire.
(9) ǣ (= i-umlaut of ā). This vowel has generally had the same development as the preceding one, except that the ē and iə extend over a much wider area, which shows that many dialects still keep these two sounds apart (ǣ¹ and ǣ²).
(9) ǣ (= i-umlaut of ā). This vowel has generally developed similarly to the previous one, except that the ē and iə cover a much larger area, indicating that many dialects still keep these two sounds distinct (ǣ¹ and ǣ²).
(10) ē. This vowel has mostly become ī in the dialects just[Pg 132] as in the standard language, but ei beside ī occurs in nw.Yks. s.Chs. and Lei., and iə beside ī in m.Yks. s.Midl. and sw.Cy.
(10) ē. This vowel has mostly changed to ī in the dialects just[Pg 132] as in the standard language, but ei along with ī appears in nw.Yks. s.Chs. and Lei., and iə alongside ī is found in m.Yks. s.Midl. and sw.Cy.
(11) ī. O.E. ī appears as a diphthong in all the dialects except in those of e. and se. Yks. m. and s.Lan. where we have ā. In Sc. and Nhb. it is mostly ei, but ai is also not uncommon, especially in Frf. Per. Lth. and Edb.; n.Cy. ai; in the Midlands, e. and s.Cy. it is generally oi or a diphthong closely resembling oi; and in sw.Cy. ɒi, which is approximately the same as in the standard language.
(11) ī. O.E. ī shows up as a diphthong in all dialects except in those from e. and se. Yks. m. and s.Lan. where we have ā. In Sc. and Nhb. it's mostly ei, but AI is also pretty common, especially in Frf. Per. Lth. and Edb.; n.Cy. AI; in the Midlands, e. and s.Cy. it’s usually hey or a diphthong that sounds similar to hey; and in sw.Cy. ɒi, which is about the same as in the standard language.
(12) ō. The normal development of this vowel is generally ü or ö (rarely ǖ or œ̄, but ī in ne.Sc.) in Sc.; ǖ in e.Cy.; ǖ beside œ̄ in sw.Cy.; iu beside iə in n.Cy., but sw.Yks. ui; and ū, more rarely iu, in the Midlands; ū, in s.Cy.
(12) ō. The typical evolution of this vowel is usually ü or ö (occasionally ǖ or œ̄, but ī in ne.Sc.) in Sc.; ǖ in e.Cy.; ǖ alongside œ̄ in sw.Cy.; iu next to iə in n.Cy., but sw.Yks. has ui; and ū, more seldom iu, in the Midlands; ū, in s.Cy..
(13) ū. O.E. ū has generally remained in Sc. and n.Cy. (but ɒu in s.Sc. when final) and n.Lin. It has become ā in s. and sw.Yks. and the greater part of Der. and Not.; ǣ in Lan., ɒu in the Midlands, especially in the northern portions, and sw.Cy.; eu in the southern portions of the Midlands, e. and s.Cy. and parts of sw.Cy.
(13) ū. O.E. ū has mostly stayed the same in Sc. and n.Cy. (but it’s ɒu in s.Sc. when at the end) and n.Lin.. It has turned into ā in s. and sw.Yks. and most of Der. and Not.; ǣ in Lan., ɒu in the Midlands, especially in the northern areas, and sw.Cy.; eu in the southern parts of the Midlands, e. and s.Cy. and sections of sw.Cy.
(14) ȳ. This vowel has generally had the same development as O.E. ī, but it has become ī in the eastern counties and also in Glo. Bdf. e.Sus. Dev. and Cor.
(14) ȳ. This vowel has generally followed the same path as O.E. ī, but it has turned into ī in the eastern counties and also in Glo. Bdf. e.Sus. Dev. and Cor.
(15) O.E. e͞a. This diphthong has generally had the same development as O.E. ǣ (= i-umlaut of ā).
(15) O.E. e͞a. This diphthong has generally developed in the same way as O.E. ǣ (= i-umlaut of ā).
(16) O.E. e͞o has generally had the same development as O.E. ē.
(16) O.E. e͞o has generally followed the same path as O.E. ē.
Consonants.—(1) The Semi-vowels. (a) w. Initial w has generally remained before vowels, but in parts of Sc. Midl. e.An. and sw.Cy. it has disappeared in certain words, mainly where it stands before a following u, such as woman, wonder, wood, wool, wound, &c. There are no examples in the dialects of initial w being changed to v before a following vowel. This sound-change, characteristic of the language spoken by Mr. Samuel Weller and his father—‘ven’, ‘vay’, ‘svear’, ‘anyveres’, &c.—seems to have been invented by Dickens. The converse, namely, the change of initial v to w, does occur in Bck. Nrf. Suf. Ess. Ken. e.Sus., and Dickens[Pg 133] would have heard this pronunciation—wery, very, wenter, venture—used by the class of person typified in Sam Weller, but there is no authority for the change of w to v, and it can only be described as ‘artist’s licence’. An initial w has often arisen in the dialects through a falling diphthong having become a rising diphthong, e.g. in such words as wome, wum, woats, wold, lit. Eng. home, oats, old. This accounts for the w in the place-names Woking, Wokingham, which within living memory were pronounced Oaking, Oakingham, and for the pronunciation of lit. Eng. one, once, and the spelling whole. Initial hw has become f in ne.Sc. in such words as what, wheat, wheel, &c. Initial kw has often become tw in n.Cy. dialects, in such words as twilt, lit. Eng. quilt. A w has often been developed before a back vowel preceded by a consonant, especially a labial, more rarely when preceded by a guttural, dental, nasal, or liquid. This w is chiefly confined to the s.Midl. s. and sw. dialects when the preceding consonant is a labial, as bwone, bwoy, pwoizn, lit. Eng. bone, boy, poison. Medial w has generally disappeared in words compounded with -ward, -worth, as awkward, backward, pennyworth, &c. It has also generally disappeared in always, and in somewhat.
Consonants.—(1) The Semi-vowels. (a) w. The initial w usually stays before vowels, but in parts of Sc. Midl. e.An. and sw.Cy., it has vanished in certain words, mainly where it comes before a following u, such as woman, wonder, wood, wool, wound, &c. There are no examples in the dialects of the initial w changing to v before a following vowel. This sound change, typical of the language spoken by Mr. Samuel Weller and his father—‘ven’, ‘vay’, ‘svear’, ‘anyveres’, &c.—seems to have been created by Dickens. On the flip side, the change of initial v to w does occur in Bck. Nrf. Suf. Ess. Ken. e.Sus., and Dickens[Pg 133] would have heard this pronunciation—wery, very, wenter, venture—used by the type of person represented by Sam Weller, but there’s no evidence for the change of w to v, and it can only be described as ‘artistic license’. An initial w has often developed in the dialects from a falling diphthong that became a rising diphthong, e.g. in words like wome, wum, woats, wold, lit. Eng. home, oats, old. This explains the w in the place names Woking, Wokingham, which were pronounced Oaking, Oakingham within living memory, and for the pronunciation of lit. Eng. one, once, and the spelling whole. Initial hw has turned into f in ne.Sc. in words like what, wheat, wheel, &c. Initial kw has often shifted to tw in n.Cy. dialects, in words like twilt, lit. Eng. quilt. A w has frequently developed before a back vowel preceded by a consonant, especially a labial, and more rarely when preceded by a guttural, dental, nasal, or liquid. This w is mainly found in the s.Midl. s. and sw. dialects when the preceding consonant is a labial, as in bwone, bwoy, pwoizn, lit. Eng. bone, boy, poison. Medial w has mostly disappeared in words that include -ward, -worth, such as awkward, backward, pennyworth, &c. It has also largely disappeared in always and in somewhat.
(b) j. This consonant is represented in modern English spelling by y. An initial j has often arisen in the dialects through a falling diphthong having become a rising diphthong, as jabl, jek, jiər, lit. Eng. able, ache, ear. Many educated people in the south of England make no difference in the pronunciation of ear and year. A s.Midl. s.Cy. saying to express a long period of time is ‘years and years and donkey’s ears’. A medial j has often been developed after a consonant. In many cases the change has been caused by a falling diphthong having become a rising diphthong, e.g. gjārdin, kjetl, lit. Eng. garden, kettle.
(b) j. This consonant is represented in modern English spelling by y. An initial j has often developed in the dialects due to a falling diphthong becoming a rising diphthong, such as jabl, jek, jiər, lit. Eng. able, ache, ear. Many educated people in southern England pronounce ear and year the same way. A common saying in the south Midlands and south country to indicate a long period of time is ‘years and years and donkey’s ears’. A medial j has often been created after a consonant. In many cases, this change has occurred because a falling diphthong has turned into a rising diphthong, e.g. gardening, kjetl, lit. Eng. garden, kettle.
(2) The Liquids. (a) l. Medial l has often disappeared, especially in the combinations ld, lf, lh, lk, lp, ls, and lt, e.g. in such words as bald, bulk, pulpit, false, bolt. Final l has often disappeared after a guttural vowel, especially in the[Pg 134] Sc. Ir. n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects, e.g. in such words as all, fool, pull, small, wool.
(2) The Liquids. (a) l. The medial l has often disappeared, especially in the combinations ld, lf, lh, lk, lp, ls, and lt, for example in words like bald, bulk, pulpit, false, and bolt. The final l has often disappeared after a guttural vowel, particularly in the [Pg 134] Sc. Ir. n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects, as seen in words like all, fool, pull, small, and wool.
(b) r. In Sc. and the greater part of Irel. and the northern parts of Nhb. and Cum. r has a strong trill. In Nhb. and parts of n.Dur. it is a uvular r, not unlike the French r. It is often called ‘the Northumberland burr’. In all the s. and sw. dialects it is a reverted or retracted r, the trill being indistinct and less sharp than for the Sc. r. Similarly in these dialects the l is reverted. In the rest of England r has had practically the same development as in the standard language. When a word ends in and the next word begins with a vowel, a ‘euphonic’ r is generally inserted to avoid a hiatus, in the s.Midl., eastern, southern, and south-western dialects, as aidiər əv it, idea of it, Sērər An, Sarah Ann, lǭr əv Iŋglənd, law of England. And an r is sometimes inserted medially, as drǭrin, drawing. This insertion of ‘euphonic’ r is not confined to dialect speakers, it is quite common among educated people in the s.Midl. and s. counties, and seems to be spreading gradually further north. r has often undergone metathesis, especially in the sw. dialects in apə̄n, tʃildən, gərn, h)undəd, pə̄ti, &c., lit. Eng. apron, children, grin, hundred, pretty, &c.
(b) r. In Sc. and most of Irel., as well as the northern areas of Nhb. and Cum., r has a strong trill. In Nhb. and parts of n.Dur., it is a uvular r, similar to the French r. This is often referred to as ‘the Northumberland burr’. In all the s. and sw. dialects, it is a reverted or retracted r, with the trill being fuzzy and less sharp compared to the Sc. r. Likewise, in these dialects the l is reverted. In the rest of England, r has essentially developed in the same way as in standard language. When a word ends with a vowel and the next word starts with a vowel, a ‘euphonic’ r is usually inserted to prevent a break, in the s.Midl., eastern, southern, and south-western dialects, such as aider of it, idea of it, Sērər An, Sarah Ann, Lord of England, law of England. An r is sometimes also added medially, as in drinking, drawing. This insertion of ‘euphonic’ r is not limited to dialect speakers; it is quite common among educated individuals in the s.Midl. and s. counties, and appears to be gradually spreading further north. r has often undergone metathesis, particularly in the sw. dialects, in apə̄n, children, gern, h)undəd, pati, &c., lit. Eng. apron, children, grin, hundred, pretty, &c.
(3) The Nasals. (a) m. This consonant has generally remained unchanged in all positions except where after consonants it has become vocalic, as in bodm, botm, kindm, &c., lit. Eng. bottom, kingdom, &c.
(3) The Nasals. (a) m. This consonant has typically stayed the same in all positions except where, after consonants, it has turned into a vowel, as in bodm, botm, kindm, &c., lit. Eng. bottom, kingdom, &c.
(b) n. Initial n has remained in nadder (O.E. nǣdre), napron (O.Fr. naperon), nauger (M.E. nauger), lit. Eng. adder, apron, auger. In the various dialects there is a large number of words which have an inorganic initial n. It has arisen partly from the n of the indefinite article an, and partly from the n of the possessive pronoun mine; the latter is especially the case in words denoting relationship, as n-oration, a great noise or clamour, n-urchin, a hedgehog, n-awl, n-aunt, n-uncle, cp. ‘Nuncle Lear, nuncle Lear, tarry and take the fool with thee,’ Lear, I. iv. 338. The n in lit. Eng. nickname (M.E. ekename), newt (O.E. efeta) is of this origin.[Pg 135] The normal form evet is common in the dialects of southern England. In a few words n has been developed before medial dȝ; [the final sound in bridge], as porindȝə(r, a coarse pot or mug used for porridge, sosindȝə(r, sausage, cp. lit. Eng. messenger, passenger, for messager, passager. In the n. and n.Midl. dialects medial n has disappeared in unaccented syllables as Liŋkiʃə(r, Lincolnshire, Robisn, Robinson, &c. In a few words, mainly in n.Cy. dialects, final n occurs contrary to the usage of the lit. language; these are: aivin (O.E. īfig, īfegn), ivy, holin (O.E. holen, holegn), holly, miln (O.E. mylen), mill, ratn (O.Fr. raton), rat, slōn (O.E. slāh, slā, plur. slān), sloe.
(b) n. The initial n has been preserved in nadder (O.E. nǣdre), napron (O.Fr. napkin), nauger (M.E. nail gun), lit. Eng. adder, apron, auger. In various dialects, there’s a large number of words that have an inorganic initial n. This has come about partly from the n of the indefinite article an, and partly from the n of the possessive pronoun mine; the latter is particularly the case in words indicating relationships, such as n-oration, a loud noise or uproar, n-urchin, a hedgehog, n-awl, n-aunt, n-uncle, cp. ‘Uncle Lear, Uncle Lear, wait and take the fool with you.,’ Lear, I. iv. 338. The n in lit. Eng. nickname (M.E. nickname), newt (O.E. feta) comes from this origin.[Pg 135] The usual form evet is common in the dialects of southern England. In a few words, n has developed before medial dȝ; [the final sound in bridge], as in porindȝə(r, a rough pot or mug used for porridge, sosindɥə(r, sausage, cp. lit. Eng. messenger, passenger, for messager, passager. In the n. and n.Midl. dialects, medial n has vanished in unaccented syllables, as in Liŋkiʃə(r, Lincolnshire, Robins, Robinson, &c. In some words, mainly in n.Cy. dialects, final n appears contrary to the norms of the lit. language; these include: aivin (O.E. īfig, īfegn), ivy, holin (O.E. get, holegn), holly, miln (O.E. mylen), mill, ratn (O.Fr. mouse), rat, slōn (O.E. slay, slay, plur. slān), sloe.
The guttural ŋ [the final sound in hang], written n in O.E., only occurred before the gutturals g and c. In stressed syllables medial ŋg has become ŋ in Sc. Irel. n.Cy. n.Midl. and parts of Ken. Sus. and Som., as fiŋər, finger, siŋl, single, &c. ŋ has become n before a following dental in lenþ, length, strenþ, strength, in Sc. Irel. and n.Cy. The n is also very common in other parts of England, but beside it there exist the forms leŋþ, leŋkþ; streŋþ, streŋkþ. The forms with k are often used by educated people in the Midlands. Medial ŋ in unstressed syllables has generally disappeared, as Bebitn, Bebbington, Notigəm, Nottingham, &c. Final unstressed ŋ has generally become n in all the dialects, as in evenin(g), farthin(g), mornin(g), sendin(g), and similarly in all present participles and verbal nouns in -ing. In parts of Lan. Chs. Der. when dialect speakers try to talk ‘fine’ they generally substitute ŋk for ŋ in all present participles and verbal nouns in -ing. The same thing can often be heard among educated speakers in those parts.
The guttural ŋ [the final sound in hang], written as n in O.E., only happens before the gutturals g and c. In stressed syllables, the medial ŋg has changed to ŋ in Sc., Irel., n.Cy., n.Midl., and parts of Ken., Sus., and Som., as in finger, finger, single, single, &c. ŋ has turned into n before a following dental in lenþ, length, strength, strength, in Sc., Irel., and n.Cy.. The n is also very common in other parts of England, but alongside it, there are forms like length, leŋkth; strength, strength. The forms with k are often used by educated people in the Midlands. Medial ŋ in unstressed syllables has mostly vanished, as in Bebitn, Bebbington, Notigəm, Nottingham, &c. Final unstressed ŋ has generally changed to n in all dialects, as in evenin(g), farthin(g), mornin(g), sendin(g), and similarly in all present participles and verbal nouns in -ing. In parts of Lan., Chs., Der., when dialect speakers try to speak ‘properly,’ they typically replace ŋk for ŋ in all present participles and verbal nouns in -ing. The same thing can often be heard among educated speakers in those areas.
(4) The Labials. (a) p. This consonant has generally remained in all positions the same as in the standard language.
(4) The Labials. (a) p. This consonant has mostly stayed consistent in all positions just like it is in the standard language.
(b) b. This consonant hardly ever occurs in any of the dialects between m—l or m—r in such words as bramble, thimble, chamber, number. The word marble appears in almost all the dialects as marvl. The form pipl, pebble, occurs in[Pg 136] some s. and sw. dialects, cp. O.E. papol- beside M.E. pibble-, pobble.
(b) b. This consonant rarely appears in any of the dialects between m—l or m—r in words like bramble, thimble, chamber, number. The word marble is found in almost all the dialects as marvl. The form pipl, for pebble, occurs in[Pg 136] some s. and sw. dialects, cp. O.E. papol alongside M.E. pibble, puddle.
(c) f. Initial voiceless f has become the voiced spirant v in e.Hrf., parts of Glo., w.Brks. Wil. Dor. Dev. Som. The change must have taken place at a very early period because it is confined almost exclusively to native words, hence it must have taken place before the influx of French words. Three examples of this dialect peculiarity have been incorporated into lit. Eng., viz. vixen, vat, vane (O.E. fyxen, fæt, fana).
(c) f. The initial voiceless f has turned into the voiced spirant v in e.Hrf., parts of Glo., w.Brks. Wil. Dor. Dev. Som. This change must have happened very early because it is almost entirely limited to native words, suggesting it occurred before the arrival of French words. Three examples of this dialect feature have been included in lit. Eng., specifically vixen, vat, vane (O.E. fyxen, fret, fandom).
(5) The Dentals. (a) t. The initial combinations tr and str have become tþr, stþr, or þr, sþr in Irel. Wm. e. and se. Yks. e. em. and s.Lan. I.Ma., as tþrī, þrī, tree, stþrīt, sþrīt, street. Medial t between vowels and vowel-like consonants has become d in the sw. dialects, as bodl, bottle, kedl, kettle; bodm, bottom, occurs also in Sc. and n.Cy. dialects, but this goes back to a form bodan which existed beside botm already in O.E. The t in French words which has become tʃ [the sound of the medial consonant in nature] in lit. Eng. through the influence of the following ü has remained unchanged in the dialects, as piktə(r, picture, fiətə(r, feature. Final t has disappeared in many dialects after voiceless consonants, especially in the combination st; finally after k and p it has disappeared in all Sc. dialects, as fak(t, korek(t, temp(t. Examples of the loss of t after s occur in all parts of Sc. Irel. and Eng. especially in such words as beast, joist, last, next. In a few instances a t has been added after n, f, or s, as sāmənt, sermon, sudənt, sudden, vāmint, vermin, teligraft, telegraph, aist, ice, naist, nice, wənst, once, tweist, twice. This excrescent t occurs in certain words in the standard language, e.g. against (M.E. ageines), amidst (M.E. amiddes), behest (O.E. hǣs), betwixt (O.E. and M.E. betwix), whilst (M.E. whiles), ancient (Fr. ancien), pheasant (O.Fr. faisan).
(5) The Dentals. (a) t. The initial combinations tr and str have changed to tþr, stþr, or þr, sþr in Irel. Wm. e. and se. Yks. e. em. and s.Lan. I.Ma., as t3, three, tree, street, sþrīt, street. Medial t between vowels and vowel-like consonants has changed to d in the sw. dialects, as bodl, bottle, kedl, kettle; bodm, bottom, also appears in Sc. and n.Cy. dialects, but this goes back to a form bodan that existed alongside botm already in O.E. The t in French words that has become tʃ [the sound of the medial consonant in nature] in lit. Eng. through the influence of the following ü has remained unchanged in the dialects, as picturer, picture, fiətə(r, feature. Final t has disappeared in many dialects after voiceless consonants, especially in the combination st; ultimately after k and p it has vanished in all Sc. dialects, as fak(t, korek(t, temp(t. Examples of the loss of t after s can be found in all parts of Sc. Irel. and Eng. especially in words like beast, joist, last, next. In a few cases, a t has been added after n, f, or s, such as sament, sermon, sudden, sudden, vāmint, vermin, telly, telegraph, aist, ice, naist, nice, wants, once, twist, twice. This added t appears in certain words in standard language, like against (M.E. ageins), amidst (M.E. amiddes), behest (O.E. haze), betwixt (O.E. and M.E. between), whilst (M.E. while(s)), ancient (Fr. ancient), pheasant (O.Fr. pheasant).
(b) d. Intervocalic d followed by r in the next syllable became in the first instance ð in all dialects, as blaðə(r, bladder, konsiðə(r, consider, foðə(r, fodder, pūðə(r, powder, &c., in addition to the words which have ð in the standard[Pg 137] language, as father, gather, mother, weather, &c. (O.E. fæder, gædrian, mōdor, weder, &c.). Examples of the ð forms begin to appear about the year 1500, but the change has never been consistently carried out in the literary language, whilst in the dialects its operation has been regular. Where exceptions seem to occur they are due either to the influence of the standard language or to the sound-change given below. This ð from d (O.E. fæder, &c.) fell together with O.E. ð in the same position (O.E. feðer, &c.), and underwent all further changes in common with it. It has thus become (1) d beside dð n.Cum. Wm. and parts of Yks. and Lan., (2) d in sn.Sc. n.Cy. and se.Cy. dialects. The words burden (O.E. byrþen) and murder (O.E. myrþran) had a spirant already in O.E. The forms with ð are still very common in Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Lan. Stf. Der. e.An. Medial d very seldom occurs in any of the dialects between n—l or n—r in such words as bundle, candle, gander, thunder, &c. Medial d has regularly disappeared after n in the Sc. dialects except in those of the south, as sinər, cinder, wɒnər, wonder, &c. Final d has a tendency in all dialects except those of the e. and se. counties to become t in words of more than one syllable, especially after n and r, as bi-jont, beyond, &c. Final d has generally disappeared after n in Sc., but in the southern counties of Sc. it has only disappeared in the conjunction and, the present participles, and in the pret. and pp. of strong verbs whose present ends in -nd. This loss of final d in the pret. and pp. of verbs like bind, find, grind is quite regular in Sc. Irel. and the north and north Midl. counties.
(b) d. Intervocalic d followed by r in the next syllable became initially ð in all dialects, as in bladder, bladder, consider, consider, father, fodder, puder, powder, &c., along with the words that have ð in standard[Pg 137] language, like father, gather, mother, weather, &c. (O.E. father, gather, molder, weder, &c.). Forms with ð started appearing around the year 1500, but the change has never been consistently applied in the written language, while in the dialects it has been regular. Where exceptions occur, they are usually due to the influence of the standard language or the sound change mentioned below. This ð from d (O.E. father, &c.) merged with O.E. ð in the same position (O.E. father, &c.) and underwent all subsequent changes together with it. It has thus become (1) d alongside dð in n.Cum., Wm., and parts of Yks. and Lan., (2) d in Sc., n.Cy., and se.Cy. dialects. The words burden (O.E. burden) and murder (O.E. myrthran) already had a fricative in O.E.. The forms with ð are still very common in Sc., Irel., n.Cy., Lan., Stf., and Der., e.An.. Medial d rarely occurs in any of the dialects between n—l or n—r in words like bundle, candle, gander, thunder, &c.. Medial d has typically disappeared after n in the Sc. dialects, except in those of the south, as in sinər, cinder, wonder, wonder, &c.. Final d tends to become t in all dialects except those in the e. and se. counties, particularly in words with more than one syllable, especially after n and r, as in bi-jont, beyond, &c.. Final d generally disappears after n in Sc., but in the southern counties of Sc., it only disappears in the conjunction and, in present participles, and in the pret. and pp. of strong verbs whose present ends in -nd. This loss of final d in the pret. and pp. of verbs like bind, find, grind is quite regular in Sc., Irel., and the northern and north Midl. counties.
(c) þ. Initial þ has generally remained voiceless except in pronouns and the adverbs derived from them, as in the lit. language. The definite article has undergone various changes. It has become (1) t in me.Nhb. Cum. Wm. n. e. nm. sw. and s.Yks. nw.Lan. n.Lin. (2) þ in m. and se.Lan. wm.Stf. (3) t, þ sm. and w.Yks. n. em. sw. and s.Lan. Chs. n.Stf. Der. Not. (4) də Ken. Sus. (5) d, t w.Dur. ne.Yks. (6) d, t, þ nw. and e.Yks. (7) e Cai. Bnff. In all other dialects it has had the same development as in lit. Eng., viz. ðī̆,[Pg 138] ðə. In those dialects which have both t and þ, the former is used before consonants (tman, &c.), and the latter before vowels (þapl, &c.), and when the sentence begins with the definite article.
(c) th. The initial th has generally remained voiceless, except in pronouns and the adverbs derived from them, as in the lit. language. The definite article has gone through various changes. It has become (1) t in me.Nhb. Cum. Wm. n. e. nm. sw. and s.Yks. nw.Lan. n.Lin. (2) th in m. and se.Lan. wm.Stf. (3) t, th sm. and w.Yks. n. em. sw. and s.Lan. Chs. n.Stf. Der. Not. (4) də Ken. Sus. (5) d, t w.Dur. ne.Yks. (6) d, t, th nw. and e.Yks. (7) e Cai. Bnff. In all other dialects, it has followed the same development as in lit. Eng., namely ðī̆,[Pg 138] the. In those dialects that have both t and th, the former is used before consonants (tman, &c.), and the latter before vowels (þapl, &c.), and when the sentence starts with the definite article.
(6) The Sibilants. s. Initial voiceless s has become z in those dialects where f in the same position has become v, cp. (4)(c) above. There is in the dialects a large number of words beginning with s plus a consonant where in most cases the s is not original. It occurs most frequently in the combinations sk and sq. In fact nearly all the sq words occurring in the dialects have forms with and without initial s. No rule can be laid down about the geographical distribution of the words belonging to this category. Examples are: sclasp beside clasp, sclimb beside climb, scrawl beside crawl, scroodle beside croodle, to crouch, skist beside kist, a chest, snotch beside notch, squench beside quench, strample beside trample, &c., &c. Dr. Johnson was familiar with scraunch beside craunch, cp. ‘To Craunch. v.a. [schrantsen, Dutch; whence the vulgar say more properly to scraunch.] To crush in the mouth. The word is used by .’ In Glo. and the s. and sw. counties sp has generally become ps by metathesis, as aps, asp, klaps, clasp, lipsy, to lisp; wæps and wæsp existed in O.E., so in the modern dialects there are double forms.
(6) The Sibilants. s. In some dialects, a voiceless initial s has changed to z in the same way that f has turned into v, cp. (4)(c) above. Many words in these dialects start with s followed by a consonant, and in most cases, the s is not original. This is most common in the combinations sk and sq. In fact, nearly all the sq words in these dialects can be found with and without an initial s. There's no rule regarding where these words are found geographically. Examples include: sclasp next to clasp, sclimb next to climb, scrawl next to crawl, scroodle next to croodle, to crouch, skist next to kist, a chest, snotch next to notch, squench next to quench, strample next to trample, &c., &c.. Dr. Johnson was aware of scraunch next to craunch, cp. ‘To Craunch. v.a. [schrantsen, Dutch; hence the common usage is to scraunch.] To crush in the mouth. The word is used by .’ In Glo. and the s. and sw. counties, sp has typically changed to ps through metathesis, like in aps, asp, klaps, clasp, lipsy, to lisp; wæps and wæsp existed in O.E., therefore in the modern dialects there are double forms.
(7) The Gutturals. (a) k. Initial k, generally written c in O.E., has remained before n in such words as knave, knead, knit, knock, &c., in ne.Sc. In the remaining parts of Scotland it has disappeared in the dialect of the younger generation. In the early part of the last century it was preserved in all Sc. dialects. tn from older kn is still used by old people in w.Frf. and e.Per. A generation ago this tn was also common in the dialects of Cum. and Wm., but it is now obsolete. Initial cl has become tl in many of the dialects of Eng. especially in Yks. Lan. the Midlands, and the s. and sw. dialects, in such words as clap, claw, cliff, climb, cloak, cloud. No Sc. or Ir. dialect has changed initial cl to tl. In other respects initial c has generally had the[Pg 139] same development in the dialects as in the standard language. Initial sc has become, ʃ [the initial sound in she] in native Eng. words just as in the lit. language, as shade, shell, ship, &c.; whereas in words of foreign origin it has remained in the dialects just as in the lit. language, as scaffold, scale, scatter, school, skin, &c. Excluding all sc- words which are of various origins and which are common both to the lit. language and the dialects—such as the words in the above list: scaffold, scale, &c.—it is a remarkable fact that the English Dialect Dictionary contains no less than 1,154 simple sc- words. This points to one of two things: either the dialects contain a far larger number of Norse words than is generally supposed, or else it is not certain that initial sc has under all circumstances become ʃ in native words in the dialects. Words where a final k has become tʃ in the lit. lang. generally have tʃ also in the dialects, as bleach, flitch, reach, stitch, &c. But in the dialects of Sc. Irel. n.Cy. and parts of the n.Midlands assibilation has not taken place to the same extent as in the lit. language, hence such forms as skrīk, sik, þak, &c., lit. Eng. screech, such, thatch, &c.
(7) The Gutturals. (a) k. The initial k, usually written as c in O.E., has stayed in place before n in words like knave, knead, knit, knock, &c., in ne.Sc. In other parts of Scotland, the younger generation has dropped it in their dialect. In the early part of the last century, it was preserved in all Sc. dialects. The tn from older kn is still used by older people in w.Frf. and e.Per. A generation ago, this tn was also common in the dialects of Cum. and Wm., but it is now outdated. The initial cl has shifted to tl in many dialects of Eng., particularly in Yks., Lan., the Midlands, and the s. and sw. dialects, in words like clap, claw, cliff, climb, cloak, cloud. No Sc. or Ir. dialect has changed initial cl to tl. In other respects, initial c has generally followed the same development in the dialects as in the standard language. The initial sc has turned into ʃ [like the initial sound in she] in native Eng. words just as in the lit. language, as in shade, shell, ship, &c.; while in foreign-origin words, it has stayed in the dialects just like in the lit. language, as in scaffold, scale, scatter, school, skin, &c. Excluding all sc- words of various origins common to both the lit. language and the dialects—such as the words listed above: scaffold, scale, &c.—it's remarkable that the English Dialect Dictionary has no fewer than 1,154 simple sc- words. This suggests one of two things: either the dialects contain a much larger number of Norse words than commonly believed, or it's uncertain whether initial sc has always turned into ʃ in native words in the dialects. Words where a final k has changed into tʃ in the lit. lang. typically also have tʃ in the dialects, like bleach, flitch, reach, stitch, &c. However, in the dialects of Sc., Irel., n.Cy., and parts of the n.Midlands, assibilation has not evolved to the same extent as in the lit. language, resulting in forms like screech, sick, roof, &c., and in lit. Eng., screech, such, thatch, &c.
(b) g. Initial g has remained before n in gnat, gnaw in ne. and s.n.Sc., but it has disappeared in the remaining parts of Sc. Irel. and Eng. Initial gl has become dl in many dialects of Eng., especially in Yks. Lan. the Midlands, and the s. and sw. dialects, parallel to the change of cl to tl.
(b) g. The initial g has stayed in front of n in gnat, gnaw in ne. and s.n.Sc., but it's faded away in the other areas of Sc. Irel. and Eng.. The initial gl has shifted to dl in many dialects of Eng., especially in Yks., Lan., the Midlands, and the s. and sw. dialects, similar to how cl changed to tl.
Final g. O.E. geminated g, written cg, has generally become dȝ [the final sound in sedge] in the dialects in such words as bridge, edge, ridge, &c., but as in the case of the change of final k to tʃ, in Sc. and the northern parts of Eng. assibilation has not taken place to the same extent as in the lit. language, hence such forms as brig, rig, seg, &c., lit. Eng. bridge, ridge, sedge, &c.
Final g. O.E. geminated g, written cg, has largely become dȝ [the final sound in sedge] in dialects for words like bridge, edge, ridge, &c.. However, similar to the change of final k to tʃ, in Sc. and the northern parts of Eng., this assibilation hasn’t happened to the same degree as in the lit. language, resulting in forms like brig, rig, seg, &c., while lit. Eng. retains bridge, ridge, sedge, &c.
(c) h. Initial h has remained before vowels in Sc. Irel. Nhb. and perhaps also in portions of n.Dur. and n.Cum. In the remaining parts of Eng. it has disappeared, but words originally beginning with a vowel or h often have an h prefixed when the dialect speaker wishes to express a strong[Pg 140] emphasis. The emphatic form of it has retained the h in Sc. and Irel. The emphatic form of us is hɒz in Sc. and Nhb., the only word in the Sc. dialects containing an inorganic h. Medial and final χ [the final sound in Sc. loch] has generally become f in the dialects of Eng. in those words which have f in the lit. language, as cough, laugh, rough, tough, but f also occurs in many dialects in certain other words besides, as daftər, slaftər, þoft, þruf, &c., lit. Eng. daughter, slaughter, thought, through, &c.
(c) h. The initial h has stayed before vowels in Sc. Irel. Nhb. and maybe also in parts of n.Dur. and n.Cum. In the other areas of Eng., it has vanished, but words that originally started with a vowel or h often have an h added when the dialect speaker wants to emphasize something strongly[Pg 140]. The emphatic form of it has kept the h in Sc. and Irel.. The emphatic form of us is hazz in Sc. and Nhb., which is the only word in the Sc. dialects that contains an extra h. The medial and finalχ [the final sound in Sc. loch] has mostly changed to f in the dialects of Eng. in those words that have f in the lit. language, like cough, laugh, rough, tough, but f also appears in many dialects in other certain words, such as notebook, slafter, thought, dust, &c., lit. Eng. daughter, slaughter, thought, through, &c.
To turn now from phonology to accidence, we shall find that here, too, system and rule prevail to a surprising extent.
To shift from phonology to grammar, we'll discover that, in this area as well, system and rules dominate to a surprisingly high degree.
The Articles
A. The Indefinite Article. Very few dialects follow the rule of the literary language according to which an is used before a vowel or h mute. ə is used before vowels and consonants, as ə apl, an apple. When n is used it is generally attached to the noun, as ə napl. In all the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng. the indefinite article is used redundantly before numerals and nouns of multitude and quantity, as: more than a twenty of them; a many; a plenty; cp. lit. Eng. a few. This construction occurs in our older literature, cp. ‘A many fools,’ Mer. of Venice, III. v. 73.
A. The Indefinite Article. Very few dialects follow the rule of the literary language, which states that an is used before a vowel or a silent h. ə is used before both vowels and consonants, as in ə apl, an apple. When n is used, it’s usually attached to the noun, as in a nap. In all the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng., the indefinite article is used redundantly before numbers and nouns indicating a lot or quantity, such as: more than a twenty of them; a many; a plenty; cp. lit. Eng. a few. This construction appears in our older literature, cp. ‘So many fools,’ Mer. of Venice, III. v. 73.
B. The Definite Article. The dialect forms of the definite article have been given above under the consonant þ. In those dialects where the form is t, should the following word begin with a dental, the only trace of the article is the suspension of the dental. A clear distinction is made between teəbl, table, and t’eəbl, the table, dlium, gloom, and d’lium, the gloom. These same dialects, owing to liturgical influence, use the full form ðə before loəd, Lord, when applied to the Deity, save in off-hand speech and in the phrase loəd nǭz, the Lord knows, where the article is omitted altogether. The ending of the O.E. neuter form of the definite article survives in tōn, the one (O.E. ðæt ān), and tuðə(r, tɒðə(r, the other (O.E. ðæt ōðer). These words are in general use in the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng.; their origin being forgotten,[Pg 141] the ordinary form of the definite article is often used redundantly before them.
B. The Definite Article. The dialect forms of the definite article have been mentioned above under the consonant þ. In those dialects where the form is t, if the next word starts with a dental sound, the only sign of the article is the omission of the dental. A clear distinction is made between table, table, and table, the table, dlium, gloom, and d'lium, the gloom. In these same dialects, due to liturgical influence, the full form the is used before load, Lord, when referring to the Deity, except in casual speech and in the phrase load noise, the Lord knows, where the article is completely omitted. The ending of the O.E. neuter form of the definite article survives in tone, the one (O.E. that one), and tuðə(r, together, the other (O.E. that other). These words are commonly used in the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng.; since their origin is forgotten,[Pg 141] the usual form of the definite article is often used unnecessarily before them.
The definite article is used in many dialects in cases where it would be omitted in the lit. language:
The definite article is used in many dialects in situations where it would be left out in the lit. language:
(a) In the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng. before the names of all diseases, as: he has got the fever, the rheumatics.
(a) In the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng., before the names of all diseases, we say: he has the flu, the rheumatism.
(b) In the Sc. Midl. and sw.Cy. dialects before the names of trades and occupations, generally with a frequentative force implying the practising or learning of the trade, e.g. We’ve a-boun un purntice to the shoemakerin’ (Som.), Apprentices and improvers wanted to the Dressmaking.
(b) In the Sc. Midl. and sw.Cy. dialects, before the names of trades and occupations, it's usually used with a sense of repetition, suggesting the practice or learning of the trade. For example, we’ve got apprentices for the shoemaking (Som.), and apprentices and learners are needed for dressmaking.
(c) In Sc. before the names of sciences and commodities, as: he studies the botany; the sugar is cheap.
(c) In Sc. before the names of sciences and commodities, as: he studies botany; sugar is cheap.
(d) In the Sc. and Midl. dialects before the names of days, months, seasons, especially when speaking of any particular circumstance connected therewith, as: he died in the Christmas.
(d) In the Sc. and Midl. dialects, before the names of days, months, and seasons, especially when referring to a specific situation related to them, like: he died at Christmas.
(e) In the dialects of Sc. and n.Cy. before certain words, as church, school, bed, when these are used absolutely or indefinitely, as: it’s wearisome lying in the bed.
(e) In the dialects of Sc. and n.Cy., before certain words like church, school, and bed, when these are used in a general sense, as in: it’s tiring lying in bed.
(f) In the Sc. n.Cy. and Midl. dialects before ordinals used adverbially, as: Tom came in the second and Jack the third.
(f) In the Sc. n.Cy. and Midl. dialects, ordinals were used adverbially, as in: Tom came in second and Jack came in third.
(g) In Irel. and most parts of Eng. before both, as: I will have the both of them.
(g) In Ireland and most parts of England before both, as: I will have both of them.
(h) In w.Yks. before proper names, and in the sw. dialects whenever a proper name or title is preceded by an adj., as: T’Skipton, T’Hawes; the young squire Jones.
(h) In w.Yks. before names, and in the southwestern dialects whenever a name or title is preceded by an adj., as: T'Skipton, T'Hawes; the young squire Jones.
(i) In I.Ma. before an adj. when special stress is required, generally with inversion of verb and adj., as: the sick I am.
(i) In I.Ma. before an adj. when special emphasis is needed, usually with inversion of the verb and adj., as in: I am sick.
Nouns
The formation of the plural of nouns is practically the same as in the standard language, but a few points of deviation are worth notice. Nouns ending in þ which in the lit. language change þ to ð and take z in the plural, as pāþ, pāðz, generally retain the þ and take s in the plural in the dialects;[Pg 142] similarly in Sc. and sw. dialects nouns ending in lf retain the f in the plural and take s. Nouns ending in st form their plural in əz, iz in the Midl. s. and sw. dialects, as bīst, beast, bīstəz, pōst, post, pōstəz. Very frequently, however, such nouns take a double plural, as bīstəzəz, postəzəz. A triple plural nestsəzəz, nests, is found in Sus. The only plurals in -n in the lit. language are oxen and the archaic form hosen. Brethren, children, and kine are double plurals. The list is much longer in the dialects and comprises: (a) Words which belonged to the weak declension in O.E.: æʃn, ashes, s.w.Cy.; bīn, bees, Irel. Chs.; īn, eyes, in general use in Sc. Irel. and Eng.; flīn, fleas, Midl.; pīzn, peas, Wxf. Eng. gen.; tōn, toes, Wxf. s.Chs. (b) Words which originally belonged to the strong or irregular declensions: brùðrən, brothers, Lei.; tʃīzn, cheeses, e.An. Dor.; klūtn, clouts, e.Yks.; vəzn, furze, Dor.; h)ɒuzn, houses, gen. in Eng. except n.Cy.; kīn, keys, Wil.; mɒuzn, mice, Glo. e.Dev.; nīzn, nests, s.Chs. Midl. e.An.; ōkn, oaks, Hrf.; pōzn, posts, Nhp. Shr. Glo. Hnt.; riksn, rushes, sw.Cy.; ʃūn, shoes, gen. in Sc. Irel. and Eng.; sistrən, sisters, Cai.; trīn, trees, Fif. Wxf.; tɒrvn, turfs, Sc.; wopsn, wasps, Hmp.; wenʃn, wenches, Glo. (c) Romance words to which the weak ending has been added: botln, bottles, sw.Dev.; klōzn, fields, Lei. Nhp. e.An.; feərin, fairies, e.Lan.; plēzn, places, Midl. sw.Cy.; primrōzn, primroses, Glo. Dev.
The way plurals of nouns are formed is pretty similar to standard language, but there are a few notable differences. Nouns that end in þ, which in the lit. language change þ to ð and add z in the plural, like pāþ and paws, usually keep the þ and take s in the plural in various dialects; [Pg 142] similarly, in Sc. and southwestern dialects, nouns that end in lf keep the f in the plural and take s. Nouns that end in st form their plural as əz and iz in Midl. and southern and southwestern dialects, like bored, beast, bites, post, post, posters. Often, these nouns have a double plural, like bīstəzəz and postezes. A triple plural nests, nests, can be found in Sus. The only plurals in -n in the lit. language are oxen and the old form hosen. Brethren, children, and kine are double plurals. The list is much longer in the dialects, including: (a) Words that were part of the weak declension in O.E.: æʃn, ashes, s.w.Cy.; binge, bees, Irel. Chs.; īn, eyes, commonly used in Sc., Irel., and Eng.; flīn, fleas, Midl.; pizza, peas, Wxf. Eng. gen.; tone, toes, Wxf. s.Chs. (b) Words that originally belonged to the strong or irregular declensions: brothers, brothers, Lei.; cheese, cheeses, e.An. Dor.; klūtn, clouts, e.Yks.; vəzn, furze, Dor.; h)ɒuzn, houses, gen. in Eng. except n.Cy.; kīn, keys, Wil.; mouzn, mice, Glo. e.Dev.; nīzn, nests, s.Chs. Midl. e.An.; ōkn, oaks, Hrf.; pwned, posts, Nhp. Shr. Glo. Hnt.; risky, rushes, sw.Cy.; ʃūn, shoes, gen. in Sc., Irel., and Eng.; sisters, sisters, Cai.; trio, trees, Fif. Wxf.; tavern, turfs, Sc.; wopsn, wasps, Hmp.; wenʃn, wenches, Glo. (c) Romance words that have been given the weak ending: botln, bottles, sw.Dev.; closed, fields, Lei. Nhp. e.An.; feelin', fairies, e.Lan.; plazine, places, Midl. sw.Cy.; primrōzn, primroses, Glo. Dev.
The plural form tʃildə(r, children, in general use in Irel. and Eng. is the regular form from the O.E. plural cildru. In the lit. language the r has ceased to be felt as a sign of the plural and the weak -n has been added. Certain nouns form their plural by change of vowel as in the literary language; these are: foot feet, goose geese, louse lice, man men, mouse mice, tooth teeth, woman women; breðə(r, bruðə(r, brother makes breðə(r in parts of Sc., n.Yks. Lan.; kau, cow, makes kai, Sc. n.Irel. n.Cy. n.Midl. sw.Cy. On the other hand fut, foot, makes futs e.Suf., lɒus, louse, lɒusəz, Abd. e.Sus. n.Dev., mɒus, mouse, mɒusəz, m.Bck. e.Sus.
The plural form child, children, is commonly used in Irel. and Eng. and it's the regular form derived from the O.E. plural children. In the lit. language, the r has lost its association as a plural marker and the weak -n has been added. Some nouns form their plural by changing the vowel, as seen in the literary language; these include: foot feet, goose geese, louse lice, man men, mouse mice, tooth teeth, woman women; brother, brother, brother becomes brother in parts of Sc., n.Yks., Lan.; kau, cow, changes to kai, in Sc., Irel., n.Cy., n.Midl., sw.Cy.. On the other hand, futuristic, foot, becomes futs in Suf., lost, louse, turns into losers, in Abd., e.Sus., n.Dev., mous, mouse, becomes mice, in m.Bck., e.Sus..
Certain nouns have the singular and plural alike, as: as,[Pg 143] ash, ashes, Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Midl.; tʃik, chicken, chickens, e.Sus.; tʃikn, ibid., Glo. Oxf. Ken. m.Sus. Som.; fɒul, fowl, fowls, Sc. Shr.; hors, horse, horses; and a few others; bīst, an animal of the ox tribe, has a collective plural bīs (biəs) in Sc. Yks. Lan. Midl. and sw.Cy. On the other hand, corn has a plural kornz, oats, in Sc.; ʃip, sheep, makes ʃips in War. Shr. Glo. Nouns expressing time, space, weight, measure, and number, when immediately preceded by a cardinal number, generally remain unchanged in the dialects of Sc. and Eng.
Certain nouns have the same form for both singular and plural, such as: as,[Pg 143] ash, ashes, Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Midl.; chick, chicken, chickens, e.Sus.; chicken, ibid., Glo. Oxf. Ken. m.Sus. Som.; foul, fowl, fowls, Sc. Shr.; hors, horse, horses; and a few others; bastard, an animal of the ox tribe, has a collective plural biss (bias) in Sc. Yks. Lan. Midl. and sw.Cy. On the other hand, corn has a plural kornz, oats, in Sc.; ship, sheep, makes ships in War. Shr. Glo. Nouns that express time, space, weight, measure, and number, when immediately preceded by a cardinal number, usually stay the same in the dialects of Sc. and Eng.
Double plurals are common in the dialects, for example: (a) əz, iz is added to the ordinary plural ending s, z, in: beləsəz, bellows, n. and nm.Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Midl. sw.Cy.; buədzəz, boards, Sus.; galəsəz, braces, n.Cy.; æmzəz, hames, sw.Cy.; keksəz, a plant, Midl. Ken. Sur. Dor.; ʃūzəz, shoes, Nrf. Dev.; sǭtsəz, sorts, Brks.; stepsəz, steps, w. and sw.Yks. w.Som.; þrīzəz, threes, tūzəz, twos, Brks. e.An.; toŋziz, tongs, w.Wil. w.Som. (b) z is added to the plural -n: brīknz, breeches, &c.; oksnz, oxen, w.Som.; plēzns, places, Not.; riksnz, rushes, Dev.; ʃūnz, shoes, Sc.; slōnz, sloes, Midl. e.Cy. sw.Cy. (c) s, əz is added to umlaut plurals: fīts, feet, Sc. se. Yks. Glo.; gīzəz, geese, Nhb.; mīzəz, mice, Ess. (d) tʃildə̄z, children, occurs in w.Yks. (e) The weak ending -n is sometimes added to the ordinary s, z: ǭzn, haws, Glo.; ipsn, hips, Oxf. n.Wil.; ɒksn, hocks, Ken. Dev. Cor.; nīzn, knees, s.Chs. (f) The weak plural ending is sometimes added to the umlaut plural: fītn, feet, e.An.; gīzn, geese, Suf.; kain, kine, Ayr. Gall. Wxf. n.Cy. Ken. Dev.; mīzn, mice, Cmb. Suf. Triple plurals occur in: ǭznz, haws, Glo.; ipsnz, hips, Oxf. n.Wil. In some nouns the plural form is used for the singular, as: ǭz, a haw, Oxf. Suf. Ess. Ken.; inz, an inn, Sc. n.Irel.; slōn, a sloe, Midl. s. and sw.Cy.; &c. In certain words the s of the stem has been taken as the sign of the plural, and a new singular formed without it, as: karitʃ, catechism, Fr. catéchèse, Sc. n.Yks.; ʃē, chaise, Yks. Lan. m.Bck. e.Sus.; hō, a single stocking, Sc. piz, a single pea, in Bch. Abd. is a survival of O.E. pise; in the lit. language a new singular has been formed, but cp.[Pg 144] pease-pudding. Other examples of the formation of a new singular without s in the lit. language are: burial, O.E. byrgels; riddle, O.E. rǣdels; cherry, Fr. cerise; sherry, formerly sherris, Span. Xeres; skate, Du. schaats, Fr. échasse.
Double plurals are common in the dialects, for example: (a) əz, iz is added to the regular plural ending s, z, in: beləsəz, bellows, n. and nm.Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Midl. sw.Cy.; buədzəz, boards, Sus.; galəsəz, braces, n.Cy.; amaze, hames, sw.Cy.; keksəz, a plant, Midl. Ken. Sur. Dor.; shoes, shoes, Nrf. Dev.; sits, sorts, Brks.; steps, steps, w. and sw.Yks. w.Som.; thrizzle, threes, tweezers, twos, Brks. e.An.; toonz, tongs, w.Wil. w.Som. (b) z is added to the plural -n: bricks, breeches, &c.; oksnz, oxen, w.Som.; plains, places, Not.; riksnz, rushes, Dev.; ʃūnz, shoes, Sc.; slōnz, sloes, Midl. e.Cy. sw.Cy. (c) s, əz is added to umlaut plurals: fits, feet, Sc. se. Yks. Glo.; gizmos, geese, Nhb.; mice, mice, Ess. (d) tildes, children, occurs in w.Yks. (e) The weak ending -n is sometimes added to the regular s, z: ǭzn, haws, Glo.; ipsn, hips, Oxf. n.Wil.; ɒksn, hocks, Ken. Dev. Cor.; nīzn, knees, s.Chs. (f) The weak plural ending is sometimes added to the umlaut plural: fit, feet, e.An.; gaze, geese, Suf.; cloth, kine, Ayr. Gall. Wxf. n.Cy. Ken. Dev.; mizzing, mice, Cmb. Suf. Triple plurals occur in: ǭznz, haws, Glo.; ipsnz, hips, Oxf. n.Wil. In some nouns the plural form is used for the singular, as: ǭz, a haw, Oxf. Suf. Ess. Ken.; inz, an inn, Sc. n.Irel.; slown, a sloe, Midl. s. and sw.Cy.; &c. In certain words the s of the stem has been taken as the sign of the plural, and a new singular formed without it, as: karitʃ, catechism, Fr. catechesis, Sc. n.Yks.; ʃē, chaise, Yks. Lan. m.Bck. e.Sus.; hō, a single stocking, Sc. pizza, a single pea, in Bch. Abd. is a survival of O.E. __(please)__; in the lit. language a new singular has been formed, but cp.[Pg 144] pease-pudding. Other examples of the formation of a new singular without s in the lit. language are: burial, O.E. byragels; riddle, O.E. riddles; cherry, Fr. cherry; sherry, formerly sherris, Span. Sherry; skate, Du. ice skating, Fr. stilt.
The following nouns, though remaining singular in form, take the plural form of the verb and pronoun and are used after few, &c., as: brōz, a kind of porridge, Sc.; broþ, broth, Sc. n.Ir. n.Cy. Midl. e.An. sw.Cy.; brouis, a kind of gruel, s.Chs. Shr.; grǖəl, gruel, e.An.; poridȝ, porridge, n.Cy., n.Midl.; sūp, soup, w.Yks. Shr.
The following nouns, while still singular in form, take the plural form of the verb and pronoun and are used after few, &c., such as: bros, a type of porridge, Sc.; brother, broth, Sc. n.Ir. n.Cy. Midl. e.An. sw.Cy.; brouis, a type of gruel, s.Chs. Shr.; gruel, gruel, e.An.; porridge, porridge, n.Cy., n.Midl.; soup, soup, w.Yks. Shr.
The sign of the genitive, both singular and plural, is generally omitted when one noun qualifies another in all the n.Cy. dialects, and occasionally in the n.Midlands, as: the Queen cousin; my father boots; the lad father stick. A Lancashire magistrate is reported to have asked a witness, ‘Was it your brother dog?’ This characteristic of n.Cy. dialects is found already in the M.E. period. The M.E. practice of placing the genitival s at the end of an attributive clause survives in most dialects of Sc. and Eng., as: I’ve just seen Jim Dutton him as went to America’s wife; that’s the woman what was left behind’s child. There is a general tendency in all dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng. to express the genitive plural by means of an additional syllable suffixed to the nominative plural, as: the farmerses cows. This is especially the case with the word folk, nom. pl. fōks, gen. pl. fōksəz.
The sign of the genitive, both singular and plural, is usually dropped when one noun describes another in all the n.Cy. dialects, and sometimes in the n.Midlands, as in: the Queen cousin; my father boots; the lad father stick. A magistrate from Lancashire is said to have asked a witness, ‘Was it your brother dog?’ This feature of n.Cy. dialects was already present in the M.E. period. The M.E. practice of placing the genitive s at the end of an attributive clause continues in most dialects of Sc. and Eng., as in: I’ve just seen Jim Dutton him as went to America’s wife; that’s the woman what was left behind’s child. There is a general tendency in all dialects of Sc., Irel., and Eng. to express the genitive plural by adding an extra syllable to the nominative plural, as in: the farmerses cows. This is especially true with the word folk, nom. pl. folks, gen. pl. focuses.
The gender of nouns grammatically speaking can only be ascertained by means of the pronouns referring to them. There is a general tendency in all dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng. to personify inanimate objects. In Sc. Irel. and the dialects of the northern counties the feminine pronoun is used, while in the Midlands, the e. s. and sw. counties, the use is variable. In the sw. dialects inanimate objects are divided into two classes. The first or personal class consists of formed, individual objects, as: a tool, a tree; for these masculine or feminine pronouns are employed. The neuter[Pg 145] pronoun is used when referring to nouns contained in the second or impersonal class of unformed objects, as: water, dust.
The gender of nouns, grammatically speaking, can only be determined by the pronouns that refer to them. There's a general trend in all dialects of Scotland, Ireland, and England to give human qualities to inanimate objects. In Scotland, Ireland, and the northern counties' dialects, the feminine pronoun is used, while in the Midlands and the eastern, southern, and southwestern counties, the usage varies. In the southwestern dialects, inanimate objects are categorized into two classes. The first, or personal class, includes formed, individual objects, like a tool or a tree; masculine or feminine pronouns are used for these. The neuter pronoun is used when referring to nouns in the second, or impersonal class of unformed objects, like water or dust.
Descriptive words
In the dialects the practice of forming adjectives denoting material from the substantive by means of the suffix -en is carried out to a much greater extent than in the literary language, as: tinnen pots, glassen bottles, hornen spoons. This is especially the case in the southern and south-western dialects. The comparison of adjectives is formed in the dialects by adding the comparative suffix -er and the superlative -est to practically all adjectives, polysyllabic as well as monosyllabic. More and most are as a rule only used to supplement or intensify the regular comparison, as: more beautifuller, most worst. The following adjectives, irregular in the lit. language, are compared regularly in some dialects: badder, baddest, n.Cy. Midl.; farer, farest, Sc. n.Cy. and the Midlands; gooder, goodest, Cum. m.Yks. Dev.; iller, w.Yks. e.An., illest, Fif. n.Cy.; liker, Sc. Irel. n.Cy. sw.Cy.; littler, littlest, in general use in n. and ne.Sc. and Eng. The old comparative near, treated as a positive in the literary language, retains its force in n.Yks. and nw.Der.; similarly, far, further, is retained in Yks. Lan. and the Midlands. Mae, the M.E. comparative of many, is used in Sc. Nhb. e.Yks. Stf. Double comparatives occur in betterer, Cum. Yks. Dev. Cor.; morer, Shr.; worser, in general use in Sc. and Eng. A triple form, worserer, is heard in e.An. Double superlatives occur in bestest, sw.Cy.; leastest, Lan. e.An. sw.Cy.; mostest, Shr. Ken. Som. Cor.
In dialects, forming adjectives that indicate material from nouns using the suffix -en is much more common than in standard language, like: tin pots, glass bottles, horn spoons. This is especially true in southern and southwestern dialects. In these dialects, adjectives are comparably formed by adding the comparative suffix -er and the superlative -est to almost all adjectives, both polysyllabic and monosyllabic. Words like more and most are usually only used to enhance the regular comparison, as in: more beautifuler, most worst. The following adjectives, which are irregular in the lit. language, are compared regularly in some dialects: badder, baddest, n.Cy. Midl.; farer, farest, Sc. n.Cy. and the Midlands; gooder, goodest, Cum. m.Yks. Dev.; iller, w.Yks. e.An., illest, Fif. n.Cy.; liker, Sc. Irel. n.Cy. sw.Cy.; littler, littlest, commonly used in n. and ne.Sc. and Eng.. The old comparative near, which is treated as a positive in standard language, still retains its meaning in n.Yks. and nw.Der.; similarly, far, further, is kept in Yks. Lan. and the Midlands. Mae, the M.E. comparative of many, is used in Sc. Nhb. e.Yks. Stf.. Double comparatives appear in betterer, Cum. Yks. Dev. Cor.; morer, Shr.; worser, commonly used in Sc. and Eng.. A triple form, worserer, can be heard in e.An.. Double superlatives show up in bestest, sw.Cy.; leastest, Lan. e.An. sw.Cy.; mostest, Shr. Ken. Som. Cor.
Numbers
In the dialects of the western and south-western counties it is usual to place the lower digit before the higher, as: five and fifty. In Shr. this rule is invariable when speaking of sums of money under £2, as: six and thirty shillings for a pig. In the dialects, especially of Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Lei. Wor. Shr., the ordinals after third take the suffix t instead of[Pg 146] literary English th. The old ordinal erst, first in order, survives in Sc. and n.Yks.
In the dialects of the western and south-western counties, it's common to place the lower number before the higher, like: five and fifty. In Shr., this rule is consistently applied when talking about amounts of money under £2, such as: six and thirty shillings for a pig. In the dialects, especially of Sc., Irel., n.Cy., Lei., Wor., and Shr., the ordinal numbers after third use the suffix t instead of the literary English th. The old ordinal erst, meaning first in order, still exists in Sc. and n.Yks.
Pronouns
In all the dialects of Sc. and Eng. there is a tendency to introduce a redundant personal pronoun after a noun when emphasis is required; this is especially frequent after a proper name, as: Mr. Smith, he came to my house. In Sc. and the northern dialects a pronoun is often used to introduce a statement, the specific subject being added later, as: it runs very well, does that horse. In all the dialects of Sc. and Eng. the objective form of the personal pronoun is used for the nominative: (1) After the substantive verb, as: it was her that did it. (2) When standing alone, as: Who did that? Her. (3) When the verb refers to different persons, as: him and me did it; Jack and us went together. (4) When antecedent to a relative pronoun, and therefore separated from its verb by a subordinate sentence, as: him that did that ought to be hanged. The objective forms are often used for the nominative when the pronouns are unemphatic, especially in the south-midland, eastern, southern, and south-western counties. Conversely in all the dialects of these same counties the nominative of the personal pronoun is used as the emphatic form of the objective case, as: her did it; her saw she. In Irel. the impersonal phrase it is often occurs redundantly at the beginning of a sentence, as: it’s sorry you will be; it’s sleepy I am.
In all the dialects of Sc. and Eng., there's a tendency to add a redundant personal pronoun after a noun when emphasis is needed; this is especially common after a proper name, as in: Mr. Smith, he came to my house. In Sc. and the northern dialects, a pronoun is often used to start a statement, with the specific subject provided later, as in: it runs very well, does that horse. In all the dialects of Sc. and Eng., the objective form of the personal pronoun is used instead of the nominative: (1) After the linking verb, as in: it was her that did it. (2) When standing alone, as in: Who did that? Her. (3) When the verb refers to different people, as in: him and me did it; Jack and us went together. (4) When it precedes a relative pronoun, and is separated from its verb by a subordinate clause, as in: him that did that ought to be hanged. The objective forms are often used for the nominative when the pronouns aren't emphasized, especially in the south-midlands, eastern, southern, and southwestern counties. Conversely, in all the dialects of these same counties, the nominative of the personal pronoun is used as the emphatic form of the objective case, as in: her did it; her saw she. In Irel., the impersonal phrase it is often appears redundantly at the start of a sentence, as in: it’s sorry you will be; it’s sleepy I am.
The various dialect forms of the personal pronouns are of special interest to the philologist in that they supply living examples to prove the truth of the theory necessary to explain the original forms of the pronouns in the separate branches of the Indo-Germanic family of languages. Most of the pronouns, especially the personal and demonstrative, must have had accented and unaccented forms existing side by side in the parent language itself, and then one or other of the forms became generalized already in the prehistoric period of the individual branches of the parent language.[Pg 147] At a later period, but still in prehistoric times, there arose new accented and unaccented forms side by side in the individual branches, as e.g. in prim. Germanic ek, mek beside ik, mik. The separate Germanic languages generalized one or other of these forms before the beginning of the oldest literary monuments, and then new accented beside unaccented forms came into existence again. And similarly during the historic periods of the different languages. Thus, e.g., the O.E. for I is ic; this became in M.E. ich accented form beside i unaccented form; ich then disappeared in standard M.E. (but it is still preserved in one of the modern dialects of Somersetshire), and i came to be used as the accented and unaccented form. At a later period it became ī when accented and remained i when unaccented. The former has become lit. Eng. I, and the latter has disappeared from the lit. language, but it is still preserved in many northern Eng. dialects as i. In these dialects i is regularly used in interrogative and subordinate sentences; the M.E. accented form ī has become ai and is only used in the dialects to express special emphasis, and from it a new unaccented form a has been developed, which can only be used in making direct assertions. Thus in one and the same dialect (Windhill, Yks.) we arrive at three forms: ai, a, i, which are never mixed up syntactically by genuine native dialect speakers. Something similar to what has happened and is still happening in the modern dialects must also have taken place in the prehistoric and historic periods of all the Indo-Germanic languages.
The different dialect forms of personal pronouns are particularly interesting to linguists because they provide living examples that support the theory needed to explain the original forms of the pronouns in the various branches of the Indo-European language family. Most pronouns, especially personal and demonstrative ones, likely had both accented and unaccented forms coexisting in the parent language itself, with one of these forms becoming more common during the prehistoric period of the individual branches of the parent language.[Pg 147] Later on, still in prehistoric times, new accented and unaccented forms emerged side by side in these branches, such as in prim. Germanic ek, make next to ik, mik. The different Germanic languages preferred one of these forms before the oldest literary records were produced, and then new accented and unaccented forms arose again. This pattern continued during the historical periods of the various languages. For example, the O.E. form for I is ic; this evolved into M.E. ich as the accented form alongside the unaccented i. The form ich then vanished in standard M.E. (though it is still used in a modern dialect of Somerset), and i became the standard for both accented and unaccented forms. Later, it became ī when accented and stayed i when unaccented. The former has become lit. Eng. I, while the latter has disappeared from the standard language but remains in many northern Eng. dialects as i. In these dialects, i is used regularly in questions and subordinate clauses; the M.E. accented form ī has turned into AI and is now only used in dialects for special emphasis, leading to the development of a new unaccented form a, which is only used for direct assertions. Thus, in a single dialect (Windhill, Yks.), we find three forms: AI, a, i, which genuine native dialect speakers never confuse syntactically. Something similar to this ongoing evolution in modern dialects must also have happened during the prehistoric and historic periods of all Indo-European languages.
I. (a) The nominative of the first person singular. The stressed form is generally the same as the normal development of old ī (v. p. 132), but in some of the n.Midl. dialects ǭ is used. The unstressed forms are generally a or ə, but in the n.Midl. dialects o is the general form. The forms itʃ (ich), ɒtʃ (utch), ɒtʃi (utchy), and the contracted form tʃ (ch), as: tʃam = I am, were formerly used in Wxf. Dor. Som. and Dev. These forms are still used by old people in a small district of Som. close to Yeovil on the border of Dorset, cp.[Pg 148] ‘Chill pick your teeth, zir,’ Lear, IV. vi. 250. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is generally mī, rarely mei. The unstressed form is mə.
I. (a) The nominative of the first person singular. The stressed form is usually the same as the typical development of old ī (v. p. 132), but in some of the n.Midl. dialects, ǭ is used. The unstressed forms are usually a or ə, but in the n.Midl. dialects, o is the common form. The forms itʃ (ich), ɒtʃ (utch), ɒtʃi (utchy), and the contracted form tʃ (ch), as: tcham = I am, were previously used in Wxf. Dor. Som. and Dev.. These forms are still used by older people in a small area of Som. near Yeovil on the Dorset border, cp.[Pg 148] ‘Chill, pick your teeth, dude.,’ Lear, IV. vi. 250. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is typically mī, and rarely mei. The unstressed form is mə.
II. (a) The nominative of the second person singular. The stressed form generally contains the normal development of old ū (p. 132), but in the n. and n.Midl. counties the ð has generally become t in interrogative and subordinate sentences. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is generally ðī, rarely ðei. The unstressed form is ðə. The pronoun of the second person singular is in use in almost all the dialects of Eng. to express familiarity or contempt, and also in times of strong emotion; it cannot be used to a superior without conveying the idea of impertinence. In s.Sc. this pronoun has entirely disappeared from the spoken language, and is only very occasionally heard in other parts of Sc. In Glo., owing probably to Quaker influence, it can be used without rudeness to a superior. In Nrf. it is only used in a few stereotyped salutations, as: fare-thee-well. In e.Dor. it is only used to children or in recriminatory language.
II. (a) The nominative form of the second person singular. The stressed version generally maintains the typical development of old ū (p. 132), but in the northern and northern Midlands counties, the ð has usually turned into t in questions and subordinate clauses. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is generally ðī, and it’s rarely they. The unstressed form is the. The second person singular pronoun is used in almost all English dialects to express familiarity or contempt, and also during intense emotions; it can't be used with a superior without seeming disrespectful. In southern Scotland, this pronoun has completely vanished from spoken language and is only occasionally heard in other parts of Scotland. In Gloucestershire, likely due to Quaker influence, it can be used politely with a superior. In Norfolk, it's only found in a few set greetings, such as: fare-thee-well. In eastern Dorset, it’s only used with children or in accusatory language.
III. (a) The nominative of the third person singular masc. The stressed form is generally h)ī, rarely h)ei. The unstressed form is generally i or ə. In the n. and some n.Midl. dialects the i is used in affirmative sentences and the ə in interrogative and subordinate sentences. The unstressed form ə, written a, occurs often in Shakespeare’s Plays, cp. ‘Hostess. Nay, that a did not. Boy. Yes, that a did,’ Hen. V, II. iv. 32, 33. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is h)im and the unstressed form im, but in the s.Midl. s. and sw.Cy. dialects ən, generally written en, un (O.E. hine), is the regular unstressed form for im. It is also used of inanimate objects and in w.Som. of feminine animals, though never of a woman.
III. (a) The nominative of the third person singular masc. The stressed form is usually h)ī, and rarely hey. The unstressed form is usually i or ə. In the n. and some n.Midl. dialects, the i is used in affirmative sentences, while the ə is used in interrogative and subordinate sentences. The unstressed form ə, written a, appears often in Shakespeare's plays, cp. ‘Hostess. No, it didn't. Boy. Yes, it did.,’ Hen. V, II. iv. 32, 33. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is him and the unstressed form is im, but in the s.Midl. s. and sw.Cy. dialects, ən, usually written en, un (O.E. hine), is the regular unstressed form for im. It is also used for inanimate objects and in w.Som. for feminine animals, though never for a woman.
IV. (a) The nominative of the third person singular fem. The stressed form is generally ʃī, rarely ʃei, but in some of the n.Midl. dialects it is ʃū. The unstressed form is generally ʃə, but ʃu is also used in those dialects which have ʃū as the stressed form. O.E. hēo, she, survives as ū, u generally[Pg 149] written hoo, in parts of w.Yks. Lan. Chs. Flt. Dnb. Stf. Der. Not. Wor. (b) The objective case is generally h)ē(r, h)ə(r.
IV. (a) The nominative form for third person singular fem. is usually ʃī, sometimes she, but in some of the n.Midl. dialects, it's ʃū. The unstressed form is usually ʃə, though ʃu is also found in those dialects where ʃū is the stressed form. O.E. hēo, she, has evolved to ū, with u generally written as hoo in parts of w.Yks. Lan. Chs. Flt. Dnb. Stf. Der. Not. Wor. (b) The objective case is generally h)ē(r, h)ə(r.
V. The nominative of the third person singular neut. The stressed form is generally it, but in Sc. and Nhb. hit. The unstressed form is generally it or ət. In Oxf. Dor. and Som. it is frequently used instead of the plural pronoun when animals or objects are referred to collectively.
V. The nominative of the third person singular neut. The stressed form is usually it, but in Sc. and Nhb. it’s hit. The unstressed form is typically it or ət. In Oxf., Dor., and Som., it is often used instead of the plural pronoun when referring to groups of animals or objects.
VI. (a) The nominative of the first person plural. The stressed form is wī, rarely wei. The unstressed forms are wi, wə. In many n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects wi is used in affirmative sentences and wə in interrogative and subordinate sentences. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is generally ɒs, but in some of the n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects it is uz, in Sc., parts of Irel. and Nhb. hɒz. The unstressed forms are əs, əz.
VI. (a) The nominative form for the first person plural. The stressed version is wī, and sometimes wei. The unstressed versions are wi, wə. In many n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects, wi is used in affirmative sentences and wanna in questions and subordinate sentences. (b) The objective case. The stressed version is typically ɒs, but in some n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects, it's uz; in Sc., parts of Irel., and Nhb. it’s haze. The unstressed forms are əs, əz.
VII. The second person plural. Few dialects discriminate between you and ye; on the whole the use of ye for the nom. and obj. cases singular and plural is the more general. In s.Chs. you is always singular in meaning though it takes the verb in the plural, as: you thinken; ye is always plural. In Irel. and Nrf. the curious form yous, in Irel. also yees, is used when more than one person is addressed.
VII. The second person plural. Few dialects differentiate between you and ye; generally, using ye for both the singular and plural nominative and objective cases is more common. In s.Chs., you is always singular in meaning, even though it takes the plural verb, as in: you thinken; ye is always plural. In Irel. and Nrf., the interesting form yous, and in Irel. also yees, is used when addressing multiple people.
VIII. (a) The nominative of the third person plural. The stressed form of the nominative is generally ðē or ðeə, but in some midl. and s. dialects it is ðai or ðei, and in Sh. and Or.I. n.Ken. Sus. dē, rarely dei. The unstressed form is generally ðe or ðə, rarely ði. In Lin. War. Shr. ə (O.E. hīe) is used for the unstressed form of they. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is ðem, rarely ðēm. In all the dialects of Irel. and Eng. the unstressed form is əm (O.E. heom), generally written em, or ’em. In Sc. the unstressed form is ðem or ðəm.
VIII. (a) The nominative form for the third person plural. The stressed version of the nominative is usually ðē or there, but in some midl. and s. dialects, it can be that or they, and in Sh. and Or.I. n.Ken. Sus. it may be dē, occasionally dei. The unstressed form is generally the or the, rarely the. In Lin. War. Shr. ə (O.E. hi) is used for the unstressed form of they. (b) The objective case. The stressed form is them, rarely ðēm. In all dialects of Irel. and Eng., the unstressed form is əm (O.E. heom), usually written em or ’em. In Sc., the unstressed form is them or them.
The conjunctive possessive pronoun is in many dialects formed by adding the genitival s to the personal pronouns both nominative and objective, as: we’s, Oxf. Ess.; us’s, m.Yks. Glo. Oxf.; you’s, Sur.; him’s, w.Sc. Hrf.; she’s, Sur. Wil.; them’s, Dev.; in e.An. that’s is used for his, her, its. The use of the personal pronoun, nominative or objective, instead of the possessive is common in many Midl. and sw.Cy. dialects, especially when unemphatic or in addressing children, as: we held we breaths; let’s be off tul us dinners,[Pg 150] In certain n.Cy. and Midl. dialects the old uninflected it is still used instead of the modern its, cp. ‘It lifted up it head,’ Ham. I. ii. 216. In Hmp. the still older use of his for the neuter possessive is preserved, cp. ‘To every seed his own body,’ A.V. 1 Cor. xv. 38. In ne. Lan. her (O.E. hiera) is used for their. Throughout England the use of our, your before a proper noun to denote that the person spoken of belongs respectively to the family of the speaker or the person spoken to is very common, as: our Sal; your Tom. wə(r is in general dialect use in Sc. Irel. and Eng. for the unstressed form of our.
The possessive pronoun in many dialects is often formed by adding the genitive s to personal pronouns in both nominative and objective forms, like: we’s, Oxf. Ess.; us’s, m.Yks. Glo. Oxf.; you’s, Sur.; him’s, w.Sc. Hrf.; she’s, Sur. Wil.; them’s, Dev.; in e.An. that’s is used for his, her, its. Using the nominative or objective personal pronoun instead of the possessive is common in many Midl. and sw.Cy. dialects, especially when it’s not emphasized or when talking to children, like: we held we breaths; let’s be off to us dinners,[Pg 150] In some n.Cy. and Midl. dialects, the older uninflected it is still used instead of the modern its, cp. ‘It lifted up its head.,’ Ham. I. ii. 216. In Hmp., the older use of his for the neuter possessive is maintained, cp. ‘To each seed its own body,’ A.V. 1 Cor. xv. 38. In ne. Lan., her (O.E. hiera) is used for their. Across England, using our, your before a proper noun to show that the person being talked about belongs to the family of the speaker or the person being spoken to is very common, like: our Sal; your Tom. w/ is commonly used in Sc., Irel., and Eng. for the unstressed form of our.
In the Midl. e. s. and sw. counties the disjunctive possessive pronouns, except mine, thine, are generally formed from the conjunctive by adding n or ən, thus hisn, hern, ourn, yourn, theirn. A double form is used in mine’s, Sc. n.Yks. This double ending is added to the nom. in weez’n, Glo.; shizn, War. Glo. Brks. Hmp. Wil. The conjunctive form is used disjunctively in Lakel. Suf. Ess., as: that is my. In w.Yks. that’s is used as the disjunctive possessive of the third person. Apart from these deviations, the dialects generally express the disjunctive possessive pronouns in the same manner as the lit. language.
In the Midl. e. s. and sw. regions, the separate possessive pronouns, except for mine and thine, are usually created from the combined form by adding n or ən, resulting in hisn, hern, ourn, yourn, theirn. There’s a double form seen in mine’s, applicable in Sc. n.Yks.. This double ending is added to the nom. in weez’n, used in Glo.; shizn, appears in War., Glo., Brks., Hmp., Wil.. The combined form is used separately in Lakel., Suf., Ess., as: that is my. In w.Yks., that’s serves as the separate possessive for the third person. Aside from these variations, the dialects generally represent the separate possessive pronouns similarly to the lit. language.
The reflexive pronouns are generally formed by adding self, sel, sen, or seln for the singular, and selves, sels, sens (rarely sen) for the plural, to the conjunctive possessive pronouns, usually the unstressed forms: mi, ði, wə(r, jə(r, &c. The endings sen, seln, sens are chiefly confined to the n.Midl. dialects. The endings self, selves are hardly ever used in Sc. Irel. n.Cy. and n.Midlands. Frequently the objective case of the simple personal pronoun is used with a reflexive meaning, especially in Sc. n.Cy. and n.Midl., as: get thee dressed while I wash me. In Sc. theirsel is used when the idea is collective, theirsels when it is segregate.
The reflexive pronouns are usually created by adding self, sel, sen, or seln for singular forms, and selves, sels, sens (rarely sen) for plural forms, to the possessive pronouns, typically the unstressed versions: mi, the, wɚ, jə(r, &c. The endings sen, seln, and sens are mainly found in the n.Midl. dialects. The endings self and selves are rarely used in Sc., Irel., n.Cy., and n.Midlands. Often, the objective case of the simple personal pronoun is used with a reflexive meaning, especially in Sc., n.Cy., and n.Midl., as in: get yourself dressed while I wash myself. In Sc., theirsel is used when the idea is collective, while theirsels is used when it is individual.
The demonstrative pronoun this is expressed by: (1) This, generally used in the same manner as in lit. English. (2) This here, in general dialect use in Eng. (3) That, in Sc. and n.Irel. as: that is a fine day. (4) Thease, Hrf. Glo. and[Pg 151] sw.Cy., used of objects having a definite shape; cp. Lat. hic; in w.Som. when the noun, whatever its quantity or number, has already been mentioned in the same sentence, it is referred to as that, this, not as thick, thease. (5) Thease yerimy, Glo. (6) Thick here, sw.Cy. In disjunctive use are: (7) Thisn, thisna, n.Cy. Midl. Suf. Sur. (8) Thease here, w.Som. (9) Thissum, Glo. Hmp. sw.Cy.
The demonstrative pronoun this is expressed as: (1) This, usually used like in lit. English. (2) This here, commonly used in dialects in Eng. (3) That, in Sc. and n.Irel. like: that is a fine day. (4) Thease, Hrf. Glo. and [Pg 151] sw.Cy., used for objects with a definite shape; cp. Lat. hic; in w.Som., when the noun, regardless of its quantity or number, has already been mentioned in the same sentence, it is referred to as that, this, not as thick, thease. (5) Thease yerimy, Glo. (6) Thick here, sw.Cy. In disjunctive use are: (7) Thisn, thisna, n.Cy. Midl. Suf. Sur. (8) Thease here, w.Som. (9) Thissum, Glo. Hmp. sw.Cy.
That is expressed by: (1) That, generally used in the same manner as in lit. Eng. (2) That there, in general dialect use in Eng.; a second there is often added, as is also a second here to this here. (3) Thack, thacky, Glo. sw.Cy. (4) Thick there, Glo. I.W. sw.Cy. (5) Thon, Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur., used to identify an object remote from both speakers. (6) Thonder, Chs. Hrf. (7) Yon, Sc. Irel. n.Cy. n.Midl. Hrf. e.An. Dev., used especially of a person or thing a little way off, but within sight. (8) Yond, Edb. Yks. Lan. Dev. (9) Yonder, Ayr. I.Ma. s.Chs. Nhp. w.Wor. Nrf. In disjunctive use are: (10) Thatn, Lakel. Der. Not. Wor. Hrf. Sur. (11) Thickumy, Som. (12) Thilk, Glo. In Sc. n.Midl. Lon. Suf. Ken. that is used in emphatic reiteration of an assertion, as: I suppose you are in a hurry. I am that. In all the dialects that is used adverbially with the meaning to such a degree, as: I was that bad. It is also used before a substantive with the meaning such, as: in that fear that I couldn’t move. In n.Hmp. thick is always used for this, and thuck for that; in Dor. thick is only used for the personal class of formed individual objects.
That is expressed by: (1) That, generally used the same way as in lit. Eng. (2) That there, commonly used in dialects in Eng.; a second there is often added, as is a second here to this here. (3) Thack, thacky, Glo. sw.Cy. (4) Thick there, Glo. I.W. sw.Cy. (5) Thon, Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur., used to identify an object far from both speakers. (6) Thonder, Chs. Hrf. (7) Yon, Sc. Irel. n.Cy. n.Midl. Hrf. e.An. Dev., used especially for a person or thing that's nearby, but within sight. (8) Yond, Edb. Yks. Lan. Dev. (9) Yonder, Ayr. I.Ma. s.Chs. Nhp. w.Wor. Nrf. In disjunctive use are: (10) Thatn, Lakel. Der. Not. Wor. Hrf. Sur. (11) Thickumy, Som. (12) Thilk, Glo. In Sc. n.Midl. Lon. Suf. Ken. that is used to strongly repeat an assertion, as: I suppose you are in a hurry. I am that. In all the dialects, that is used as an adverb meaning to such an extent, as: I was that bad. It's also used before a noun to mean such, as: in that fear that I couldn’t move. In n.Hmp., thick is always used for this, and thuck for that; in Dor., thick is only used for the personal class of formed individual objects.
These is expressed by: (1) These, as in lit. Eng. (2) Thes here, w.Yks. Midl. Brks. Nrf. Ken. Som. n.Dev. (3) These yerimy, Glo. (4) Theasum, theasamy, Glo. Hmp. sw.Cy. (5) This, ne.Sc. n.Cy. parts of Yks. and Lan., and sw.Cy. It is used especially with plural nouns denoting time, as: this three weeks. In disjunctive use are: (6) These ’ans (= ones), theseun, Cum. Hrf. Brks. Wil. (7) Thism, Glo.
These is expressed by: (1) These, as in lit. Eng. (2) Thes here, w.Yks. Midl. Brks. Nrf. Ken. Som. n.Dev. (3) These yerimy, Glo. (4) Theasum, theasamy, Glo. Hmp. sw.Cy. (5) This, ne.Sc. n.Cy. parts of Yks. and Lan., and sw.Cy. It is used especially with plural nouns denoting time, as: this three weeks. In disjunctive use are: (6) These 'ans (= ones), theseun, Cum. Hrf. Brks. Wil. (7) Thism, Glo.
Those is seldom or never heard in genuine dialect speech. Its place is supplied by: (1) Them, in all the dialects of Sc. Irel. and Eng. In Sc. it is especially used as the antecedent[Pg 152] of the relative, as: them at did it. (2) Them there, n.Midl. Midl. e.An. Dor. Som. (3) Themmin, Glo. Wil. (4) Themmy, sw.Cy. (5) They, Midl. Suf. s. and sw.Cy., used especially as the antecedent of the relative. (6) They there, Ken. w.Som. Dev. (7) That, ne.Sc. (8) These, Sc. Cum. Yks. (9) Thon, Sc. Irel. Nhb. Dur. (10) Yon, Sc. n.Irel. n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An. Dev. (11) Yond, Edb. Yks. Lan. Dev. (12) Them ’ans, Cum. (13) Yon ’ans, Cum. These and those are both expressed by: (1) Thae, Sc. Uls. n.Cy. (2) Thick, thuck, Wor. Dev. (3) Thir, Sc. (s. of the Grampians) Uls. n.Cy. In disjunctive use: (4) Thirs, thors, Sc. Nhb. (5) Thir ’ans, Cum.
Those is rarely or never heard in authentic dialect speech. It’s replaced by: (1) Them, in all dialects of Sc., Irel., and Eng.. In Sc., it’s particularly used as the antecedent[Pg 152] of the relative, as in: them at did it. (2) Them there, n.Midl., Midl., e.An., Dor., Som.. (3) Themmin, Glo., Wil.. (4) Themmy, sw.Cy.. (5) They, Midl., Suf., s. and sw.Cy., used especially as the antecedent of the relative. (6) They there, Ken., w.Som., Dev.. (7) That, ne.Sc.. (8) These, Sc., Cum., Yks.. (9) Thon, Sc., Irel., Nhb., Dur.. (10) Yon, Sc., n.Irel., n.Cy., n.Midl., e.An., Dev.. (11) Yond, Edb., Yks., Lan., Dev.. (12) Them ’ans, Cum.. (13) Yon ’ans, Cum.. These and those are both expressed by: (1) Thae, Sc., Uls., n.Cy.. (2) Thick, thuck, Wor., Dev.. (3) Thir, Sc. (s. of the Grampians), Uls., n.Cy.. In disjunctive use: (4) Thirs, thors, Sc., Nhb.. (5) Thir ’ans, Cum..
There are no special dialect words for the interrogative pronoun, but the following deviations from the lit. use are worth notice: Whom is hardly ever used in any dialect; its place is taken by who. In Sc. and n. and ne.Yks. whose is seldom used as an interrogative pronoun, a periphrasis being used instead, as: who is aught the bairn? whose is the child? who belongs this house? whose house is this? In Cum. which is used of persons as well as of animals and things.
There aren't any unique dialect words for the interrogative pronoun, but the following differences from the lit. usage are worth noting: Whom is rarely used in any dialect; it’s replaced by who. In Sc. and northern and ne.Yks., whose is rarely used as an interrogative pronoun, with a phrase being used instead, such as: who is aught the bairn? whose is the child? who belongs this house? whose house is this? In Cum., which is used for people as well as for animals and things.
The relative pronoun is generally expressed by as, at, that or what for all genders and numbers, when the antecedent is expressed. In other cases who is used for the masc. and fem. nom. and obj., and what for the neuter. Whom is never used in the dialects. As is rarely used in n.Cy., but in the other parts of England it is in general use. At is in general use in Sc. Irel. n.Cy. and a small portion of the n.Midl. counties. What can be used when it refers to persons as well as to inanimate objects in some of the n.Midl. counties, and in nearly all the counties south of the n.Midlands. In w.Som. it is only used when special emphasis is required. In s.Not. Hrf. Glo. and Nrf. the relative which is used redundantly in a conjunctive sense, as: ghosts, which I can’t bear talking about. In Brks. whosen is used for whose, but as a rule the possessive relative cannot be expressed by a single word in the dialects; instead a periphrasis or parenthetical sentence[Pg 153] is substituted. Especially frequent is the use of as or what coupled with a possessive pronoun, as: that’s the chap as his uncle was hanged. In Sc. at is similarly used, as: the man at his coat’s torn.
The relative pronoun is usually represented by as, at, that, or what for all genders and numbers when the antecedent is present. In other instances, who is used for the masc. and fem. nom. and obj., and what for the neuter form. Whom is not used in the dialects. As is seldom used in n.Cy., but is generally used in other parts of England. At is commonly used in Sc., Irel., n.Cy., and a small part of the n.Midl. counties. What can refer to people as well as inanimate objects in some of the n.Midl. counties and in nearly all the counties south of the n.Midlands. In w.Som., it is only used when special emphasis is needed. In s.Not., Hrf., Glo., and Nrf., the relative which is used redundantly in a conjunctive sense, as in: ghosts, which I can’t bear talking about. In Brks., whosen is used instead of whose, but generally the possessive relative cannot be expressed by a single word in the dialects; a periphrasis or parenthetical phrase is used instead. It is particularly common to use as or what combined with a possessive pronoun, as in: that’s the guy as his uncle was hanged. In Sc., at is similarly used, as in: the man at his coat’s torn.
Verbs
Preterites. In the conjugation of verbs in the dialects many old forms have been preserved which have been lost in the literary language. Very often where, in the lit. language, the old plural form of the preterite or the past participle has been carried through the whole preterite, in the dialects the old singular form has been levelled out. Or again, an old strong verb has in lit. Eng. become weak, whilst in the dialects the strong forms have remained. On the whole, it is the northern dialects which have preserved these old strong preterite forms. It may be said to be characteristic of the southern dialects to form new weak preterites to originally strong verbs. Examples of verbs which have preserved old strong preterites are: bind, ban(d (O.E. band), Sc. n.Cy. Shr.; break, brak (O.E. bræc), Sc. n.Cy.; climb, klam, klom (O.E. clamb, clomb), Sc. n.Cy. n.Midl. Hrf. Hmp. Dor.; find, fan(d (O.E. fand), Sc. Cum. Yks.; grind, gran(d (O.E. grand), Sc. Dur. Yks. Shr.; knead, nad, nēd (M.E. knad, late plur. knāden), Yks. Shr.; speak, spak, spēk (M.E. spak, late plur. spāken), Sc. Dwn. n.Cy. Ess. Dev.; swing, swaŋ (O.E. swang), Sc. Lakel. Yks.; tread, trad, trēd (M.E. trad, late plur. trāden), Sc. Yks.; win, wan (O.E. wan(n), Sc. Cum. Yks.
Preterites. In the way verbs are conjugated in the dialects, many old forms have been kept that are no longer present in the literary language. Often, where in the lit. language the old plural form of the preterite or the past participle has been used throughout the entire preterite, in the dialects the old singular form has been standardized. Alternatively, an old strong verb that has become weak in lit. Eng. has maintained its strong forms in the dialects. Generally, it is the northern dialects that have kept these old strong preterite forms. It can be said that southern dialects typically create new weak preterites for originally strong verbs. Examples of verbs that have maintained old strong preterites include: bind, band (O.E. group), Sc. n.Cy. Shr.; break, brake (O.E. break), Sc. n.Cy.; climb, klam, klom (O.E. clam, climbed), Sc. n.Cy. n.Midl. Hrf. Hmp. Dor.; find, fan (O.E. fanned), Sc. Cum. Yks.; grind, grand (O.E. lavish), Sc. Dur. Yks. Shr.; knead, nad, need (M.E. knad, late plur. knitting), Yks. Shr.; speak, spark, speak (M.E. spoke, late plur. speak), Sc. Dwn. n.Cy. Ess. Dev.; swing, swing (O.E. swung), Sc. Lakel. Yks.; tread, trad, tread (M.E. trad, late plur. trade), Sc. Yks.; win, wan (O.E. wan), Sc. Cum. Yks.
Examples of old strong verbs which have acquired new weak preterites are: bear, beared, Bch. Abd. Yks. s.Chs. s. and sw.Cy.; begin, beginned, w.Som. Dev.; burst, bursted, Sc. Midl. sw.Cy.; come, comed, Yks. Lan. n.Midl. e.An. sw.Cy.; draw, drawed, Midl. Hmp. sw.Cy.; grow, growed, n.Midl. I.W. Dor. w.Som.; know, knowed, n.Ir. n.Cy. Midl. Ess. Ken. Sur. I.W. sw.Cy.; see, seed, Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lan. s.Chs. Midl. e.An. s. and sw.Cy.; steal, stealed, Sc. n.Lin. Brks. e.An. Dev.; throw, throwed, thrawed, Nhb. w.Yks.[Pg 154] Midl. s. and sw.Cy.; weave, weaved, n. and e.Yks. w.Som.; &c., &c. These verbs have likewise a weak past participle, as: beared, corned, drawed, &c.
Examples of old strong verbs that have taken on new weak past forms include: bear, beared, Bch. Abd. Yks. s.Chs. s. and sw.Cy.; begin, beginned, w.Som. Dev.; burst, bursted, Sc. Midl. sw.Cy.; come, comed, Yks. Lan. n.Midl. e.An. sw.Cy.; draw, drawed, Midl. Hmp. sw.Cy.; grow, growed, n.Midl. I.W. Dor. w.Som.; know, knowed, n.Ir. n.Cy. Midl. Ess. Ken. Sur. I.W. sw.Cy.; see, seed, Sc. n.Cy. Yks. Lan. s.Chs. Midl. e.An. s. and sw.Cy.; steal, stealed, Sc. n.Lin. Brks. e.An. Dev.; throw, throwed, thrawed, Nhb. w.Yks.[Pg 154] Midl. s. and sw.Cy.; weave, weaved, n. and e.Yks. w.Som.; &c., &c. These verbs also have a weak past participle, such as: beared, corned, drawed, &c.
A few old weak verbs have become strong in lit. Eng. but retain their original weak forms in certain dialects, such are: dig, digged, w.Som., cp. ‘He made a pit and digged it,’ A.V. Ps. vii. 15, ‘Wells digged,’ Neh. ix. 25; strive, strived (M.E. strivede beside strōf), Peb. ne.Nrf. w.Som. Cor.; wear, weared (M.E. wered(e), Sc. n.Yks. Nhp. Wor. sw.Cy. Old forms of a weak preterite survive in reach, raught (M.E. raughte), Sc. Midl. s. and sw.Cy., cp. pp. ‘The hand of death hath raught him,’ Ant. & Cleop. IV. ix. 30; work, wrought (M.E. wroughte), Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Lan. Der. Stf. This is the ordinary preterite form used in the Authorized Version of the Bible, but in modern lit. Eng. only the past participle remains as an adjective, as in wrought iron. On the model of this kind of preterite we have in lit. Eng. catch, caught, but the regular form catched (M.E. cacched beside caughte) is common in nearly all the dialects of Sc. Irel. and England.
A few old weak verbs have become strong in lit. Eng. but still keep their original weak forms in some dialects, such as: dig, digged, w.Som., cp. ‘He dug a pit.,’ A.V. Ps. vii. 15, ‘Wells dug,’ Neh. ix. 25; strive, strived (M.E. strived next to strife), Peb. ne.Nrf. w.Som. Cor.; wear, weared (M.E. wered(e), Sc. n.Yks. Nhp. Wor. sw.Cy. Old forms of a weak preterite survive in reach, raught (M.E. raughte), Sc. Midl. s. and sw.Cy., cp. pp. ‘Death has taken him.,’ Ant. & Cleop. IV. ix. 30; work, wrought (M.E. wrought), Sc. Irel. n.Cy. Lan. Der. Stf. This is the usual preterite form used in the Authorized Version of the Bible, but in modern lit. Eng. only the past participle remains as an adjective, like wrought iron. Following this kind of preterite, we have in lit. Eng. catch, caught, but the regular form catched (M.E. cached next to caught) is common in almost all the dialects of Sc. Irel. and England.
Many verbs which in the literary language have lost the final n of the strong past participle, retain it in certain dialects. These old past participles are found in Sc. n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects, but very rarely further south than Shropshire. Examples are: bake, baken, Sc.; bereave, beriven, m.Yks.; bind, bunden, binden, Yks. Nhb.; climb, clomben, Nhb. Shr.; come, cumen, comen, Sc. n.Cy. Chs. Shr.; creep, cropen, crupen, Sc. n.Cy. Chs. Shr.; fight, foughten, Sc. n.Cy. Lei. Shr.; fling, flungen, e.Yks. s.Chs. Der.; grind, grounden, Nhb. n. and e.Yks. Shr.; help, holpen, s.Chs. Rut. Shr.; knead, nedn, m.Yks., noden, n.Cy. w.Yks. Nhp.; shoot, shotten, shutten, Sc. n.Irel. Lakel. n.Cy. Lei. Wor. Shr. Ken.; sit, sitten, Sc. n.Cy. Chs. nw.Der. Shr.; slit, slitten, Sc. Nhb. Yks. nw.Lin.; spring, sprungen, e.Yks. s.Chs.; wash, washen, Sc., weshen, w.Yks.; writhe, writhen, Sc. m.Yks. s.Chs.
Many verbs that have lost the final n in the strong past participle in literary language still keep it in certain dialects. These old past participles can be found in Sc. n.Cy. and n.Midl. dialects, but very rarely further south than Shropshire. Examples include: bake, baken, Sc.; bereave, beriven, m.Yks.; bind, bunden, binden, Yks. Nhb.; climb, clomben, Nhb. Shr.; come, cumen, comen, Sc. n.Cy. Chs. Shr.; creep, cropen, crupen, Sc. n.Cy. Chs. Shr.; fight, foughten, Sc. n.Cy. Lei. Shr.; fling, flungen, e.Yks. s.Chs. Der.; grind, grounden, Nhb. n. and e.Yks. Shr.; help, holpen, s.Chs. Rut. Shr.; knead, nedn, m.Yks., noden, n.Cy. w.Yks. Nhp.; shoot, shotten, shutten, Sc. n.Irel. Lakel. n.Cy. Lei. Wor. Shr. Ken.; sit, sitten, Sc. n.Cy. Chs. nw.Der. Shr.; slit, slitten, Sc. Nhb. Yks. nw.Lin.; spring, sprungen, e.Yks. s.Chs.; wash, washen, Sc., weshen, w.Yks.; writhe, writhen, Sc. m.Yks. s.Chs.
In some dialects the verbal endings differ considerably[Pg 155] from those of the standard language, and the use of these endings is governed by exact grammatical rules. To begin with the present tense: In Sc. Irel. n.Cy. and most of the n.Midl. dialects, all persons, singular and plural, take s, z, or əz when not immediately preceded or followed by their proper pronoun; that is when the subject is a noun, an interrogative or relative pronoun, or when the verb and subject are separated by a clause. When the verb is immediately preceded or followed by its proper pronoun, the first person sing. and the whole of the plural generally have no special endings in the above dialects, except occasionally in parts of Yks. Lan. and Lin. It follows from this that grammatically ‘Scots wha hae’ is incorrect; strictly the line should run: ‘Scots at haes wi’ Wallace bled.’ In the other parts of England the first person sing. has no special ending except in some of the southern and south-western dialects, which have the ending s, z, or əz. Most of the s.Midl. e. s. and sw. dialects have s, z, or əz for all persons of the plural. The plural generally ends in n, ən in se. em. and s.Lan. Chs. Flt. Dnb. Stf., nearly all Der., Shr., and also often in Nhp. War. Wor. Hrf.; this is especially the case with have. In Som. and Dev. the plural often ends in ð among the older generation of dialect speakers. In e. and s.Hrt. Ken. Sur. Hmp. I.W. w. and s.Som. Dev. Cor. ’m, am, is generally used for are after the pronouns we, ye, they, as: wəm, we are. In Nhb. Dur. Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan. n.Lin. is is often used for am. The periphrastic form I do love, &c., for I love, &c., is in general use in the sw. dialects.
In some dialects, the verb endings are quite different from those in standard English[Pg 155], and these endings follow specific grammatical rules. Starting with the present tense: In Sc. Irel. n.Cy. and most of the n.Midl. dialects, all subjects, both singular and plural, take s, z, or əz unless they are directly preceded or followed by their corresponding pronoun; this means when the subject is a noun, an interrogative or relative pronoun, or when the verb and subject are separated by a clause. When the verb is directly preceded or followed by its proper pronoun, the first person singular and the plural generally don’t have any special endings in these dialects, except sometimes in parts of Yks., Lan., and Lin.. Therefore, grammatically 'Scots wha hae' is incorrect; it should actually read: 'Scots at haes wi’ Wallace bled.' In other parts of England, the first person singular also typically has no special ending, except in some southern and south-western dialects, which do have the endings s, z, or əz. Most of the s.Midl. e. s. and sw. dialects use s, z, or əz for all plural subjects. The plural generally ends in n, ən in se. em. and s.Lan., Chs., Flt., Dnb., Stf., nearly all Der., Shr., and often in Nhp., War., Wor., and Hrf.; this is especially true for have. In Som. and Dev., the plural often ends in ð among the older speakers. In e. and s.Hrt., Ken., Sur., Hmp., I.W., w. and s.Som., Dev., and Cor., I’m, am is commonly used instead of are after the pronouns we, ye, they, as in: wum, we are. In Nhb., Dur., Cum., Wm., Yks., Lan., n.Lin., is is often used for am. The phrase I do love, &c., is commonly used instead of I love, &c., particularly in the sw. dialects.
The preterite plural sometimes ends in n, ən in some n.Midl. dialects, but beyond this the preterite endings generally agree with those of the literary language.
The past tense plural sometimes ends in n, ən in some n.Midl. dialects, but aside from that, the past tense endings usually match those of the written language.
In the dialects of England the present participle ends in in except in parts of n.Nhb. and n.Cum. where the ending is ən. This ən probably goes back to the Northern M.E. ending and. In the dialects of s.Sc. and also in a few other Sc. dialects the present participle ends in ən, from older and, and the verbal noun ends in in from older ing. In the imperfect[Pg 156] and perfect continuous tenses, as: I am striking, I have been striking, the present participle takes the prefix ə (ɒ) in the Midland, e.Cy. and sw.Cy. dialects, as: I am a-goin. This is an interesting point when we realize that it proves the origin of our present participle ending ing, which cannot be developed from the O.E. ende. The form with the prefix ə represents the verbal noun (O.E. -ung, -ing) preceded by the preposition on. The preposition dwindled through lack of stress into a mere prefix, and was ultimately lost in lit. Eng. These dialects thus preserve the intermediate stage.
In the dialects of England, the present participle ends in in, except in parts of n.Nhb. and n.Cum., where the ending is ən. This ən likely traces back to the Northern M.E. ending and. In the dialects of s.Sc. and a few other Sc. dialects, the present participle ends in ən, from the older and, while the verbal noun ends in in, from older ing. In the imperfect[Pg 156] and perfect continuous tenses, like: I am striking, I have been striking, the present participle takes the prefix ə (ɒ) in the Midland, e.Cy., and sw.Cy. dialects, as in: I am a-goin. This is an interesting point since it shows the origin of our current present participle ending ing, which cannot be traced back to the O.E. end. The form with the prefix ə represents the verbal noun (O.E. -ung, -ing) preceded by the preposition on. The preposition gradually diminished in importance and became just a prefix, eventually being lost in lit. Eng.. These dialects thus preserve the intermediate stage.
In the s.Midl. and sw.Cy. dialects the past participle has the prefix ə (ɒ) from the O.E. prefix ge-.
In the s.Midl. and sw.Cy. dialects, the past participle includes the prefix ə (ɒ), derived from the O.E. prefix ge-.
The infinitive generally has no special ending just as in the literary language. But in the sw.Cy. dialects, especially in Dor. Som. Dev., intransitive verbs generally have the ending i, written y, from the O.E. ending -ian of weak verbs such as lufian, to love; lōcian, to look.
The infinitive usually doesn't have a special ending like in formal language. However, in the sw.Cy. dialects, especially in Dor. Som. Dev., intransitive verbs often have the ending i, written as y, derived from the O.E. ending -ian of weak verbs like lufian, to love; lotion, to look.
The future is formed the same way as in lit. Eng. except that in Sc. Irel. and Wal. will is used for the first person singular and plural.
The future is formed the same way as in lit. Eng. except that in Sc. Irel. and Wal. will is used for the first person singular and plural.
The perfect is generally formed the same way as in lit. Eng., but in those dialects of England which have preserved the old strong past participles, the auxiliary have is generally omitted in affirmative sentences when the subject is a personal pronoun immediately followed by the verb, as: we done it, I seen him, they been and taken it. In the Midl. e. and s. dialects, this construction is sometimes used to express the preterite.
The perfect is usually formed the same way as in lit. Eng., but in those dialects of England that have kept the old strong past participles, the auxiliary have is often left out in positive sentences when the subject is a personal pronoun directly followed by the verb, like: we done it, I seen him, they been and taken it. In the Midl. e. and s. dialects, this structure is sometimes used to express the past tense.
The negative in O.E. was expressed by the particle ne prefixed to the verb, and to all the other words in the sentence that admitted of contracted negative forms. If no such words were present, then nā or naht was used to strengthen the ne. This usage was kept up in M.E., as: he never hadde noþing, but beside it nat, not, the weak form of O.E. nāwiht, began to take the place of the ne. In Modern English the ne disappeared entirely, and the influence of Latin grammar led[Pg 157] to the adoption of the rule ‘two negatives contradict each other and make an affirmative’. In the dialects the old pleonastic negatives remain, as: He nivver said nowt neeaways ti neean on em; Neeabody’s neea bisniss ti thraw nowt inti neeabody’s gardin; I deean’t want nobbut yan.
The negative in Old English (O.E.) was shown by the particle *ne* placed before the verb and any other words in the sentence that had shortened negative forms. If there were no such words, then *nā* or *naht* was used to reinforce the *ne*. This practice continued in Middle English (M.E.), as in: *he never hadde noþing*, but alongside it *nat*, *not*,
CHAPTER XI
TRENDING PHRASES AND EXPRESSIONS
To most people the details contained in the preceding chapter will seem but the dry bones of dialect speech; they would prefer the bones to be covered with sinews and flesh. Dialect speech as the embodiment of living, many-sided, human nature is perhaps nowhere so closely seen as in a collection of the figurative terms and phrases applied to people and things. Here we approach the unlimited humour displayed in the dialects. It is of all kinds—the ironical, the sage, the frankly jolly, the merely ridiculous. It takes every shape; we meet it in similes, metaphors, proverbs, and in various other forms which elude description. A characteristic form of humour, often combined with sarcasm, appears in those comparisons wherein the moods, habits, and actions of men are likened to those of birds, beasts, fishes, and even insects in real or imaginary situations. The following is a miscellaneous selection of similes: as awkward as a cat in pattens; as big as bull-beef, said of a conceited person; as black as the devil’s nutting-bag; as blue as a whetstone; as bug [self-satisfied, vain] as a pump with two spouts; as busy as bees in a basin, said when any one is busy about trifles; as busy as a cat in a tripe-shop; as clean as print; as cold as snow in harvest, said of any one who looks hard and unfeeling; as dark as a boot; as dark as a black cow’s skin, said of a very dark night; as dateless as a rubbin’-stoop [as stupid, insensible as a rubbing-post]; as dazed as a duck against thunder; as dazed as a goose with a nail in its head; as deaf as a beetle [a wooden mallet]; as deaf as a haddock; as drunk as mice, cp. ‘We faren as he that dronke is as a mous,’ Chaucer, Knightes Tale, l. 403, ‘Thou comest hoom as dronken as a mous,’ [Pg 159] Wife of Bath’s Prol., l. 246; as dunch [deaf] as a door-post; as dutch [fine, affected in language] as a dog in a doublet; as dutch as a mastiff, said of one who assumes an air of innocence after having done some mischief; as fat as a modiwarp [a mole]; as fast as a midge in a treacle-pot; as fast as a thief in a mill [i.e. an old windmill, built on posts, and with only one way of ingress and egress]; as fine as a new-scraped carrot, used to describe any one who has dressed himself up smartly for any occasion; as flat as a flaun [a pancake, O.Fr. flaon]; as fond [foolish] as a besom; as fond as a poke [bag] of chaff with the bottom end out; as foul as a curn-boggart [as ugly as a scarecrow]; as friendly as a bramble-bush; as genny [fretful] as a bear with a sore lug [ear]; as greedy as a fox in a hen-roost, referring to the fact that a fox kills many more hens than he can eat; as good-natured as a pump; as green as a leek, cp. ‘His eyes were green as leeks,’ Mids. N. D. V. i. 342; as happy as pigs in muck; as happy as little pigs in new straw; as handy as a gimlet, said of any one who is quick and useful; as hard as a ground toad, said of any one who looks healthy and strong; as hardened as Pharaoh; as heart-sound as a cabbage, said of any one possessing a good constitution; as hungry as a June crow; as in and out as a dog’s hinder leg, said of any one not to be depended on; as keen [strong] as Samson; as lilty as tykes in a tramp-house [as light-hearted as vagrants in a tramps’ lodging-house]; as lonely as a milestone; as lonely as a steg [gander] in sitting-time, said of a bachelor living by himself; as mild as a moon-beam, said of a particularly mild and placid person; as narrow as a drink of water, said of a person excessively thin; as nimble as a cat on a hot backstone; as nimble as a cow in a cage, said of a person who is clumsy and awkward; as plain as a pack-staff. This refers to the pedlar’s staff which supports the pack on his back, and also serves to measure his wares, and which by constant wear on his journeyings becomes exceedingly smooth. The better known version—as plain as a pike-staff—is thought to be a corruption of pack-staff. As peart as a[Pg 160] gladdy [as lively as a yellow-hammer]; as peart as a robin; as pleased as a dog with two tails; as poor as a rames [as thin as a skeleton]; as right as pie; as sackless as a goose; as safe as a church tied to a hedge, said when superfluous precaution has been used; as sharp as a weasel; as simple as a ha’porth of cheese; as simple as a ha’porth of soap in a washing-mug, i.e. as ineffectual as so small a quantity of soap would be in so large a vessel of water, mug here denoting a wash-tub; as slender in the middle as a cow in the waist, said of a very stout person; as slick as a oont [as smooth as a mole]; as slim as a barber’s pole; as soft-hearted as a rezzil [weasel], said of a person who is absolutely cruel; as sound as a trout; as sour as a grig, referring to grig, the wild bullace, not to the proverbial merry grig; as straight as a loach, an allusion to the swift direct motion of the loach; as sure as God’s in Gloucestershire, an allusion to the large number of churches and religious houses the county used to possess; as throng [busy] as a cobbler’s Monday, said in ridicule, because a cobbler is supposed to rest on Monday to work off the effects of a drinking bout at the week-end; as tough as a withy; as wakken as a witterick [as lively as a weasel]; as warm as a bee; as weak as a midsummer gosling; as weak as a wet dish-clout; as welcome as flowers in May, said to a friend entering the house; as welcome as snow in harvest, or as welcome as water in one’s shoon, said of an undesired guest; as whisht as a winnard, an allusion to the redwings which reach Cornwall in the late autumn, and are seen there in the winter in a very thin and miserably weak condition; as windy as a wisket [basket], said of a forgetful person; as yellow as a gollan [a corn-marigold].
To most people, the details in the previous chapter might seem like just the bare basics of dialect speech; they would rather see those basics fleshed out with meaning and context. Dialect speech, which represents the vibrant and complex nature of humanity, is perhaps best illustrated by the figurative terms and phrases used to describe people and things. This is where we dive into the endless humor found in dialects. It comes in all forms—the ironic, the wise, the openly cheerful, and the just plain silly. It takes on many shapes; we see it in similes, metaphors, proverbs, and various other forms that are hard to define. One distinct type of humor, often mixed with sarcasm, appears in comparisons that liken people's moods, habits, and actions to those of birds, beasts, fish, and even insects in real or imagined situations. Here are some random similes: as awkward as a cat in clogs; as big as a conceited person; as black as the devil’s bag; as blue as a whetstone; as vain as a pump with two spouts; as busy as bees in a bowl, used when someone is focused on trivial things; as busy as a cat in a tripe shop; as clean as a print; as cold as snow in harvest, referring to someone who looks stern and unfeeling; as dark as a boot; as dark as a black cow’s skin, said of a very dark night; as clueless as a rubbing post; as dazed as a duck in a thunderstorm; as dazed as a goose with a nail in its head; as deaf as a wooden mallet; as deaf as a haddock; as drunk as mice, cp. ‘We faren as he that dronke is as a mous,’ Chaucer, Knightes Tale, l. 403, ‘Thou comest hoom as dronken as a mous,’ Wife of Bath’s Prol., l. 246; as clueless as a doorpost; as pretentious as a dog in a fancy jacket; as deceitful as a guilty dog trying to act innocent; as fat as a mole; as fast as a gnat in syrup; as quick as a thief in a mill [an old windmill with only one way in and out]; as smartly dressed as a newly scraped carrot, used to describe someone who is dressed up nicely for an occasion; as flat as a pancake; as foolish as a broom; as foolish as a bag of chaff with the bottom out; as ugly as a scarecrow; as friendly as a thorn bush; as grumpy as a bear with a sore ear; as greedy as a fox in a henhouse, noting that foxes kill far more hens than they can eat; as good-natured as a pump; as green as a leek, cp. ‘His eyes were green as leeks,’ Mids. N. D. V. i. 342; as happy as pigs in mud; as content as little pigs in fresh straw; as handy as a gimlet, referring to someone who is quick and useful; as tough as an old toad, describing someone who appears healthy and strong; as unyielding as Pharaoh; as healthy as a cabbage, said of someone who has a strong constitution; as hungry as a June crow; as unreliable as a dog's hind leg; as strong as Samson; as carefree as vagrants in a transient lodging; as lonely as a milestone; as lonely as a gander during nesting season, said of a single man living alone; as gentle as a moonbeam, describing someone particularly calm and kind; as thin as a sip of water, used to describe an excessively skinny person; as quick as a cat on a hot surface; as clumsy as a cow in a cage; as obvious as a pedlar’s staff, which holds the pack on his back and also measures his goods, becoming very smooth from wear. The more popular saying—as plain as a pike-staff—is believed to be a variation on pack-staff. As lively as a yellow-hammer; as lively as a robin; as happy as a dog with two tails; as skinny as a skeleton; as right as pie; as innocent as a goose; as safe as a church tied to a hedge, when extra caution has been taken; as clever as a weasel; as simple as half a penny’s worth of cheese; as ineffective as half a penny's worth of soap in a wash-tub; as thick around the middle as a cow; as smooth as a mole; as slim as a barber’s pole; as cold-hearted as a weasel, describing someone who is truly cruel; as hearty as a trout; as sour as a wild bullace; as straight as a loach, referring to the loach's swift, direct movements; as certain as there are churches in Gloucestershire, alluding to the many churches in the county; as busy as a cobbler on a Monday, used mockingly because cobblers are thought to rest on Mondays after partying over the weekend; as tough as a willow; as lively as a weasel; as warm as a bee; as weak as a midsummer gosling; as weak as a wet dishcloth; as welcomed as flowers in May, said to a friend entering a home; as welcomed as snow in harvest, or as welcome as water in a shoe, said of an unwanted guest; as quiet as a redwing in late autumn, seen looking weak and miserable during winter; as forgetful as a holey basket; as yellow as a corn marigold.
To look like a bit of chewed twine is to look worn out; the tears were running down his cheeks like beetles up a hill is said in ridicule of a child who is crying for nothing; to grin like a Cheshire cat chewing gravel, eating cheese, or brass wire. Charles Lamb once explained why a Cheshire cat is given to grinning: ‘I made a pun the other day, and palmed it upon Holcroft, who grinned like a Cheshire cat. (Why do cats[Pg 161] grin in Cheshire?—Because it was once a county palatine, and the cats cannot help laughing whenever they think of it, though I see no great joke in it.)’ Letters, vol. i, p. 245. Like a chip in a mess of milk, or like a chip in porridge, said of a person or thing of no importance, useless; to stare like a choked throstle, or like a throttled earwig; like a cow handling a musket, said of a person doing something in a clumsy manner; to look like death on a mopstick is to look miserable; to work like Diggory is to work hard. The name Diggory was once a common Christian name. It occurs as the name of a farm labourer in Goldsmith’s She Stoops to Conquer. To go like a dinner of broth is to go successfully without hitch or friction; short and sweet like a donkey’s gallop; to go buzzing away like a dumbley-dory [a bumble-bee] in a snoxun [a foxglove], or like a dumble-dore in a warming-pan, is said of a humdrum preacher; she’s like an old ewe dressed lamb-fashion is said of an old woman gaily dressed; she’s in and out of folkses housen like a fiddler’s elbow is said of a gossiping woman; to be like a fly in a glue-pot is to be in a state of nervous excitement; to have a memory like a frog-tail is to have a bad memory, or none at all; to be like a hen on a hot girdle is to be restless and impatient; off, like a jug handle; laid out like lamb and sallet is said of a person gaily dressed; it’s bare work and poor pay, like licking honey off a thorn, said of an employment yielding only a small and uncertain profit; lost like a lop in a barn, said of a person living in too big a house; to be like a pig in a well is to be without visible means of support; to be like a pig, to do no good alive, is said of a covetous and selfish man; it’s much cry for little wool, like shearing a pig; to mend like sour ale in summer is to grow worse and worse; to look like a sow with side-pockets is said of a person absurdly dressed; anything very useless is said to be of no more use than a side-pocket is to a toad, or an umbrella to a duck; like a sucking duck, said of a foolish person; it’s slow work, like sucking buttermilk out of a sieve; to follow any one like a Tantony pig is to[Pg 162] stick as close to him as St. Anthony’s favourite is supposed to have done to the saint, cp. ‘Lord! she made me follow her last week through all the shops like a Tantiny pig,’ Swift, Polite Conv. i; to sit like a toad on a shovel, said of any one who has a very uncertain seat on horseback, and also of a person in a very uncertain condition of affairs; like a toad out of a tree—thump; to live or lead a life like a toad under a harrow is to suffer from ill-treatment or ill-usage; he’s like a Tom-noup [the great tit] on a round of beef, said of a swaggering, pretentious, little man; drinking to drown sorrow is like trying to sleck a fire with gunpowder; it runs in the blood like wooden legs.
To look a bit like chewed-up twine means to look worn out; "the tears were running down his cheeks like beetles up a hill" is said in mockery of a child who is crying for no good reason; to grin like a Cheshire cat gnawing on gravel, cheese, or brass wire. Charles Lamb once explained why a Cheshire cat grins: "I made a pun the other day and passed it off on Holcroft, who grinned like a Cheshire cat. (Why do cats grin in Cheshire?—Because it used to be a palatine county, and the cats can't help laughing whenever they think about it, though I don't see what’s funny about it.)" Letters, vol. i, p. 245. Like a chip in a bowl of milk, or like a chip in porridge, is used to describe a person or thing that is of no importance; to stare like a choked throstle or a throttled earwig; like a cow trying to handle a musket is said about someone doing something awkwardly; to look like death on a mopstick means to look miserable; to work like Diggory means to work hard. The name Diggory used to be a common Christian name. It appears as the name of a farm laborer in Goldsmith’s She Stoops to Conquer. To go like a dinner of broth means to go smoothly and without problems; short and sweet like a donkey's gallop; to go buzzing away like a bumblebee in a foxglove, or like a bumblebee in a warming pan, describes a boring preacher; she’s like an old ewe dressed like a lamb is said of an old woman dressed gaily; she’s in and out of people’s houses like a fiddler’s elbow is said of a gossiping woman; to be like a fly in a glue pot is to be in a state of nervous excitement; to have a memory like a frog's tail is to have a poor memory, or none at all; to be like a hen on a hot pan is to be restless and impatient; off, like a jug handle; laid out like lamb and salad describes a person dressed gaily; it’s bare work and poor pay, like licking honey off a thorn, describes a job that provides little and uncertain profit; lost like a loaf in a barn describes someone living in a house that's too big for them; to be like a pig in a well is to be without visible means of support; to be like a pig and do no good while alive describes a greedy and selfish person; it’s much noise for little wool, like shearing a pig; to get worse like sour ale in summer means to deteriorate; to look like a sow with side pockets describes someone dressed absurdly; anything very useless is said to be no more useful than a side pocket is to a toad, or an umbrella to a duck; like a duckling describes a foolish person; it’s slow work, like trying to suck buttermilk through a sieve; to follow someone like a Tantony pig means to stick as close to them as St. Anthony's favorite is said to have done, cp. "Lord! she made me follow her last week through all the shops like a Tantony pig," Swift, Polite Conv. i; to sit like a toad on a shovel is used for anyone who has an unstable seat on horseback, and also for someone in a shaky situation; like a toad falling from a tree—thump; to live like a toad under a harrow means to suffer from mistreatment; he’s like a Tom-noup [the great tit] on a round of beef describes a swaggering, pretentious little man; drinking to drown your sorrows is like trying to put out a fire with gunpowder; it runs in the blood like wooden legs.
Beside these are the longer similes in the style of those conversational allusions for which Sam Weller is famous. For example: all asiden like Martha Roden’s twopenny dish, said of something aslant, out of the perpendicular; like the old cow’s tail, all behind, said when any one is behind-hand with work; all to one side like the handle of a jug; same’s the crow said by the heap of toads, all of a sort; same’s the old Tucker found his halfpenny, all to a heap; all together like Brown’s cows; like Morley’s ducks, born without a notion; it’s as broad as it’s long, like Paddy’s blanket, means that it matters not which of two ways a thing is done; clean gone, like the boy’s eye, and that went into his head; like Malachi’s child, choke-full of sense, said of any one who boasts of himself or of his children; to do things by degrees as the cat ate the pestle [shank or foreleg of an animal, especially of a pig]; as dirty as Thump-o’-Dolly, that died of being washed; dressed to death like Sally Hatch; forty save one like Obitch’s colt, applied to persons of a certain age who affect youthful manners; he’s like a pig-tail, going all day and nothing done at night; he’s like the parson’s fool, he likes everything that’s good; like Jan Trezise’s geese, never happy unless they be where they baint; hitty-missy, as the blind man shot the crow; nought’s impossible, as the old woman said when they told her the calf had swallowed the grindlestone; knoppy road,[Pg 163] as the man said when he stumbled over a cow; as knowing as Kate Mullet, and she was hanged for a fool; you’re late, as Paddy Loughran said to the ghost; as lazy as Ludlam’s dog, that leaned up against the wall to bark; long in the legs like Nanny Panter’s hens; like lucky Jan Toy, who lost a shilling and found a twopenny loaf, applied to any one who is rejoicing over a small gain purchased at the expense of a greater loss; there’s more clout than pie, as the schoolboy said when he unwrapped his dinner; he won’t do it if he hasn’t a mind to, as the man said by his jackass; ’tis neat but not gaudy, as they said of the devil when they painted his body pea-green, and tied up his tail with red ribbons, said in ridicule of showy dress; don’t be in a hurry, it’s one at a time here, as the old woman said at the wirligog [turn-stile]; as queer as Dick’s hatband, that went nine times round and would not tie at last; like the quest [wood-pigeon] always saying ‘to do’, but everybody knows it makes the worst nest in the wood; thee beest a queer quest, as the boy said to the owl; quietness is best, as the fox said when he bit the cock’s head off; as throng as Throp’s wife when she hanged herself with the dish-clout, applied to a woman who is for ever busying herself about domestic affairs, but whose house and surroundings are nevertheless always untidy; you thought wrong, like Hob’s hog, which, it is said, when the butcher went into the sty to kill it, fancied its breakfast was coming. To catch a person napping, as Moss caught his mare, is a saying which occurs as far back as 1641 in Taylor’s works. To sit like Mumchancer who was hanged for saying nothing contains an allusion to an old game of chance played with cards or dice, at which silence was essential.
Beside these are the longer similes in the style of those conversational allusions for which Sam Weller is famous. For example: all aside like Martha Roden’s cheap dish, said of something off-kilter; like the old cow’s tail, said when someone is behind on their work; all to one side like the handle of a jug; same as the crow said by the pile of toads, all the same; same as the old Tucker finding his halfpenny, all in a heap; all together like Brown’s cows; like Morley’s ducks, born without a clue; it’s as broad as it’s long, like Paddy’s blanket, meaning it doesn't matter which of two ways something is done; clean gone, like the boy’s eye that went into his head; like Malachi’s child, full of themselves, said of anyone who brags about themselves or their children; to do things slowly like the cat that ate the pestle; as dirty as Thump-o’-Dolly, who died from being washed; dressed to death like Sally Hatch; forty save one like Obitch’s colt, applied to people of a certain age who act youthful; he’s like a pig-tail, busy all day and getting nothing done at night; he’s like the parson’s fool, he likes everything that’s good; like Jan Trezise’s geese, never happy unless they’re where they aren't; hitty-missy, as the blind man shot the crow; nothing's impossible, as the old woman said when they told her the calf had swallowed the grindstone; knobby road, as the man said when he stumbled over a cow; as clever as Kate Mullet, who was hanged for being a fool; you’re late, as Paddy Loughran said to the ghost; as lazy as Ludlam’s dog, who leaned against the wall to bark; long in the legs like Nanny Panter’s hens; like lucky Jan Toy, who lost a shilling and found a two-penny loaf, applied to anyone rejoicing over a small gain bought at the cost of a bigger loss; there’s more clout than pie, as the schoolboy said when he unwrapped his lunch; he won’t do it if he doesn’t feel like it, as the man said about his donkey; it’s neat but not showy, as they said of the devil when they painted his body pea-green and tied up his tail with red ribbons, said in mockery of flashy dress; don’t rush, it’s one at a time here, as the old woman said at the turnstile; as odd as Dick’s hatband, which went nine times around and wouldn’t tie at the end; like the wood-pigeon always saying ‘to do’, but everyone knows it makes the worst nest in the woods; you’re a strange bird, as the boy said to the owl; quietness is best, as the fox said when he bit the rooster’s head off; as busy as Throp’s wife when she hanged herself with the dishcloth, applied to a woman who is always preoccupied with housework, but whose home and surroundings are still messy; you thought wrong, like Hob’s hog, which, it is said, when the butcher went into the sty to kill it, thought its breakfast was coming. To catch a person off guard, as Moss caught his mare, is a saying that dates back to 1641 in Taylor’s works. To sit like Mumchancer, who was hanged for saying nothing, refers to an old game of chance played with cards or dice, where silence was crucial.
Amongst the figurative and metaphorical terms and phrases are: ankle-biters, children, e.g. I had too many little ankle-biters to save much; abbey-lubber, an idle person, a loafer. This is a very old word occurring in Cotgrave, and also in Dr. Johnson’s Dictionary, in the latter it is defined as: ‘a slothful loiterer in a religious house, under[Pg 164] pretence of retirement and austerity.’ The blacksmith’s daughter, a padlock; a bread-and-cheese friend, a true friend, as distinguished from a cupboard-lover; bread, or potatoes and point, a meal of bread, or potatoes, only; calf-lick, a tuft of hair growing on the human forehead, which will not part or lie flat; calf’s tongue, a person who is, according to occasion, mild-spoken or harsh-spoken, like the tongue of a calf, smooth on one side and rough on the other; cat-lick, a hasty, indifferent washing; cat-malison, a recess or cupboard in the ceiling, in which meat, &c., is hung, called the cat’s curse because from its position it was secure from the cat; a churn-milk [buttermilk] study, reverie, a brown study; clash-bag, a tale-bearer, a scandal-monger; cobbler’s pork, bread; cold turkey pie, bread and cheese; countryman’s treacle, garlic; a duck’s frost, a slight frost, or none at all, also a drizzling rain; fly-by-sky, a giddy, flighty person; hearthstone talk, boastful talk, promises made at night and not intended to be kept in the morning; hopping-Giles, a cripple, so named from St. Giles, the especial patron of cripples; a lawyer, a long thorny stem of bramble or briar; a lick and a promise, a slight, ineffectual washing, any work done in a perfunctory manner; a messenger, a sunbeam, a small detached cloud betokening rain; Methody cream, or milk from the brown cow, rum in tea; milestone-bread, shouting-cake, or Here be I, where be you? bread, cake, or pudding in which the currants or raisins are far apart; Miss Nancy, an effeminate man, especially one conspicuous for outward adornment, but deficient in common sense; muck-spout, a person who uses filthy language; news-poke, a gossip; nip-curn [-currant], nip-fig, nip-raisin, a person so stingy that he would nip a raisin in two; the one-armed landlord, a pump; pea-swad [-pod] days, young days; the poor man’s piano, a wringing-machine; poverty-engine, a tea-kettle; Prince-town College, Dartmoor prison; a pump without a handle, any person or thing that is quite unfit to discharge the office which he or it has to fill; Purdy’s lantern, the moon; sike-fat [rill-fat], water used instead of[Pg 165] fat in making cakes, puddings, &c.; a snail’s gallop, a very slow pace; snow-blossom, a snowflake; a stepmother’s blessing, a loose piece of skin at the base of the finger-nail; a Sunday saint and Monday sinner, a pseudo-religious person; tea-kettle broth, weak tea, or broth made of bread, hot water, and an onion or two; tongue-bang, to scold, abuse; water-bewitched, weak tea or ale; a winter Friday, a cold, wretched-looking person; a wooden cloak, dress or sark, a coffin.
Among the figurative and metaphorical terms and phrases are: ankle-biters, meaning children, e.g., I had too many little ankle-biters to save much; abbey-lubber, which refers to an idle person or loafer. This is a very old word found in Cotgrave, and also in Dr. Johnson’s Dictionary, where it's defined as: ‘a lazy loiterer in a religious house, pretending to be all about retirement and austerity.’ The blacksmith’s daughter refers to a padlock; a bread-and-cheese friend means a true friend, as opposed to a cupboard-lover; bread, or potatoes and point means a meal consisting only of bread or potatoes; calf-lick describes a tuft of hair on a person’s forehead that won’t part or lie flat; calf’s tongue describes a person who can be mild or harsh depending on the situation, like a calf's tongue, which is smooth on one side and rough on the other; cat-lick means a quick, careless wash; cat-malison refers to a recess or cupboard in the ceiling for hanging meat, etc., called the cat’s curse because it’s safe from the cat; a churn-milk [buttermilk] study refers to daydreaming, a brown study; clash-bag is a tale-bearer or a gossip; cobbler’s pork means bread; cold turkey pie refers to bread and cheese; countryman’s treacle means garlic; a duck’s frost refers to a light frost or no frost at all, also a drizzle; fly-by-sky means a silly, flighty person; hearthstone talk is boastful conversation, promises made at night not meant to be kept by morning; hopping-Giles refers to a cripple, named after St. Giles, the patron of cripples; a lawyer is a long thorny bramble or briar; a lick and a promise means a quick, ineffective wash or any work done superficially; a messenger is a sunbeam or a small detached cloud that indicates rain; Methody cream, or milk from the brown cow, is rum in tea; milestone-bread, shouting-cake, or Here be I, where be you? bread, cake, or pudding in which currants or raisins are scattered apart; Miss Nancy refers to an effeminate man, especially one who decorates himself but lacks common sense; muck-spout means someone who uses foul language; news-poke refers to a gossip; nip-curn [-currant], nip-fig, nip-raisin means a person so miserly that they would divide a raisin in half; the one-armed landlord is a pump; pea-swad [-pod] days refers to young days; the poor man’s piano is a wringing machine; poverty-engine is a kettle; Prince-town College refers to Dartmoor prison; a pump without a handle means any person or thing that is completely unfit for its role; Purdy’s lantern is the moon; sike-fat [rill-fat] refers to water used instead of fat in making cakes, puddings, etc.; a snail’s gallop means a very slow pace; snow-blossom is a snowflake; a stepmother’s blessing is a loose piece of skin at the base of the fingernail; a Sunday saint and Monday sinner refers to a hypocritical religious person; tea-kettle broth is weak tea, or broth made with bread, hot water, and a few onions; tongue-bang means to scold or insult; water-bewitched refers to weak tea or ale; a winter Friday means a cold, miserable-looking person; a wooden cloak, dress, or sark is a coffin.
To tell a long story without much point is to beat the Devil round the gooseberry-bush; to be lazy is to have Lawrence on one’s back; Lawrence bids high wages is said of a person who is rendered almost incapable of work by the heat of the weather, or who yields to it too willingly; the boy’s gone by with the cows, and the snap’s down, are sayings addressed to one who has lost a certain opportunity, and is now too late; a person who has fallen into trouble by his own foolishness or misconduct says: Ah’ve browt me pigs tiv a bad mahkit; to make a bad bargain is to sell a hen on a rainy day, cp. ‘Never mind our son, cried my wife; depend upon it he knows what he is about. I’ll warrant we’ll never see him sell his hen of a rainy day. I have seen him buy such bargains as would amaze one,’ Vicar of Wakefield, chap. xii; a person who has been deceived once, and will not be so again, says: Ah’ve been ta Jerry berrin’ [Jerry’s funeral]; it’s all along of Colly Weston, said when anything goes wrong, bears reference to a very old phrase found as early as 1587. Collywest, or collyweston, is an adverb or adjective meaning askew, not straight or level. Of a project or undertaking that has failed it is said: That cake’s all duff [dough]. A Warwickshire folk-rhyme runs:
To tell a long story without much point is just going in circles; being lazy is like having Lawrence weighing you down; "Lawrence asks for high wages" is said about someone who’s almost unable to work because of the heat, or who gives in to it too easily; "the boy’s gone by with the cows, and the snap’s down" are phrases used to someone who’s missed out on an opportunity and is now too late; if someone gets into trouble due to their own foolishness or bad behavior, they might say: "I’ve brought my pigs to a bad market"; making a bad deal is like selling a chicken on a rainy day, cp. "Never mind our son," my wife exclaimed; "I’m sure he knows what he’s doing. I bet we’ll never see him sell his chicken on a rainy day. I’ve seen him snag deals that would surprise anyone," Vicar of Wakefield, chap. xii; if someone has been tricked once and won’t let it happen again, they say: "I’ve been to Jerry’s funeral"; "it’s all because of Colly Weston," is said when things go wrong, referring to a very old expression dating back to 1587. Collywest, or collyweston, means crooked, not straight or level. If a project or plan has failed, people say: "That cake’s all dough." A Warwickshire folk-rhyme goes:
Shakespeare uses the phrase twice in the Taming of the Shrew, I. i. 110; V. i. 145; and it occurs in Don Quixote, translated[Pg 166] by Jervas: ‘The duchess’s cake was dough, as the saying is, till she had read her letter.’ To be all mops and brooms is to be bewildered; to be all skin and grief is to be half-starved, of a melancholy disposition; anything peculiarly agreeable is said to be honey and nuts; a rich fool is said to carry his brains in his breeches-pocket; to make a great show on insufficient means is to carry a tight swagger [ship’s flag] on a rotten mast; a person singing or whistling badly is told that he would charm the heart of a wheelbarrow; goa tell thy mother to cheän ugly up is a remark often made to a pouting, ill-tempered child; choose how the cat jumps is a phrase equivalent to by hook or by crook; to comb the head with a three-legged stool is to beat, knock, cp. ‘... doubt not her care should be To comb your noddle with a three-legg’d stool,’ Tam. of Shr. I. i. 63; of the return of a penniless scapegrace it is said he’s coming home with Penny Liggan, or Peter Lacken, probably the original phrase was penny lacking; a person with a sharp temper is asked: Did ye come past the smithy?; a disagreeable person is told that he looks sour enough to come [curdle] a cheese; of a very blunt knife it is said that it would cut butter if it was hot; to attempt the impossible is to cut smoke with a leather hatchet, to eat stir-pudding with an awl, to sup sowens [oatmeal and water] with an elshin [a shoemaker’s awl], to gape against a red-hot oven, to get blood from a turnip, to stop an oven with butter, to throw straws at the wind; the dule’s had o’ th’porritch an’ the Lord’s nobbot getten th’pon for t’scrape is said of a death-bed repentance; a person belonging to a different religious denomination to that of the speaker is said to dig with the wrong foot; of a draught in a room it is said that it would deet [winnow] potatoes; of a weak person or animal it is said he can’t dint into a pound of butter; to eat rue-pie signifies to repent, regret; to eat bread dipped in fried water is to live poorly; when a horse is left standing outside a door, especially of a public-house, it is said to be left to eat sign-post hay, or sneck [latch] hay; sparrow-pie, or sparrow-pudding is a dish[Pg 167] supposed to make a person preternaturally sharp, e.g. Her’s purty flip this morning, idden her? I rakkon her’th abin ayting sparrer-pie; Bless her heart! aw could ate her wi’ a butter-cake! is a rustic compliment; highly complimentary also is the saying: Hoo’s an e’e i’ her yed at ’ud fot a duck off th’ wayter; a long and dull discourse is said to be enough to deafen a spider; something irritating and provoking is said to be enough to urge the blood of Peter Cockerel; Fare thee well, Oula, is an expression used when parting from something one is not likely to see again; to a person smiling or laughing for no apparent reason it is said: What bist thee a-loffin’ at? I sh’d think thee ’adst fund a tiddy-obbin’s nist un’ wus a-loffin’ at the young uns; I never flacker my wings ower t’edge o’ my awn nest means that I never go beyond the bounds of my own circumstances; to fly up with Jackson’s hens is to be bankrupt; to gather or sow gape-seed is to stare about, to stare out of a window; to gather strings, or to pick up one’s crumbs, is to regain one’s health after an illness, e.g. Our Liz bin ter’ble bad, her was a’most come to a nottomy [skeleton], but her’s pickin’ up her crooms again now like, thank th’Almighty; to get one’s kale through the reek [smoke] signifies to get a good scolding; a very tall and lazy person is told to go and get measured for a pikel [pitchfork]; of a very dull, unintelligent person it is said: He’s getten a head and so has a mell [mallet]; of a scolding woman it is said: Hoo’s getten a tung sharp enough for t’shave a urchant [hedgehog]; Eh, what a tail our cat’s got! is said at the sight of unwonted finery and conceit; when the head of the family has introduced various members of the family into the same employ it is said that the fingers have got pretty close to the thumb; of a mean man it is said: He’s a rare good customer wheer they’re givin’ things away for nowt; an undecided person, wanting in manly straightforwardness is said to go betwix the oak and the rind; a person living beyond his means is said to graze beyond his tether; a man who invites friends during his wife’s absence is said to hang out the besom;[Pg 168] He’s hing’d his fiddle on the door-sneck is said of a man in a bad temper; a person completely happy and independent may say: I wo’dn’t thenk ye to hev th’ Queen for my aunt; of a haughty woman it is said that she will hardly know the Queen’s cousin; of a coward it is said that he has no more heart than a dumbledory; of a child who repeats sentences or opinions picked up from his father it is said: He’s heard the old cock crow; to heat or warm up old broth signifies to renew an old courtship; of scant fare received in another person’s house it is said that the shelf was pretty high; to keep on good terms with any one is to keep the wheel in the nick; a person using large means for very small ends is said to be killing clocks [beetles] with clubs; a person supposed to be thoroughly acquainted with any particular matter is said to know both the hare and the hare-gate; a state bordering on starvation is described as lean lickin’ o’ thibles [sticks for stirring porridge]; to marry for money and then to be discontented with one’s lot is to like the boose [stall for a cow] but not the ring-stake; a man who marries for money, and whose wife turns out to be a scold, is said to wed t’midden for t’muck and be puizened wi’ t’stink; to live or die an old maid is to live the life or die the death of Jenkin’s hen[2]; not to be deterred from anything by blustering talk is to live too near the wood to be frightened by an owl; to a tardy messenger it is said: Theaw’rt th’reet mon for t’send for sorrow—theaw’rt so lung uppo th’road; to be in a state of bewilderment or confusion is to look two ways for Easter, or to look seven ways for Sunday; of a person who squints it is said that he was born in the middle of the week, and looked both ways for Sundays; a man[Pg 169] not to be depended upon is said to be loose in the haft, not to be trusted further than you could throw a pig by the soaped tail; If a mak an erran’ tae yer face, it ’ill no be tae kiss ye is an expression of anger; a very cold wind is said to make thin linings, i.e. to make one’s clothes feel thin, My word! but it’s a thin wind this morning, it’ll go through you before it’ll go round you; to discourse pointlessly or beyond the mark is to milk over the can; there’s a mule in the garden signifies that something unpleasant is going on; of a person who has said or done something foolish it is said that he is plagued with the simples; to do anything in the slowest possible way, to work ineffectually, is to plough with dogs; to sew hurriedly and badly is to put in a stitch for a friend; to attempt to improve a thing which is already perfect is to put butter on bacon; to take away one’s appetite is to put one by one’s porridge, e.g. What, thoo’ll nivver come nar neea mair? Let me tell thi that’ll put nin on us by wer poddish; they don’t put up their horses together means that they are not friendly together; when something has interfered to prevent an arrangement being carried out it is said that the pigs ran through it; an old woman’s rock-staff [distaff] is a contemptuous expression for a silly superstitious fancy; of an impudent person it is said that he has rubbed his face with a brass candlestick; of a person given to petty and ‘penny-wise’ economies it is said that he saves at the spigot and lets it run out at the bung-hole; to consent readily is to say sniff if another says snaff; to earn one’s bread laboriously before one eats it is to scrat before one pecks; a person complaining of want of sociability or kindness amongst neighbours will say: ’Er didn’t say as much as Set down, dog, or: There isn’t one as’ll so much as look in and say Dog, how beest?; when milk is burnt, and adheres to the sides of the saucepan, it is said that the bishop has set his foot in it. This is a very old saying, cp. Tusser, Husb., ‘Blesse Cisley (good mistris) that Bishop doth ban For burning the milk of her cheese to the pan’; and Tindale, Obedience of a Christen Man (1528),[Pg 170] ‘Yf the podech be burned to, or the meate over rosted, we saye the bysshope hath put his fote in the potte, or the bysshope hath playd the coke, because the bysshopes burn who they lust and whosoever displeaseth them.’ Of a very thin person it is said that he shames his pasture; of hollow friends it is said: They’ll shak ye by t’hand an wish your airm off by t’elbow; of a tedious caller it is said: She’ll sit a hen-sit; of a stingy, niggardly person it is said that he would not part wi’ t’reek off his keal, and that he would skin a toad for the hide and tallow; of an avaricious person it is said that he would steal the cross off an ass, i.e. the dark marks across its shoulders; to idle about the streets gossiping is to spin street-webs; a description of poor fare is stare and stand back—three jumps at the pantry door and a drink of cold water; of a bow-legged person it is said that he couldn’t stop a pig in a snicket; to have a sad life is to sup sorrow by spoonfuls; to pay attention to one’s own faults is to sweep up one’s own doorstep; of a very loquacious person it is said that he would talk a butt of bees to death, or talk a dog’s hind leg off; of a tedious person it is said that he would weary a growing tree; to tell improbable stories is to tell dildrams and Buckingham Jenkins; to attract by good feeding is to tether by the teeth; to a thriftless and extravagant wife it is said: Don’t throw your property out of the door with a spade while your husband is bringing it in through the window with a spoon; of a bachelor it is said that he trails a light harrow, his hat covers his family; of a person who has known sorrow or misfortune it is said that the black ox has trodden on his foot. This saying occurs in our early literature, cp. Tusser, Husb., ‘Why then do folke this prouerbe put, The blacke oxe neare trod on thy fut, If that way were to thriue?’; and Lyly, Sapho and Phao (1584), ‘She was a pretie wench, when Juno was a young wife. Now crowesfoote is on her eye, and the black oxe hath trod on her foot.’ To quit a business at a critical point is to unyoke in the sherd [gap in the hedge]; to like to have one’s own way is to want the water to run in one’s own ditch;[Pg 171] a person who boasts of doing difficult things is asked if he can whistle and chew meal; to go whistling jigs to a milestone is a phrase used of any fruitless attempt or impossible undertaking; I wish I had our cat by t’tail is said by people a long way from home and fireside; to work overtime without receiving extra pay is to work for the Queen; to do work for which the pay has been already drawn is to work on a dead horse.
Shakespeare uses the phrase twice in the Taming of the Shrew, I. i. 110; V. i. 145; and it appears in Don Quixote, translated[Pg 166] by Jervas: ‘The duchess’s cake was dough, as the saying goes, until she had read her letter.’ To be all mops and brooms means to be confused; to be all skin and grief means to be half-starved and melancholic; anything particularly enjoyable is called honey and nuts; a rich fool is said to carry his brains in his pants pocket; to make a grand show with little means is to carry a tight swagger [ship’s flag] on a rotten mast; someone singing or whistling off-key is told that he could charm the heart of a wheelbarrow; go tell your mother to clean herself up is a common remark directed at a sulking, ill-tempered child; choose how the cat jumps is equivalent to by hook or by crook; to comb your hair with a three-legged stool means to beat or knock, cp. ‘... don't doubt her intention is to comb your hair with a three-legged stool., Tam. of Shr. I. i. 63; when a penniless good-for-nothing returns, he’s coming home with Penny Liggan, or Peter Lacken, likely the original saying was penny lacking; someone with a quick temper is asked: Did you come past the smithy?; a disagreeable person is told that he looks sour enough to curdle cheese; of a very dull knife, it's said that it would cut butter if it were hot; to attempt the impossible is to cut smoke with a leather hatchet, to eat stir pudding with an awl, to sip sowens [oatmeal and water] with a shoemaker’s awl, to gasp at a red-hot oven, to get blood from a turnip, to stop an oven with butter, to throw straws at the wind; the devil has had his porridge and the Lord's not gotten the spoon for the scrape is said of a deathbed repentance; someone of a different faith from the speaker is said to dig with the wrong foot; of a draft in a room, it is said that it would winnow potatoes; of a weak person or animal, it is said he can’t exert himself against a pound of butter; to eat rue-pie means to repent or regret; to eat bread dipped in fried water means to live poorly; when a horse is left outside a door, especially of a pub, it's said to be left to eat sign-post hay, or latch hay; sparrow pie or sparrow pudding is a dish[Pg 167] thought to make a person exceptionally sharp, e.g. She’s looking rather sharp this morning, isn’t she? I reckon she’s been eating sparrow pie; Bless her heart! I could eat her with a butter cake! is a rural compliment; highly complimentary also is the saying: She’s got an eye in her head that could catch a duck off the water; a long and tedious tale is said to be enough to deafen a spider; something bothersome and frustrating is said to be enough to get the blood of Peter Cockerel boiling; Fare thee well, Oula, is an expression used when parting from something one is not likely to see again; to someone smiling or laughing for no reason, it's said: What are you laughing at? I’d think you’ve found a tiddy-obbin’s nest and are laughing at the chicks; I never flutter my wings over the edge of my own nest means that I never go beyond my own circumstances; to fly up with Jackson’s hens means to be bankrupt; to gather or sow gape seed means to stare around, to stare out of a window; to gather strings, or to pick up one’s crumbs, means to regain one’s health after an illness, e.g. Our Liz has been terribly ill, she was almost a skeleton, but she’s picking up her crumbs again now, thank the Almighty; to get one’s kale through the smoke means to get a good scolding; a very tall and lazy person is told to go get measured for a pitchfork; of a very dull, unintelligent person it is said: He’s got a head, but so does a mallet; of a scolding woman it is said: She’s got a tongue sharp enough to shave a hedgehog; Eh, what a tail our cat’s got! is said at the sight of unusual finery and arrogance; when the head of the family has introduced various members of the family into the same business, it's said that the fingers have gotten pretty close to the thumb; of a stingy man, it is said: He’s a rare good customer where they’re giving things away for free; an indecisive person, lacking in straightforwardness is said to go between the oak and the rind; someone living beyond his means is said to graze beyond his tether; a man who invites friends over while his wife is away is said to hang out the broom;[Pg 168] he’s hung his fiddle on the door latch is said of a man in a bad mood; a person completely happy and independent might say: I wouldn’t then think you'd have the Queen as my aunt; of a haughty woman it is said that she will hardly know the Queen’s cousin; of a coward it is said that he has no more heart than a bumblebee; of a child who repeats sentences or opinions picked up from his father it is said: He’s heard the old cock crow; to heat or warm up old broth means to renew an old romance; of meager offerings in another's home it is said that the shelf was pretty high; to maintain good terms with someone is to keep the wheel in nick; a person using large means for very small results is said to be killing clocks [beetles] with clubs; a person believed to be thoroughly familiar with a particular issue is said to know both the hare and the hare-gate; a state bordering on starvation is described as lean licking of thistles [sticks for stirring porridge]; to marry for money and then to be unhappy with one’s lot is to like the cow stall but not the ring stake; a man who marries for money, only to discover that his wife is a nag, is said to wed the midden for the muck and be poisoned with the stink; to live or die as an old maid is to live the life or die the death of Jenkin’s hen[2]; not to be deterred from anything by blustering talk is to live too near the woods to be frightened by an owl; to a slow messenger it is said: You’re the right man for sending for sorrow—you’re so long up the road; to be in a state of confusion is to look two ways for Easter, or to look seven ways for Sunday; of a person who squints, it's said that he was born in the middle of the week and looked both ways for Sundays; a man[Pg 169] not to be relied on is said to be loose in the haft, not to be trusted further than you could throw a pig by the soaped tail; If I were to make a trip to your face, it won’t be to kiss you is an expression of anger; a very cold wind is said to make thin linings, meaning to make one’s clothes feel thin, My word! But it’s a thin wind this morning, it will go through you before it goes around you; to talk pointlessly or excessively is to milk over the can; there’s a mule in the garden means that something unpleasant is happening; of someone who has said or done something foolish, it’s said that he is plagued with the simples; to do anything in the slowest possible way, or to work ineffectively, is to plough with dogs; to sew hastily and poorly is to put in a stitch for a friend; to attempt to improve something that is already perfect is to put butter on bacon; to take away someone’s appetite is to put them away from their porridge, e.g. What, you won’t come near me anymore? Let me tell you that will take food from us by the pot; they don’t put their horses together means that they are not on friendly terms; when something has disrupted an arrangement, it's said that the pigs ran through it; an old woman’s rock-staff [distaff] is a derogatory term for a silly superstitious idea; of an impudent person it’s said that he has rubbed his face with a brass candlestick; of someone given to minor and ‘penny-wise’ economies it is said that he saves at the spigot and lets it run out at the bung-hole; to agree readily is to say sniff if another says snaff; to earn one’s bread laboriously before one eats it is to scratch before one pecks; a person complaining of a lack of sociability or kindness among neighbors will say: They didn’t say as much as Sit down, dog, or: There isn’t one who’ll so much as look in and say Dog, how are you?; when milk is burned and sticks to the sides of the saucepan, it’s said that the bishop has set his foot in it. This is a very old saying, cp. Tusser, Husb., ‘Bless Cisley (good mistress) that the Bishop has forbidden burning the milk of her cheese in the pan.’; and Tyndale, Obedience of a Christian Man (1528),[Pg 170] ‘If the porridge is burned or the meat is overcooked, we say the bishop messed things up or the bishop acted as the cook, because the bishops burn whoever they want and whoever they don’t like.’ Of a very thin person it is said that he shames his pasture; of untrustworthy friends it’s said: They’ll shake your hand and wish your arm off at the elbow; of a tiresome visitor it is said: She’ll sit like a hen on a nest; of a stingy person it is said that he wouldn’t part with the steam off his kale, and that he would skin a toad for the hide and tallow; of a greedy person it is said that he would steal the cross off an ass, meaning the dark marks across its shoulders; to idle about the streets gossiping is to spin street-webs; a description of poor food is three jumps at the pantry door and a drink of cold water; of a bow-legged person, it is said that he couldn’t stop a pig in a narrow passage; to have a miserable life is to sip sorrow by spoonfuls; to pay attention to one’s own faults is to sweep up one’s own doorstep; of a very talkative person it is said that he could talk a barrel of bees to death, or talk a dog’s hind leg off; of a tiresome person it is said that he would weary a growing tree; to tell unlikely stories is to tell dildrams and Buckingham Jenkins; to attract by good feeding is to tether by the teeth; to a thriftless and wasteful wife, it is said: Don’t throw your property out the door with a spade while your husband is bringing it in through the window with a spoon; of a bachelor it is said that he drags a light harrow, his hat covers his family; of a person who has faced sorrow or misfortune it is said that the black ox has trodden on his foot. This saying appears in our early literature, cp. Tusser, Husb., ‘Why do people say this proverb, The black ox never trod on your foot, if that approach is supposed to succeed?’; and Lyly, Sapho and Phao (1584), ‘She was a beautiful girl when Juno was a young wife. Now, she has crow's feet around her eyes, and the hardships of life have taken their toll on her.’ To quit a business at a critical moment is to unyoke in the sherd [gap in the hedge]; to prefer to have one’s own way is to want the water to flow in one’s own ditch;[Pg 171] a person who boasts about doing tough tasks is asked if he can whistle and chew meal; to go whistling jigs to a milestone is a phrase used for any fruitless attempt or impossible undertaking; I wish I had our cat by the tail is said by people far from home and their fireplace; to work overtime without getting extra pay is to work for the Queen; to do work for which payment has already been received is to work on a dead horse.
Proverbs and proverbial sayings are very numerous in all the dialects, generally introduced in plain epigrammatical style, but sometimes preluded by: It’s an owd sayin’, an’ it’s a true un.... The following specimens may be taken as a fair sample of the whole. It will be seen that some are merely dialect readings of well-known lit. Eng. proverbs, e.g. It’s th’yarly bird as gollaps th’wurm; others convey the same meaning, but under a different figure to that with which we are familiar, e.g. To give apples to orchards, beside the ordinary lit. Eng. To carry coals to Newcastle.
Proverbs and sayings are very common in all dialects, usually presented in a straightforward, catchy style, but sometimes prefaced with: It's an old saying, and it's true.... The following examples can be seen as a good representation of the whole. You'll notice that some are just dialect versions of well-known English proverbs, like It's the early bird that catches the worm; others convey the same idea but in a different way than we're used to, such as To give apples to orchards, alongside the usual English expression To carry coals to Newcastle.
It’s bad clicking butter out of a dog’s throat; a bealing coo soon forgets it cauf; the beard won’t pay for the shaving; a blate [timid] cat makes a proud mouse; co [call] thi own cawves t’gether an’ le’ mine come whoam o’ thersels; kaa [call] me an’ aa’ll kaa thee = one good turn deserves another; a child and a chicken should always be pickin’; christen your own child first = charity begins at home; a deaf man hears hae [have, take this]; wan’s as dip i’ the mood as t’oother i’ the moire = it’s six of one and half a dozen of the other; dumb folks heirs no land, said when anything is to be obtained by speaking; it’s easy holding down the latch when nobody pulls the string, usually applied to a woman who boasts about remaining single; way mut all ate a peck o’ dut afore way doy, a saying commonly supplemented with: but non on us wants it all at woonst; empty barrels make the most noise; what do you expect from a pig but a grunt?; those who can’t fadge must louster, said of people who increase their physical[Pg 172] labour by want of foresight, cp. his head doesn’t save his heels; them at feals [hide] can find; a feeal’s bolt is seean shotten, cp. ‘Sottes bolt is son i-scoten,’ Prov. Alfred, c. 1275; there’s never a gant [yawn] but there’s a want of mate, money, or sleep, cp. ‘Them that gant Something want, Sleep, meat, or making o’,’ Galt, Sir Andrew Wylie, 1822; if ye’ve got one [i.e. child] you can run, If ye’ve got two you may goo, But if ye’ve got three You must bide where you be; ther’s no gettin’ white meeol eawt of a coal-seck = you can’t make a silk purse out of a sow’s ear; geea ne hetter kail nor ye can sup yorsel; half an egg’s better an a team’d shell = half a loaf’s better than no bread; hantle o’ whistlin’ an’ little red lan’ [ploughed land] = much cry and little wool; have a little, give a little, let neighbour lick the mundle [stick for stirring porridge] = charity begins at home; the hailer is zo bad as tha stailer, cp. Germ. Der Hehler ist so gut wie der Stehler; every yerrin’ should hang by it own gills; a hundred words won’t fill a bushel; a hungry eye sees far; hunger’s famous kitchen [relish eaten with bread]; an idle mon’s yed’s the divvle’s smithy; if stands stiff in a poor man’s pocket; If ifs and an’s Were pots an’ pans There’d be naya trade for tinklers; If ifs an’ buts Were apples an’ nuts, Wouldn’t I fill my guts; a bad shearer [reaper] nivvor gat a good hyuk = bad workmen abuse their tools; never invite a friend to a roast and then beat him with the spit; nivver judge a blade by t’heft; the kail-pot’s callin’ the yetlin [pan] smutty; it isn’t oft at t’kittlin’ carries t’owd cat a maase; to learn one’s granny to lap ashes; they might lick thooms to the elbows = one is as bad as the other; a little word is a bonny word = least said, soonest mended; it is not good to live where you can hear your lord’s cock crow; ye may lock afore a haand-tief, but no afore a tongue-tief; A man may spend And God will send If his wife be good to ought, But man may spare and still be bare If his wife be good to nought; those that have marbles may play, but those that have none must look on; to measure a peck out of one’s own bushel is to judge of[Pg 173] another’s disposition or experience by one’s own; meeat is mickle but mense [goodness, courtesy] is mair; iv’ry megullat [owl] thinks her own bubs best; the mellerest apple hes a crawk [core] i’side; o’er muckle water drowned the miller; a nimble ninepence is better than a slow shilling; peekle in yer ain pwoke neuk = mind your own business; Pity without relief Is like mustard without beef; pull the bobbin with joy, bud knock wi’ sorrow; a raffle [foolish] tung an’ a race-hoss gan t’faster t’leeter wight tha hug [carry]; a rolling stone gathers no moss, but a tethered sheep winna get fat; save thy wind to keel thy porridge; never scaud your lips in ither folk’s kail; seein’s believin’, but feelin’s God’s truth; when I see shells I guess eggs = there’s no smoke without a fire; it’s nouther seeds nor meal = neither one thing nor another; a shift and a shilling is worth thirteen pence, i.e. an expedient or contrivance will increase the value of anything, and make it go further; as well sit teum [empty] as run teum = better make the best of a bad bargain; skeer [rake out] your own fire; he maun be seun up that cheats the tod [fox]; never speak ill of the bridge that carries you; don’t stretch thi arms farther nor thi sleeves reyks [reach]; ye mauna think to win through the world on a feather-bed; Them as ’oon thrive Mun rise at five. Them as have thriven May lie till seven; tiggers should not be tarrowers = beggars should not be choosers; if a man tinkles, he must expect to be grimed; to tirr [unroof] the kirk to theek the quire = to rob Peter to pay Paul; Twoast yer bread An’ rasher yer vlitch, An’ as long as e lives Thee ’ooll never be rich; the toll is heavier than the grist = the game is not worth the candle. Formerly the miller always took his payment in a toll of the corn, a custom alluded to in a metaphorical epitaph found in Surrey on the tombstone of a miller:
It’s tricky trying to pull butter out of a dog’s throat; a frightened pigeon quickly forgets it was chased; the beard won’t pay for the shave; a timid cat makes a bold mouse; call your own calves together and let mine come home by themselves; call me and I’ll call you back = one good deed deserves another; a child and a chicken should always be pecking; name your own child first = charity begins at home; a deaf man hears take this; one is just as deep in the mood as the other in the mire = it’s six of one and half a dozen of the other; dumb folks own no land, said when anything is to be gained by speaking; it’s easy to hold down the latch when nobody pulls the string, usually said about a woman who boasts about remaining single; we all have to eat a peck of dirt before we die, a saying commonly supplemented with: but none of us wants it all at once; empty barrels make the most noise; what do you expect from a pig but a grunt?; those who can’t manage must struggle, said of people who increase their physical labor by lack of foresight, compare his head doesn’t save his heels; those in hiding can find; a hiding’s bolt is soon shot, compare ‘Sottes bolt is son i-scoten,’ Proverbs of Alfred, circa 1275; there’s never a yawn without a want of meat, money, or sleep, compare ‘Those that yawn want, sleep, meat, or money,’ Galt, Sir Andrew Wylie, 1822; if you’ve got one child you can run, if you’ve got two you may go, but if you’ve got three you must stay where you are; there’s no getting white meal out of a coal sack = you can’t make a silk purse out of a sow’s ear; you won’t get better cabbage than you can eat yourself; half an egg is better than an empty shell = half a loaf is better than no bread; lots of whistling and little crop = much cry and little wool; have a little, give a little, let neighbor lick the stirring stick = charity begins at home; the thief is as bad as the stealer, compare German Der Hehler ist so gut wie der Stehler; every fish should hang by its own gills; a hundred words won’t fill a bushel; a hungry eye sees far; hunger’s famous kitchen; an idle man’s head is the devil’s workshop; it stands firm in a poor man’s pocket; if wishes were pots and pans there’d be no trade for tinkerers; if wishes and buts were apples and nuts, wouldn’t I fill my stomach; a bad shearer never gets a good clip = bad workers mismanage their tools; never invite a friend to a roast and then hit him with the spit; never judge a blade by its heft; the kettle is calling the pan dirty; it isn’t often that the kitten carries the old cat a meal; to teach one’s granny to suck eggs; they might lick thumbs to the elbows = one is just as bad as the other; a little word is a lovely word = least said, soonest mended; it is not good to live where you can hear your lord’s rooster crow; you may lock up before a hand-thief, but not before a tongue-thief; a man may spend and God will bless if his wife is good, but a man may save and still be poor if his wife is useless; those who have marbles may play, but those who have none must look on; to measure a peck out of one’s own bushel is to judge another’s character or experiences by your own; meat is plentiful but kindness is more; every owl thinks her own chicks are best; the mellowest apple has a core inside; too much water drowned the miller; a nimble penny is better than a slow shilling; mind your own business; pity without relief is like mustard without beef; pull the bobbin with joy, but knock with sorrow; a foolish tongue and a racehorse can make the burden lighter; a rolling stone gathers no moss, but a tied sheep won’t get fat; save your breath to stir your porridge; never scald your lips on other people’s cabbage; seeing is believing, but feeling is God’s truth; when I see shells I guess eggs = there’s no smoke without a fire; it’s neither seeds nor meal = neither one thing nor another; a shift and a shilling is worth thirteen pence, i.e. an expedient or trick will increase the value of anything and make it go further; might as well sit empty as run empty = better make the best of a bad bargain; rake out your own fire; he must be quick who cheats the fox; never speak ill of the bridge that carries you; don’t stretch your arms farther than your sleeves reach; you mustn’t think to get through the world on a feather bed; those who want to thrive must rise at five. Those who have thrived may lie until seven; beggars should not be choosers; if a man tinkers, he must expect to get dirty; to rob Peter to pay Paul; Toss your bread and fry your bacon, and as long as you live you’ll never be rich; the toll is heavier than the grain = the game is not worth the candle. Formerly the miller always took his payment in a toll of the corn, a custom alluded to in a metaphorical epitaph found in Surrey on the tombstone of a miller:
A toom purse makes a blate merchant; other tow to teaze, other oats to thrash = other fish to fry; dunna waste a fresh haft on an ould blade = don’t throw good money after bad; there’s aye some water where the stirk [heifer] drowns; better wed over the mixen than over the moor; the well is not missed until it is dry; better a wet mitten than a cold hand; t’wheem sew yets t’draff [the still sow eats the pig-wash]; A whistling woman and a crowing hen Will fear the old lad out of his den; he that will to Cupar maun to Cupar = a wilful man must have his way.
A empty purse makes a shy merchant; other people to tease, other oats to thash = other things to deal with; don’t waste a fresh half on an old blade = don’t throw good money after bad; there’s always some water where the heifer drowns; better to marry over the manure pile than over the moor; you don’t realize the well is important until it’s dry; better a wet mitten than a cold hand; the still sow eats the pig wash; a whistling woman and a crowing hen will scare the old man out of his den; he who wants to go to Cupar must go to Cupar = a stubborn person must have their way.
An interesting elucidation of the common proverb: Don’t spoil your ship for a ha’porth of tar, is given by comparison with the dialect version of it, which remains faithful to the original. The saying Dunnot loaz t’yow [ewe] for a hawporth o’ tar, i.e. do not be niggardly or over-economical in farming, is recorded as far back as 1636 in the form ‘hee that will loose a sheepe (or a hogge) for a pennyworth of tarre cannot deserve the name of a good husband’. It thus becomes clear that our word ‘ship’ is here a dialect form of sheep, and that the ha’porth of tar does not signify the remedy for a leaking vessel, for which it would be wholly inadequate, but the means for marking the owner’s initial on a sheep’s back to prevent its being unrecognized when found straying. The introduction of spoil for lose is no doubt due to the misunderstanding of ‘ship’.
An interesting explanation of the common proverb: Don’t spoil your ship for a ha’porth of tar, can be seen when comparing it to its dialect version, which stays true to the original. The saying Dunnot loaz t’yow [ewe] for a hawporth o’ tar, meaning do not be stingy or overly frugal in farming, was recorded as early as 1636 in the form ‘He who would lose a sheep (or a pig) over a penny’s worth of tar cannot be considered a good farmer.’. This makes it clear that our word ‘ship’ is actually a dialect form of sheep, and that the ha’porth of tar does not refer to a remedy for a leaking vessel, as that would be completely inadequate, but rather the means to mark the owner’s initials on a sheep’s back to avoid confusion if it goes missing. The use of spoil instead of lose likely comes from misunderstanding the term ‘ship’.
We noted at the beginning of Chapter II some examples of the multifarious expressions which can be found in the dialects for one simple idea, but a few more may be added here: a moment of time, instantly, is: in a couple of cat-squints, in half a dozen cracks of a cobbler’s thumb, in two claps of a lamb’s tail, in the fillin’ o’ a pipe, in a pig’s whisper, in the shaking of an ass’s lug, in the snifter [sniff, snort] of a rabbit, in the snirt of a cat, in the twinkle of a bed-post, and—commonest of all—in a twink, cp. ‘That in a twink she won me to her love,’ Tam. of Shr. II. i. 312; never is: o’ St. Pawsle’s [Apostle’s], at Tib’s Eve, on Whistlecock Monday, in the reign of Queen Dick, midsummer-come-[Pg 175]never, to-morrow-come-never, next neverstide, when apples grow on orange-trees, when there are two moons in the lift [sky], when there are two Fridays in the week, when two Sundays come together, the first Sunday in the middle of the week, some Sunday in next week, a week of three Sundays; a long, indefinite period of time is: from seven year end to seven year end, for years long years and donkey’s ears; a place far off and solitary is: aback o’ beyond, or aback o’ beyont where they kessen [christen] cawvs and knee-band lops [fleas], behind God speed, up atop o’ down yonder miles-endy-ways; to go to Jericho is to go to Buckhummer, or to gill-kickerty. A person who is half-witted, or slightly insane is said to have a leaf out, to have nought but what was put in with a spoon, to be a bit of a toby-trot, to be sort o’ comical in his head, to be gone past hisself, to be half-rocked, nobut ninepence to the shilling, not exactly plumb, not up to Monday, one of God’s oddlin’s, put in wi’ the bread and a’tookt out wi’ the cakes like.
We mentioned at the start of Chapter II some examples of the various expressions found in the dialects for one simple idea, but we can add a few more here: a moment in time, instantly, is: in a couple of cat-squints, in half a dozen cracks of a cobbler’s thumb, in two claps of a lamb’s tail, in the filling of a pipe, in a pig’s whisper, in the shaking of an ass’s ear, in the sniff of a rabbit, in the snort of a cat, in the twinkle of a bedpost, and—most common of all—in a twink, cp. ‘That in a moment, she captured my heart.,’ Tam. of Shr. II. i. 312; never is: of St. Paul’s [Apostle’s], at Tib’s Eve, on Whistlecock Monday, in the reign of Queen Dick, midsummer-come-[Pg 175] never, tomorrow-come-never, next neverstide, when apples grow on orange trees, when there are two moons in the sky, when there are two Fridays in the week, when two Sundays come together, the first Sunday in the middle of the week, some Sunday next week, a week of three Sundays; a long, indefinite period is: from seven years end to seven years end, for years and donkey’s ears; a place far off and lonely is: back beyond, or back beyond where they christen calves and flea-bait rabbits, behind God speed, way up there miles away; to go to Jericho is to go to Buckhummer, or to gill-kickerty. A person who is half-witted, or slightly insane is said to have a leaf out, to have only what was put in with a spoon, to be a bit of a goofy, to be a little off in the head, to be past himself, to be half-crazy, just ninepence to the shilling, not quite right, not on the level, one of God’s oddballs, put in with the bread and taken out with the cakes like.
The phrases referring to death are of many kinds, some cold and commonplace, some grim, and a few almost poetical. Amongst them are: he has put his spoon in the wall; he is gone to the mole country; he is singing Whillalooya to the day nettles; he’s gone deeod sure enough, an’ iv he’s ta’en his brass wi’ him it’ll be melted bi neaw; thou’l niver be satisfied til thoo gets thi moothful a mould is a phrase used to a grumbling, discontented person; he’s nowt good for till he’s happed up [buried, lit. covered], said of a miserly churl; they’ve a-putt poar ol’ Bill tü beyd wi’ a showl [shovel] tüday; of a delicate person not yet old, it is said he’ll never carry a grey toppin’ whoam; of a person too ill to be likely to recover it is said: I fear he’s boun’ up padjan-tree; the sexton has shaked his shool at him; of an old man in failing health it is said he’s going down the brewe [brow, hill]; it’s welly [wellnigh] six o’clock with him, six o’clock being the hour at which labourers, when it is light, leave off work; he’s gettin’ into th’ linderins. The linderins or lindrins are ropes put round a weaver’s beam when the woof is nearly[Pg 176] finished, and the term is applied thus figuratively to the approaching end of an old man’s life. And then, when the end has come, like the hand-loom weaver whose work is finished: he’s ta’en his reed and gears in at last. There is something picturesque in the use of the phrase to go home applied to trees and flowers. My gardener always speaks of a dead plant or a withered blossom as having gone home.
The phrases we use to talk about death come in many forms—some are cold and ordinary, some are grim, and a few are almost poetic. For example: he’s put his spoon in the wall; he’s gone to the mole country; he’s singing Whillalooya to the day nettles; he’s definitely dead, and if he took his money with him, it’ll be melted by now; you’ll never be satisfied until you get your mouthful—a phrase used for someone who’s grumbling and dissatisfied; he’s no good until he’s buried, referring to a greedy person; they’ve laid poor old Bill to rest with a shovel today; about a delicate person who isn’t old yet, they say he’ll never carry a gray topping home; for someone too ill to likely recover, it’s said: I fear he’s bound for the grave; the sexton has shaken his head at him; for an old man in bad health, it’s said he’s going down the hill; it’s nearly six o’clock for him, meaning that six o’clock is when laborers, when it’s light, stop working; he’s getting into the ropes. The ropes, or lindrins, are tied around a weaver’s beam when the woof is almost finished, and the term is metaphorically used to signify the nearing end of an old man’s life. And then, when the end comes, like a weaver whose work is done: he’s finally taken in his reed and tools. There’s something vivid about using the phrase “to go home” when talking about trees and flowers. My gardener always refers to a dead plant or a wilted blossom as having gone home.
There are certain curious expressions used in the dialects as replies to children and inquisitive questioners when the person addressed does not mean to give the desired information. For example, answers to the question What’s that? are: rare overs for meddlers; lay-overs for meddlers, and crutches for lame ducks; shimshams for meddlers; a trina-manoose; a whim-wham for a mustard mill, or for a treacle-mill, a whim-wham to wind the sun up. What are you making? Ans. A snoffle [snout] for a duck. What are you doing? Ans. Muckin’ ducks wi’ an elsin. What have you got in the cart there? Ans. Only a load of post-holes. What did that cost? Ans. Money and fair words. Where did that come from? Ans. I got it from the Binsey treacle-mine (Oxf.). What’s the latest news? Ans. The Dutch have taken Holland. Where is he gone? Ans. To Botn’y Baay and theäre he maay staay. How old are you? Ans. As owd as me tongue an owder than me teeth. How old was So-and-So (lately deceased)? Ans. Oh! I reckon he lived same’s Tantarabobus—all the days of his life. Why did you do that? Ans. For fun and fancy, because Bob kissed Nancy. What will you bring us from the Fair? Ans. If you’ll be good children, I’ll bring you all a silver new-nothing to hang on your arm.
There are some funny expressions used in dialects as responses to kids and curious questioners when the person being asked doesn’t actually want to give a straight answer. For example, answers to the question "What’s that?" include: rare overs for meddlesome people; lay-overs for meddlesome people, and crutches for lame ducks; shimshams for meddlesome folks; a trina-manoose; a whim-wham for a mustard mill, or for a treacle-mill, a whim-wham to wind the sun up. What are you making? Ans. A snoffle [snout] for a duck. What are you doing? Ans. Muckin’ ducks with an elsin. What have you got in the cart there? Ans. Only a load of post-holes. What did that cost? Ans. Money and nice words. Where did that come from? Ans. I got it from the Binsey treacle-mine (Oxf.). What’s the latest news? Ans. The Dutch have taken Holland. Where has he gone? Ans. To Botn’y Bay and there he may stay. How old are you? Ans. As old as my tongue and older than my teeth. How old was So-and-So (recently deceased)? Ans. Oh! I reckon he lived like Tantarabobus—all the days of his life. Why did you do that? Ans. For fun and fancy, because Bob kissed Nancy. What will you bring us from the Fair? Ans. If you’ll be good kids, I’ll bring you all a silver new-nothing to hang on your arm.
Dialect forms of greeting are usually short and comprehensive. It is not uncommon for a rustic to pass the time of day with a friend met on the road by the use of a single monosyllable. All forms of salutation, from the single monosyllable to the interchange of a few remarks, may be termed passing the time o’day. This expression is current in practically all the dialects of England, e.g. A niver stopped[Pg 177] to speak to ’im, on’y just passed the time o’ day, cp. ‘But meet him now, and, be it in the morn, When every one will give the time of day, He knits his brow,’ 2 Hen. VI, III. i. 14, ‘Good time of day unto my gracious lord!’ Rich. III, I. i. 122. Noo! is a common greeting in the North when two friends meet. There are various forms of inquiry after the well-being of the person addressed, e.g. Well, an’ how be ’ee to-day? Purty bobbish, thank-ee. Are ye middlin’ weel? Hoo’s a’ wi’ ye? On a grey day among the Yorkshire moors every native one meets salutes one with the single word Dull! If the weather be fine he will say in passing, Grand day! If wet, his greeting will be: Soft weather! or, A soft day! A story is told of two Irishmen who thus greeted each other when they met at a Fair: Bad luck to you, Pat, says one, How are you? Good luck to you! Mick, answered the other, and may neither of them come true.
Dialect greetings are usually brief and to the point. It's not unusual for someone from the countryside to exchange pleasantries with a friend encountered on the road using just a single syllable. All types of greetings, from a quick monosyllable to a short conversation, can be called passing the time o’ day. This phrase is commonly used in almost all dialects of England, e.g. A never stopped[Pg 177] to speak to him, only just passed the time o’ day, cp. ‘But meet him now, whether it's in the morning, when everyone is saying hello, he frowns.,’ 2 Hen. VI, III. i. 14, ‘Good day to my generous lord!’ Rich. III, I. i. 122. Noo! is a popular greeting in the North when two friends meet. There are various ways to ask about someone's well-being, e.g. Well, and how are you today? Pretty good, thanks. Are you doing alright? How’s everything with you? On a grey day in the Yorkshire moors, everyone you meet greets you with the single word Dull! If the weather is nice, they might say Grand day! If it's raining, their greeting will be: Soft weather! or, A soft day! There's a story about two Irishmen who greeted each other at a Fair like this: Bad luck to you, Pat, says one, How are you? Good luck to you! Mick, the other replied, and may neither of them come true.
A common Devonshire salutation at meal-times is Gude stummick to ee wan an’ all, a phrase which from its like significance might claim country-cousinship with the after-dinner greeting ‘Gesegnete Mahlzeit’ of North Germany. A Cornish grace before meat runs: Lord mek us able To eat what’s upon table, followed by: The Lord be praised Our stummicks be aised. Outspoken phrases of this kind have their charm, when they proceed from simple, honest hearts. After a long morning walk on a Yorkshire moor, plates of home-made cake, and tumblers of new milk, spread in a farm-house kitchen with the homely invitation, Reik tul, an’ mak yersens at ’oam, can be a meal which will linger in the memory long afterwards as a feast of fat things, and wines on the lees well refined. Reach to, in its various forms, is the ordinary phrase in the northern dialects, e.g. Noo reeach teea an’ help yersels, ther’s nowt ya need be neyce [shy] aboot, an’ ya needn’t mak spare ov owt; Noo, deean’t be owre neyce, reach tul an’ git agait; Noo you munnot be shy and owernice, but mak a lang airm to what you like best. The guest may reply: Ah sal lad, ah sal bide noa assing [await no asking]; I’s ower meeat-yabble[Pg 178] [hungry] to be blate [bashful]. Not this time, thank you, is a polite way of declining to take any more food at the hospitable board, and when the guest leaves the house he says: Well, a mun love ye, and leave ye.
A common greeting in Devonshire during mealtime is "Good stomach to you all," a phrase that, with its similar meaning, could be compared to the post-dinner greeting "Blessed meal" from North Germany. A Cornish grace before meals goes: "Lord make us able to eat what's on the table," followed by: "The Lord be praised, our stomachs are pleased." Outspoken phrases like these have their charm when they come from simple, honest hearts. After a long walk on a Yorkshire moor, plates of homemade cake and glasses of fresh milk spread across a farmhouse kitchen with the friendly invitation, "Help yourself and make yourself at home," can create a meal that lingers in your memory as a feast of rich delights. "Help yourself" in its various forms is the common phrase in the northern dialects, such as: "Now help yourself to tea and don’t be shy about it, and you don’t need to hold back; Now, don’t be too shy, help yourself and get at it; Now you mustn't be shy and overly polite, but stretch out your arm to what you like best." The guest might reply: "Oh, I’ll help myself, I won’t wait for an invitation; I’m too hungry to be bashful." "Not this time, thank you," is a polite way to decline any more food at the welcoming table, and when the guest leaves the house, they say: "Well, I must love you and leave you."
Turning from the language of courtesy and good-feeling to that of contempt and derision, we shall find in the dialects a rich variety of expressions of a still more outspoken and forceful character. For example: Me gwain to have thick [that] hangdog-looking fuller!—why, I widn be azeed in a ten-acre field way un; Au wodn’t be seen at a hen-race wi’ thee; Thee jump up an’ knep [pick] a daisy; He don’t care for kith, kin, hog, dog, nor devil; Her temper’ll ne’er be meawlt [mouldy] wi’ keepin’; Thou gert lang-catching buzzard; Old cinderwig; You’re a nice cup o’ tea, you are, said to a person who thinks himself a fine fellow; Thou gaumless donnat [stupid good-for-nothing]; ’Er’s a vigger ov nort, ’er is; A jolter-yeded gawpsheet; Old gimlet-eye; Thoo gert idle honk, thoo; Shoo is a pullet, shoo goes abaht like a guytrash; A ragabrash slitherin’ owd raskald; Wor hes thoo been aw this time, thoo sledderkin, thoo?; Tomnoddy, big heed an’ little body, a street-boy’s gibe at a person of dwarfish stature.
Turning from polite and friendly language to one of scorn and mockery, we'll find a wealth of expressions in the dialects that are even more direct and impactful. For example: I'm going to have a thick-looking loser!—I'd rather be lost in a ten-acre field than be around you; I wouldn’t be caught at a chicken race with you; You jump up and pick a daisy; He doesn’t care about family, friends, money, pets, or anything; Her temper will never get stale from doing nothing; You silly, long-winded buzzard; You old fogey; You think you’re something special, don’t you?; You useless good-for-nothing; She’s not worth much, is she?; A blockhead; You old sharp-eyed person; You lazy idiot, you; She’s a chick, she wanders around like a scarecrow; A scruffy old rascal; Where have you been all this time, you lazy person?; Tomnoddy, big head and little body, a street kid's insult for someone of short stature.
Corresponding to the figurative and proverbial similes and sayings of a general nature are the more strictly local ones, recording some feature of the locality, some current tradition, or some real or imaginary characteristic of the inhabitants of a special town or county, for example: all on one side like Bridgnorth Election, said of anything which is oblique or out of the perpendicular. The saying is supposed to refer to the fact that members of the Tory Whitmore families of Apley, near Bridgnorth, have, with rare exceptions, represented the borough in Parliament from 1663 onwards for over two hundred years. All on one side like Marton Chapel (Chs.); all on one side like Parkgate, said of anything lopsided. Parkgate is a fishing village on the Cheshire side of the river Dee, consisting of one long street with houses on one side only, the sea wall being on the other[Pg 179] side. All play and no play, like Boscastle Market, which begins at twelve o’clock and ends at noon (Cor.); always too late like Mobberly clock (Chs.); to end in a whew, like Cawthorne feast, said of anything which ends badly or never comes to pass (w.Yks.); like a Whillymer cheese, it wants an axe and a saw to cut it (n.Cy.); it’s gone over Borough Hill after Jackson’s pig, said when anything is lost. Borough Hill is an extensive Roman encampment near Daventry. ’Tis as long in coming as Cotswold barley, applied to things which are slow but sure. This proverb, alluding to the slow growth and ultimate excellence of Cotswold corn, is amongst those collected by Ray in 1678. Ship-shape and Bristol fashion signifies respectability, steadiness, stolidity; he has been sworn in at Highgate, is said of a man who is very sharp or clever (n.Der.). The custom of swearing on the horns at Highgate near London is described in Hone’s Everyday Book, 1827. As big as Russell’s wagon (Cor.). This was a huge wagon for the conveyance of goods and passengers, drawn by six, eight, or even ten horses. It took nearly a fortnight to go from Cornwall to London. Passengers sometimes took their own bedding with them, and slept in the wagon, and they made their wills before starting. Like Nicholas Kemp he’s got occasion for all (Cor.) is a saying referring to a traditional voter in a Cornish borough who, in order that it might not be said that any one had given him a bribe, was told to help himself from a table covered with gold in the election committee-room. Taking off his hat, he swept the whole mass into it, saying: ‘I’ve occasion for all.’ They’ll rax [stretch] an’ run up like Tommy Yarrow’s breeches (Nhb.) is applied to anything very elastic. Tommy Yarrow was a celebrated maker of leather breeches, which he asserted to be capable of stretching or shrinking to meet the wearer’s requirements. To creg means to be short-tempered or ill-natured, like the inhabitants of Cragg Hill, a geographical portion of Horsforth in West Yorkshire.
Corresponding to the figurative and proverbial similes and sayings of a general nature are the more strictly local ones, which record some feature of the locality, some current tradition, or some real or imaginary characteristic of the inhabitants of a specific town or county. For example, "all on one side like Bridgnorth Election," is said of anything that is slanted or not straight. This saying is believed to refer to the fact that members of the Tory Whitmore families of Apley, near Bridgnorth, have represented the borough in Parliament with few exceptions, from 1663 onward for over two hundred years. "All on one side like Marton Chapel" (Chs.); "all on one side like Parkgate," is said of anything crooked. Parkgate is a fishing village on the Cheshire side of the River Dee, featuring one long street with houses on only one side— the sea wall is on the other side. "All play and no play, like Boscastle Market," which starts at twelve o'clock and ends at noon (Cor.); "always too late like Mobberly clock" (Chs.); "to end in a whew, like Cawthorne feast," refers to anything that ends badly or never happens (w.Yks.); "like a Whillymer cheese, it needs an axe and a saw to cut it" (n.Cy.); "it’s gone over Borough Hill after Jackson’s pig," is said when something is lost. Borough Hill is a large Roman camp near Daventry. "’Tis as long in coming as Cotswold barley," is applied to things that are slow but sure. This proverb refers to the slow growth and ultimate excellence of Cotswold corn and is among those collected by Ray in 1678. "Ship-shape and Bristol fashion" means respectability, steadiness, or seriousness; "he has been sworn in at Highgate," is said of a man who is very sharp or clever (n.Der.). The practice of swearing on the horns at Highgate near London is described in Hone’s Everyday Book, 1827. "As big as Russell’s wagon" (Cor.) refers to a massive wagon used for transporting goods and passengers, pulled by six, eight, or even ten horses. It took almost two weeks to travel from Cornwall to London. Passengers sometimes brought their own bedding and slept in the wagon, and they made their wills before setting off. "Like Nicholas Kemp he’s got occasion for all" (Cor.) is a saying about a voter in a Cornish borough who, to avoid the impression of being bribed, was told to help himself from a table covered with gold in the election committee room. Taking off his hat, he swept everything into it, saying: ‘I’ve occasion for all.’ "They’ll rax [stretch] an’ run up like Tommy Yarrow’s breeches" (Nhb.) is used for anything very elastic. Tommy Yarrow was a famous maker of leather breeches, which he claimed could stretch or shrink according to the wearer’s needs. To creg means to be short-tempered or bad-natured, like the residents of Cragg Hill, a part of Horsforth in West Yorkshire.
Nicknames for the inhabitants of certain towns are: Bury[Pg 180] muffs; Dawley oaves, a name derived from the traditional Dawley Barrow-maker who was the original oaf. He is said to have built a wheelbarrow in an outhouse with so small a door, that he could not get the barrow out when it was finished. Morley gawbies; Leeds loiners; Radcliffe boiler-lifters; Wigan Hearty-Christers, an allusion to a form of oath peculiar to the Wigan colliers, a corruption of Heart-of-Christ; Yarmouth bloaters, cp. ‘But Peggotty said, with greater emphasis than usual, that we must take things as we found them, and that, for her part, she was proud to call herself a Yarmouth Bloater,’ Dickens, David Copperfield. A Dicky-Sam is a Liverpool man; and a Jug is a man of Brighton.
Nicknames for the residents of certain towns are: Bury muffs; Dawley oaves, a term derived from the traditional Dawley Barrow-maker who was the original oaf. He supposedly built a wheelbarrow in a shed with such a small door that he couldn't get the barrow out once it was done. Morley gawbies; Leeds loiners; Radcliffe boiler-lifters; Wigan Hearty-Christers, referencing a type of oath unique to Wigan coal miners, a twist on Heart-of-Christ; Yarmouth bloaters, cp. ‘But Peggotty said, with more emphasis than usual, that we must take things as we found them, and that, for her part, she was proud to call herself a Yarmouth Bloater,’ Dickens, David Copperfield. A Dicky-Sam is a man from Liverpool; and a Jug is a man from Brighton.
Sometimes these sayings are in rude rhyme, e.g. Proud Preston, poor people, Eight bells in a crackt steeple; Birstal for ringers, Heckmondwike for singers, Dewsbury for pedlars, Cleckheaton for sheddlers [swindlers]; Oh, Boston, Boston, thou hast nought to boast on But a grand sluice and a high steeple, And a coast as souls are lost on; Cheshire bred, Strong i’ th’ arm But weak i’ th’ head; Derbyshire born, Derbyshire bred, Strong i’ th’ arm, and thick i’ th’ head; Essex miles, Suffolk stiles, Norfolk wiles, many men beguiles, cp. ‘For Norfolke wiles, so full of giles, Haue caught my toe, by wiuing so,’ Tusser. Gobbinshire is an old name for a portion of West Cheshire, gobbin signifying a clownish person, a country fellow.
Sometimes these sayings are in rough rhyme, like: Proud Preston, poor folks, Eight bells in a cracked steeple; Birstal for ringers, Heckmondwike for singers, Dewsbury for peddlers, Cleckheaton for swindlers; Oh, Boston, Boston, you have nothing to brag about But a grand sluice and a tall steeple, And a coast where souls are lost; Cheshire bred, Strong in the arm But weak in the head; Derbyshire born, Derbyshire bred, Strong in the arm, and thick in the head; Essex miles, Suffolk paths, Norfolk tricks, many men deceive, cp. ‘For Norfolk tricks, so full of deceits, Have caught my toe, by winning so,’ Tusser. Gobbinshire is an old name for a part of West Cheshire, with gobbin meaning a clownish person, a country fellow.
Parallel to the nicknames belonging to certain towns are the county ones, such as: an Essex calf; a Hampshire hog [sheep]; a Norfolk dumpling; a Yorkshire bite, or tyke; wild people, i.e. the inhabitants of the Weald of Sussex. Shropshire is reputed to be full of trout and Tories. Anciently the Salopian was proverbial for sharp shins, as recorded by Leland and others:
Parallel to the nicknames associated with certain towns are the county ones, like: an Essex calf; a Hampshire hog [sheep]; a Norfolk dumpling; a Yorkshire bite, or tyke; and wild people, meaning the residents of the Weald of Sussex. Shropshire is known for being full of trout and Tories. Historically, the Salopian was famous for having sharp shins, as noted by Leland and others:
Leland’s Itinerary, 1710-12. This old proverb remains in a crystallized form in the term sharpshins, e.g. Now then,[Pg 181] sharpshins, taking me up as usual! said in rebuke to some sharp speech, or captious criticism.
Leland’s Itinerary, 1710-12. This old proverb still exists in the phrase sharpshins, e.g. Now then,[Pg 181] sharpshins, taking me up as usual! said in response to some cutting remark or petty criticism.
To direct a person to go to a place not to be named to ears polite is to tell him: to go to Melverley (Shr.), a saying which has arisen from the fact that this village is continually flooded by the irruptions of the Severn, and is therefore a place where ills and misfortunes befall the inhabitant; to go to Halifax (Yks. Lin. Oxf.); to Hexham (Nhb. Yks.); to Hull. From Hull, Hell, and Halifax, Good Lord deliver us (Yks. n.Lin.), is a saying based on the local history of the two towns named. At Hull all vagrants found begging in the streets were whipped and put in the stocks, and at Halifax persons taken in the act of stealing cloth were instantly, and without any process, beheaded. Jedburgh and Lydford (Dev.) bear a like fame for summary infliction of punishment. Jedburgh-justice and Jedburgh-law are proverbial phrases signifying trial after execution. ‘First hang and draw, Then hear the cause by Lidford law,’ is amongst Ray’s Proverbs, 1678. To send a man to Dingley couch, or Dinglety-cootch (Irel.), means to send him to Coventry. Dingle-i-Coush was an old name for Dingle in Co. Kerry, a place very remote and inaccessible; to be sent to Ketton (n.Lin.) signifies to be sent to the prison at Kirton-in-Lindsey; to be sent to Wakefield is a parallel expression current in Yorkshire. You could tell that up in Devonshire is a Cornish expression equivalent to: Give a cat a canary, or: You fry your feet (e.Suf.), said when any one makes an incredible statement.
To tell someone to go to a place not suitable for polite conversation is to direct them to Melverley (Shr.), a phrase that comes from the fact that this village is often flooded by the Severn and is therefore a place where bad luck and misfortunes happen to its residents; to go to Halifax (Yks. Lin. Oxf.); to Hexham (Nhb. Yks.); to Hull. The saying "From Hull, Hell, and Halifax, Good Lord deliver us" (Yks. n.Lin.) is based on the history of these two towns. In Hull, all beggars found in the streets were whipped and put in the stocks, and in Halifax, anyone caught stealing cloth was instantly beheaded without trial. Jedburgh and Lydford (Dev.) have a similar reputation for harsh punishment. "Jedburgh justice" and "Jedburgh law" are phrases that mean trial after execution. "First hang and draw, then hear the cause by Lydford law," is among Ray’s Proverbs, 1678. To send a man to Dingley couch or Dinglety-cootch (Irel.) means to send him to Coventry. Dingle-i-Coush was an old name for Dingle in Co. Kerry, a place very remote and difficult to access; to be sent to Ketton (n.Lin.) means being sent to the prison at Kirton-in-Lindsey; to be sent to Wakefield is a similar expression used in Yorkshire. In Devonshire, there's a Cornish saying that means: Give a cat a canary or: You fry your feet (e.Suf.), used when someone makes an unbelievable statement.
Deeds such as those for which the Wise Men of Gotham are famous are localized in various parts of the country. In Wiltshire people sometimes speak of their western neighbours as Somerset hedge-cuckoos, in taunting allusion to their making a hedge round the cuckoo to keep it from flying away. The natives of Madeley-on-Severn are said to have tried to secure the cuckoo by standing round it in a ring with clasped hands; whilst they of Borrowdale sought to compass the same end by building a wall. Moonraker, a[Pg 182] term for a very foolish person (w.Yks. Hrf. Oxf. Hmp. Wil.), has its origin in similar tradition. The Wiltshire moonrakers are best known to fame, but it is also told of the natives of Slaithwake that they raked the canal to secure the moon which was reflected therein, and which they mistook for a cheese. It has been stated with regard to the existence of the term in Hampshire, that the original moonrakers were smugglers who, when detected on their journeyings, were wont to pitch their booty into one of the numerous ponds in the district, to be raked out again some night when fear of pursuit was past. As fond as the folks of Token (Cum.) is a saying based on the tradition that the first coach that passed through Token was followed by a crowd of the inhabitants who were anxious to see the big wheel catch the little one; as fond as th’ men of Belton, at hing’d a sheäp for stealin’ a man, is a north Lincolnshire expression. A Coggeshall job means in Essex a stupid piece of work, a foolish action. Many stories are told in illustration of the stupidity of the people of Coggeshall, for instance, it is related that when they had built their church they found they had forgotten to make any windows. So they got some hampers, and set them open in the sun to catch the light, then shut them up tight, wheeled them into the church in barrows, and there opened them to let the light out. Another legend tells that the people thought that their church was in the wrong place. In order to move it, they went to one end to push it, laying their coats down on the ground, outside the opposite end, on the spot to which the wall was to be removed. When they judged that they had moved the building far enough, they went round to find their coats, but none were to be found. They at once concluded that they had pushed the wall over them, and went to look for them inside the church. Further, they are said to have placed hurdles in the stream to turn the river, and to have chained up the wheelbarrow when the dog bit it.
Deeds like those that the Wise Men of Gotham are known for can be found in different parts of the country. In Wiltshire, people sometimes refer to their western neighbors as Somerset hedge-cuckoos, mocking their practice of making a hedge around the cuckoo to stop it from flying away. The locals of Madeley-on-Severn are said to have tried to catch the cuckoo by standing around it in a circle with their hands clasped; meanwhile, those in Borrowdale aimed to achieve the same goal by building a wall. The term Moonraker, which means a very foolish person (w.Yks. Hrf. Oxf. Hmp. Wil.), comes from a similar story. The Wiltshire moonrakers are the most famous, but it's also said that the people of Slaithwake raked the canal to try to catch the moon reflected in it, mistaking it for cheese. It's been suggested that the term in Hampshire originated from smugglers who, when caught on their journeys, would throw their loot into one of the area's many ponds, then retrieve it later when the fear of being chased was gone. The people of Token (Cum.) are known for a saying based on the belief that the first coach that passed through Token was followed by a crowd of locals eager to see the big wheel catch the little one; just as fond as the people of Belton, who have a saying about stealing a sheep for a man, which is a phrase from north Lincolnshire. A "Coggeshall job" refers in Essex to a silly task or foolish action. Many stories illustrate the foolishness of the people of Coggeshall; for example, it's said that after building their church, they realized they forgot to make any windows. So, they took hampers, set them out in the sun to catch light, then closed them tight, wheeled them into the church in barrows, and opened them up to let the light out. Another legend claims that they thought their church was in the wrong location. To move it, they went to one end to push it, laying their coats down at the opposite end where they wanted the wall to be. When they thought they had moved the building far enough, they went around to get their coats, but none were there. They immediately assumed they had pushed the wall over their coats and looked for them inside the church. Additionally, they are said to have placed hurdles in the stream to redirect the river and even chained up the wheelbarrow when the dog bit it.
Among the most interesting of the dialect sayings are those which contain historical allusions. Here we find the[Pg 183] memory of old, unhappy, far-off things, and battles long ago, handed down from generation to generation, enshrined in some quaint word or phrase. Or perchance it is the name of some great or notorious man that has now passed into a rustic proverb, some notable event in political or Church history which, long after it has ceased to live in men’s minds, still lingers in their speech. When Durham boys are quarrelling or playing at soldiers, one may taunt another by crying: A coward! a coward! o’ Barney Castle Dare na come out to fight a battle. In all probability this refers to the holding of Barnard Castle by Sir George Bowes during the Rising of the North in 1569. The couplet: Bellasis! Bellasis! daft was thy knowle, When thoo swapt Bellasis for Henknoll (e.Yks.), refers to a foolish exchange of estates in the fifteenth century. An Easter Monday custom peculiar to Ashton-under-Lyne, called Riding the Black Lad, consisted in carrying through the streets an effigy which was afterwards publicly burned. Originally this effigy represented a man in black armour, and was intended for Sir Ralph Assheton, the tyrannical Black Knight of Assheton, but later it was made up to resemble some person who happened to be politically or socially unpopular in the town. Bloody Mary (w.Yks.) is a name for the crane’s-bill, Geranium Robertianum. To vanish in a bokanki (Dur.) is to take precipitate flight after the manner of Dr. Balcanqual, Dean of Durham, in the time of the Civil Wars, who fled from the city with extreme precipitation, after the battle of Newburn, for fear of the Scots. A reminiscence of the days when rural England lived in terror of a Napoleonic invasion is contained in the phrase: marrow to Bonny (Lakel. w.Yks.), i.e. a match for Buonaparte, equally bad, applied to any one who bears a very bad character, or who has been guilty of a bad action. Chewidden Day, Picrous Day, and the phrase drunk as a Perraner, are all references to the reputed finders of tin in Cornwall. Tradition tells that St. Perran was one day cooking for himself a humble meal when a stream of white metal flowed out of the fire which he had built on a heavy black stone. Great was the joy of the[Pg 184] good saint, for he perceived that there had been revealed to him from above something which would be useful to man. He communicated his discovery at once to St. Chewidden, and the two saints soon devised ways and means of producing this metal in large quantities. They called the Cornishmen together and told them of their treasures, and how they could set to work to obtain them. Days of feasting followed the announcement; mead and metheglin and other drinks flowed in abundance, and were partaken of so freely by the saints and their followers, that St. Perran’s name from that day passed into a proverb. The name of Cromwell occurs in an Irish imprecation: the curse of Cromwell, and in the Lincolnshire saying: it caps old Oliver, and he capped Long Crown, i.e. the Cavaliers, so called from the shape of their hats, said when anything very extraordinary is recounted. Other versions of this expression are: it caps Leatherstarn, and he capt the divel (e.Yks.), it cowes the gowan (Sc.), it flogs t’doll (Yks.). A red-haired Dane (Sus. Wil. Som. Cor.) is a term of reproach applied to a man with red hair. Such a man is often said to be crossed wi’ the Danes, or a bit touched wi’ the Danes. Danes’ blood (Wil.) is the dwarf elder, Sambucus Ebulus, popularly believed only to grow on the ancient battle-fields, and to have sprung originally from the blood of the slain Danes. The same name is also given to the pasque-flower, Anemone Pulsatilla (Hrt. Cmb. Nrf.), and to the clustered bell-flower, Campanula glomerata (Cmb.); it also denotes a certain species of red clay found in Hampshire. Dane-weed (Nhp.) is a name for the field eryngo, Eryngium campestre. A Dane’s skin is a freckled skin. Derwentwater Lights (Nhb. Cum.) is a name for the aurora borealis. On the night of the execution of the Earl of Derwentwater the aurora borealis flashed with remarkable brilliancy, and has since been so named in remembrance of him. Duff’s luck (Sc.) is a proverb expressive of some special good fortune. Duff is the family name of the Earls of Fife, a family which has for many generations gone on adding land to land, successfully building up huge[Pg 185] estates. The days of the Duke of Monmouth’s rebellion are remembered as Dukin’-time (Som.). Schoolboys in north Lincolnshire call coloured snail-shells or butterflies English, the origin of which term dates back to the period of the long war with France, when children used to kill all the white butterflies they could find, regarding them as symbols of the French.
Among the most intriguing local sayings are those that have historical references. Here we find the[Pg 183] memory of old, unhappy, distant events and battles from long ago, passed down through generations, captured in some quirky word or phrase. It might also be the name of a famous or infamous person that has become a country saying, or a significant moment in political or Church history that, long after it has faded from people's minds, still persists in their language. When boys in Durham are arguing or pretending to fight, one might mock another by shouting: A coward! a coward! o’ Barney Castle Dare na come out to fight a battle. This likely refers to Sir George Bowes holding Barnard Castle during the Rising of the North in 1569. The couplet: Bellasis! Bellasis! daft was thy knowle, When thoo swapt Bellasis for Henknoll (e.Yks.), refers to a foolish exchange of estates in the fifteenth century. An Easter Monday tradition unique to Ashton-under-Lyne, called Riding the Black Lad, involved carrying an effigy through the streets which was later publicly burned. Originally, this effigy represented a man in black armor and was meant to symbolize Sir Ralph Assheton, the tyrannical Black Knight of Assheton, but over time it evolved to represent someone who happened to be politically or socially disliked in the town. Bloody Mary (w.Yks.) is a name for the crane’s-bill, Robert's geranium. To vanish in a bokanki (Dur.) means to flee quickly like Dr. Balcanqual, Dean of Durham, did during the Civil Wars, who hurriedly left the city after the battle of Newburn for fear of the Scots. There’s a reminder of the days when rural England feared a Napoleonic invasion in the phrase: marrow to Bonny (Lakel. w.Yks.), referring to a match for Buonaparte, equally bad, used for anyone with a very bad reputation or who has committed a bad deed. Chewidden Day, Picrous Day, and the phrase drunk as a Perraner all reference the legendary discoverers of tin in Cornwall. According to tradition, St. Perran was cooking a simple meal one day when a stream of white metal flowed out of the fire he had built on a heavy black stone. He was overjoyed, realizing that something useful to mankind had been revealed to him from above. He immediately shared his discovery with St. Chewidden, and the two saints quickly devised ways to produce this metal in large quantities. They gathered the Cornishmen and told them about their treasures and how they could start working to obtain them. Days of feasting followed the announcement; mead, metheglin, and other drinks flowed freely, consumed so generously by the saints and their followers that St. Perran’s name became a proverb from that point on. The name of Cromwell appears in an Irish curse: the curse of Cromwell, and in the Lincolnshire saying: it caps old Oliver, and he capped Long Crown, meaning the Cavaliers, named for their hat shape, said when something extraordinary is mentioned. Other variations of this expression are: it caps Leatherstarn, and he capt the divel (e.Yks.), it cowes the gowan (Sc.), it flogs t’doll (Yks.). A red-haired Dane (Sus. Wil. Som. Cor.) is an insult aimed at a man with red hair. Such a man is often said to be crossed wi’ the Danes, or a bit touched wi’ the Danes. Danes’ blood (Wil.) refers to the dwarf elder, Elderberry, which is popularly believed to only grow on ancient battlefields and to have originally come from the blood of fallen Danes. The same name is also used for the pasque-flower, Anemone pulsatilla (Hrt. Cmb. Nrf.), and for the clustered bell-flower, Clustered bellflower (Cmb.); it also denotes a type of red clay found in Hampshire. Dane-weed (Nhp.) is a name for the field eryngo, Field eryngo. A Dane’s skin is a freckled complexion. Derwentwater Lights (Nhb. Cum.) is a term for the aurora borealis. On the night of the execution of the Earl of Derwentwater, the aurora borealis shone with remarkable brightness, and it has been named in his memory since. Duff’s luck (Sc.) is a saying expressing a special kind of good fortune. Duff is the family name of the Earls of Fife, a family that has been acquiring land for many generations, successfully building up massive[Pg 185] estates. The days of the Duke of Monmouth’s rebellion are known as Dukin’-time (Som.). Schoolboys in north Lincolnshire refer to colored snail shells or butterflies as English, a term that dates back to the long war with France, when children would kill all the white butterflies they could find, seeing them as symbols of the French.
Here and there some noteworthy man is commemorated in an everyday simile, as for instance: as deep as Garrick; as big as Gilderoy; as sour as Hector. The name gaskin (Ken. Sus.) denotes a species of wild cherry brought from France by Joan of Kent when her husband, the Black Prince, was commanding in Guienne and Gascony. Effigies of Guy Fawkes may still be seen on Nov. 5, carried by small boys who beg for coppers with a: Please to remember poor Guy, but the old rhymes narrating his history are now seldom heard. An old Devonshire version runs:
Here and there, some notable person is remembered in a common saying, like: as deep as Garrick; as big as Gilderoy; as sour as Hector. The term gaskin (Ken. Sus.) refers to a type of wild cherry that was brought from France by Joan of Kent when her husband, the Black Prince, was in charge of Guienne and Gascony. Effigies of Guy Fawkes can still be seen on Nov. 5, carried by young boys who ask for change with: Please remember poor Guy, but the old rhymes telling his story are rarely heard anymore. An old version from Devonshire goes:
This was sung on the night of Nov. 4, when funds were collected for the next day’s bonfire. On the 5th, the momet or figure was carried round by boys singing:
This was sung on the night of Nov. 4, when money was collected for the bonfire the next day. On the 5th, the momet or figure was carried around by boys singing:
In West Yorkshire, Nov. 5 is known as Plot, and a special kind of cake, made of oatmeal and treacle and called parkin, is eaten at about that date. A curious bit of testimony to the popularity of Shakespeare may be traced in the common Yorkshire expression to play Hamlet (with), e.g. Bai gou, lad! wen ta gets ’oam ther’ll bi ’amlit to pleay; Mi mother[Pg 186] pleayed ’amlit wi’ ’im fer stoppin’ aht lat at neet. The use of Hanover in exclamations and mild oaths such as: What the Hanover do I care about it! (Lin.), Go to Hanover and hoe turnips! (e.Suf.), is said to date from the time of the Georges, who were very unpopular in the east of England. According to an old Cheshire legend, for several days before the battle of Blore Heath, there arose each morning out of the fosse three mermaids, who announced: Ere yet the hawberry [hawthorn-berry] assumes its deep red, Embued shall this heath be with blood nobly shed. Higgledy-piggledy, Maupas shot (Chs.) means serving all alike, a saying which is sometimes extended by the addition of: let every tub stand on its own bottom. The tradition which accounts for its origin is by some attributed to James I, and by others to William III. The kernel of the story in either case is the refusal of the then Rector of Malpas to treat the monarch to his share of a dinner at the village inn. In spite of the remonstrances of the Curate, who was also present, the shot was equally divided between the three: higgledy-piggledy all pay alike. Later the monarch caused the same rule to be applied to the benefice, and henceforth the Curate received a moiety of the glebe and tithes. Hobby-horse Day is a festival held in Padstow on May 1. A hobby-horse is carried through the streets to a pool about a quarter of a mile outside the town, where it is supposed to drink. The procession then returns home singing a song to commemorate the tradition that the French, having landed in the bay, mistook a party of mummers in red cloaks for soldiers, and hastily fled to their boats and rowed away. Hockney Tuesday, that is the first Tuesday after Easter week, is celebrated at Hungerford in Berkshire as Kissing Day, in accordance with the charter which John of Gaunt gave the town after its services in some great battle. Two tutty-men visit each house in the borough, and demand a coin of the realm from each male, and a kiss from every female. They each carry a staff about six feet long, bedecked with flowers and ribbons, the whole being surmounted with a cup and[Pg 187] spike bearing an orange, which is given away with each salute, and then replaced by another one. The tutty-men [nosegay-men] are the tything-men, selected from the tradesmen of the town, whose duty it was before the establishment of the county police to act as constables, and assist in preserving order in the town. Pictures of the proceedings on Kissing Day appeared in the Daily Graphic of April 6, 1910, entitled ‘Hocktide at Hungerford: Quaint thirteenth-century customs observed’. Hock-Monday in Sussex is kept as a festival in remembrance of the defeat of the Danes in King Ethelred’s time. The term Kemble’s Pipe (Hrf.), applied to the concluding pipe any one smokes at a sitting, is now no longer in current use. The original Kemble was executed at Hereford on Aug. 2, 1679, on a charge of implication in Titus Oates’ plot. On his way to execution he smoked his pipe and conversed with his friends, and hence arose the name Kemble’s Pipe for the last pipe smoked in a social company. The cloud-berry, Rubus Chamaemorus, in many north-country dialects is known by the name of knout-berry. A Lancashire tradition derives this name from King Cnut, or Cnout, who, being reduced to great extremity, was preserved from starvation by feeding on this fruit. There’s been worse stirs than that at Lathom is a Lancashire saying used when a flitting, a whitewashing, or any domestic stir of an unpleasant nature makes an apology needful on the score of untidiness or confusion. It alludes to the havoc made when the Parliamentary forces took Lathom in 1645. To pull anything Lymm from Warburton (Chs.) signifies to pull anything to pieces. The expression originates from the fact that the church livings of Lymm and Warburton were formerly held together, but that they were eventually separated, and the income of the rectors of Lymm thereby reduced. Nelson’s bullets (n.Cy.) is the name of a kind of sweetmeat made in the shape of small balls. A Norman (Suf.) is a tyrannical person. Lord Northumberland’s Arms (Nhb.) is synonymous with a black eye. The 29th of May, commemorating the Restoration of Charles II, is commonly[Pg 188] observed in the midland and south-western counties. The day is variously known as: Oak-apple Day, Oak-ball Day, Royal Oak Day, and Shick-shack Day. Shick-shack is the name of the piece of oak, especially one with an oak-apple attached, which is worn before noon, mostly by school-children. In the afternoon the shick-shack is discarded, and monkey-powder, i.e. leaves of the ash, put in its place. In the evening both emblems have to disappear, or the wearers are beaten with nettles (Oxf.). Elsewhere the beating with nettles is the punishment for not wearing any oak-leaves at all. In Yorkshire a boy who does not wear the oak is nicknamed a Papish. The Penny Hedge (Yks.) is a fence or hedge of wicker-work set up annually on the eastern shore of Whitby harbour, at the Feast of the Ascension. According to a legend, dating from 1315, ‘the lords of Sneaton and Ugglebarnby, with others, whilst hunting the boar, did mortally injure an hermit, who dared to protect the quarry.’ As penance for this outrage, the local lord and his successors after him must thenceforth plant a certain number of stakes every year in the tideway. This performance is now called the Horngarth Service, or the Setting of the Penny Hedge. A Cheshire version of a well-known proverb is: When the daughter is stolen, shut the Peppergate. The proverb is said to be founded on fact. The daughter of a certain Mayor of Chester was stolen as she was playing at ball in Pepper Street, and the young man who carried her off took her through the Pepper Gate. After the loss of his daughter, the Mayor ordered the gate to be closed. The case is altered, quoth Plowden (Shr.), is a phrase which originated through the unexpected decisions given by Judge Plowden, an eminent lawyer in Queen Mary’s time. A pussivanting (Dev. Cor.) is an ineffective bustle; used as an adjective the word is equivalent to meddling, fussy. It is undoubtedly a corruption of poursuivant, but whether the original Poursuivants from whom the term is derived were those sent into Cornwall in the fifteenth century, threatening punishment for the blackmailing habits of certain Cornish sea-captains,[Pg 189] or whether they were the Poursuivants of the latter part of the seventeenth century, who were sent to search out all those entitled to bear arms, is a matter on which opinions differ. The name of Queen Anne is used to denote a coloured butterfly (Chs.), an ancient gun (Sc.), and an old-fashioned tale (n.Yks.), e.g. Tell us some o’ your aud Queen Anners. Queen Anne’s flowers (Nrf.) is a name for the daffodil; Queen Anne’s needlework (Nhp.) is the striped crane’s-bill. Queen Mary’s thistle (Nhp.), the cotton thistle, Onopordon Acanthium, owes its name to the tradition that it was brought to Fotheringay by Mary’s attendants. Various plants are named after Robin Hood, e.g. Robin Hood’s feather, or fetter (Cum.), the traveller’s joy, Clematis Vitalba; Robin Hood’s hatband (Cum. Yks.), the club moss, Lycopodium clavatum; Robin Hood’s men, or sheep (Lin.), the bracken fern, Pteris aquilina. To go round by Robin Hood’s barn (Cmb. w.Midl.) is to go a roundabout way, to go the farthest way; Robin Hood’s wind (Chs.) is a wind which accompanies a thaw. It is said that Robin Hood could stand anything but a thaw wind. A Yorkshire proverb runs: Many speak of Robin Hood, that never shot his bow, i.e. many people talk of doing great things which they can never accomplish. It’s long o’ comin’, like Royal Charlie (Irel.), is said of a thing that has been long expected. A Scarborough warning (Yks. Nrf.) signifies no warning at all. The origin of the saying rests on the statement that in 1557 Thomas Stafford entered and took possession of Scarborough Castle before the townsmen were aware of his approach. Sherra-moor (Sc. Nhb. Dur.), used to signify a row, tumult, a state of confusion, is originally a name given to the Rebellion of 1715. The title of Vicar of Bray (Brks.) is applied as a term of contempt to a turncoat.
In West Yorkshire, Nov. 5 is known as Plot, and a special kind of cake made of oatmeal and treacle, called parkin, is eaten around that date. A curious bit of evidence of Shakespeare's popularity can be found in the common Yorkshire saying to play Hamlet (with), e.g. "Bai gou, lad! when ta gets ’oam ther’ll bi ’amlit to pleay; Mi mother played ’amlit wi’ ’im fer stoppin’ aht lat at neet." The use of Hanover in exclamations and mild oaths like: "What the Hanover do I care about it!" (Lin.), "Go to Hanover and hoe turnips!" (e.Suf.), is said to date back to the time of the Georges, who were very unpopular in the east of England. According to an old Cheshire legend, several days before the battle of Blore Heath, three mermaids arose each morning out of the fosse, announcing: "Ere yet the hawberry [hawthorn-berry] assumes its deep red, Embued shall this heath be with blood nobly shed." Higgledy-piggledy, Maupas shot (Chs.) means serving all equally, a saying sometimes extended with: let every tub stand on its own bottom. The tradition explaining its origin is attributed to either James I or William III. The core of the story in either version involves the Rector of Malpas refusing to treat the monarch to his share of dinner at the village inn. Despite the Curate's protests, the shot was equally divided among the three: higgledy-piggledy all pay alike. Later, this rule was applied to the benefice, and from then on the Curate received a portion of the glebe and tithes. Hobby-horse Day is a festival in Padstow celebrated on May 1, where a hobby-horse is carried through the streets to a pool about a quarter of a mile outside the town, where it is supposed to drink. The procession then returns home singing a song that commemorates the tradition that the French, having landed in the bay, mistook a group of performers in red cloaks for soldiers, prompting them to flee hastily to their boats. Hockney Tuesday, which is the first Tuesday after Easter week, is celebrated at Hungerford in Berkshire as Kissing Day, following a charter given to the town by John of Gaunt after its support in a great battle. Two tutty-men visit every house in the borough, demanding a coin from each male and a kiss from every female. They carry a six-foot staff adorned with flowers and ribbons, topped with a cup and spike holding an orange, which is given to each person as a greeting, then replaced with another. The tutty-men (nosegay-men) are the tything-men, chosen from the town tradesmen, whose role before the county police was to act as constables and maintain order. Images of Kissing Day appeared in the Daily Graphic on April 6, 1910, titled 'Hocktide at Hungerford: Quaint thirteenth-century customs observed.' Hock-Monday in Sussex is celebrated as a festival in memory of the defeat of the Danes during King Ethelred’s reign. The term Kemble’s Pipe (Hrf.), referring to the last pipe anyone smokes at a sitting, is now outdated. The original Kemble was executed at Hereford on Aug. 2, 1679, for his involvement in Titus Oates’ plot. On his way to execution, he smoked his pipe while chatting with friends, and this gave the last pipe smoked in social company its name. The cloud-berry, Rubus Chamaemorus, is known in many northern dialects as knout-berry. A Lancashire tradition claims this name comes from King Cnut, who, being in dire straits, survived on this fruit. "There’s been worse stirs than that at Lathom" is a Lancashire saying used when a disturbance, such as a flitting or whitewashing, requires an apology for the mess or chaos. It refers to the havoc caused when the Parliamentary forces took Lathom in 1645. To "pull anything Lymm from Warburton" (Chs.) means to tear something apart. The phrase comes from the fact that the church positions in Lymm and Warburton were once held together but later separated, resulting in a reduced income for the rectors of Lymm. Nelson’s bullets (n.Cy.) is a name for a type of candy shaped like small balls. A Norman (Suf.) refers to a tyrannical person. Lord Northumberland’s Arms (Nhb.) means having a black eye. The 29th of May, which commemorates the Restoration of Charles II, is commonly celebrated in the midlands and southwestern counties. The day goes by various names: Oak-apple Day, Oak-ball Day, Royal Oak Day, and Shick-shack Day. Shick-shack refers to a piece of oak, especially one with an oak-apple attached, that is worn before noon, mostly by schoolchildren. In the afternoon, the shick-shack is discarded in favor of monkey-powder, i.e., leaves of the ash. In the evening, both symbols must be removed, or wearers are beaten with nettles (Oxf.). Elsewhere, the punishment for not wearing any oak leaves at all involves being beaten with nettles. In Yorkshire, a boy who doesn’t wear the oak is nicknamed a Papish. The Penny Hedge (Yks.) is a wicker fence set up annually on the eastern shore of Whitby harbour, at the Feast of the Ascension. Legend has it, dating back to 1315, that ‘the lords of Sneaton and Ugglebarnby, while hunting a boar, mortally injured an hermit who tried to protect it.’ As penance, the local lord and his successors must plant a certain number of stakes each year in the tideway. This ritual is now known as the Horngarth Service, or the Setting of the Penny Hedge. A Cheshire adaptation of a well-known proverb is: "When the daughter is stolen, shut the Peppergate." This saying is said to be based on true events. The daughter of a certain Mayor of Chester was kidnapped while playing ball in Pepper Street, and the young man who abducted her escaped through the Pepper Gate. After losing his daughter, the Mayor ordered the gate to be closed. "The case is altered," said Plowden (Shr.), is a phrase that originated from Judge Plowden's unpredictable rulings, an esteemed lawyer during Queen Mary’s reign. A pussivanting (Dev. Cor.) is an ineffective bustle; when used as an adjective, it means meddling or fussy. It likely comes from the word poursuivant, but whether the original Poursuivants that the term derives from were those sent to Cornwall in the fifteenth century threatening punishment for the blackmailing behaviors of certain Cornish sea captains, or if they were the Poursuivants of the late seventeenth century sent to identify those entitled to bear arms, is debated. The name Queen Anne is associated with a colored butterfly (Chs.), an ancient gun (Sc.), and an old-fashioned tale (n.Yks.), e.g. "Tell us some o’ your aud Queen Anners." Queen Anne’s flowers (Nrf.) refers to the daffodil; Queen Anne’s needlework (Nhp.) is the striped crane’s-bill. Queen Mary’s thistle (Nhp.), the cotton thistle, Onopordon Acanthium, gets its name from the tradition that it was brought to Fotheringay by Mary’s attendants. Several plants are named after Robin Hood, such as Robin Hood’s feather or fetter (Cum.), the traveller’s joy, Clematis Vitalba; Robin Hood’s hatband (Cum. Yks.), the club moss, Lycopodium clavatum; and Robin Hood’s men or sheep (Lin.), the bracken fern, Pteris aquilina. To go round by Robin Hood’s barn (Cmb. w.Midl.) means to take a roundabout way; Robin Hood’s wind (Chs.) is a thaw wind. It is said that Robin Hood could withstand anything except a thaw wind. A Yorkshire proverb states: "Many speak of Robin Hood, that never shot his bow," meaning many people claim they will do great things that they will never actually achieve. "It’s long o’ comin’, like Royal Charlie" (Irel.) is said about something that has been long awaited. A Scarborough warning (Yks. Nrf.) means no warning at all. This saying comes from the fact that in 1557, Thomas Stafford entered and took over Scarborough Castle before the townspeople knew he was approaching. Sherra-moor (Sc. Nhb. Dur.), which used to mean a row or tumult, originally referred to the Rebellion of 1715. The title of Vicar of Bray (Brks.) is used as a term of contempt for a turncoat.
Apart from isolated scraps of history preserved in epithets and sayings such as these, there is the mass of historical evidence that can be gleaned by a careful study of the loan-words in the dialects. We have already noted many of them, but only for their philological value. To estimate[Pg 190] their importance from an historical point of view they would have to be treated geographically, the point of consideration being not the form in which they are found, but the locality. Thus we should obtain valuable corroborative testimony to known historical facts, regarding the settlement of the British Isles. For instance, history tells us that some time before the Norman Conquest some Flemish people settled in England. John of Trevisa wrote: ‘The Flemmynges, that woneth in the west syde of Wales, habbeth yleft here strange speche and speketh Saxonlych ynow.’ But in learning English they carried over into the new language some of their own words, and these Flemish words brought in by these colonists have remained in the dialects of those counties which lie on the west side of Wales, e.g. south Pembroke and Glamorganshire.
Aside from isolated bits of history preserved in phrases and sayings like these, there's a wealth of historical evidence that can be gathered through a careful examination of loanwords in the dialects. We've already pointed out many of them, but only for their linguistic significance. To assess their importance from a historical angle, they need to be analyzed geographically, focusing on the location rather than the form in which they appear. This way, we could gain valuable supporting evidence for known historical facts about the settlement of the British Isles. For example, history tells us that some Flemish people settled in England before the Norman Conquest. John of Trevisa wrote: ‘The Flemish people, who live on the west side of Wales, have left behind a strange language and speak English quite a bit.’ However, in learning English, they brought some of their own words into the new language, and these Flemish words have persisted in the dialects of counties located west of Wales, such as south Pembroke and Glamorganshire.
The loan-words, further, give living support to written history in pointing back to the existence of Frisians in Kent, the Isle of Wight, and Hampshire; to an early settlement of people from the south-west of England in Wexford; to the influx of Scots into Ulster; and of Huguenots into Norfolk. They prove, too, that far more Normans settled in the south-midland and southern counties than in the rest of England; that the Scandinavian settlers in East Anglia were to a great extent Danes; and that the Scandinavians in Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmorland, Yorkshire, and Lancashire were chiefly Norwegians.
The loanwords also provide strong evidence for written history by highlighting the presence of Frisians in Kent, the Isle of Wight, and Hampshire; an early settlement of people from the southwest of England in Wexford; and the arrival of Scots into Ulster and Huguenots into Norfolk. They also show that many more Normans settled in the South Midlands and southern counties than in the rest of England; that the Scandinavian settlers in East Anglia were largely Danes; and that most of the Scandinavians in Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmorland, Yorkshire, and Lancashire were primarily Norwegians.
[2] The Carlyles, however, used this phrase in a different sense. Mrs. Carlyle in a letter to her husband (September 13, 1844) wrote: ‘The evening of the Bullers’ departure Jenkin’s Hen came, pale as a candle, with a red circle round each eye which was very touching;—he had evidently been crying himself quite sick and sore.’ Carlyle’s note on this passage is as follows: ‘Fleming. To “die the death of Jenkin’s hen” expressed in Annandale the maximum of pusillanimity.’ V. The Second Post, E. V. Lucas, p. 151.
[2] The Carlyles, however, used this phrase in a different way. Mrs. Carlyle wrote a letter to her husband on September 13, 1844: ‘On the evening the Bullers left, Jenkin's Hen came in, looking pale as a candle, with red circles around each eye, which was quite touching;—he had clearly been crying himself sick and sore.’ Carlyle's note on this passage is: ‘Fleming. To “die the death of Jenkin’s hen” in Annandale meant the height of cowardice.’ V. The Second Post, E. V. Lucas, p. 151.
CHAPTER XII
Supernatural beings
A book such as this cannot pretend to do justice to the mine of folk-lore which even the most superficial acquaintance with the dialects opens up to any one who cares to delve therein. Here we meet with the outward and visible signs of old superstitions of mythical origin, popular beliefs, faith in charms, and quaint medical lore concerning all kinds of human ills, betokening a strange mixture of Christianity and creeds of heathen times, of pious faith and childlike dread of the unknown and mysterious still existing in the minds of our rural population. Very many of these old superstitious beliefs and practices are, as we should naturally expect, dead and gone, or traceable only in shadowy legend and story, the marvel is that so many are yet alive in spite of the spread of education. Indeed, superstition is by no means a monopoly of the uneducated or semi-educated mind, the only difference is that where the rustic gives free expression to his fears and fancies, we disguise ours from the public gaze under a cloak of mockery or of would-be science.
A book like this can’t claim to fully capture the wealth of folklore that even a casual familiarity with the dialects reveals to anyone willing to explore it. Here we encounter the visible signs of ancient superstitions of mythical origin, popular beliefs, trust in charms, and unusual medical knowledge regarding various human ailments, reflecting a strange blend of Christianity and ancient pagan beliefs, along with a mix of devout faith and innocent fear of the unknown and mysterious that still exists in the minds of our rural communities. Many of these old superstitions and practices, as we would naturally expect, have vanished or exist only in hazy legends and stories, yet it’s remarkable that so many persist despite the rise of education. In fact, superstition is not solely the domain of the uneducated or semi-educated; the only difference is that while the rural individual openly expresses their fears and beliefs, we mask ours from public view with a guise of mockery or false science.
Among the outworn superstitions is the belief in all those imaginary beings that peopled the darkness of long ago. They have nearly all disappeared, except that the names of some of them have been added to the list of that hideous crew of fictitious personages invented to terrorize the young. They are chiefly monstrous animals, and goblins, some harmless, some terrific and of evil omen; the ghost, as the spirit of the departed, is a minor character on the stage. The dialect terms: fearing, frittening, summat, things, usually imply ghostly appearances of any shape, not specially human. The same may be said of the word know, e.g. The know of a dog, is the shape of a dog when the dog is not there.[Pg 192] Ghostlin is a contemptuous term for an apparition, one which might be used by a person born on Christmas Day, for such are born ghost-free to the end of their lives. To come again is the common phrase for the supposed return of the dead, e.g. You remembers ’Arry Whitly as was cut t’pieces an the line? Well, he comes agen strong, in six pieces; or the dead man may be said to be troublesome, e.g. I can’t never bide in th’ouse—the poor old Harry’s that troublesome. Here and there some special ghost keeps its local habitation and name, as for instance, Spotloggin, the ghost of a murdered man which haunts a certain ditch near Evesham in Worcestershire. It appears after dark to any one who attempts to cross the ditch at a point where there is no hedge on the bank, and where according to tradition no hedge will grow, it being the precise spot where the murder took place. We may presume that few do venture to pass that way, and encounter the veritable ghost, for its identity is still a matter of question. Some who ignore the commonplace murder story, maintain that Spotloggin was ‘a lady of that name who used to patch her face, and was supposed to be very proud’. Speaking generally, however, I think it may be said that it is rather the educated mind which concerns itself with ghosts of this kind. A lady historian of Shropshire folk-lore tells us that her inquiries after ghost-stories had more than once been met by this answer from the country rustic: I dunna believe as there’s anythin’ in it, as the dead come back. If they bin gone to the good place they wouldna want to come back, and if they bin gone to the tother place they wouldna be let to.
Among the old superstitions is the belief in all those imaginary beings that haunted the darkness of the past. Most of them have faded away, except some names have been added to the list of that creepy group of fictional characters created to scare children. They are mostly monstrous animals and goblins, some harmless, some terrifying and evil; the ghost, as the spirit of the dead, is a lesser character in the story. The dialect terms: fearing, frittening, summat, things, usually imply ghostly appearances of any kind, not specifically human. The same goes for the word know, e.g. The know of a dog, refers to the shape of a dog when the dog isn’t there.[Pg 192] Ghostlin is a dismissive term for a ghost, which someone born on Christmas Day might use, as those born on that day are said to be free from ghosts for their entire lives. To come again is the common phrase for the supposed return of the dead, e.g. Do you remember ’Arry Whitly who was cut to pieces on the line? Well, he comes again strong, in six pieces; or the dead person might be said to be troublesome, e.g. I can’t stand being in the house—the poor old Harry’s so troublesome. Occasionally, a specific ghost keeps its local home and name, like Spotloggin, the ghost of a murdered man that haunts a certain ditch near Evesham in Worcestershire. It appears after dark to anyone who tries to cross the ditch at a point where there’s no hedge on the bank, and where, according to tradition, no hedge will grow, being the exact spot where the murder happened. We can assume that few dare to pass that way and encounter the actual ghost, as its identity is still a matter of debate. Some who ignore the common murder story claim that Spotloggin was ‘a lady by that name who used to patch her face, and was thought to be very proud’. Generally speaking, though, it’s the educated mind that takes an interest in ghosts like this. A lady historian of Shropshire folklore tells us that her inquiries about ghost stories have often been met by this response from local villagers: I don’t believe there’s anything to it, that the dead come back. If they’ve gone to the good place, they wouldn’t want to return, and if they’ve gone to the other place, they wouldn’t be allowed to.
The generic name for an apparition, whether ghost or hobgoblin, is boggart or boggard, cp. ‘a boggarde, spectrum’, Levins, Manip. 1570. Many an old Hall in Lancashire had its own private and particular boggart, as for instance, the Boggart of Clegg Hall, the Clayton Hall Boggart, the Clock House Boggart, &c. The Clock House Boggart was wont to stalk through the bedchambers at dead of night, and strip the bedclothes off the sleepers; or it would sit, a gigantic, white-[Pg 193]robed figure, perched solemnly in a large yew-tree, beneath which tree it was ultimately laid by an assemblage of divines. The Clayton Hall Boggart was likewise notorious for its nightly pranks—snatching the clothes off beds, trailing heavy weights across floors, and the like—till at last it became so insufferable that steps had to be taken to lay it. One of the best ways of laying a boggart was to beguile it into consenting to keep away ‘while hollies are green’. The average boggart, being too dull-witted to perceive the true inwardness of the suggestion, easily fell into the trap, and was never able to appear again. Aw’m heere agen, like the Clegg Hall Boggart, is, or used to be, a popular saying commemorating one of these well-known ghosts. A horse that starts at any object in the hedge or road is said to take the boggart. In Cheshire the word denotes a scarecrow, a meaning familiarized to us by Caldecott’s illustrations to The Three Jovial Huntsmen:
The common name for a ghost or mischievous spirit is boggart or boggard, cp. ‘a boggard, spectrum’, Levins, Manip. 1570. Many old halls in Lancashire had their own specific boggart, like the Boggart of Clegg Hall, the Clayton Hall Boggart, the Clock House Boggart, &c. The Clock House Boggart was known to roam through bedrooms in the middle of the night, pulling the sheets off people as they slept; or it would sit, a giant, white-robed figure, solemnly perched in a large yew tree, beneath which it was eventually laid to rest by a group of clergy. The Clayton Hall Boggart was also infamous for its nightly antics—yanking clothes off beds, dragging heavy objects across floors, and similar disturbances—until it became so unbearable that action had to be taken to get rid of it. One of the best ways to banish a boggart was to trick it into agreeing to stay away ‘while hollies are green.’ The typical boggart, being too dim-witted to understand the true meaning of this suggestion, easily fell for the ruse and was never able to show up again. “I’m here again,” like the Clegg Hall Boggart, is a popular saying that remembers one of these famous ghosts. A horse that jumps at any object in the hedge or road is said to be taking the boggart. In Cheshire, the word refers to a scarecrow, a meaning made familiar to us by Caldecott’s illustrations for The Three Jovial Huntsmen:
Cp. ‘Like as a fray-boggarde in a garden off cucumbers kepeth nothinge, even so are their goddes of wod, of sylver and golde,’ Coverdale (1535), Baruch vi. 69. The most dramatic and awesome of all the boggarts is the north-country Barghest, a frightful goblin armed with teeth and claws, having eyes as big as saucers, and loaded with heavy chains, which rattle and clank, like Herne the Hunter who ‘shakes a chain in a most hideous and dreadful manner’, Merry Wives, IV. iv. 33. Sometimes the Barghest takes the shape of a large dog, donkey, pig, or calf; sometimes only its terrifying shrieks are heard, as it passes by at midnight, boding death to any one who happens to hear the sound. It has long been a prominent figure among apparitions, and various attempts have been made to account for its name. Some folklorists think that the word is a corruption of barn-ghaist [ghost], others suggest bier-ghaist, and others, with a sense of the picturesque, say it is bar-ghaist, because[Pg 194] the spectre had a habit of sitting on the top rail of a gate or fence, waiting, ready to leap on to the shoulder of the belated wanderer. But whatever its origin, the name yet lives in proverbial sayings such as: to roar like a barghest (Dur.), and as a term of abuse (Yks. Not.), e.g. You noisy bargust, said to a child, or: Y’er allus i’ th’road, yer young bargest, ger out! Church-grim (Yks.) is a fixed inhabitant of the church by day and by night, and only ‘marauds about’ in dark stormy weather. It has been known to toll the death-bell at midnight, and at times a priest officiating at a burial would see it sitting at a window in the church-tower, when he would be able to tell by the creature’s aspect whether the soul of the departed was saved or lost. Clap-cans (Lan.) does nothing beyond making a noise as of beating on empty cans. Gally-trot (n.Cy. Suf.) is the name of an alarming apparition in the shape of a dog, and of the size of a bullock. It is white, and somewhat shadowy of outline, and it gives chase to any one who runs away from it in fear. The word is derived from gally, to frighten, scare, and may also be used as a common term for ghostly objects in general, though it sounds almost slangy, and one could fancy that in spectral circles it might be deemed an impertinence to speak—let us say—of the Barghest of York as a mere gally-trot. A guytrash (n.Cy. Yks.) is an evil cow whose appearance was formerly believed in as a sign of death. Jack-in-irons (Yks.) is a supernatural being of great stature, wearing clanking chains, who may at any moment spring out on a passer-by in the dark. Old Baker, Old Bendy, and Old Lob are just ordinary boggarts. Pad-foot is a terrible boggart with saucer-eyes, and dragging clanking chains; or it takes the form of a large sheep or dog walking beside you, making a soft noise—pad, pad, pad—with its feet. It always portends disaster. Old Shock (e.An.) is a mischievous goblin in the shape of a great dog or calf, haunting highways and footpaths after dark. Those who are so foolhardy as to encounter the beast are sure to be thrown down and severely bruised. Skriker (Yks. Lan.) is an apparition por[Pg 195]tending death. It wanders about in the woods by night uttering loud, piercing shrieks, its form being then invisible. At other times it takes visible shape as a large dog, with enormous feet and shaggy hair, and the usual saucer-eyes. When walking, its feet make a splashing noise, as of a person in old shoes walking in soft mud; hence it is also known by the name of Trash, for to trash signifies to walk wearily through wet and mire, and trashes are worn-out shoes.
Cp. ‘Just like a frightened boggart in a cucumber patch has nothing to hold onto, their gods are made of wood, silver, and gold.,’ Coverdale (1535), Baruch vi. 69. The most dramatic and terrifying of all boggarts is the northern Barghest, a scary goblin with teeth and claws, eyes as big as saucers, and weighed down by heavy chains that rattle and clank, like Herne the Hunter who ‘shakes a chain in a really scary and terrible way’, Merry Wives, IV. iv. 33. Sometimes the Barghest takes the shape of a large dog, donkey, pig, or calf; other times only its frightening screams are heard as it passes by at midnight, signaling death to anyone who happens to hear it. It has long been a prominent figure among spirits, and various attempts have been made to explain its name. Some folklorists think the word is a corruption of barn-ghaist [ghost], while others suggest bier-ghaist, and others, with a sense of the picturesque, say it is bar-ghaist, because[Pg 194] the specter would often sit on the top rail of a gate or fence, waiting to leap onto the shoulder of any late-night wanderer. But whatever its origin, the name still exists in sayings like: to roar like a barghest (Dur.), and as an insult (Yks. Not.), such as: You noisy bargust, said to a child, or: You’re always in the way, you young bargest, get out! Church-grim (Yks.) is a permanent resident of the church day and night, only ‘marauding about’ in dark, stormy weather. It has been known to toll the death bell at midnight, and at times a priest officiating at a burial would see it sitting at a window in the church tower, where he could tell by the creature’s appearance whether the soul of the departed was saved or lost. Clap-cans (Lan.) do nothing but make noise like beating on empty cans. Gally-trot (n.Cy. Suf.) is the name of a frightening apparition that looks like a dog, but is the size of a bullock. It is white and somewhat shadowy, and it chases anyone who runs away from it in fear. The word comes from gally, meaning to frighten or scare, and may also be used as a general term for ghostly things, though it sounds almost slangy; in spectral company, it might be considered disrespectful to refer to the Barghest of York as just a gally-trot. A guytrash (n.Cy. Yks.) is an evil cow that was once believed to be a sign of death. Jack-in-irons (Yks.) is a towering supernatural being, wearing clanking chains, who might suddenly leap out at a passerby in the dark. Old Baker, Old Bendy, and Old Lob are just ordinary boggarts. Pad-foot is a terrifying boggart with saucer-like eyes and dragging chains; it sometimes takes the form of a large sheep or dog walking beside you, making a soft noise—pad, pad, pad—with its feet. It always signals disaster. Old Shock (e.An.) is a mischievous goblin in the shape of a large dog or calf, haunting roads and pathways after dark. Those who are reckless enough to encounter the beast are sure to be knocked down and badly bruised. Skriker (Yks. Lan.) is an apparition signaling death. It roams the woods at night, letting out loud, piercing shrieks while remaining invisible. At times, it appears as a large dog with enormous feet and shaggy fur, accompanied by its typical saucer-like eyes. When it walks, its feet make a splashing sound, like someone in old shoes walking through soft mud; hence it is also called Trash, as to trash means to walk wearily through wet and muck, and trashes refers to worn-out shoes.
Then there is the phantom horse under its various names: Aughisky (Irel.), the fairy water-horse that preys on cattle; Phooka (Irel.), the spectral horse which carries off belated travellers on its back; Neugle (Sh.I.), the water-kelpie which appears in the form of a sleek horse, and vanishes in a ‘blue lowe’, also known by the name of De Shoopiltie; Shagfoal (Lin. Nhp.), a hobgoblin in the shape of a small, rough horse, with eyes like tea-saucers; Tangie (Sh. & Or.I.), a sea-spirit which sometimes assumes the appearance of a horse, and at other times that of an old man. Taroo-ushtey (I.Ma.) is a fabulous water-bull.
Then there’s the phantom horse known by various names: Aughisky (Irel.), the fairy water-horse that preys on cattle; Phooka (Irel.), the ghostly horse that carries off late-night travelers on its back; Neugle (Sh.I.), the water-kelpie that appears as a sleek horse and disappears in a 'blue flame', also called De Shoopiltie; Shagfoal (Lin. Nhp.), a mischievous creature shaped like a small, shaggy horse, with eyes like tea saucers; Tangie (Sh. & Or.I.), a sea spirit that sometimes looks like a horse and at other times takes the form of an old man. Taroo-ushtey (I.Ma.) is a legendary water-bull.
The Gabriel Ratchets, Gabble Raches, or Gabriel’s Hounds (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der.) are spectre dogs whose yelping cry may be heard at dead of night, or in the early morning, what time the collier goes to his work in the pits, a warning of death to the hearer or to some one among his kinsfolk and acquaintance. Their leader Gabriel is condemned to follow his hounds at night, high in the upper air, till doomsday, for the sin of having hunted on Sunday. Wordsworth alludes to this superstition in one of his Sonnets:
The Gabriel Ratchets, Gabble Raches, or Gabriel’s Hounds (n.Cy. Yks. Lan. Stf. Der.) are ghostly dogs whose howling can be heard in the dead of night or early in the morning, when the coal miner heads to work in the pits, serving as a warning of death to whoever hears it or someone among their family and friends. Their leader Gabriel is cursed to chase his hounds through the night, high in the sky, until judgment day, for the sin of hunting on Sunday. Wordsworth references this superstition in one of his Sonnets:
By some the sound is believed to be the cry of the restless souls of children who have died unbaptized. As a matter of fact it is probably caused by flocks of wild geese or other fowl. The term is found as far back as 1483 in the Catholicon Anglicum: ‘Gabrielle rache, camalion,’ cp. ‘Ratche, hounde,[Pg 196] ordorinsecus,’ Prompt. Parv., O.E. ræcc, a dog that hunts by scent. In Cornwall a spectre huntsman and his pack of baying hounds are known as the Devil and his Dandy-dogs. Unlike the Gabriel Ratchets, which fly too high in the air to be visible to mortal eye, the Devil and his Dandy-dogs walk the earth, and may be seen as well as heard. They frequent bleak and dreary moors on tempestuous nights, and woe betide the unlucky wretch who chances to cross their path. A story is told of a poor herdsman who was journeying home across a moor, one windy night, when, above the noise of the storm, he heard behind him the howl of the yelping dogs, and the grim halloa of the hunter. Presently they had so gained on him, that, glancing back, he could see the terrible saucer-eyes, horns, and tail of the hunter, a black form, carrying a long hunting-pole, and the mass of dogs, each snorting fire and uttering frightful yelps. But just as they were about to spring upon him, by a happy inspiration he fell on his knees in prayer, and the foe was rendered powerless. The hell-hounds stood for a moment at bay, howling dismally, and then, led by their master, they drew off and disappeared. These phantom hounds, jet-black, and breathing flames are also known by the name of Heath-hounds; Yeth-hounds (Som. Dev. Cor.), and Wisht-hounds (Dev. Cor.).
Some people believe the sound is the cry of restless souls of children who died unbaptized. In reality, it’s probably just flocks of wild geese or other birds. The term dates back to 1483 in the Anglican Dictionary: ‘Gabrielle killed it, chameleon,’ cp. ‘Rats, hound,[Pg 196] ordorinsecus,’ Prompt. Parv., O.E. ræcc, a dog that hunts by scent. In Cornwall, a spectral huntsman and his pack of howling hounds are known as the Devil and his Dandy-dogs. Unlike the Gabriel Ratchets, which fly too high to be seen, the Devil and his Dandy-dogs walk the earth and can be both seen and heard. They roam the bleak and dreary moors on stormy nights, and misfortune awaits anyone who crosses their path. There’s a story of a poor herdsman who was heading home across a moor one windy night when, above the storm’s noise, he heard the howls of the barking dogs and the grim call of the hunter behind him. Soon they caught up to him, and looking back, he saw the terrifying saucer-shaped eyes, horns, and tail of the hunter, a dark figure holding a long hunting pole, along with a pack of dogs, each snorting fire and making terrifying yelps. Just as they were about to pounce on him, he suddenly fell to his knees to pray, rendering the foe powerless. The hell-hounds momentarily stood their ground, howling mournfully, then, led by their master, they turned and disappeared. These phantom hounds, pitch-black and breathing flames, are also called Heath-hounds, Yeth-hounds (Som. Dev. Cor.), and Wisht-hounds (Dev. Cor.).
To roar like Tregeagle is a Cornish phrase, whereby hangs a tale. One tradition tells that Tregeagle was a steward in the reign of James II, who made himself unpopular by his harshness to the tenantry, and another legend bases his claim to notoriety on his being a Cornish Bluebeard, who married several heiresses for their money, and afterwards murdered them. But whether for cruelty to tenants, or murder of wives, as a punishment for his sins his spirit was doomed to toil for ever at impossible tasks such as weaving sand, and emptying perennial pools with a cockle-shell. When the Devil is so minded he amuses himself by hunting this miserable ghost over the moor with his hell-hounds, at which time Tregeagle is heard to roar and howl in so dreadful a manner that his name has passed into a proverb.
To roar like Tregeagle is a Cornish phrase with a story behind it. One tradition says that Tregeagle was a steward during the reign of James II, who became unpopular due to his harsh treatment of tenants. Another legend claims he was a Cornish Bluebeard who married several wealthy women for their money and then murdered them. Whether for his cruelty to tenants or the murders of his wives, his spirit is doomed to forever perform impossible tasks as punishment for his sins, like weaving sand and emptying endless pools with a cockle-shell. When the Devil feels like it, he likes to hunt this wretched ghost over the moor with his hell-hounds, during which Tregeagle is heard to roar and howl in such a terrible way that his name has become a saying.
The Seven Whistlers are mysterious birds, the sound of whose cry is a sign of some great calamity. Miners have been known to refuse to go down the pits the day after hearing it, believing that some accident would befall them if they did so. The superstitions concerning the Seven Whistlers vary in different parts of the country, from Lancashire to Essex and Kent. Wordsworth records of his ancient Dalesman:
The Seven Whistlers are mysterious birds, and the sound of their cry signals a major disaster. Miners have been known to avoid going down the pits the day after hearing it, convinced that some accident will happen if they do. The superstitions about the Seven Whistlers differ across various regions, from Lancashire to Essex and Kent. Wordsworth writes about his ancient Dalesman:
In parts of Shropshire and Worcestershire they were, according to the legend, seven birds, six of whom fly about continually looking for the seventh, and when they find him, the world will come to an end. The idea of the wailing of unseen birds sent by Providence as a direct warning of approaching danger belongs more particularly to colliery districts, though it is not confined to them. Just as behind the stories told of the Gabriel Ratchets is the natural cry of migrating wild geese, so the voice of the Seven Whistlers can be traced to passing flocks of widgeon, curlews, or plovers. Indeed, the name is actually given in some places to these birds: I knows what makes the noise; it’s them long-billed curlews; but I never likes to hear them (Ken.).
In parts of Shropshire and Worcestershire, there’s a legend about seven birds, six of which are always flying around searching for the seventh. When they finally find him, the world will end. The idea of the wailing of unseen birds sent by fate as a warning of impending danger is especially common in mining areas, though it’s not limited to them. Just as the stories about the Gabriel Ratchets stem from the natural calls of migrating wild geese, the voice of the Seven Whistlers can be linked to flocks of widgeon, curlews, or plovers passing by. In fact, in some places, those birds are actually called that: “I know what makes the noise; it’s those long-billed curlews; but I never like to hear them” (Ken).
The boggarts who are named in those awful threats by means of which the young are quelled into obedience to authority seem wellnigh innumerable. They include monsters of every sort and description, from the plain unadorned bogie—e.g. If tha doesna leave off skrikin’, I’ll fetch a black bogy to thee—to the highly dramatic figure of the skeleton that haunted the wicked murderer, crying, Oi want my booans, Oi want my booans! Pictures such as this, when presented to the vivid imagination of children, doubtless gain rather than lose in lurid colouring and terrifying shape, and one shudders to think of the effect they must produce on impressionable minds, though in the majority of cases, no[Pg 198] doubt, familiarity breeds a wholesome contempt. Amongst these imaginary monsters are: the Black man (Sc. Lei. War. Oxf. Sus. Som. Dev.); Black Parr (Nhp.); the Bo-chap (n.Yks.); the Bo-lo (Nhb.); the Bodach (Sc.), e.g. In ye binna quayet the bodach ill cum doon the lum [chimney] an’ tak ye; Bugabo (Sc. Irel. Midl.), Bugan (I.Ma. Chs. Shr.). The simple form Bug, a bogie, is apparently obsolete, remaining only in the phrase to take bug (Midl.), to take fright. Dr. Johnson has: ‘Bug. Bugbear.... A frightful object; a walking spectre, imagined to be seen; generally now used for a false terrour to frighten babes.’ Jack-up-the-orchard (Shr.), e.g. If yo’ dunna tak’ car’ I’ll shewn yo’ Jack-up-the-orchut’; Knocky-boh (n.Yks.), a bogie who taps behind the wainscot to frighten children; Mumpoker (I.W.), e.g. I’ll zend the mumpoker ater ye; Old Scrat (n.Cy. dials.), e.g. By goy! but auld Scratty’ll git thi if thoo doesn’t come in; Pokey-hokey (e.An.); Punky (w.Yks.); Tankerabogus, or Tantarabobus (Som. Dev.), e.g. Now, Polly, yü’ve abin a bad, naughty maid, and ef yü be sich a wicked cheel again, I’ll zend vur tankerabogus tü come and cār yü away tü ’is pittee-awl [pit-hole]; Tod-lowrie (n.Cy.), e.g. Here’s Tod-lowrie coming! In Scotland the word is a name for the fox. Tom Dockin (Yks.), a bogie having iron teeth, with which he devours bad children; Tom-poker (e.An.), a bogie who inhabits dark closets, holes under stairs, unoccupied cock-lofts, &c. Churn-milk Peg (w.Yks.) and Melsh Dick (n.Cy.) are wood-demons supposed to protect soft, unripe nuts from being gathered by naughty children, the former being wont to beguile her leisure by smoking a pipe. The Gooseberry-wife (I.W.), in the guise of a large furry caterpillar, takes charge of the green gooseberries, e.g. If ye goos out in the gearden, the gooseberry-wife’ll be sure to ketch ye; while in the orchards is Awd Goggie (e.Yks.), guarding the unripe apples. Grindylow, Jenny Green-teeth, and Nelly Long-arms (Yks. Lan. Chs. Der. Shr.) are the various names of a nymph or water-demon who is said to lurk at the bottom of deep pits, ponds, and wells. When children approach too[Pg 199] near to the edge of her domain, she will stretch out her long, sinewy arms, seize them, and drag them under the water, holding them there till they are drowned. Her presence is indicated by a green scum on the surface of the water. If there is no pond or deep water for her near by, she has been supposed to take up a temporary lodging in the tops of trees, where after nightfall she may be heard moaning, in a voice like the sighing of the night-wind through the branches of trees. In some parts of the country, instead of Jenny Green-teeth, the boggart of the ponds is a masculine water-demon called Rawhead (Yks. Lan. Lin. War. e.An.), Tommy Rawhead (w.Yks.), Bloody-bones (Lan.), or Rawhead and Bloody-bones, e.g. Keep away from the marl-pit or rawhead and bloody-bones will have you. This personage is often mentioned in our earlier literature. Dr. Johnson has: ‘Rawhead.... The name of a spectre, mentioned to fright children,’ followed by quotations from Dryden and Locke.
The bogeymen named in those awful threats used to scare young people into obeying authority seem almost countless. They include monsters of all kinds, from the simple bogie—like “If you don’t stop crying, I’ll bring a black bogey to you”—to the dramatic figure of the skeleton haunting the wicked murderer, crying, “I want my bones, I want my bones!” Images like this, when presented to the vivid imagination of children, surely gain rather than lose in their frightening allure and shape, and it's chilling to think about the impact they must have on impressionable minds. However, in most cases, no doubt, familiarity breeds a healthy disrespect. Among these imaginary monsters are: the Black Man (from places like Scotland, Leicestershire, Warwickshire, Oxfordshire, Sussex, Somerset, Devonshire); Black Parr (Northamptonshire); the Bo-chap (North Yorkshire); the Bo-lo (Northumberland); the Bodach (Scotland), as in “If you’re not quiet, the bodach will come down the chimney and take you;” Bugabo (Scotland, Ireland, Midlands), Bugan (Isle of Man, Cheshire, Shropshire). The simple form Bug, a bogey, seems to be outdated, surviving only in the phrase “to take bug” (Midlands), meaning to get scared. Dr. Johnson defines it as: “Bug. Bugbear… A frightful object; a walking specter, imagined to be seen; generally now used to describe a false terror to frighten children.” Jack-up-the-orchard (Shropshire), as in “If you don’t take care, I’ll show you Jack-up-the-orchard;” Knocky-boh (North Yorkshire), a bogey who taps behind the wainscot to frighten kids; Mumpoker (Isle of Wight), as in “I’ll send the mumpoker after you;” Old Scrat (from northern dialects), as in “By God! But Old Scrat will get you if you don’t come in;” Pokey-hokey (East Anglia); Punky (West Yorkshire); Tankerabogus or Tantarabobus (Somerset, Devonshire), as in “Now, Polly, you’ve been a bad, naughty girl, and if you’re such a wicked child again, I’ll send for Tankerabogus to come and take you away to his pit-hole;” Tod-lowrie (North Country), as in “Here’s Tod-lowrie coming!” In Scotland, this name refers to a fox. Tom Dockin (Yorkshire), a bogey with iron teeth that devours naughty children; Tom-poker (East Anglia), a bogey that hangs out in dark closets, under stairs, in empty attic spaces, etc. Churn-milk Peg (West Yorkshire) and Melsh Dick (North Country) are wood-demons thought to protect unripe nuts from being picked by naughty kids, with the former often passing the time smoking a pipe. The Gooseberry-wife (Isle of Wight), disguised as a big furry caterpillar, guards the green gooseberries, as in “If you go out in the garden, the gooseberry-wife will definitely catch you;” meanwhile, in the orchards is Awd Goggie (East Yorkshire), watching over the unripe apples. Grindylow, Jenny Green-teeth, and Nelly Long-arms (Yorkshire, Lancashire, Cheshire, Derbyshire, Shropshire) are various names for a nymph or water-demon said to lurk at the bottom of deep pits, ponds, and wells. When children get too close to her territory, she stretches out her long, sinuous arms, grabs them, and pulls them underwater, holding them there until they drown. Her presence is marked by a green scum on the water's surface. If there’s no pond or deep water nearby, she’s thought to take temporary residence in treetops, where after dark she can be heard moaning in a voice like the night wind sighing through branches. In some regions, instead of Jenny Green-teeth, the bogey of the ponds is a male water-demon called Rawhead (Yorkshire, Lancashire, Lincolnshire, Warwickshire, East Anglia), Tommy Rawhead (West Yorkshire), Bloody-bones (Lancashire), or Rawhead and Bloody-bones, as in “Stay away from the marl-pit or Rawhead and Bloody-bones will get you.” This figure is often mentioned in earlier literature. Dr. Johnson writes: “Rawhead… The name of a specter, mentioned to frighten children,” followed by quotes from Dryden and Locke.
Bucca, Gathorns, Knockers, Nicker, Nuggies, and Spriggans are individual and collective appellations for the sprites that haunt the tin-mines of Cornwall. They hardly belong to the boggart tribe of spectres whose business it is to terrify mortals with gruesome sounds and horrid shapes. They are for the most part a harmless folk, occupied in mining on their own account, out of sight of the human miners. These latter, however, take pains not to annoy the goblin workers; whistling and swearing, for instance, are held to be obnoxious to mine-spirits, and must therefore be avoided. Once upon a time there was a miner called Barker, who was foolhardy enough to say he did not believe there were any Knockers. In revenge for this insult, a crowd of Knockers waylaid him, and pelted him with their tools, causing him a lifelong injury, whence grew up the proverb: As stiff as Barker’s knee. Bucca is an Old Cornish word for hobgoblin. Nicker is the same word as Old English nicor, a hippopotamus, a water-monster, in which latter sense it is found in the dialect of the Shetland Islands. This water-goblin is probably the original of Nickerbore (Yks.), of whom it is related that he[Pg 200] sat on the wrong side of a branch which overhung a stream, to saw it off, and in consequence fell into the water. Tell Nickybore, don’t tell me, is equivalent to: Tell that to your grandmother. The Knockers know where to find the most productive lodes, and sometimes they reward an industrious miner by pointing out to him where he might take a good tribute pitch. They are generally heard working deep underground, but at no great distance, for the rolling of barrows, the stroke of pickaxes, and the fall of earth and stones are distinctly heard, and sometimes voices seem to mingle with these sounds. Some say that these phantom toilers are the souls of the Jews who formerly worked the Cornish tin-mines, and who, for their wicked practices as tinners, have never been allowed to rest; others suppose them to be the ghosts of the Jews that crucified Jesus, who were sent as slaves by the Roman Emperor to work the tin-mines. The association of the mine-spirits with the Jews is based on the historical fact that after the Conquest, the tin-mines of Cornwall and Devon were farmed by Jews, as is proved by charters granted by several kings of England, more especially by King John, and further corroborated by the existence of such terms as: Jews’ bowels, small pieces of smelted tin found in old smelting works; Jews’ houses, very old smelting places; Jews’ leavings, mine refuse; Jews’ pieces, very ancient blocks of tin.
Bucca, Gathorns, Knockers, Nicker, Nuggies, and Spriggans are names for the sprites that dwell in the tin mines of Cornwall. They don’t really belong to the boggart family of spirits known for scaring people with creepy noises and frightening appearances. For the most part, they are harmless beings, busy mining for themselves, away from human miners. However, the miners make sure not to disturb the goblin workers; whistling and swearing, for example, are considered annoying to the mine spirits and should be avoided. Once, there was a miner named Barker who foolishly claimed he didn’t believe in Knockers. In retaliation for this insult, a group of Knockers ambushed him and hurled their tools at him, leaving him with a lifelong injury, which led to the saying: As stiff as Barker’s knee. Bucca is an Old Cornish word for hobgoblin. Nicker is the same term as Old English nicor, a hippopotamus or water monster, which is also used in the dialect of the Shetland Islands. This water goblin is likely the inspiration for Nickerbore (Yks.), who is said to have sat on the wrong side of a branch overhanging a stream, cut it off, and subsequently fell into the water. "Tell Nickybore, don’t tell me" is like saying: "Tell that to your grandmother." The Knockers know where to find the most fruitful veins, and sometimes they reward a hardworking miner by showing him where he can find good deposits. They are usually heard working deep underground, but not too far away, as you can distinctly hear the sound of carts rolling, pickaxes striking, and earth and stones falling, and sometimes voices seem to blend in with these noises. Some believe that these phantom workers are the souls of the Jews who once worked the Cornish tin mines and who, for their wrongdoings as miners, have never found rest; others think they are the ghosts of the Jews who crucified Jesus, sent by the Roman Emperor to work the tin mines as slaves. The connection between the mine spirits and the Jews is rooted in the historical fact that after the Conquest, the tin mines of Cornwall and Devon were managed by Jews, as indicated by charters granted by several kings of England, especially King John, and further supported by terms like: Jews’ bowels, small pieces of smelted tin from old smelting sites; Jews’ houses, very old smelting places; Jews’ leavings, mine waste; Jews’ pieces, ancient blocks of tin.
The dialect terms denoting the ignis fatuus, or Will-o’-the-wisp, are some masculine and some feminine names; or again, they may denote an unpersonified apparition—e.g. corp-candle, corpse-candle (Sc. Lan. Lin.); dead[death]-candle (Sc.)—regarded as an omen of death. Among these names are: Billy-wi’-t’wisp (w.Yks.); Hobbledy’s-lantern (War. Wor. Glo.); Hob-lantern, Hobby-lantern (Wor. Hrt. e.An. Hmp. Wil. w.Cy.); Jack-a-lantern (in gen. dial. use), cp. ‘Jack with a Lantern,’ Johnson, Dict.; Jenny-burnt-tail (Nhp. Oxf.); Jenny-wi’-t’-lantren (Nhb. n.Yks.); Joan-in-the-wad, or Joan-the-wad [bundle of straw] (Som. Cor.); Kit-in-the-candlestick (Hmp.); Kitty-candlestick (Wil.);[Pg 201] Kitty-wi’-the-wisp (Nhb.); the Lantern-man (e.An.); Peg-a-lantern (Lan.); Peggy-lantern (Lin.); Pinket (Wor.). This lantern-bearing sprite haunts bogs and swampy meadows, where it gambols and dances by itself, or:
The dialect terms for ignis fatuus, or Will-o’-the-wisp, include both masculine and feminine names; or they might refer to an unpersonified spirit—like corpse-candle (Sc. Lan. Lin.); dead candle (Sc.)—seen as an omen of death. Some of these names are: Billy-wi’-t’wisp (w.Yks.); Hobbledy’s-lantern (War. Wor. Glo.); Hob-lantern, Hobby-lantern (Wor. Hrt. e.An. Hmp. Wil. w.Cy.); Jack-a-lantern (in gen. dial.), cp. ‘Jack with a Lantern,’ Johnson, Dict.; Jenny-burnt-tail (Nhp. Oxf.); Jenny-wi’-t’-lantren (Nhb. n.Yks.); Joan-in-the-wad, or Joan-the-wad [bundle of straw] (Som. Cor.); Kit-in-the-candlestick (Hmp.); Kitty-candlestick (Wil.); [Pg 201] Kitty-wi’-the-wisp (Nhb.); the Lantern-man (e.An.); Peg-a-lantern (Lan.); Peggy-lantern (Lin.); Pinket (Wor.). This lantern-bearing sprite haunts bogs and swampy meadows, where it plays and dances alone, or:
Some people have connected herewith the Led-will superstition formerly current in East Anglia, explaining the phrase as meaning led-by-will, i.e. by Will-o’-the-wisp. Led-will is defined as an influence under which the victims, though perfectly sane and sober, lose themselves on well-known paths. It causes farmers to walk round and round their own familiar fields for hours without finding the exit, and to make short circular tours in their gigs, returning to the point whence they started. Persons under this influence must always travel in circles, and the only way of escape is to turn some article of their clothing. The most probable meaning of the term is led astray, will representing O.N. villr, bewildered, erring, astray, cp. ‘ðo fleg agar fro sarray [Sarai], ... In ðe diserd [desert] wil and weri,’ Gen. & Exod., c. 1250.
Some people have linked the Led-will superstition, which used to be common in East Anglia, to the phrase, interpreting it as meaning led-by-will, or by Will-o’-the-wisp. Led-will is described as an influence that causes victims, even when completely sane and sober, to get lost on familiar paths. It leads farmers to wander around their own fields for hours without finding the way out, and to make short circular trips in their gigs, ending up back where they started. Individuals affected by this influence always travel in circles, and the only way to escape is to alter some item of clothing. The most likely meaning of the term is led astray, with “will” referring to the Old Norse “villr,” meaning bewildered, erring, or astray, comparable to ‘ðo fleg agar fro sarray [Sarai], ... In ðe diserd [desert] wil and weri,’ (Gen. & Exod., c. 1250).
The ‘drudging goblin’, who threshes the corn and does the domestic work whilst the farmer and his household are asleep, was known in the dialects as: Billy-blin (Sc.); Boman (Sh. & Or.I.); Brownie (Sc. Nhb. n.Yks. Cor.); Dobbs, or Master Dobbs (Sus.); Grogan (Irel.); Hob, and Hob-thrush, or Hob-thrust (n.Cy. dials.), cp. ‘Our own rustical superstition of hobthrushes, fairies, goblins, and witches,’ Steele, Guardian, 1713; the Leprachaun (Irel.), the fairy shoemaker; Robin-round-cap (e.Yks.). This benevolent and humble sprite, though very useful when properly treated, would disappear, or become openly mischievous, if annoyed. Chief among the things whereat he would take offence is the offering of recompense for his labours. A hob-thrust, who used to wear an old tattered hat when at work,[Pg 202] found a new one put for him in his accustomed haunt, whereupon he straightway departed, crying: New hat, new hood, hobthrush’ll do no more good. If the farmer or any of his servants had spoken disrespectfully of the hobthrush, they would presently find cream-pans smashed to atoms, horses and cattle turned loose and driven into the woods, and the housewife’s churning would produce no butter. Sometimes the Hob or Dobby (Yks. Lan.) is famous only for whimsical pranks of this nature. The popular story of the goblin who was so troublesome that the farmer and his family packed up their goods and quitted the house, only to find that they were carrying the goblin too amongst the household stuff, is also told of the north-country Hob. I see you are flitting, said the neighbour, met by the way, Ay, we’s flitting, came the voice of Hob from out of the churn. Weel, an’ thou’s ganning teea, Ah’ll just awa’ back agen, rejoined the farmer. A certain Yorkshire Hob, who had his dwelling in a cave, was noted for curing children of the whooping-cough, when thus invoked by those who took them to his abode: Hob-hole Hob! Mah bairn’s getten t’kin’-cough: Tak’ ’t off! Tak’ ’t off! Though nowadays these sprites are dead and forgotten, we occasionally find a trace of them preserved in a common phrase or proverbial saying, for instance: Master Dobbs has been helping you (Sus.), an expression used to a person who has done more work than was expected. When a man boasts of being a good workman, as of the great number of things which he can make in a day, some one will say: Ah, tha can mak’ em faster nor Hob-thrust can throw shoes out o’ t’window (w.Yks.).
The "hardworking goblin," who threshes the corn and does household chores while the farmer and his family are asleep, was known in various dialects as: Billy-blin (Sc.); Boman (Sh. & Or.I.); Brownie (Sc. Nhb. n.Yks. Cor.); Dobbs, or Master Dobbs (Sus.); Grogan (Irel.); Hob, and Hob-thrush, or Hob-thrust (n.Cy. dials.), cp. "Our own rustic superstition of hobthrushes, fairies, goblins, and witches," Steele, Guardian, 1713; the Leprechaun (Irel.), the fairy shoemaker; Robin-round-cap (e.Yks.). This kind and humble spirit, while very helpful if treated well, would vanish or become mischievous if offended. One of the main things that would upset him is being offered payment for his work. A hob-thrush, who wore an old, tattered hat while working,[Pg 202] found a new one placed in his usual spot, and immediately left, saying: "New hat, new hood, hobthrush won’t do any more good." If the farmer or any of his servants spoke disrespectfully of the hobthrush, they would soon find cream pans smashed to pieces, horses and cattle set loose and driven into the woods, and the housewife's churning would yield no butter. Sometimes the Hob or Dobby (Yks. Lan.) is known only for such whimsical pranks. There’s a popular story about a goblin who was so troublesome that the farmer and his family decided to leave their house, only to discover they were bringing the goblin along with their belongings. "I see you’re moving," said a neighbor who met them on the way. "Yes, we’re moving," replied Hob from inside the churn. "Well, if you're going to leave, I’ll just head back again," answered the farmer. A certain Yorkshire Hob, who lived in a cave, was known for curing children of whooping cough when called upon by those who brought them to his home: "Hob-hole Hob! My child has whooping cough: Take it off! Take it off!" Although these sprites are now dead and forgotten, we occasionally find traces of them in common phrases or proverbs, like: "Master Dobbs has been helping you" (Sus.), a saying used for someone who has done more work than expected. When someone brags about being a great worker or how many things they can make in a day, someone might say: "Ah, you can make them faster than Hob-thrush can throw shoes out of the window" (w.Yks.).
Billy-winker (e.Lan.) is the mythical sprite that closes the eyes of children at bedtime; the Dunnie (Nhb.) is a mischievous goblin related to the Brownies; Peg o’ Nell (Yks. Lan.) is the sprite of the River Ribble, as Peg Powler (Dur.) is of the River Tees, with her green tresses, and her insatiable desire for human life. When foam floats on the surface of the water it is Peg Powler’s cream, or Peg Powler’s suds. Red-cap, or Red-capie-dossie (Sc. Lan.) is an elf supposed to[Pg 203] haunt old castles and ruins. When a person runs away from his work, people say such a one has seen Red-cap. The Red-man (Nhp.) is an elf of solitary habits residing in caves, old wells, &c. Thrummy-cap (n.Cy. Nhb.) was a well-known local sprite who haunted the cellarage of old mansions. He was supposed to wear a cap or bonnet made of thrums or weavers’ ends. Wryneck (Lan.) is one of those imaginary beings reputed to surpass the Devil: He caps Wryneck, and Wryneck caps the Dule.
Billy-winker (e.Lan.) is the mythical sprite that shuts children's eyes at bedtime; the Dunnie (Nhb.) is a tricky goblin related to the Brownies; Peg o’ Nell (Yks. Lan.) is the sprite of the River Ribble, just as Peg Powler (Dur.) is of the River Tees, with her green hair and her endless craving for human life. When foam appears on the water's surface, it’s Peg Powler’s cream, or Peg Powler’s suds. Red-cap, or Red-capie-dossie (Sc. Lan.), is an elf said to haunt old castles and ruins. When someone runs away from their work, people say they’ve seen Red-cap. The Red-man (Nhp.) is a solitary elf living in caves, old wells, &c.. Thrummy-cap (n.Cy. Nhb.) was a well-known local sprite that haunted the cellars of old mansions. He was said to wear a cap or bonnet made of thrums or weavers’ ends. Wryneck (Lan.) is one of those imaginary beings believed to be more powerful than the Devil: He outdoes Wryneck, and Wryneck outdoes the Dule.
To trace all the references to the Devil, to tabulate all the dialect sayings, and superstitions, and local legends relating to him, and to see through these the various forms he takes in the popular mind—whether beast with horns and hoofs, fiend, or giant—would be a literary task in itself, and would fill a large volume. We can only here point out a few of the many tracks wherein these allusions lie. Obviously ‘the very old un’ is the original of most of the bogies represented as waiting to carry off naughty children—Old Scratt, Tantarabobus, and the rest which we have enumerated above. Among dialect plant-names there are over fifty beginning with Devil-, not counting those bearing one of his proper names, such as: Old Lad’s corn (Shr.), the greater stitchwort; Owd Lad pea-cods (w.Yks.), the fruit of the laburnum; Satan’s cherries (n.Yks.), the deadly nightshade. It will be seen from the following examples that the plants associated with the Devil all possess some objectionable quality; either they are weeds obnoxious to the farmer, or they are inherently unpleasant to smell or taste, or simply ugly to behold: Devil’s bit, or Devil’s bit scabis (Sc. Yks. Lin. War. Wor. Shr. sw.Cy.), the blue scabious, perpetuates a very old superstition, cp. ‘It is commonly called Divels bit, of the root (as it seemeth) that is bitten off: for the superstitious people hold opinion, that the diuell for enuie that he beareth to mankinde, bit it off, because it would be otherwise good for many vses,’ Gerarde, Herb. ed. 1633, cp. ‘Mors du diable, fore-bit, or devels-bit (an herb),’ Cotgrave. The same plant is also known as Devil’s button (Cor.), if picked,[Pg 204] the Devil is said to appear at your bedside in the night; Devil’s churnstaff (Irel. Shr.), the sun-spurge, probably owes its name to the acrid milky juice contained in its stems; Devil’s claws (Hmp. I.W.), the common crowfoot; Devil’s fingers (Nhp.), the catkins of the black poplar, to pick them up is considered unlucky; Devil’s garter (Wxf.), the great bindweed; Devil on all sides (w.Yks.), Devil on both sides (Dur. War. Bck.), the common crowfoot, so called from the hooks which surround the seeds and cause some difficulty in separating them from the grains of corn; Devil’s posy (Shr.), the broad-leaved garlic; Devil’s root (Ken.), the lesser broom-rape, very destructive to clover; Devil’s snuff-box (n. s. and sw. dials.), the puff-ball, from the snuff-like powder with which the fungus is charged in its mature state, and to which very baneful properties are popularly attributed; Devil’s stinkpot (Yks.), the stink-horn. In like manner birds and insects are assigned to the Devil, for example: Devil’s bird (Sc. Shr.), the magpie, believed to have a drop of the Devil’s blood in its tongue; also applied to the yellow-hammer (n.Cy.), commonly believed to drink a drop, some say three drops, of the Devil’s blood every May morning; Devil’s coach-horse (Irel. Lin. Lei. Nhp. Wor. Shr. Ken. Dev. Cor.), the rove-beetle, or common black cocktail, considered a harbinger of ill-luck; Devil’s darning-needle (Lan.), the dragon-fly; Devil’s finger-ring (Nhp.),—golden ring (Ess. Dev.),—ring (Brks. Hrf. Wil.), the caterpillar of the great tiger-moth, concerning which a current belief in Berkshire is that if you touch it, it will curl round your finger and suck your blood; Devil’s pig (Oxf.), the woodlouse; Devil’s screamer (ne.Yks.),—screecher (Hrf. Glo.),—shrieker (w.Yks.),—squeaker (Lan.), the common swift, so named on account of its long squeaks. No doubt its black colour, and impetuous flight, tend to give it an uncanny appearance.
To track all the references to the Devil, list all the dialect sayings, superstitions, and local legends connected to him, and to understand the different forms he takes in popular belief—whether as a beast with horns and hooves, a fiend, or a giant—would be a significant literary undertaking and could fill a large book. Here, we can only highlight a few of the many hints where these references appear. Clearly, ‘the very old un’ is the origin of most of the bogeymen depicted as waiting to snatch away naughty children—Old Scratt, Tantarabobus, and the others we mentioned earlier. Among dialect plant names, there are over fifty starting with Devil-, not counting those with one of his proper names, like: Old Lad’s corn (Shr.), the greater stitchwort; Owd Lad pea-cods (w.Yks.), the fruit of the laburnum; Satan’s cherries (n.Yks.), the deadly nightshade. The following examples show that the plants associated with the Devil all have some undesirable quality; either they are weeds that irritate farmers, or they have an unpleasant smell or taste, or they are simply ugly: Devil’s bit, or Devil’s bit scabis (Sc. Yks. Lin. War. Wor. Shr. sw.Cy.), the blue scabious, carries an ancient superstition, cp. ‘It is commonly referred to as Divels bit, based on the idea that it looks like a piece has been bitten off. Superstitious people believe that the devil, out of envy for humanity, bit it off because it would have been useful for many purposes.,’ Gerarde, Herb. ed. 1633, cp. ‘Devil's bite, fore-bit, or devils-bit (an herb),’ Cotgrave. The same plant is also known as Devil’s button (Cor.), and if picked, [Pg 204] it is said the Devil will show up at your bedside at night; Devil’s churnstaff (Irel. Shr.), the sun-spurge, likely got its name from the acrid milky juice found in its stems; Devil’s claws (Hmp. I.W.), the common crowfoot; Devil’s fingers (Nhp.), the catkins of the black poplar, which are deemed unlucky if picked up; Devil’s garter (Wxf.), the great bindweed; Devil on all sides (w.Yks.), Devil on both sides (Dur. War. Bck.), the common crowfoot, named for the hooks that surround the seeds and make them tricky to separate from grains of corn; Devil’s posy (Shr.), the broad-leaved garlic; Devil’s root (Ken.), the lesser broom-rape, which is very harmful to clover; Devil’s snuff-box (n. s. and sw. dials.), the puff-ball, which contains a snuff-like powder in its mature stage, and to which very harmful qualities are popularly ascribed; Devil’s stinkpot (Yks.), the stink-horn. Similarly, birds and insects are linked to the Devil, for example: Devil’s bird (Sc. Shr.), the magpie, believed to have a drop of the Devil’s blood in its tongue; also applied to the yellow-hammer (n.Cy.), commonly thought to drink a drop, or some say three drops, of the Devil’s blood every May morning; Devil’s coach-horse (Irel. Lin. Lei. Nhp. Wor. Shr. Ken. Dev. Cor.), the rove-beetle, or common black cocktail, seen as a sign of bad luck; Devil’s darning-needle (Lan.), the dragon-fly; Devil’s finger-ring (Nhp.),—golden ring (Ess. Dev.),—ring (Brks. Hrf. Wil.), the caterpillar of the great tiger-moth, which is believed in Berkshire that if you touch it, it will curl around your finger and suck your blood; Devil’s pig (Oxf.), the woodlouse; Devil’s screamer (ne.Yks.),—screecher (Hrf. Glo.),—shrieker (w.Yks.),—squeaker (Lan.), the common swift, named for its long squeaks. Undoubtedly, its black color and rapid flight contribute to its eerie appearance.
The deil gang wi’ ye, an’ saxpence, an’ ye’ll nether want money nor company, is an Irish saying. What comes over the devil’s back goes under his belly (Yks. Chs. Lin.) is a proverbial saying used in speaking of ill-gotten gains. Much[Pg 205] cry and little wool, as the devil said when he shore the sow, is a Shropshire version of a familiar phrase. He likes him as the devil likes holy water (w.Yks.) is equivalent to: he hates him mortally. To say of a woman: shay’s as nassty as a devil unknobbed (Lei.), implies that she is as dangerously spiteful as a devil with no knobs on his horns.
The devil go with you, and sixpence, and you won’t need money or company, is an Irish saying. What comes over the devil's back goes under his belly (Yks. Chs. Lin.) is a proverb used to refer to ill-gotten gains. Much[Pg 205] cry and little wool, as the devil said when he sheared the sow, is a Shropshire version of a familiar phrase. He likes him as the devil likes holy water (w.Yks.) means: he hates him completely. To say of a woman: she’s as nasty as a devil unknobbed (Lei.), suggests that she is as dangerously spiteful as a devil without any knobs on his horns.
The conception of the Devil as a giant capable of prodigious muscular feats, but so dull of intellect that he is easily outwitted by the simplest rustic, may be traced in the Devil’s Spadeful legend that clings to certain isolated hills in different parts of the country. The Devil’s Spadeful near Bewdley in Worcestershire is a sort of moated mound, easily seen from the Bewdley-Kidderminster loop railway. Tradition tells that the Devil was approaching Bewdley carrying a spadeful of earth, with which he intended to dam up the Severn just below the town, and so destroy it and all the inhabitants by a flood. At the point where the mound now stands he met a cobbler, laden with a sack of old boots and shoes which he was taking home to mend. The Devil had lost his way, and was feeling weary under his burden, so he asked the cobbler how far he must yet travel before reaching Bewdley. ‘I cannot say how far it is,’ replied the cobbler, ‘I only know that I have worn out all these boots and shoes on the road since I started.’ Whereupon the Devil relinquished his project in despair, and threw down his spadeful on the spot. Another version of the story adds that the cobbler himself was buried under the mound. The present mound could quite well suffice for a tumulus, but as a dam for the Severn it would seem inadequate. The same story belongs also to the Wrekin. The Devil, having a spite against the Mayor and all his people, wished to submerge the town of Shrewsbury. After throwing down his load, which formed the Wrekin, the Devil scraped his boots on his spade, and the mud which he scraped off was such a pile that it made the little Ercall hill by the Wrekin’s side. Silbury Hill near Devizes is said to possess a version of this legend.
The idea of the Devil as a huge figure capable of incredible strength, but so dull that he can be easily outsmarted by the simplest countryfolk, can be seen in the Devil’s Spadeful legend that is associated with certain isolated hills across the country. The Devil’s Spadeful near Bewdley in Worcestershire is a type of moated mound, easily visible from the Bewdley-Kidderminster loop railway. According to tradition, the Devil was on his way to Bewdley carrying a spadeful of dirt, which he planned to use to block the Severn just below the town, intending to cause a flood that would destroy it and all its people. At the location of the current mound, he encountered a cobbler who was carrying a sack of old boots and shoes he was taking home to repair. The Devil, having lost his way and tired from his burden, asked the cobbler how far it was to Bewdley. “I can’t tell you how far it is,” replied the cobbler, “I just know I’ve worn out all these boots and shoes on the road since I began.” At this, the Devil gave up in frustration and dropped his spadeful right there. Another version of the story says that the cobbler himself was buried under the mound. The current mound could easily serve as a burial barrow, but it seems insufficient as a dam for the Severn. The same story is also linked to the Wrekin. The Devil, harboring a grudge against the Mayor and his townspeople, wanted to drown the town of Shrewsbury. After dropping his load, which became the Wrekin, the Devil scraped his boots on his spade, and the mud he removed created the small Ercall hill next to the Wrekin. Silbury Hill near Devizes is said to have its version of this legend.
There are in various places isolated heaps of stones associated with the Devil, and called Devil’s Lapfuls. One such heap exists in the parish of Winsford in Somerset. It is a large scattered heap chiefly of quartz boulders on the brow of a hill, and no stones of the like formation are to be found anywhere near. It is said that the Devil meant to build a bridge over the Barle, close by, with these stones, which he had brought from a long distance, when his apron-string broke, and the stones fell where they now are, and whence they cannot be removed. Not to be altogether deterred from his purpose, the Devil afterwards built the bridge called Tarr-steps with the great slabs of slaty rock found on the spot. Not far from the village of Stanton Harcourt near Oxford are three large stones known as the Devil’s Quoits. According to local tradition, the Devil played here with a beggar for his soul, and won by throwing these huge boulders.
There are various locations with isolated piles of stones linked to the Devil, known as Devil’s Lapfuls. One such pile is in the parish of Winsford in Somerset. It’s a large, scattered pile made mainly of quartz boulders on the top of a hill, and you won't find any similar stones nearby. Legend has it that the Devil intended to build a bridge over the Barle River nearby with these stones, which he had brought from far away, but when his apron-string broke, the stones fell where they are now and can’t be moved. Undeterred, the Devil later constructed the bridge called Tarr-steps using the large slabs of slate found on the site. Not far from the village of Stanton Harcourt near Oxford, there are three large stones known as the Devil’s Quoits. According to local tradition, the Devil played with a beggar for his soul here, winning by tossing these massive boulders.
A legend which connects the Devil with the building of a church may be found all over England in varying forms. The site of the church having been selected, stones were brought thither, and the work begun, but each night the Devil came and carried the stones away, laying them down on the spot where the church now stands. The workmen, tired of labouring in vain, gave up the original site, and adopted that chosen by the Devil, and thenceforth the building went on unmolested. In Shropshire the site which cannot be built upon is always at the top of a hill, but this is not invariably the case elsewhere.
A legend that links the Devil to the construction of a church can be found throughout England in different forms. Once the location for the church was chosen, stones were brought there, and the work began. However, every night the Devil would come and take the stones away, placing them down at the site where the church now stands. The workers, frustrated by their pointless efforts, abandoned the original location and chose the one picked by the Devil. From then on, the building continued without interruption. In Shropshire, the site that cannot be built on is always at the top of a hill, but this isn't always true in other places.
It is difficult to classify all the supernatural beings known to dialect lore, otherwise than very roughly, for even a cursory glance at the whole mass of superstitions and fancies regarding them shows that there is great confusion of idea between fairies and witches, bogies and goblins. Sometimes it is the fairies who terrify the stabled horses at night, sometimes it is a witch; here the benevolent Hob has been at work, and there his doings are ascribed to a pixy. The following may, however, rank as Fairies: the Derricks (Dev.), a species of[Pg 207] dwarfish fairies, of somewhat evil nature; Nanny Button-cap (w.Yks.), of whom the children sing:
It’s hard to categorize all the supernatural beings known in local folklore without being very general, because even a quick look at the entire collection of superstitions and beliefs about them reveals a lot of confusion between fairies and witches, boogeymen and goblins. Sometimes it’s the fairies that scare the horses in the stable at night, and other times it’s a witch. In some cases, the kind-hearted Hob is responsible, while in others, his actions are attributed to a pixy. The following can, however, be considered Fairies: the Derricks (Dev.), a type of[Pg 207] mischievous dwarf-like fairies; Nanny Button-cap (w.Yks.), about whom the kids sing:
Fenodyree, or Phynnodderee (I.Ma.), a fallen fairy, who was banished from fairyland for having paid his addresses to a Manx maiden, and for deserting the fairy court during the harvest moon to dance with her in the Glen of Rushen. Stories are told of the great strength of Fenodyree. On one occasion, when he was cutting grass, harrow-pins were placed in the meadow to annoy him, but he cut them through without effort, merely remarking: ‘Hard stalks, hard stalks.’ Gancanagh (Irel.), who appears in lonesome valleys, and makes love to milkmaids. Collective names are: the Fair Folk, or Gueede Neighbours (ne.Sc.), polite phrases used to avoid mentioning the name Fairies, which they were supposed to dislike; the Gentle People, or Gentry (Irel.), to whom old hawthorn trees growing singly were sacred. An old man who ventured to cut down one such tree was shortly afterwards stricken with rheumatic fever, and the circumstance was declared to be a judgment of the gentry upon him. Henkies (Sh. & Or.I.), so called because they were supposed to henk or limp when they danced, Henkie knowes are the knolls round which these trolls or fairies used to gambol at night; the Hill Folk (Sh.I. Lan.); the Piskies, or Pixies (Sc. n. s. and sw.Cy.), believed in some districts (Dev. Cor.) to be the souls of unbaptized children which have become sprites; the Small Folk, or Small People (Cor.), supposed to have dwindled in size, and turned into muryans [ants], wherefore it is deemed unlucky to destroy a colony of ants. Popular etymology has made out of the common double plural form fairyses, a singular Pharisee (War. Wor. e.An.), which among children gives rise to endless mistakes between the fairies of the story-books and the Pharisees of the Bible.
Fenodyree, or Phynnodderee (I.Ma.), is a fallen fairy who was kicked out of fairyland for pursuing a Manx maiden and for leaving the fairy court during the harvest moon to dance with her in the Glen of Rushen. Stories highlight Fenodyree's incredible strength. Once, while cutting grass, people put harrow-pins in the meadow to irritate him, but he easily cut through them and simply said, "Hard stalks, hard stalks." Gancanagh (Irel.) shows up in lonely valleys, charming milkmaids. Collective terms include: the Fair Folk or Gueede Neighbours (ne.Sc.), polite expressions used to avoid saying "Fairies," which they were thought to dislike; the Gentle People or Gentry (Irel.), to whom old hawthorn trees growing alone were sacred. An old man who dared to cut down one of these trees soon came down with rheumatic fever, and it was seen as a punishment from the gentry. Henkies (Sh. & Or.I.) got their name because they were believed to henk or limp when they danced; Henkie knowes are the mounds where these trolls or fairies used to frolic at night; the Hill Folk (Sh.I. Lan.); the Piskies or Pixies (Sc. n. s. and sw.Cy.), thought in some areas (Dev. Cor.) to be the spirits of unbaptized children transformed into sprites; the Small Folk or Small People (Cor.), believed to have shrunk in size and turned into muryans [ants], which is why it's considered unlucky to destroy an ant colony. People have mistakenly derived the common double plural form fairyses into a singular Pharisee (War. Wor. e.An.), leading to confusion among children between the fairies in storybooks and the Pharisees in the Bible.
The associating of the fairies with certain plants and fungi[Pg 208] leads to the formation of very picturesque plant-names, for example: Fairy’s-bath, or Fairies’ bath (Sus. Hmp.), the fungus Jew’s ears, or blood-cups; Fairy-butter (n.Cy. e.An. Hmp.), a species of fungus, of yellowish colour and gelatinous consistence, found growing upon rotten wood. The fairies are supposed to amuse themselves at night by flinging their butter so as to make it adhere to gates and doors. It is thought very lucky to find it inside a house. Fairy-bell (Irel.), Fairy-fingers (Dur. Cum. n.Yks.), Fairy-glove (Irel. Dor.), Fairies’-petticoats (Chs.), Fairy-thimbles (Cmb. Nrf. Ess.), the foxglove; Fairies’-table (n.Wal.), the common mushroom; Fairy-cheeses (Yks.), the dwarf mallow; Pixy-glove (Dev.), a thistle; Pixy (Dev.), the greater stitchwort, concerning which children say that if you gather the flowers you will be pixy-led; Pixy-pear (Hmp. Dev.), the hip, the fruit of the dog-rose, or (Dor. Som.) the haw, the fruit of the hawthorn; Pixy-stool (Sc. Hmp. Som. Dev. Cor.), a toadstool or mushroom. To pixy (w.Som.), or to go pixy-wording, is to glean stray apples in an orchard after the trees have been stripped. Fossil echini turned up by the plough, or found on the sea-shore are termed Fairy-loaves, or Pharisee-loaves (Glo. e.An.). There is a saying in Norfolk: If you keep a fairy-loaf you will never want bread. The ‘green sour ringlets’ ‘whereof the ewe not bites’ are still known as Fairy-rings (in gen. dial. use), or Pixy-rings (Som. Dev.). It is thought safer to walk round them rather than across. Old legends say that by running round a fairy-ring nine times on the first night of the full moon, sounds of mirth and revelry may be heard from the subterranean abode of the elves, who make this their dancing-green; or again, that on peaceful nights faint echoes of music, and the pattering of tiny feet, may be wafted down from the hill-sides. It is said that the fairies were wont of old to wash their clothes in Claymore Well (Yks.), and mangle them with the bittle and pin. The bittle is a heavy wooden battledore; the pin is the roller; the linen is wound round the latter, and then rolled backwards and forwards on the table by[Pg 209] pressure on the battledore. The strokes of the bittles on fairy washing-nights could be heard a mile away. The following story of a fairy in the capacity of the benevolent sprite used to be told in one of the southern counties of England. Once upon a time there was a young woman who married a thresher. Soon he turned out to be a hopeless drunkard; his work was neglected, and starvation stared them in the face. So the woman dressed herself in her husband’s clothes, and went to the barn to do the threshing whilst he slept off the effects of his drunkenness. On the morning of the second day she found her pile of threshed corn double what she had left there overnight, and this increase was repeated for three or four nights in succession. She determined to watch one night and discover who was her unknown helper. Presently she beheld a little pixy come into the barn, and set to work vigorously to thresh the corn, and as he swung his flail he sang:
The connection between fairies and certain plants and fungi[Pg 208] gives rise to some very charming plant names, such as Fairy’s-bath or Fairies’ bath (Sus. Hmp.), the fungus Jew’s ears or blood-cups; Fairy-butter (n.Cy. e.An. Hmp.), a yellowish gelatinous fungus that grows on decaying wood. It is said that fairies enjoy throwing this butter at gates and doors at night. Finding it inside a house is considered very lucky. Fairy-bell (Irel.), Fairy-fingers (Dur. Cum. n.Yks.), Fairy-glove (Irel. Dor.), Fairies’-petticoats (Chs.), Fairy-thimbles (Cmb. Nrf. Ess.), the foxglove; Fairies’-table (n.Wal.), the common mushroom; Fairy-cheeses (Yks.), the dwarf mallow; Pixy-glove (Dev.), a thistle; Pixy (Dev.), the greater stitchwort, about which children say that if you pick the flowers, you will be led by pixies; Pixy-pear (Hmp. Dev.), the hip, the fruit of the dog-rose, or (Dor. Som.) the haw, the fruit of the hawthorn; Pixy-stool (Sc. Hmp. Som. Dev. Cor.), a toadstool or mushroom. To pixy (w.Som.), or to go pixy-wording, is to gather leftover apples in an orchard after the trees have been picked. Fossil echini found by the plow or on the beach are called Fairy-loaves or Pharisee-loaves (Glo. e.An.). There's a saying in Norfolk: If you keep a fairy-loaf, you'll never be without bread. The ‘green sour ringlets’ ‘whereof the ewe not bites’ are still referred to as Fairy-rings (in gen. dial. use), or Pixy-rings (Som. Dev.). It is considered safer to walk around them than through them. Old tales say that if you run around a fairy-ring nine times on the first night of the full moon, you might hear sounds of laughter and partying from the underground home of the elves, who use it as their dance floor; or, on quiet nights, you may hear faint music and the sound of tiny feet coming from the hills. It is said that fairies used to wash their clothes in Claymore Well (Yks.) and wring them out with a bittle and pin. The bittle is a heavy wooden paddle; the pin is the roller; the linen is wrapped around the latter, and then it is rolled back and forth on the table by[Pg 209] pressure on the paddle. The sounds of the paddles on fairy laundry nights could be heard from a mile away. The following story about a fairy acting as a helpful spirit was commonly told in one of the southern counties of England. Once upon a time, there was a young woman who married a thresher. Soon he became a hopeless drunkard; he neglected his work, and they faced starvation. So the woman put on her husband’s clothes and went to the barn to do the threshing while he slept off his drunkenness. On the morning of the second day, she found her pile of threshed corn was double what she had left there the night before, and this happened for three or four nights in a row. She decided to watch one night to find out who her unknown helper was. Soon she saw a little pixy come into the barn and start vigorously threshing the corn, and as he swung his flail, he sang:
Out of pity and gratitude, the woman next day made him a tiny suit of clothes, and hung them up behind the barn door beside his flail. At night when the pixy returned to work, he saw the clothes, and put them on at once. Then, surveying himself with satisfaction, he sang:
Out of kindness and appreciation, the woman the next day made him a tiny outfit and hung it up behind the barn door next to his flail. At night when the pixie returned to work, he saw the clothes and put them on immediately. Then, looking at himself with satisfaction, he sang:
With that he disappeared, and never came back any more.
With that, he vanished and never returned.
Dr. Johnson defines ‘Fairy’ thus: ‘A kind of fabled beings supposed to appear in a diminutive human form, and to dance in the meadows, and reward cleanliness in houses.’ The reward was bestowed in the form of a coin secretly placed in the shoe of the industrious servant, an ancient belief which was, we are told, long kept alive by mistresses, who would slip the expected coin into its place to encourage their servants to industry. But the fairies did not everywhere possess only this blameless reputation.[Pg 210] Mischievous fairies were dreaded by the farmer’s wife lest they should get into the dairy and spoil the cream. To keep them away, every one who entered the dairy must stir up the cream with the mundle (Wor.). A tangled knot in a horse’s mane was proof of their having been in the stable, for this was the pixy-seat (Dev.). A trace of what Dr. Johnson calls ‘an odd superstitious opinion, that the fairies steal away children, and put others that are ugly and stupid in their places’, remains in the dialect saying: Bless th’ bairn, he must hev been chaanged (Lin.), used when a child, generally good-tempered, becomes suddenly irritable without any obvious reason. Country folk in Cornwall used to put a prayer-book under a child’s pillow as a charm to keep away the pixies. The still prevailing superstition that it is unlucky for a woman after child-birth to go into anybody’s house—some say even to cross her own threshold—before she goes to be churched, is no doubt a remnant of the old belief that the mother until kirk’t was not safe from the power of the fairies. People suddenly seized with rheumatism, lumbago, paralysis, or fits were supposed to have been shot at by malicious fairies, and when a prehistoric arrow-head of flint or stone was picked up, it was alleged to be the fairy weapon, the awf-shot or fairy-dart. A hole in a deal board occasioned by the dropping out of a shrunken knot, was regarded as the path of a fairy shaft, and called an awf-bore. In Northumberland and Cumberland a sudden attack of illness or disease is still spoken of as a shot, e.g. a shot of rheumatics. The phrase Plaze God and the pigs (w.Som.) is probably a reminiscence of the days when the pigseys or pixies were regarded as powers which had to be reckoned with in ordinary daily life. To laugh like a pixy (Dev. Cor.) is to laugh heartily, like the merry elves of yore when they danced in the meadows by moonlight.
Dr. Johnson defines ‘Fairy’ as: ‘A type of legendary beings believed to show up in tiny human form, dance in the fields, and reward cleanliness in homes.’ The reward was given in the form of a coin secretly placed in the shoe of a diligent servant, an old belief that, we’re told, was long maintained by mistresses, who would slip the expected coin into place to motivate their servants to work hard. But not all fairies had such a spotless reputation. Mischievous fairies were feared by farmers' wives, worried they would sneak into the dairy and spoil the cream. To keep them away, anyone entering the dairy had to stir the cream with the mundle. A tangled knot in a horse’s mane was evidence of their presence in the stable, referred to as the pixy-seat. There's a lingering belief in what Dr. Johnson calls ‘a strange superstitious notion that fairies steal children and replace them with ugly and foolish ones,’ reflected in the local saying: Bless th’ bairn, he must hev been chaanged, used when a usually good-natured child suddenly becomes irritable for no clear reason. People in Cornwall used to place a prayer book under a child's pillow as a charm against pixies. The still-existing superstition that it’s unlucky for a woman after childbirth to enter anyone’s home—some say even to cross her own threshold—before going to be churched is likely a remnant of the old belief that the mother was unsafe from fairy influence until she was churched. Those suddenly afflicted with rheumatism, lumbago, paralysis, or seizures were thought to have been struck by malicious fairies, and when a prehistoric arrowhead made of flint or stone was found, people said it was a fairy weapon, known as the awf-shot or fairy-dart. A hole in a wooden board from a missing knot was seen as the path of a fairy arrow, called an awf-bore. In Northumberland and Cumberland, a sudden illness is still referred to as a shot, such as a shot of rheumatics. The phrase Plaze God and the pigs is likely a reminder of the times when pixies were considered powers to be reckoned with in everyday life. To laugh like a pixy means to laugh joyfully, like the merry elves of old when they danced in the fields by moonlight.
The belief in witches as active personalities belongs, together with the belief in fairies, to bygone generations, but its traces are with us still. On the one hand there are the old words and phrases, the husks of a once living seed, and[Pg 211] on the other hand is the vague superstitious dread of an evil influence which is none the less real and potent because people have ceased to ascribe the dreaded ill-luck to witchcraft and the evil eye. Among the plants associated with witches are: Witch-bells (n.Cy.), the corn blue-bottle; Witch’s-milk (Lan.), the common mare’s-tail; Witch’s-needles (Nhb.), the shepherd’s needle; Witch’s-knot (Wm.), a bundle of matted twigs which forms on the branches of birches and thorns. The fungus which we have already noticed under the name Fairy-butter, is also known as Witch’s-butter (Nhp. w.Cy.); and the purple foxglove is sometimes called Witch’s-thimble (Sc. Nhb.). When horses break out into a sweat in the stable, they are said to have been hag-rided (Som.); and the tangled locks in their manes are the Witch’s-stirrups (Shr.). In parts of Surrey and Sussex a Fairy-ring is called a Hag-track. The shoulder-bones of a sheep are termed Hag-bones (Som.), because formerly witches were believed to ride on them, and consequently it was necessary to burn them. The ancient belief that the shells of eggs used by the household were appropriated by the witches for boats is still regarded in practice, the spoon must be thrust through the bottom, or the shell crushed to pieces before it is thrown away, cp. Sir Thomas Browne and his annotators: ‘To break the egg-shell after the meat is out, we are taught in our childhood, and practise it all our lives; which nevertheless is but a superstitious relique, according to the judgment of Pliny ...; and the intent hereof was to prevent witchcraft.’ ‘To keep the fairies out, as they say in Cumberland,’ Note (Jeff.); ‘Least they perchance might use them for boates (as they thought) to sayle in by night,’ Note (Wr.), Vulgar Errors, Book V, Chap. XXIII.
The belief in witches as real individuals, like the belief in fairies, belongs to past generations, but we still see its remnants today. On one hand, we have old words and phrases, the shells of a once vibrant belief, and[Pg 211] on the other hand, there’s the vague superstitious fear of a harmful influence that remains real and powerful, even though people no longer link bad luck to witchcraft or the evil eye. Some plants connected with witches include: Witch-bells (n.Cy.), corn blue-bottle; Witch’s-milk (Lan.), common mare’s-tail; Witch’s-needles (Nhb.), shepherd’s needle; and Witch’s-knot (Wm.), a bundle of matted twigs that forms on the branches of birch and thorn trees. The fungus mentioned earlier, known as Fairy-butter, is also referred to as Witch’s-butter (Nhp. w.Cy.); and the purple foxglove is sometimes called Witch’s-thimble (Sc. Nhb.). When horses sweat in the stable, it’s said they have been hag-ridden (Som.); and the tangled hair in their manes is referred to as the Witch’s-stirrups (Shr.). In parts of Surrey and Sussex, a Fairy-ring is called a Hag-track. The shoulder blades of sheep are called Hag-bones (Som.) because it was once believed that witches rode on them, making it necessary to burn them. The old belief that eggshells used in the household were taken by witches for boats is still practiced; the spoon must pierce the bottom of the shell or the shell must be crushed before being thrown away, cp. Sir Thomas Browne and his annotators: ‘We’re taught in our childhood to break the eggshell after the egg is out, and we carry that practice throughout our lives; however, it’s really just a superstitious leftover, according to Pliny... and the intention behind it was to keep witchcraft at bay.’ ‘To keep the fairies out, as they say in Cumberland,’ Note (Jeff.); ‘In case they might use them for boats (as they believed) to travel by night,’ Note (Wr.), Vulgar Errors, Book V, Chap. XXIII.
As ill as a witch (Chs.) is a phrase meaning very ill. As fause [false, i.e. cunning] as a Pendle witch (Lan.) is a saying which keeps on record the traditional association of Pendle Forest with witches. It was there that the old custom called Lating [seeking] the Witches used to be observed on All-hallows Eve, the night when the witches[Pg 212] were said to meet in the Forest. Lighted candles were carried about the hills from eleven to twelve o’clock. If the witches failed to extinguish a light, the bearer was safe from their power for the season, but if the light went out, it portended evil. Persons or things under the supposed influence of witchcraft or the evil eye, were formerly said to be blinked (Sc. Irel. Chs. Shr. e.An.), a word which still remains in e.Anglia in the sense of soured, spoiled, used of beer. The very common word wisht (w. and sw. Cy.), meaning unlucky, uncanny, also physically weak, sickly, haggard, is no doubt originally wished, i.e. ill-wished, or bewitched. The terms overlooked (Sc. Irel. Yks. War. Shr. e.An. sw.Cy.), overseen (Hrf. Glo.), overshadowed (Dev.) were certainly used in their original sense of bewitched as late as the last two decades of the nineteenth century, cp. ‘The last witness said deceased had been “overshadowed” by some-one,’ n.Dev. Herald, June 25, 1896. A writer in to-day’s Times, Feb. 21, 1912, regards the belief in this form of witchcraft as still current: ‘We still hear of people in remote villages who complain of being overlooked, and who actually pine away under the belief that a spell has been cast upon them.’
As sick as a dog (Chs.) is a phrase that means very sick. As cunning as a Pendle witch (Lan.) is a saying that reflects the traditional connection between Pendle Forest and witches. It was there that the old custom called Lating [seeking] the Witches was observed on Halloween, the night when witches[Pg 212] were said to gather in the Forest. Lit candles were carried around the hills from eleven to midnight. If the witches didn't blow out a light, the person carrying it was safe from their influence for the season, but if the light went out, it signaled trouble. People or things believed to be under the impact of witchcraft or the evil eye were once said to be blinked (Sc. Irel. Chs. Shr. e.An.), a term that still exists in e.Anglia meaning soured or spoiled, especially in reference to beer. The common word wisht (w. and sw. Cy.), meaning unlucky, eerie, as well as physically weak, sickly, or haggard, likely originated from wished, meaning ill-wished or bewitched. The terms overlooked (Sc. Irel. Yks. War. Shr. e.An. sw.Cy.), overseen (Hrf. Glo.), and overshadowed (Dev.) were certainly used in their original sense of bewitched as late as the last two decades of the nineteenth century, cp. ‘The last witness said the deceased had been “overshadowed” by someone,’ n.Dev. Herald, June 25, 1896. A writer in today’s Times, Feb. 21, 1912, considers the belief in this type of witchcraft still alive: ‘We still hear of people in remote villages who complain of being overlooked, and who genuinely suffer under the belief that a spell has been placed on them.’
A White Witch was a person, either man or woman, who was supposed to possess the power of removing the spell, and of inflicting punishment on the individual by whose malice the evil had been wrought. In return for pecuniary considerations, the white witch dispensed oracular wisdom, and remedies in the form of charms. As recently as the year 1890 a man who called himself ‘the White Witch of Exeter’ was convicted on a charge of obtaining money by means of palmistry. Mrs. Sarah Hewitt in her book on Devonshire customs and folk-lore—Nummits and Crummits—writes: ‘In cases of sickness, distress, or adversity, persons at the present time (A.D. 1898) make long expensive journeys to consult the white witch, and to gain relief by his (or her) aid.’ The miscellaneous articles and medicaments advocated by the white witch we shall notice later when we come[Pg 213] to consider charms and cures. Meanwhile let us first look at some of the many ways in which the old fear of mysterious evil still shows itself, that fear which in spite of our advances in education and civilization still makes men regard trivial happenings with superstitious awe, and see omens of death and ill-luck in the commonest things.
A White Witch was a person, either male or female, who was believed to have the ability to remove curses and punish the individual whose wrongdoing caused harm. In exchange for money, the white witch provided prophetic advice and remedies in the form of charms. As recently as 1890, a man who called himself ‘the White Witch of Exeter’ was convicted for fraudulently obtaining money through palmistry. Mrs. Sarah Hewitt, in her book on Devonshire customs and folklore—Nummits and Crummits—writes: ‘In cases of sickness, distress, or hardship, people today (CE 1898) travel long distances to consult the white witch to seek relief through his (or her) help.’ We will explore the various articles and remedies suggested by the white witch later when we consider charms and cures. For now, let’s first examine some of the many ways in which the old fear of mysterious evil still manifests itself, that fear which, despite our advances in education and civilization, makes people view minor events with superstitious dread and see omens of death and bad luck in the most ordinary things.
CHAPTER XIII
URBAN LEGENDS
Chief among the ‘unlucky’ things regarded by the superstitious as omens of approaching calamity are those to which is attached the idea of a death-portent. This warning of death appears in various ways, it may be seen in some purely accidental occurrence, or some chance act; it may be announced by a bird or some other animal; it may even lurk in the most innocent flower. The following are sure signs of death: If a small oblong cinder flies out of the fire it is called a coffin (n.Cy.) and betokens death, especially if it lies silently where it fell; but if, on the other hand, it makes a crackling noise, it can be a purse, and mean money in store, cp.:
Chief among the ‘unlucky’ things that superstitious people believe are signs of impending disaster are those connected to the idea of a death omen. This warning of death can show up in different ways; it might be seen in a purely random event or a chance action, or it could be signaled by a bird or another animal. It may even hide within the most innocent flower. The following are definite signs of death: If a small rectangular piece of ash flies out of the fire, it is called a coffin (n.Cy.) and signifies death, especially if it lies silently where it landed; but if, on the other hand, it makes a crackling sound, it can be interpreted as a purse, indicating money to come, cp.:
A large hole in the crumb of a loaf is a grave (Brks.), or a coffin (s.Not.). When the tallow or wax of a candle runs down on one side it often projects and then reunites to the candle, forming a sort of loop; this is a coffin-handle (w.Som.), and is a sign of death to the person in whose direction it forms itself. The same superstition holds when the grease from the guttering candle forms a broad solid mass, popularly termed a winding-sheet. A piece of charred wick at the top of a burning candle is a death-lowe [-flame] (Cum.), or a shroud (Sc. Lin. Som.), and presages death, unless the flame be extinguished by immersing the candle in running water. When furniture creaks suddenly it betokens death, but some say it only means a serious illness. If a clock, a picture, a looking-glass, or a flitch of bacon falls, it portends death; so does a table-cloth, when it is badly folded, and has a crease in the form of a diamond in the centre. If[Pg 215] letters cross in the post; if the church clock strikes while the text of the Sunday morning’s sermon is being given out, or while the last hymn is being sung; if a piece of land has been accidentally missed in ploughing or sowing, it is a sign of death. The sound of singing in the ears is the dead-bell (Sc.). In some districts the choking sensation in the throat known as the rising of the lights is held to forebode death, but more usually it is regarded as an insignificant physical condition, to be remedied by swallowing small shot, the weight of which will keep the lights in their proper place. To break a looking-glass; to open an umbrella in the house, especially if it is held over the head; to put the bellows on the table; to drop a comb—are all deeds which forebode somebody’s death. The belief that if three people take part in making up a bed there is sure to be a death in the house within the year, is a superstition which I found was held to in my own house, together with the very common one that it is unlucky to turn a mattress on a Friday or Sunday.
A large hole in the crumb of a loaf is a grave (Brks.), or a coffin (s.Not.). When the wax or tallow from a candle drips down one side, it often forms a loop before reconnecting with the candle; this is called a coffin-handle (w.Som.), and it signifies death for the person it's pointing toward. The same superstition applies when the melted grease from a candle creates a solid mass, commonly known as a winding-sheet. A piece of burned wick at the top of a burning candle is a death-lowe [-flame] (Cum.), or a shroud (Sc. Lin. Som.), and it indicates death unless you extinguish the flame by submerging the candle in running water. When furniture creaks unexpectedly, it is said to indicate death, though some believe it might just mean a serious illness. If a clock, a picture, a mirror, or a slab of bacon falls, it suggests death; the same goes for a tablecloth when it is poorly folded and has a diamond-shaped crease in the center. If[Pg 215] letters cross in the mail; if the church clock chimes while the Sunday morning sermon is being read, or during the last hymn; or if a piece of land gets missed during plowing or sowing, these are all signs of death. Hearing singing in your ears is called the dead-bell (Sc.). In some places, the tight feeling in the throat known as the rising of the lights is believed to predict death, though it's often seen as a minor physical issue, easily remedied by swallowing small shot to keep the lights in place. Breaking a mirror; opening an umbrella indoors, especially over your head; placing the bellows on the table; or dropping a comb—these are actions that foreshadow someone's death. The belief that if three people help make a bed, someone will die in the house within the year is a superstition I found prevalent in my own home, along with the common belief that it is bad luck to turn a mattress on a Friday or Sunday.
Among the omens wrought by insects, perhaps the most common is the death-watch, also known as the dead-chack (Sc.), and death-tick (Oxf. Dev.). Sir Thomas Browne made a careful study of this particular source of ‘terrifying apprehensions’, cp. ‘Few ears have escaped the noise of the death-watch, that is, the little clickling sound heard often in many rooms, somewhat resembling that of a watch; and this is conceived to be of an evil omen or prediction of some person’s death: wherein notwithstanding there is nothing of rational presage or just cause of terror unto melancholy and meticulous heads. For this noise is made by a little sheath-winged grey insect, found often in wainscot benches and wood-work in the summer. We have taken many thereof, and kept them in thin boxes, wherein I have heard and seen them work and knock with a little proboscis or trunk against the side of the box, like a picus martius, or woodpecker against a tree. It worketh best in warm weather, and for the most part giveth not over under nine or eleven strokes at a time,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. II, Chap. VII. There[Pg 216] is great diversity of opinion as to the signification of crickets. In some parts of England the sound of the cricket in the house is esteemed lucky (Yks. Nhp. Cor.), in other parts unlucky (w.Cy.); and again, there are districts (Shr.) where it is looked upon as a death-portent. If a swarm of bees settles on the wall of a house, or on a dead tree, or wooden stake, it is a sign of an approaching death in the family; if they knit on the ground, it is a sure sign of a berrin’ [funeral]. A death in the family may also be presaged by the sudden death of a pig. I remember just twenty years ago, when an old cook, whom I knew very well, inquired after my brother who was then recovering from a severe attack of scarlet-fever, she concluded the conversation by saying: ‘I knew quite well that there would be a serious illness in your family, because you had told me that one of the pigs had died suddenly.’ The sudden departure of rats from a house is sometimes held to betoken the death of one of the inmates. A white bird flying past, or a dove flying against a window at night, or flying into a room, is a sign of death. In some places, any bird pecking at a window announces death, but the robin is the chief harbinger of death, whether he announces his message by tapping at the window, chirping on the sill, or by hopping into the room. In the winter of 1910, a tame robin used to cause considerable uneasiness in this household by coming into the house through the open windows. If a crow settles on a house, one of the inmates will die within the year. If a hare or a white rabbit crosses your path; if you hear a hen crow; if the cock crows at midnight; or if a cow lows three times in your face, it is a sign of death, as are, too, the midnight hooting of owls, and the howling of dogs. In the Miracle Play in Longfellow’s Golden Legend, when the Rabbi asks Judas Iscariot ‘Why howl the dogs at night?’ the answer is:
Among the signs caused by insects, one of the most common is the death-watch, also called the dead-chack (Sc.), and death-tick (Oxf. Dev.). Sir Thomas Browne studied this specific source of ‘scary fears’, cp. ‘Few people have missed the sound of the death-watch, which is the faint clicking noise often heard in many rooms, somewhat like that of a watch; this is thought to be a bad omen or a sign of someone's death. However, there's nothing rational to predict or any real cause for concern for melancholy and meticulous minds. This noise is made by a small gray insect with sheath wings, commonly found in wainscot benches and woodwork during the summer. We have captured many of them and kept them in thin boxes, where I've heard and seen them tap with a little proboscis or trunk against the side of the box, much like a picus martius, or woodpecker, pecking at a tree. It works best in warm weather and usually doesn't stop before making nine or eleven strokes in a row.,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. II, Chap. VII. There[Pg 216] is a lot of differing opinions about the significance of crickets. In some areas of England, the sound of a cricket in the house is considered lucky (Yks. Nhp. Cor.), while in other areas it’s seen as unlucky (w.Cy.); there are also places (Shr.) where it’s regarded as a sign of death. If a swarm of bees settles on a house wall, or a dead tree, or a wooden post, it indicates an approaching death in the family; if they knit on the ground, it’s a sure sign of a burial. The sudden death of a pig can also foretell a death in the family. I remember twenty years ago when an old cook, whom I knew well, asked about my brother, who was then recovering from a bad case of scarlet fever. She ended the conversation by saying, ‘I knew something serious would happen in your family because you told me that one of the pigs had died suddenly.’ The unexpected departure of rats from a house is sometimes believed to indicate that one of the occupants will die. A white bird flying by, or a dove flying against a window at night, or flying into a room, is also a sign of death. In some regions, any bird pecking at a window announces death, but the robin is the main harbinger of death, whether it announces its message by tapping at the window, chirping on the sill, or hopping into the room. In the winter of 1910, a tame robin caused quite a bit of anxiety in this household by entering through open windows. If a crow lands on a house, one of the occupants will die within the year. If a hare or a white rabbit crosses your path; if you hear a hen crow; if the rooster crows at midnight; or if a cow lows three times in your face, it signifies death, as do the hooting of owls at midnight and the howling of dogs. In the Miracle Play in Longfellow’s Golden Legend, when the Rabbi asks Judas Iscariot ‘Why do the dogs howl at night?’ the answer is:
If children pick the Herb Robert it means death to one or other of the parents, hence the name Death-come-quickly (Cum.); for the same reason the Red and White Campion is called Mother-dee (Cum.). If the child pluck the red species, its father will perish, or if the white, then the mother will die. It is very unlucky to bring pieces of the spindle-tree into the house, hence it is the Death-alder (Bck.); but still more commonly this superstition is attached to the flowers of the hawthorn, and further, in some districts to the snowdrop (Shr. Stf. Der. Wor. Sus.). When a school-fellow of mine died of typhoid fever, the lady Principal of the boarding-school wrote to my parents, charging them with being the authors of the calamity, in that they had a short time before sent me a box of snowdrops. If parsley is once sown in a garden, there it must stay, to transplant it would be fatal to some member of the household. If fruit trees blossom out of season it is a token of death:
If kids pick the Herb Robert, it means one of their parents will die, which is why it's called Death-come-quickly (Cum.); for the same reason, the Red and White Campion is known as Mother-dee (Cum.). If a child picks the red kind, the father will die, and if they pick the white, then the mother will perish. It’s really bad luck to bring pieces of the spindle-tree into the house, which is why it's called the Death-alder (Bck.); but this superstition is even more commonly associated with hawthorn flowers and, in some areas, with snowdrops (Shr. Stf. Der. Wor. Sus.). When a classmate of mine died from typhoid fever, the female Principal of the boarding school wrote to my parents, blaming them for the tragedy because they had recently sent me a box of snowdrops. Once parsley is planted in a garden, it can't be moved, or it could bring fatal consequences to someone in the household. If fruit trees bloom out of season, it’s a sign of death:
The failure of a crop of ash-keys is said to portend a death in the royal family within the year. Tradition tells that there were no ash-keys in the year in which King Charles was beheaded.
The failure of a crop of ash seeds is believed to signal a death in the royal family within the year. Tradition says that there were no ash seeds in the year when King Charles was executed.
The magpie is always an ominous bird. Seen singly, it is everywhere taken as a sign of evil, but the significance of two or more varies in different parts of the country. The commonest version of the magpie rhyme is: One for sorrow; Two for mirth; Three for a wedding; Four for a birth. Other versions are: Yan is sorrow; Tweea is mirth; Three is weddin’; Fower is birth; Five is silver; Six is gold; Sebben is a secret, nivver to be told (n.Cy.). Yen’s sorry; Twee’s morry; Three’s a wedding; Fower’s deeth; Five’s hivin’; Six is hell; And Sivin’s the deel’s aan sel (Nhb.). One, sign of anger; Two, sign o’ muth; Dree, sign o’ wedding-day; Vower, sign o’ death; Vive, sign o’ zorrow; Zix, sign o’ joy; Zebm, sign o’ maid; An’ eight, sign o’ boy[Pg 218] (w.Som.). To avert these indications you may use one of the following charms: raise the hat in salutation; make a cross with your foot on the ground, or as many crosses as there are magpies; wet the forefinger with spittle, and therewith make the sign of the cross on your shoe; make the same sign by crossing the thumbs; spit on the ground three times, and say: Devil, devil, I defy thee! Magpie, magpie, I go by thee! If a shrew-mouse runs over your foot, it portends ill-luck, sometimes the coming ill-luck is defined as paralysis of the foot. In Sussex the country people have an idea that the shrew-mouse is unable to cross a path which has been trodden by man. Whenever it attempts to do so it is said to be immediately struck dead, and hence the number of shrew-mice which may be found lying dead in lanes or on field footpaths. If a hare crosses the path of a woman with child, she must instantly stoop down and tear her shift, or the child will have a hare-lip, or ’ar-shotten lip, as it is called (Shr.). This superstition is no doubt connected with the old belief that a witch often took the form of a hare. They never dow [prosper] that strange dogs follow, is a Yorkshire saying. It is very unlucky to drive away a black cat, if a stray one should come into the house. An Oxford landlady told us quite recently that she had driven away a black cat from her door shortly after she was married, some twelve years previously, and since then she had ‘buried twenty-three relations’! It is unlucky when moving house to transport the cat; it is also unlucky to allow a cat to die in the house, hence when it begins to be ill, it is better to drown it. It is unlucky to keep a kitten born in May, for: May chets Bad luck begets. In the North a May cat is supposed to suck the breath of the baby in the cradle, if opportunity offers; while in some south-western districts it is said to bring adders and varmints into the house. Goslings hatched in May will not bring gain to the owner; and it is an evil month for marriage. Scotch people especially, even among the well-educated, have a strong prejudice against marrying in May. Marry in May, You’ll rue it for[Pg 219] aye, is a Devonshire saying. There is an old rhyme against short-coating babies in May: Tuck babies in May, You’ll tuck them away, but this is perhaps merely a health warning, parallel to: Don’t cast a clout Till May is out, based on the uncertain temperature of the month of May. It is very unlucky to kill a swallow, a robin, or a wren, and even to take their eggs is a sacrilegious act certain to bring ill-luck, for: The Robin and the Wren Are God Almighty’s cock and hen. The Martin and the Swallow Are God Almighty’s scholars. Other versions of this rhyme are: Martins and swallows Are God’s teachers and scholars. Robins and wrens Are God’s chickens and hens. Those who kill a robin or a wren Will never prosper, boy or man. Swallows and martins bring luck and prosperity under the roof around which they build, and hence it is a bad sign if they forsake a house where they have been accustomed to build, cp. ‘Though useless to us, and rather of molestation, we commonly refrain from killing swallows, and esteem it unlucky to destroy them: whether herein there be not a Pagan relick, we have some reason to doubt. For we read in Ælian, that these birds were sacred unto the Penates or household gods of the ancients, and therefore were preserved,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIV. It is also unlucky to kill a ladybird, God Almighty’s colly-cow (Hmp.); or to kill a spider. If you wish to live and thrive Let the spider run alive, is a current Berkshire rhyme. The little red spider, when found, should be put in the pocket, for it means money. Spiders’ webs sometimes escape destruction through a belief that such a web concealed our Lord as He lay in the manger from the messengers of Herod. The Sun-beetle is God’s horse (Cum.), and like the Rainy clock, or Thunder clock (Cum. Wm.), is supposed to cause terrible storms if it be killed. It is very unlucky to bid a price for an animal, such as a cow, pig, or horse, when it is not for sale, for if this is done the animal is sure to die. To covet another man’s beast is to heart-eat (Lan. Yks.) it, and an animal so coveted will not prosper. It is unlucky to sell bees, or to hive a swarm[Pg 220] after nightfall. To kill a pig when the moon is waning means ill-luck with the bacon, it is sure to shrink in the pot. Some say it will not take the salt, and cannot therefore be cured. Nor must cider be made at such times, else the apples when gathered will shrump up, and the cider will turn sour. It is unlucky to look into an owl’s nest. Once upon a time a foolhardy person ventured to do so, and in consequence he became melancholy, and destroyed hissell. It is important to give a hen an odd number of eggs to sit on, if this is not done, most of the eggs, if not all of them, will be addled. The regulation number is thirteen. It is very unlucky to spill salt, or to help another to salt, or to break a salt-cellar, though the misfortune may be averted by throwing a pinch of salt over the left shoulder. She that pricks bread with fork or knife Will never be happy maid or wife (Shr.), the thing must be done with a skewer. It is unlucky to hang a picture over a door. When you have set out on any business, or started on a journey, it is very unlucky to turn back and re-enter the house, but if it is absolutely necessary to return, the evil may be counteracted by sitting down on a chair before starting again. Some say even to look back is unlucky, and in this case they connect the superstition with the fate of Lot’s wife. Pick up pins, pick up sorrow, is a saying which is contradicted by other versions such as: See a pin and pick it up, All the day you’ll have good luck; and: See a pin and let it lie, You’ll want a pin before you die. Mend your clothes upon your back, Sure you are to come to wrack. It is unlucky to use elder-wood for lighting a fire; to burn bones, or evergreens; to decorate a house with peacock’s feathers; to bring the eggs of any wild bird into the house. When a child’s tooth comes out, it must be dropped into the fire, and the following rhyme repeated, or the child will have to seek its tooth after death: Fire, fire, tak’ a beean, An’ send oor Johnny a good teeath ageean (e.Yks.); or a little salt must be placed on the tooth, which is then carefully put into the fire with the words: Fire, fire, burn beean, God sen’ my tiuth ageean (Lakel.).[Pg 221] Another idea is that unless the tooth is burned, the one which grows in its place will prove a dog’s tooth. If a baby’s first tooth appears in the upper jaw, it is a bad sign, it may mean that the child will die in infancy. The bairn at cuts its teeth abeen, ’Ill nivver see its mairidge sheen, is an old Scotch saying. Similarly, if the teeth grow with irregular spaces between them, the child will not be a long liver: If a bairn teeathes odd, It’ll seean gan to God (e.Yks.). But a gap between the two front teeth wide enough to pass a sovereign through, is a sign of luck and wealth. It is unlucky to weigh a child, or to let it see its face in the glass before it is a year old; or to call it before baptism by the name you mean to give it. If an engaged couple have undertaken to be godparents to a child, it is unlucky for them both to stand at the font together, it would presage a parting within three months. A local instance of this came to my knowledge less than six months ago. The difficulty was solved by the godmother taking her place in a pew at a little distance from the rest of the party assembled round the font. In Cornwall they say: first at the font, never at the altar. It is unlucky to sing early in the morning: If you sing afore bite You’ll cry before night; to see the new moon for the first time through a window; to have the Bishop’s left hand on your head at confirmation. If you enter another person’s house with your left foot foremost, you draw down evil on the inhabitants. A new broom should sweep something into the house before it is used in the contrary direction, otherwise you sweep good luck away from your threshold. Some people hold that you must never sweep the dust out of doors, but always into the fire, for fear lest you sweep the blessing out (Shr.). Friday is proverbially an unlucky day everywhere. Friday’s a day as’ll have his trick The fairest or foulest day o’ the wik (Shr.), cp. ‘Selde is the Fryday al the wyke i-like,’ Chaucer, Knightes Tale, l. 681. It is very unlucky to start out on a journey; to remove from one house to another; to enter upon a new service; or to set a hen on a Friday, but specially unlucky is it to begin new undertakings on Good Friday. [Pg 222] If clothes are washed that day some member of the family will die before the year is out. A Yorkshire superstition holds that if clothes are hung out to dry that day they will be taken in spotted with blood. On the other hand, it is esteemed lucky to plant potatoes, and to sow all kinds of garden seeds on Good Friday. Beans and peas, for instance, sown on this day yield better crops than they would if sown any other day. Moreover, it is the best day in all the year to begin weaning babies. In parts of Devonshire it is thought lucky to break pottery on Good Friday, because then the points of every sherd are supposed to pierce the body of Judas Iscariot. If a bunch of quaking grass, called maidenhair (Nrf.), is brought into the house it is sure to bring ill-luck; trouble will also ensue if you cut down the house-leek, the sungreen (Sus.), which grows on walls and roofs. If you should happen to dig up a mandrake, you must quickly burn it, for anybody that looks at it will at once go blind. To pick flowers before they are full-blown causes a pouk (Wor.) or sty in the eye. Marsh-marigolds are called drunkards (Dev. Wil.) because if you pick them, or even look long at them, you will take to drink. Poppies are called ear-aches (Der. Not.) because if gathered and put to the ear, a violent attack of ear-ache will be the result. In parts of Yorkshire the poppy is known by the name of blindy-buff, because if you hold a poppy to your eyes it will blind you. North-country children deem it unlucky to gather the flowers of the cuckoo-spit, the Lady’s smock, Cardamine pratensis. To bring two or three primroses into the house of an owner of poultry in early spring, before any chickens are hatched, means bad luck to the sittings of eggs; but if the number of primroses is thirteen or upwards, there is nothing to fear. Old Manx people held a like superstition about daffodils, believing it to be unlucky to bring them into the house before the goslings were hatched. This connexion with geese probably accounts for the Manx name for the daffodil, Lus-ny-guiy, the goose-leek. It is a sign of a parting if two bells ring together in a house; if a loaf parts in two when it[Pg 223] is being cut; if a cake has a hollow cavity in the centre. To give a knife, a pair of scissors, or a pin of any sort to a friend will cut love, unless some coin is received in exchange. To stir the tea in the tea-pot is to stir up strife. Other signs of a coming quarrel between friends are: to cross knives; to put the poker and tongs on the same side of the fireplace; to put a pair of boots on the table, but here the quarrel may be averted if some one immediately puts the boots under the table; to pass your friend on the stairs. If two persons kindle a fire together; or dip their hands into the same basin of water; or together wipe their hands on the same towel, they will inevitably quarrel. In the case of the washing of hands, the sign of the cross made over or in the water will prevent the quarrel.
The magpie is always considered an ominous bird. When seen alone, it is often seen as a sign of bad luck, but the meaning of seeing two or more varies across different regions. The most common version of the magpie rhyme is: One for sorrow; Two for joy; Three for a wedding; Four for a birth. Other variations include: Yan is sorrow; Tweea is joy; Three is wedding; Four is birth; Five is silver; Six is gold; Sebben is a secret, never to be told (n.Cy.). Yen’s sorry; Twee’s merry; Three’s a wedding; Fower’s death; Five’s heaven; Six is hell; And Seven’s the devil’s own self (Nhb.). One is a sign of anger; Two is a sign of joy; Three is a sign of a wedding day; Four is a sign of death; Five is a sign of sorrow; Six is a sign of joy; Seven is a sign of a girl; And eight is a sign of a boy (w.Som.). To ward off these signs, you can use one of the following charms: lift your hat in greeting; make a cross with your foot on the ground, or as many crosses as there are magpies; wet your index finger with saliva and make the sign of the cross on your shoe; do the same sign by crossing your thumbs; spit on the ground three times, and say: Devil, devil, I defy you! Magpie, magpie, I pass by you! If a shrew-mouse runs over your foot, it signifies bad luck, sometimes defined as paralysis of the foot. In Sussex, locals believe that the shrew-mouse cannot cross a path that has been walked on by humans. Whenever it tries, it is said to be struck dead right away, which explains the number of shrew-mice found dead in lanes or on footpaths. If a hare crosses the path of a pregnant woman, she must quickly stoop down and tear her shift, or the child will have a hare lip, or 'hare-shotten' lip, as it is sometimes called (Shr.). This superstition is likely linked to the old belief that witches often transformed into hares. In Yorkshire, they say, "They never prosper that strange dogs follow." It is considered very unlucky to drive away a black cat if one strays into the house. An Oxford landlady recently told us that she had driven away a black cat from her door shortly after marrying, about twelve years ago, and since then, she had 'buried twenty-three relatives'! It's bad luck when moving house to take the cat; it’s also considered unlucky to let a cat die in the house, so when it starts to get sick, it’s better to drown it. Keeping a kitten born in May is thought to bring bad luck: May brings bad luck. In the North, it's believed that a May cat might suck the breath of a baby in the cradle when given the chance; while in some southwestern areas, it’s said to bring snakes and pests into the house. Goslings hatched in May won't bring profit to the owner; and it’s considered a bad month for marriages. Scots, even among the educated, strongly believe against marrying in May. The saying goes, "Marry in May, You’ll regret it forever," which comes from Devonshire. There’s an old rhyme against dressing babies in May: "Tuck babies in May, You’ll tuck them away," though this might be just a health warning, similar to: "Don’t cast a clout 'Til May is out," based on the unpredictable weather in May. It's very unlucky to kill a swallow, a robin, or a wren, and even taking their eggs is seen as a sacrilegious act that’s sure to bring misfortune, for: "The Robin and the Wren Are God Almighty’s cock and hen. The Martin and the Swallow Are God Almighty’s scholars." Other variations say: "Martins and swallows Are God’s teachers and scholars. Robins and wrens Are God’s chickens and hens." Those who kill a robin or a wren won't prosper, whether boy or man. Swallows and martins bring luck and prosperity to the homes where they build nests, so if they leave a house they've been nesting in, it’s a bad omen. It is also very unlucky to kill a ladybird, known as God’s colly-cow (Hmp.); or to kill a spider. If you want to live and thrive, let the spider run alive, is a saying from Berkshire. The little red spider, when found, should be kept in your pocket, as it symbolizes money. Spiders’ webs sometimes are spared from destruction through a belief that such a web hid our Lord when He was in the manger, protecting Him from Herod's messengers. The Sun-beetle is God’s horse (Cum.), and, like the Rainy clock or Thunder clock (Cum. Wm.), is believed to cause terrible storms if killed. It’s very unlucky to bid a price for any animal, like a cow, pig, or horse, when it’s not for sale; doing so guarantees that the animal will die. To covet another man’s beast is to 'heart-eat' (Lan. Yks.) it, and that animal will not prosper. It’s unlucky to sell bees or to hive a swarm after dark. Killing a pig when the moon is waning is said to bring bad luck to the bacon, for it will surely shrink in the pot. Some say it won't absorb salt, and thus can’t be cured. Cider shouldn't be made at such times either, or the apples picked will “shrump up,” and the cider will turn sour. It’s unlucky to look into an owl’s nest. Once, a reckless person did so and became melancholy, leading to his death. It’s important to give a hen an odd number of eggs to sit on—if not, most eggs, if not all, will be addled. The standard number is thirteen. It’s very unlucky to spill salt, or to help someone with their salt, or to break a salt cellar, although this misfortune can be avoided by tossing a pinch of salt over your left shoulder. She who pricks bread with a fork or knife will never be a happy maid or wife (Shr.), as it should be done with a skewer. It’s unlucky to hang a picture over a door. Once you’ve set out on a task or started a journey, turning back to re-enter the house is considered very unlucky, but if you absolutely must return, the bad luck can be counteracted by sitting on a chair before you leave again. Some even say that looking back at this point is unlucky, connecting the superstition to the story of Lot’s wife. The saying goes: "Pick up pins, pick up sorrow," which contradicts others like: "See a pin and pick it up, All day you’ll have good luck; and: See a pin and let it lie, You’ll want a pin before you die." "Mend your clothes upon your back, Sure you are to come to ruin." It’s unlucky to use elder wood for fire; to burn bones or evergreens; to decorate with peacock feathers; or to bring any wild bird eggs into the house. When a child’s tooth falls out, it must be dropped into the fire, and the following rhyme recited, or the child will seek its tooth after death: "Fire, fire, take a bean, And send our Johnny a good tooth again" (e.Yks.); or a little salt must be placed on the tooth, which is then carefully put into the fire with: "Fire, fire, burn bean, God send my tooth again" (Lakel.). Another belief is that if the tooth isn't burned, the new one will be a dog's tooth. If a baby’s first tooth comes in at the upper jaw, it’s seen as a bad sign and may mean the child will die young. The saying goes: "The bairn that cuts its teeth above, 'Ill never see its marriage love," is an old Scottish saying. Similarly, if teeth grow in with irregular gaps between them, the child won’t live long: "If a bairn teethes odd, It’ll soon go to God" (e.Yks.). However, a wide gap between the two front teeth, enough to fit a sovereign through, is seen as a sign of luck and wealth. It’s unlucky to weigh a child, or let it see its own face in the mirror before it reaches one year old; or to call it by the name you plan to give before baptism. If an engaged couple has agreed to be godparents to a child, it is bad luck for both to stand together at the font, which would foretell a separation within three months. I learned of a local case like this less than six months ago. The issue was resolved by the godmother taking a seat a bit away from the rest of the group around the font. In Cornwall, they say: "First at the font, never at the altar." It’s unlucky to sing early in the morning: "If you sing before breakfast, You’ll cry before nightfall"; to see the new moon for the first time through a window; or to have the Bishop’s left hand on your head during confirmation. If you enter someone else's home with your left foot first, you bring bad luck upon the inhabitants. A new broom should sweep something into the house before being used to sweep out, or else you’ll sweep good luck away from your doorstep. Some believe you should never sweep dust outside, but always into the fire, for fear of sweeping away blessings (Shr.). Friday is widely considered an unlucky day. "Friday’s a day that’ll have its trick, The fairest or foulest day of the week" (Shr.), cp. "Rare is the Friday all the week like," Chaucer, Knightes Tale, l. 681. It’s very unlucky to start a journey; to move houses; to begin a new job; or to set a hen on a Friday, but starting new projects on Good Friday is especially unlucky. If clothes are washed that day, someone in the family will die before the year ends. A Yorkshire superstition says if clothes are hung out to dry that day, they will come in stained with blood. However, it’s considered lucky to plant potatoes and sow all types of garden seeds on Good Friday. Beans and peas planted on this day yield better crops than if planted on any other day. Moreover, it’s seen as the best day of the year to start weaning babies. In some parts of Devonshire, breaking pottery on Good Friday is seen as lucky, since the shards are believed to pierce Judas Iscariot’s body. If you bring a bunch of quaking grass, called maidenhair (Nrf.), into the house, it’s sure to bring bad luck; cutting down the house-leek, the sungreen (Sus.), that grows on walls and roofs will also bring trouble. If you happen to dig up a mandrake, you must quickly burn it, because anyone who looks at it will instantly go blind. Picking flowers before they bloom causes a pouk (Wor.) or sty in the eye. Marsh-marigolds are called drunkards (Dev. Wil.) because if picked or even looked at for too long, you’ll start drinking. Poppies are known as ear-aches (Der. Not.) because gathering them and putting them to your ear will cause severe earaches. In parts of Yorkshire, poppies are called blindy-buff, because holding one to your eyes will blind you. Children in the North believe it’s unlucky to gather cuckoo-spit flowers, the Lady’s smock, Cardamine pratensis. Bringing two or three primroses into the house of a poultry owner in early spring, before any chicks are hatched, spells bad luck for the eggs; but if you have thirteen primroses or more, there’s nothing to worry about. Old Manx people believed in a similar superstition with daffodils, thinking it unlucky to bring them inside before the goslings were hatched. This connection to geese likely explains the Manx name for daffodils, Lus-ny-guiy, the goose-leek. If two bells ring together in a house, or if a loaf splits in two while being cut, or if a cake has a hollow center, it’s a sign of a parting. Giving a knife, scissors, or any sort of pin to a friend will sever love, unless you receive a coin in exchange. Stirring tea in the teapot is seen as stirring up conflict. Signs of an impending quarrel between friends include crossing knives; placing the poker and tongs on the same side of the fireplace; putting a pair of boots on the table, but this quarrel can be avoided if someone promptly puts the boots under the table; or passing a friend on the stairs. If two people kindle a fire together; dip their hands into the same basin of water; or wipe their hands on the same towel, they will inevitably have a fight. In the case of washing hands, the sign of the cross made over or in the water will prevent the argument.
When a woman’s hair grows in a low point on the forehead, it is supposed to presage widowhood, and is called a widow’s peak (n.Cy.), or widow’s lock (War.). If your eyebrows meet across the nose, You’ll never live to wear your wedding-clothes, is a rhyme belonging to the Midlands, but elsewhere this peculiarity is deemed a favourable omen. In some Yorkshire districts the idea is that a person so marked will never know trouble. A white speck on the finger-nails is called a gift (in gen. dial. use), and predicts certain events. A gift on the thumb indicates a present; on the forefinger a friend or lover; on the middle finger a foe; on the fourth finger a visit to pay; on the little finger a journey to go. A gift on the thumb is seer ti cum, Bud yan on the finger is seer ti linger (e.Yks.). An irritation or tickling in the nose is a sign that a visitor is coming. Sneeze on a Monday, you sneeze for danger; Sneeze on a Tuesday, you kiss a stranger; Sneeze on a Wednesday, you sneeze for a letter; Sneeze on a Thursday, for something better; Sneeze on a Friday, you sneeze for sorrow; Sneeze on a Saturday, your sweetheart to-morrow; Sneeze on a Sunday, your safety seek, The Devil will have you the whole of the week (Lan.). A spark in the wick of a candle is supposed to signify the speedy arrival of a letter to the person to whom it points. If you kill[Pg 224] a miller [a moth] while it is flying round a lighted lamp, you’ll get a letter next day (Hmp.). A knot on the wick of a candle, which, when burned, becomes large and red, is termed a stranger (Lin. Sus.), cp. ‘But of lower consideration is the common foretelling of strangers, from the fungous parcels about the wicks of candles; which only signifieth a moist and pluvious air about them, hindering the avolation of the light and favillous particles; whereupon they are forced to settle upon the snast,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIV. The same name is given to a flake or film of soot hanging on the bar of a grate (n.Cy. War. Wil.); and to a small piece of tea-leaf floating in tea (Sc. Lin. War. Wil. Som. Cor.), both supposed to foretell the advent of a stranger. If a bumble-bee comes into the house, it too is a sign of an approaching stranger. To meet a load of hay is a sure token of a surprise, trivial or otherwise.
When a woman has a hairline that dips low on her forehead, it’s said to predict widowhood, and it’s called a widow’s peak (n.Cy.) or widow’s lock (War.). If your eyebrows connect across your nose, the saying goes, you’ll never make it to your wedding day—a rhyme from the Midlands—but in other places, this trait is seen as a good sign. In some parts of Yorkshire, people believe that someone with this feature will never experience hardship. A white spot on your fingernails is referred to as a gift (in gen. dial. use) and predicts specific events. A gift on the thumb means a present; on the forefinger, a friend or lover; on the middle finger, an enemy; on the fourth finger, a visit; and on the little finger, a trip. A gift on the thumb means it’s seen to come, while one on the finger is seen to linger (e.Yks.). If your nose itches or tickles, it’s a sign that a visitor is on the way. Sneeze on a Monday, you sneeze for danger; sneeze on a Tuesday, you kiss a stranger; sneeze on a Wednesday, you sneeze for a letter; sneeze on a Thursday, for something better; sneeze on a Friday, you sneeze for sorrow; sneeze on a Saturday, your sweetheart tomorrow; sneeze on a Sunday, seek your safety, for the Devil will have you all week (Lan.). A spark in the wick of a candle is thought to mean a letter will arrive soon for the person it’s pointing to. If you kill a miller [a moth] that’s flying around a lighted lamp, you’ll get a letter the next day (Hmp.). A knot in the wick of a candle that becomes large and red when it burns is called a stranger (Lin. Sus.), cp. ‘However, of less importance is the typical predictions made about strangers based on the moldy spots around candle wicks; which only indicates a damp and rainy atmosphere nearby, preventing the light and small particles from dispersing, causing them to settle onto the surfaces.,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIV. The same term is used for a flake or film of soot hanging on the bar of a grate (n.Cy. War. Wil.) and for a small piece of tea leaf floating in tea (Sc. Lin. War. Wil. Som. Cor.), both believed to signal the arrival of a stranger. If a bumblebee flies into the house, that’s also a sign of an upcoming visitor. Meeting a load of hay is a sure sign of a surprise, whether trivial or significant.
It is considered lucky to be born on a Sunday; to have lucken-toes (Sc.), that is toes joined by a web or film; to have a mole on the neck, though some say if it is on the back of the neck it is a sign that you will be hanged. If you’ve a mole above your chin, You’ll never be beholden to any of your kin (Shr.); but a mole on the side of the nose is a sign that the Devil has marked you for his own (Lan.). A dimple in your cheek, Your living to seek; A dimple in your chin, You’ll have your living brought in (Yks.). It is a lucky omen to put on any article of clothing the wrong side out, but it must be done accidentally, and not changed during that day. Any one making a first appearance in new clothes should be pinched by a friend to ensure good luck: Pinch you for your new dress (Shr.). My grandmother always wished the possessor: Health to wear it, Strength to tear it, And money to buy another, a formula still repeated in Northumberland, if not elsewhere. It is lucky to put the left stocking on first; to stumble on ascending stairs, steps, or ladders; to find a flint arrow-head, known as a thunder-bolt (Dev.); to find nine peas in a pod; to find a four-leaved clover; to find an even-ash, that is an ash-leaf with an even[Pg 225] number of leaflets. When found, it should be put in the bosom, or worn in the hat, for luck. It is lucky to meet a flock of sheep on the highway when you are making a journey. Good luck for a grey horse (w.Yks.) is a common expression of children, accompanied by the act of spitting over their little finger, at the sight of a grey horse, an action which is supposed to bring good luck. In parts of Lincolnshire they spit for a white horse, in anticipation of a present to come. It is a sign of good luck if a cuddy [wren] or cutty builds in your hayrick (Dor.); if rooks build near the house; if a bird drops upon you, especially if this should happen on Easter Day; if a spider crawls over you, or falls upon your face from the ceiling. If a Cornish miner should meet a snail as he is on the way to the mine, he would drop before it a crumb from his dinner, or a bit of grease from his candle, to ensure good luck. To find a toad in the tin-mine is an augury of good luck to the miner. If when you hear the cuckoo for the first time you turn a penny over in your pocket, you will never be without one all the year. Some say that if when you first hear the cuckoo the sounds proceed from the right hand, it signifies that you will be prosperous, but if from the left, ill-luck is before you. If the first lamb that you see in spring has its head towards you, it is an omen of good luck for the whole year, but if the tail is towards you, misfortune will be your lot. According to an old Scotch proverb ‘dirt’s luck’, so that in moving from one house to another it is unlucky to get possession of a clean house, swept and garnished by the outgoing tenant. An old usage for bringing luck to a new house was for the incoming tenant to go into every room bearing in his hands a loaf and a plate of salt. This was termed the house-handsel (n.Yks.). In the North-country dialects handsel is the name for a gift conferred at a particular season, or on commencement of a new undertaking, to confer luck. The gift of a coin, for instance, to the wearer of a new suit of clothes makes the suit lucky. Sometimes money is returned for luck by the seller to the purchaser, and is called the turn-again (n.Lin.),[Pg 226] luck-penny (Sc. n.Cy. Nhp. War.), or luck-brass (Yks.). Thus what is given back to the buyer of a pig may be termed penny-pig-luck. The customary payments in Lincolnshire were one shilling per head for a beast, sixpence for a calf and a pig, two shillings per score for sheep above a year old, one shilling per score for lambs; for horses varying sums according to their value. As late as 1898, Lincolnshire auctioneers were allowing luck-money to purchasers, at the rate of one shilling per head on cattle, and a penny per head on sheep and pigs.
It’s considered lucky to be born on a Sunday; to have lucken-toes (Sc.), which means toes joined by a web or membrane; to have a mole on the neck, although some say if it’s on the back of the neck, it means you’ll be hanged. If you have a mole above your chin, you’ll never owe anything to your relatives (Shr.); but a mole on the side of the nose is a sign that the Devil has marked you for his own (Lan.). A dimple in your cheek means you’ll seek your living; a dimple in your chin means you’ll have your living provided for you (Yks.). It’s a lucky sign to put on any piece of clothing inside-out, but it has to be done by accident and shouldn’t be changed that day. Anyone making their first appearance in new clothes should be pinched by a friend to ensure good luck: Pinch you for your new dress (Shr.). My grandmother always wished good things for the wearer: Health to wear it, Strength to tear it, And money to buy another, a saying still repeated in Northumberland, if not elsewhere. It’s lucky to put on the left stocking first; to trip while going up stairs, steps, or ladders; to find a flint arrowhead, known as a thunder-bolt (Dev.); to find nine peas in a pod; to find a four-leaf clover; to find an even ash, which means an ash leaf with an even [Pg 225] number of leaflets. When found, it should be kept in your pocket or worn in your hat for luck. It’s lucky to see a flock of sheep on the road when you’re traveling. Good luck for a gray horse (w.Yks.) is a common saying among children, who spit over their little finger when they see a gray horse, a gesture believed to bring good luck. In parts of Lincolnshire, they spit for a white horse, hoping for a present to come. It’s a sign of good luck if a cuddy [wren] or cutty builds a nest in your hayrick (Dor.); if rooks build near your home; if a bird drops onto you, especially on Easter Day; if a spider crawls over you or falls on your face from the ceiling. If a Cornish miner meets a snail on the way to the mine, he would drop a crumb from his lunch or a bit of grease from his candle to ensure good luck. Finding a toad in the tin mine is a sign of good luck for the miner. If you turn a penny over in your pocket when you hear the cuckoo for the first time, you’ll always have money throughout the year. Some say that if the cuckoo’s calls come from the right side, it signifies prosperity, but if from the left, misfortune is ahead. If the first lamb you see in spring is facing you, that’s a good omen for the whole year, but if its tail is towards you, misfortune will follow. According to an old Scottish proverb, it's 'dirt’s luck', so if you move from one house to another, it’s considered unlucky to take possession of a clean house that was swept and tidied by the outgoing tenant. An old tradition for bringing luck to a new house involved the incoming tenant entering every room with a loaf and a plate of salt. This was called the house-handsel (n.Yks.). In the Northern dialects, handsel refers to a gift given at a particular time or at the start of a new endeavor to bring luck. For example, giving a coin to someone wearing a new suit of clothes makes that suit lucky. Sometimes, sellers return a bit of money to the buyers for luck, which is known as turn-again (n.Lin.), luck-penny (Sc. n.Cy. Nhp. War.), or luck-brass (Yks.). Therefore, the money given back to the buyer of a pig might be termed penny-pig-luck. The usual payments in Lincolnshire were one shilling per head for cattle, sixpence for a calf and pig, two shillings per score for sheep over a year old, and one shilling per score for lambs; prices for horses varied based on their value. As late as 1898, Lincolnshire auctioneers were allowing luck-money for buyers at the rate of one shilling per head on cattle, and a penny per head on sheep and pigs.
The dried tip of a calf’s tongue is called a lucky-bit (Nhp.) and is worn in the pocket, partly as a protection against danger, but chiefly because it is supposed that the pocket containing it will never be without money. The coracoid bone of a fowl carried in purse or pocket is believed to bring money-fortune, whence the name lucky-bone (Chs. Shr.). This name is also given to a small bone taken from the head of a sheep (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Nhp.), worn about the person to produce good luck. Its form is that of a T cross, whence may perhaps have originated the peculiar sanctity in which it is held. A lucky-hole (Oxf. Brks.) is a hole bored in a wayside stone or pillar, to blow through which is considered to ensure good luck. A stone or pebble with a natural hole through it is commonly called a lucky-stone. In Dorsetshire the finder of such a stone picked it up, spat upon it, and then threw it backward over his head, accompanying the action with the words: Lucky-stone! Lucky-stone! go over my head, And bring me some good luck before I go to bed. A hairy caterpillar, called a Tommy Tailor (Yks.), may also be thrown over the head for luck. A black snail seized by the horns and tossed over the left shoulder brings good luck to the performer of the action. If it is done by a person who has within the last three days become engaged to be married, the course of true love will run considerably more smoothly than would otherwise have been the case. If a person is setting out on a journey, one of the family sometimes turns the fire-tongs for luck (Nhb.). To spit on a stone, and then[Pg 227] throw it away, is another means of ensuring a prosperous journey. To carry a badger’s tooth in the pocket is a good thing to do, for it brings luck at cards (Dev.). To kill a toad is said to make bees swarm; and to burn an old shoe is a charm to help goslings to leave the shell at hatching time.
The dried tip of a calf’s tongue is called a lucky-bit (Nhp.) and is kept in the pocket, partly for protection against danger, but mainly because it’s believed that the pocket holding it will always have money. The coracoid bone of a bird kept in a purse or pocket is thought to bring financial luck, hence the name lucky-bone (Chs. Shr.). This name also applies to a small bone taken from a sheep’s head (Nhb. Yks. Lan. Nhp.), which is worn on the person for good fortune. Its shape resembles a T-cross, possibly explaining the special significance it holds. A lucky-hole (Oxf. Brks.) is a hole drilled in a roadside stone or pillar, and blowing through it is thought to bring good luck. A stone or pebble with a natural hole in it is commonly known as a lucky-stone. In Dorsetshire, the person who finds such a stone picks it up, spits on it, and then throws it backward over their head while saying: Lucky-stone! Lucky-stone! go over my head, And bring me some good luck before I go to bed. A hairy caterpillar called a Tommy Tailor (Yks.) may also be tossed over the head for luck. A black snail grabbed by the horns and thrown over the left shoulder brings good fortune to the person doing it. If done by someone who has recently gotten engaged, their romantic journey is likely to be smoother than it otherwise would be. When someone is setting out on a journey, a family member might sometimes turn the fire-tongs for luck (Nhb.). Spitting on a stone and then throwing it away is another way to ensure a successful journey. Keeping a badger’s tooth in your pocket is considered lucky for card games (Dev.). It’s said that killing a toad causes bees to swarm, and burning an old shoe is a charm to help goslings hatch from their eggs.
The following are a few miscellaneous legends, superstitions, and popular beliefs: According to an old belief in Yorkshire, when a pot is taken off the hooks or kelps hanging in the chimney over the fire, care must be taken to stop the vibration of the chain as soon as possible, for whilst it is in motion the Virgin weeps. From Scotland comes the explanation of the black spots on each shoulder of the haddock: they are the marks left by the finger and thumb of St. Peter when he opened the fish’s mouth to take out the piece of money, v. St. Matt. xvii. 27. The dark marks across the shoulders of a donkey are said to be the sign of the cross imprinted in remembrance of Christ’s triumphal entry into Jerusalem (Shr. Oxf.). A Berkshire folklorist relates the following curious legend which explains why a dog’s nose and a woman’s elbow are always cold, where there is good health: ‘In the days of the flood the Ark sprung a small leak, and Noah, who had forgotten to bring carpenter’s tools on board with him, was at his wits’ end how to act. His faithful dog had followed him to the place where the leak was, and stood watching the influx of water. In his trouble Noah seized the dog and crammed his nose into the leak. This stopped it, but in a few moments Noah perceived that the dog must die if kept in this position any longer. By this time Noah’s wife had come up and was standing by his side watching what was taking place. Noah thereupon released the dog, and taking his wife’s arm stuffed her elbow into the crack. The danger was thus averted, but a dog’s nose and a woman’s elbow will remain cold as long as the world lasts.’ Glossary of Brks. Words, &c., Lowsley, 1888.
The following are a few random legends, superstitions, and popular beliefs: An old belief in Yorkshire says that when you take a pot off the hooks or kelps hanging in the chimney over the fire, you need to stop the chain from moving as soon as possible, because while it’s still swaying, the Virgin weeps. From Scotland comes an explanation for the black spots on each shoulder of the haddock: they are the marks left by the finger and thumb of St. Peter when he opened the fish’s mouth to take out the coin, v. St. Matt. xvii. 27. The dark marks on a donkey’s shoulders are said to be the sign of the cross, left in remembrance of Christ’s triumphant entry into Jerusalem (Shr. Oxf.). A Berkshire folklorist shares a curious legend explaining why a dog’s nose and a woman’s elbow are always cold when there is good health: ‘In the days of the flood, the Ark sprung a small leak, and Noah, who had forgotten to bring carpenter’s tools on board, was at a loss about what to do. His loyal dog had followed him to where the leak was and stood watching the water come in. In his distress, Noah grabbed the dog and shoved its nose into the leak. This stopped the leak, but soon Noah realized the dog would die if kept in that position any longer. By then, Noah’s wife had arrived and was standing next to him watching what was happening. So, Noah let go of the dog and stuffed his wife’s elbow into the crack. The danger was averted, but a dog’s nose and a woman’s elbow will stay cold for as long as the world exists.’ Glossary of Brks. Words, &c., Lowsley, 1888.
Among the remnants of legendary natural history is the idea that an adder can never die till sunset. Even if it be cut to pieces, the bits will retain their vitality till the sun[Pg 228] goes down. It is believed of the hedgehog that he sucks the milk from cows; and that he rolls himself on the apples in the orchard, or the crab-apples fallen in the copses, and carries them off sticking on his spines. You’ve yer back up to-daay like a peggy-otchin goin’ a-crabbin’ is a contemptuous remark made to an ill-natured person (Lin.). Puck, or Puckeridge (Sus. Hmp.), is a name of the night-jar, also applied to a fatal distemper in calves, supposed to be caused by the attacks of night-jars. A certain red beetle, Telephorus lividus, is called Sucky-blood (Cum.), from a local belief that it lives by sucking the blood of cattle. The Glastonbury thorn, or Holy thorn (War.), possesses a curious legendary history. Tradition says that Joseph of Arimathaea came to England, and visited Glastonbury. Being weary after climbing the hill, he halted, leaning on his staff to rest. The stick sank into the soft ground by the wayside, and took root, and grew, and became the famous thorn-tree which is said to blossom on Christmas Day. Christ’s cross is supposed to have been made of the wood of the aspen, and hence the leaves have continued to tremble ever since. The berries of the mountain-ash are called cock-drink, or cock-drunks (Lakel.), because they are reputed to possess the property of intoxicating fowls. The fungus, Nostoc commune, a kind of white jelly often found in poor pastures, is termed: Star-falling (Nhp.), Star-shot (Lin. Nhp.), Star-slubber (Yks. Lan.), Star-slutch (Chs.), from a belief that it has fallen from the stars. The fossil bones of the saurians, found in northern Yorkshire, are called Fallen angels’ bones, being supposed to belong to the angels who were cast out of heaven for their rebellion. The fossilized remains of elephants’ teeth were said to be Giants’ teeth (n.Yks.). Up and down the brooks and streamlets in the dingles round about my old home in Herefordshire could be found stones bearing a grooved mark resembling the print of a horseshoe, beside others marked as with the oval ring of a woman’s patten. Geologists may have other explanatory theories, but this is the local legend, and the evidences for its veracity[Pg 229] anybody may see. Once upon a time there lived a holy lady of some renown, called St. Catherine of Ledbury. One day a mare and a foal belonging to her were discovered to be missing. There was no doubt they had been stolen. So the saint betook herself to prayer, beseeching that the thief might be traced, and that she might recover her property. But the thief had anticipated the probability of a search, and had chosen the brook courses as being rocky and unlikely to retain footprints. Howbeit, in answer to the saint’s prayers the rocks did retain the marks, and there they are to this day, the larger footprints of the mare, the smaller ones of the foal, and the patten-marks of the old woman who stole them away.
Among the remnants of legendary natural history is the idea that an adder can never die until sunset. Even if it is cut into pieces, the parts will still be alive until the sun[Pg 228] goes down. It's believed that hedgehogs drink the milk from cows and roll on the apples in orchards or the crab-apples that fall in the woods, carrying them off stuck to their spines. "You've got your back up today like a peggy-otchin going crabbin’" is a disrespectful comment made to an unpleasant person (Lin.). Puck, or Puckeridge (Sus. Hmp.), is a name for the night-jar, also referred to a fatal illness in calves that’s thought to be caused by night-jars. A certain red beetle, Telephorus lividus, is known as Sucky-blood (Cum.) because people believe it survives by sucking the blood of cattle. The Glastonbury thorn, or Holy thorn (War.), has an interesting legendary history. Tradition says that Joseph of Arimathaea came to England and visited Glastonbury. Tired after climbing the hill, he rested by leaning on his staff. The stick sank into the soft ground by the roadside, took root, grew, and became the famous thorn tree that is said to bloom on Christmas Day. Christ’s cross is believed to have been made from aspen wood, which is why the leaves have continued to tremble ever since. The berries of the mountain-ash are called cock-drink or cock-drunks (Lakel.) because they are thought to have the ability to intoxicate birds. The fungus Nostoc commune, a kind of white jelly often found in poor pastures, is referred to as Star-falling (Nhp.), Star-shot (Lin. Nhp.), Star-slubber (Yks. Lan.), and Star-slutch (Chs.) because people believe it has fallen from the stars. The fossil bones of saurians found in northern Yorkshire are called Fallen angels’ bones, as they are thought to belong to the angels cast out of heaven for rebellion. The fossilized remains of elephants’ teeth were referred to as Giants’ teeth (n.Yks.). Along the brooks and streams near my old home in Herefordshire, you could find stones with a grooved mark resembling a horseshoe print, alongside others with marks like the oval ring of a woman’s patten. Geologists might have different theories to explain this, but this is the local legend, and anyone can see the evidence for its truth[Pg 229]. Once upon a time, there lived a holy lady known as St. Catherine of Ledbury. One day, a mare and a foal that belonged to her were discovered missing. There was no doubt they had been stolen. So the saint turned to prayer, asking for help to trace the thief and recover her property. However, the thief had anticipated the possibility of a search and chose the rocky brook courses, which were unlikely to hold footprints. Nevertheless, in response to the saint’s prayers, the rocks did hold the marks, and they remain there to this day—the larger footprints of the mare, the smaller ones of the foal, and the patten marks of the old woman who stole them.
CHAPTER XIV
Healing Charms and Remedies
Charms for warding off unseen harm and danger, and for curing bodily ills were of course much more numerous, and more generally accredited in the early decades of last century than they are to-day. But even now some still survive, like the horseshoe, which people still pick up, and hang over doors and chimney-pieces ‘for luck’, unconscious of the fact that they are thus preserving an old superstitious device for counteracting the power of witches. Another curious survival is the placing of the poker against the top bar of the grate. People who do it tell you in all seriousness that it draws the fire up by creating a draught. It really is an ancient charm against witches, as Dr. Johnson explained to Boswell: ‘“Why, Sir, do people play this trick which I observe now, when I look at your grate, putting the shovel against it to make the fire burn?” Johnson. “They play the trick, but it does not make the fire burn. There is a better (setting the poker perpendicularly up at right angles with the grate). In days of superstition they thought, as it made a cross with the bars, it would drive away the witch.”’ Life of Dr. Johnson, Vol. II, p. 376. Again, many educated people habitually ‘touch wood’ if they have given vent to some expression of satisfaction over their own good health or fortune, or that of any member of their family. They say with a laugh, ‘I suppose I must touch wood,’ and do it with no conscious thought of averting the evil eye, but if the trick were omitted, the speaker would probably feel uncomfortable afterwards.
Charms to ward off unseen harm and danger, as well as to cure physical ailments, were certainly much more common and widely accepted in the early decades of the last century than they are today. However, some still exist, like the horseshoe, which people continue to pick up and hang over doors and mantelpieces for ‘luck’, unaware that they are preserving an old superstitious practice meant to counteract the power of witches. Another interesting remnant is placing the poker against the top bar of the grate. People who do this will seriously tell you that it draws the fire up by creating a draught. In fact, it is an ancient charm against witches, as Dr. Johnson explained to Boswell: ‘“Why, Sir, do people play this trick which I observe now, when I look at your grate, putting the shovel against it to make the fire burn?” Johnson. “They play the trick, but it does not make the fire burn. There is a better (setting the poker upright at right angles with the grate). In days of superstition, they thought, as it made a cross with the bars, it would drive away the witch.”’ Life of Dr. Johnson, Vol. II, p. 376. Once again, many educated people often ‘touch wood’ if they’ve expressed satisfaction about their own good health or fortune, or that of a family member. They laugh and say, ‘I suppose I must touch wood,’ and do it without consciously thinking they’re trying to avert the evil eye, but if they skip the gesture, the speaker would likely feel uneasy afterward.
The various devices for keeping off witches, and for defeating their craft can only here be illustrated by a few instances. To drive away witches by means of fire was part of the[Pg 231] ceremony of saining once practised in Scotland at the birth of a child. A fir-candle was lighted and carried three times round the bed, or if this could not be done, it was whirled three times round the heads of the mother and child; a Bible and bread and cheese were placed under the pillow, and the following words were repeated: May the Almichty debar a’ ill fae this umman, an be aboot ir an bless ir an ir bairn. In the Shetland Islands when a woman suspected of witchcraft entered a house, the inmates—on her leaving—would throw a firebrand after her, at the same time saying: Twee-tee-see-de, doo ill-vam’d trooker. If ther’s a witch onywheäre aboot, an ye’r scar’d at she’ll oherlook ye, you mun goä an pull a dook o’ thack [handful of thatch] oot’n her hoose eavins, an bo’n it, then she can’t do noht to ye (Lin.). A red-hot iron thrust into the cream in the churn, or into the fermenting beer in the brewing-vat expelled the witch that was frustrating the labours of the dairy-maid, or the brewer. In 1882 a man living in Shropshire found in a crevice in one of the joists of his kitchen chimney a folded paper, sealed with red wax, containing these words: ‘I charge all witches and ghosts to depart from this house, in the great name of Jehovah and Alpha and Omega.’ A well-known plan for working mischief, practised by malevolent persons, was to make a small figure in wax, and then pierce it with innumerable pins. This was supposed to give the victim severe stabbing pains in the limbs. To reverse this injury the victim might hang in his chimney a bullock’s heart stuck with pins (Dev.). In the Somerset County Museum at Taunton may be seen pigs’ hearts full of pins. If a pig died owing to the overlooking of some malignant witch, it seems to have been a custom to take its heart, pierce it with as many pins and thorns as it would hold, and then hang it in the chimney, in the belief that as the pig’s heart dried up and withered, so would that of the evil person who had bewitched the pig. I remember, hardly more than twenty years ago, being told of a man then living near Banbury, who earned a livelihood by making little[Pg 232] images to be stuck with pins for witchcraft purposes. To crook the thumb (n.Cy.), that is, to double the thumb within the hand, is a charm against witchcraft; so also is the use of the expression: It’s Wednesday all the world over (Sc.). A bunch of ash-keys carried in the hand, or the left stocking worn wrong-side out, were supposed to be good safeguards against the power of witchcraft, but the favourite charms were horseshoes, silver, spittle, and the sign of the cross. A witch who had turned herself into a hare, for instance, could only be hit by a crooked sixpence, or a silver bullet. In some districts it was customary to put a silver coin, or a silver spoon into the churn when the butter would not come. A newly-calved cow was formerly milked for the first time after calving over a crossie-croon shilling (Bnff.) to protect her from the evil eye, a talisman which would seem to combine the efficacy both of silver and of the sign of the cross. Many old brewers used to make with the finger the sign of the cross on the surface of the malt in process of fermentation; and the same sign is still made on the top of the dough in the kneading-tub, though the origin of the custom may be unknown to those who continue it in practice. Herrick has put this charm into rhyme in his Hesperides:
The various ways to keep witches away and counter their magic can only be shown here through a few examples. Using fire to drive off witches was part of the [Pg 231] ceremony of saining that was once practiced in Scotland when a child was born. A fir candle was lit and carried three times around the bed, or if that wasn't possible, it was spun three times around the heads of the mother and child; a Bible and bread and cheese were placed under the pillow, and the following words were recited: May the Almighty keep all evil from this woman, be around her, bless her and her child. In the Shetland Islands, when a woman suspected of witchcraft entered a house, the residents—upon her leaving—would throw a burning piece of wood after her while saying: Twee-tee-see-de, doo ill-vam’d trooker. If there’s a witch anywhere around, and you’re scared she’ll cast a spell on you, you must go and pull a handful of thatch from her house roof and burn it; then she can’t do anything to you (Lin.). A red-hot iron thrust into the cream in the churn, or into the fermenting beer in the brewing vat, would drive away the witch that was thwarting the dairy maid or the brewer. In 1882, a man living in Shropshire discovered a folded paper, sealed with red wax, in a crack in one of the joists of his kitchen chimney, containing these words: ‘I charge all witches and ghosts to leave this house, in the great name of Jehovah and Alpha and Omega.’ A common trick for causing harm, performed by malicious individuals, was to create a small wax figure and then stab it with countless pins. This was believed to inflict intense stabbing pains in the victim's limbs. To counteract this harm, the victim might hang a bullock’s heart stuck with pins in their chimney (Dev.). In the Somerset County Museum in Taunton, you can see pigs’ hearts filled with pins. If a pig died due to the overlooking of a malignant witch, it seems to have been a tradition to take its heart, stab it with as many pins and thorns as it could hold, and then hang it in the chimney, believing that as the pig’s heart dried and shriveled, so would that of the evil person who bewitched it. I remember, not more than twenty years ago, hearing about a man living near Banbury who made a living by crafting small [Pg 232] figures to be stuck with pins for witchcraft purposes. Curling the thumb (n.Cy.), which means to fold the thumb into the hand, is a charm against witchcraft; so is saying: It’s Wednesday all over the world (Sc.). Carrying a bunch of ash keys in your hand, or wearing the left stocking inside out, were considered good protections against witchcraft, but the most favored charms were horseshoes, silver, spittle, and the sign of the cross. A witch who had transformed into a hare, for example, could only be hit by a crooked sixpence or a silver bullet. In some areas, it was customary to put a silver coin or a silver spoon into the churn when the butter wouldn’t come. A newly calved cow was traditionally milked for the first time after calving over a crossie-croon shilling (Bnff.) to protect her from the evil eye, a talisman that seemed to merge the protective qualities of both silver and the sign of the cross. Many old brewers used to make the sign of the cross with their finger on the surface of the malt while it was fermenting; and the same sign is still made on top of the dough in the kneading tub, although the origin of the custom may be unknown to those who continue to practice it. Herrick has captured this charm in rhyme in his Hesperides:
A writer in Longman’s Magazine in the year 1898 records, as then extant, a west-country custom of placing a neatly cut cross of birch wood over cottage doors, on the eve of the 1st of May, to keep off the witches. The common practice amongst market-women and hawkers of spitting for luck on the first coin received in the day, is originally a precautionary charm against witchcraft. It used to be said in Somersetshire: Nif you do meet wi’ anybody wi’ a north eye, spat dree times. To spit will avert the ill-luck consequent on passing under a ladder. To make the sign of the cross with spittle on the sole of the shoe was supposed to[Pg 233] cure the sensation of ‘pins and needles’ in the foot. We have already noticed the action of spitting in connexion with the ill-omened appearance of magpies.
A writer in Longman’s Magazine in 1898 notes a west-country tradition of placing a neatly cut cross of birch wood over cottage doors on the eve of May 1st to ward off witches. The common practice among market-women and hawkers of spitting for luck on the first coin they receive in a day is originally a protective charm against witchcraft. It was said in Somersetshire: If you come across someone with a north eye, spit three times. Spitting is believed to prevent the bad luck that comes from walking under a ladder. Making the sign of the cross with spit on the sole of the shoe was thought to[Pg 233] cure the feeling of 'pins and needles' in the foot. We have already mentioned the act of spitting in relation to the bad omen of seeing magpies.
Whilst silver was considered to be the efficacious metal for missiles used against witches, iron and steel were held good for protective charms. In Lincolnshire it was formerly the custom to leave under the flag-stone at the entrance of an outer door a hollow place, which was filled with broken bits of iron, intended to keep off witches. It was necessary to protect the stable as well as the house, and this was sometimes done by hanging up implements made of steel or iron, as was customary in the time of Herrick, cp. Charm for Stables, Hesperides, 1648:
While silver was seen as the effective metal for missiles against witches, iron and steel were considered good for protective charms. In Lincolnshire, it used to be customary to leave a hollow space under the flagstone at the entrance of an outer door, filled with broken pieces of iron, meant to ward off witches. It was also essential to protect the stable, as well as the house, and this was sometimes done by hanging up tools made of steel or iron, as was customary in Herrick's time, cp. Stable Charm, Hesperides, 1648:
More commonly, however, the horseshoe was the chosen talisman. In some districts it was held that the horseshoe was only efficacious if fastened up with the ends upwards; but this seems not to have been an invariable rule. Many people to-day, who firmly believe that to find a horseshoe is lucky, will tell you that the luck will disappear into the ground if the shoe is hung with the ends pointing downwards; even positive ill-luck may thereby be drawn upon the house. Others again lay no stress on the method of preserving the charm. I recently questioned two natives of Berkshire on this subject, and while one set firm faith in the importance of fastening the shoe-ends upwards, the other was quite content to see the charm ‘just slung up on a nail’. Even better than the horseshoe as a charm to keep the witches out of the stable was the adder-stone (Sc. n.Cy.), a perforated stone, so called because the perforation was supposed to be made by the sting of an adder; hag-stone (Lan.); holed- (Nhb.), or holey-stone (n.Cy.), cp.[Pg 234] ‘to prevent the ephialtes or night-mare, we hang up an hollow-stone in our stables,’ Vulgar Errors, Book V, Chap. XXIV. These holed stones likewise protected the animals from diseases and the evil eye, but they must be found already perforated, else they had no efficacy. When in the course of time witches were forgotten, superstitious minds still supposed these stones to have peculiar virtues in propitiating luck. As lucky stones, they were hung to the street door-key, for prosperity to the house and its inmates, and we have already noted that, down to modern times, anybody who picks one up considers it an omen of luck.
More commonly, though, the horseshoe was the preferred good luck charm. In some areas, it was believed that the horseshoe only worked if it was hung with the ends pointing upwards; however, this doesn't seem to have been a strict rule. Many people today, who strongly believe that finding a horseshoe brings good luck, will tell you that the luck will vanish into the ground if the shoe is hung with the ends facing downwards; it might even attract bad luck to the house. Others don't place much importance on how the charm is displayed. I recently asked two locals from Berkshire about this topic, and while one firmly believed in the significance of hanging the ends upwards, the other was perfectly fine with just hanging the charm “on a nail.” Even better than the horseshoe for keeping witches out of the stable was the adder-stone (Sc. n.Cy.), a stone with a hole in it, believed to have been made by the sting of an adder; hag-stone (Lan.); holed- (Nhb.), or holey-stone (n.Cy.), cp.[Pg 234] ‘To prevent nightmares, we hang a hollow stone in our stables.,’ Vulgar Errors, Book V, Chap. XXIV. These holed stones also protected animals from diseases and the evil eye, but they had to be found already perforated to be effective. As time passed and witches were forgotten, superstitious people still believed these stones had special powers for attracting luck. As lucky stones, they were hung on the street door-key for the prosperity of the house and its residents, and it's already been noted that, even in modern times, anyone who picks one up considers it a sign of good luck.
Certain plants were reputed to be noisome to witches, and hence effective as charms. For example: cow-grass (n.Cy.), the common purple clover; dill, the anet, for: Vervain and dill Hinder witches of their will (Lin.), an old couplet found in Drayton; pimpernel; and shady-night (Lin.) the nightshade, are all good for preventing witchcraft. If a pig, for instance, had been bewitched, a collar made of nightshade, and put round the neck of the sufferer, would at once cure it. A St. John’s nut (Sc.), that is two nuts growing together on the same stalk, was formerly supposed to be a deadly missile against witches. But most potent of all was the mountain ash, the quicken or wicken (in gen. dial. use), or rowan-tree (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.), for witches, it was said, have no power where there is rowan-tree wood. Hence twigs of this tree were fastened over doors of houses; they were tied to the horns of cattle, and affixed to their stalls; cowherds and carters had goads and whipstocks of quicken-wood, to counteract the witch who could bring the team to a standstill, whence the old sayings: Woe to the lad Without a rowan-tree gad, and: If your whipstock’s made of rown You may ride through any town. The churn-staff likewise was made of this wood lest the cream might be bewitched and no butter be forthcoming. Sprigs were nailed to the leaven-kits to keep the witches out of the dough; and pieces of the protective tree were carried in the bosom, or worn in the pocket as a sure defence against all forms of witchcraft.
Certain plants were considered harmful to witches and were therefore effective as charms. For example: cow-grass (n.Cy.), the common purple clover; dill, the anise, as in: Vervain and dill hinder witches of their will (Lin.), an old couplet found in Drayton; pimpernel; and shady-night (Lin.) the nightshade, are all good for preventing witchcraft. If a pig, for instance, was bewitched, a collar made of nightshade placed around its neck would cure it immediately. A St. John’s nut (Sc.), which is two nuts growing together on the same stalk, was once thought to be a deadly weapon against witches. However, the most powerful of all was the mountain ash, also known as quicken or wicken (in gen. dial. use), or rowan-tree (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.), because it was said that witches have no power where rowan-tree wood is present. So, twigs from this tree were fastened above doors, tied to the horns of cattle, and affixed to their stalls; herders and drivers used goads and whipstocks made from quicken wood to thwart a witch who might stop their teams, hence the old sayings: Woe to the lad without a rowan-tree gad, and: If your whipstock’s made of rowan, you may ride through any town. The churn-staff was also made from this wood so that the cream wouldn’t be bewitched and fail to produce butter. Sprigs were nailed to the leaven-kits to keep witches out of the dough, and pieces of this protective tree were carried in the bosom or worn in the pocket as sure defense against all forms of witchcraft.
The house-leek used to be planted on the thatched roofs of cottages under the belief that it was a preservative against thunder and lightning, and at the present time it is still cherished as bringing good luck to the house upon the roof of which it grows. A piece of hawthorn cut on Holy Thursday protects a house from lightning, because: Under a thorn Our Saviour was born (Shr.). The slough of an adder hung on the rafters is said to protect a house from fire (Cor.). Small tufts of dried seaweed, known as Lady’s Trees (Dev. Cor.), were certainly as late as the year 1891 to be seen on cottage chimney-pieces in fishing villages as a charm against fire.
The houseleek was traditionally planted on thatched roofs of cottages because people believed it protected against thunder and lightning. Even today, it’s still valued for bringing good luck to the home where it grows. A piece of hawthorn cut on Holy Thursday is thought to shield a house from lightning, since: Under a thorn Our Savior was born (Shr.). An adder's slough hung from the rafters is said to guard a house from fire (Cor.). Small bunches of dried seaweed, known as Lady’s Trees (Dev. Cor.), were still seen as recently as 1891 on cottage chimney-pieces in fishing villages as a charm against fire.
By reason of the fact that many complaints were supposed to be due to the malice of pixies, or witches, and to the overlooking of malignant persons, we find many of the remedies for curing diseases are closely connected with the foregoing charms against witchcraft. For example, a flint arrow-head was taken to be an elf-shot; if then a sick cow was thought to have been elf-shotten with one of these missiles, the proper remedy was to touch her with the arrow-head, and then make her drink water in which it had been dipped. The same idea no doubt underlies the following remedy for rewmatiz: Take a thunderbolt, boil for some hours, and then dispense the water to the diseased. Further, we find the quicken-wood worn in the pocket as a charm against rheumatism (Cor.); and a double nut for preventing toothache (Shr.). Even among the home-made herb medicines are some which partake of the nature of a charm. The following, for example, is a recipe for allaying a fever: Take a handful of dandelion, agrimony, verjuice, and rue; mix with powdered crab’s eyes and claws, and some yarrow gathered off a grave. Boil for some hours, and administer when the moon is on the wane. Neither more nor less than nine leaves of Adder’s tongue, Sagittaria sagittifolia, must be picked to make the daily cupful of tea which is a good strengthening medicine. Similarly, nine must be the number of frogs you must catch for making the frog-soup which will[Pg 236] cure whooping-cough. As, therefore, a hard and fast line cannot be drawn between charms properly so called, and semi-magic remedies, perhaps the readiest way to get a clear survey of the various rustic methods of treating diseases and other afflictions, will be to group them all under the names of the different diseases. Although many of the superstitious remedies here to be quoted are now no longer in use amongst us, yet the ignorant superstition behind them is by no means dead, even in towns where on every side are doctors, and nurses, and chemists plying their trades according to the latest and most approved methods. The Times of Feb. 24, 1911, commenting on a Local Government Board Report, the material for which had been furnished to the Department by Medical Officers of Health, quoted the following statement in reference to Ireland: ‘Disease-charmers and bone-setters are very prevalent, and cause much suffering and deformity.’ The rag-wells of Northumberland and Yorkshire are said to be obsolete, but little more than five years ago there were still to be seen hung round a certain well in County Kerry, bits torn from the clothes of people who believed that they had benefited from the curative properties of the water. An instance of the old practice of passing a child suffering from rupture through the split trunk of a growing ash-tree was reported to me from Devonshire last summer. Not many months ago my gardener’s little girl on one occasion fell out of bed, and grazed her back against a chair; by way of a remedy, she was told to wet her finger with spittle, and apply it to the wound. In October, 1910, a young friend of mine, then in lodgings in Liverpool, had the misfortune to burn her hand. Her landlady—who held a post as charwoman in a neighbouring church, and who, as such, received gifts of old church linen—offered to bind up the wound with a piece of an old chalice veil; and she subsequently attributed the quick healing of the burn to the efficacy of her ‘holy linen’. About five or six years ago, in a country vicarage in the Midlands, a girl I knew was nursing her brother in the last[Pg 237] stages of consumption. Replying to some questions of mine as to her duties as nurse, she told me that every day she carried up from the kitchen two buckets filled with fresh spring-water, and placed them under the patient’s bed, to ward off bed-sores, because a lady friend, who ‘really knew’, had said that this was a sure preventive. These are only a few cases that have chanced to come within my own knowledge, but no doubt numbers more could be found for the seeking.
Due to the fact that many complaints were thought to be caused by the malice of pixies or witches, and the overlooking of harmful individuals, we find that many remedies for healing illnesses are closely tied to the charms against witchcraft mentioned earlier. For instance, a flint arrowhead was seen as an elf-shot; if a sick cow was believed to have been elf-shot by one of these arrows, the appropriate remedy was to touch her with the arrowhead and then have her drink water that had been dipped in it. The same idea likely supports the following remedy for rheumatism: take a thunderbolt, boil it for several hours, and then give the water to the affected person. Additionally, we find that quicken-wood is carried in pockets as a charm against rheumatism (Cor.) and a double nut is used to prevent toothache (Shr.). Even some homemade herbal remedies have a charm-like quality. For example, here’s a recipe for reducing a fever: take a handful of dandelion, agrimony, verjuice, and rue; mix in powdered crab's eyes and claws, along with some yarrow picked from a grave. Boil for several hours and administer it when the moon is waning. Exactly nine leaves of Adder’s tongue, Sagittaria sagittifolia, must be picked for the daily cup of tea, which is a good strengthening medicine. Similarly, you need to catch exactly nine frogs to make the frog soup that cures whooping cough. Thus, since there's no clear distinction between actual charms and semi-magic remedies, it may be easiest to categorize all these rustic methods of treating diseases and other ailments under the names of the respective illnesses. Although many of the superstitious remedies I’m about to mention are no longer in use among us, the ignorant beliefs behind them are far from extinct, even in towns filled with doctors, nurses, and chemists practicing the latest methods. The Times on Feb. 24, 1911, referencing a Local Government Board Report based on information from Medical Officers of Health, quoted the following statement regarding Ireland: ‘Disease-charmers and bone-setters are very common and cause much suffering and deformity.’ The rag-wells of Northumberland and Yorkshire are said to be outdated, but just over five years ago, bits of cloth were still hung around a certain well in County Kerry by people who believed they had benefited from the healing properties of the water. I heard about an old practice of passing a child with a hernia through the split trunk of a growing ash tree from Devonshire last summer. Not long ago, my gardener’s little girl fell out of bed and scraped her back against a chair; as a remedy, she was told to wet her finger with saliva and apply it to the wound. In October 1910, a young friend of mine, staying in lodgings in Liverpool, accidentally burned her hand. Her landlady—who worked as a cleaner in a nearby church and received gifts of old church linens—offered to dress the burn with a piece of an old chalice veil; she later attributed the quick healing of the burn to the power of her ‘holy linen’. About five or six years ago, in a country vicarage in the Midlands, a girl I knew was caring for her brother in the final stages of tuberculosis. When I asked her about her nursing duties, she told me she carried two buckets of fresh spring water from the kitchen every day and placed them under the patient’s bed to prevent bedsores, because a lady friend who "really knew" had said this was a sure way to prevent them. These are just a few instances that have come to my attention, but surely many more could be discovered.
Before passing on to a list of ailments and their cures, it may be interesting first to look at some typical words and phrases used by dialect-speakers in describing their state of health. It may be assumed as a general axiom that a woman never admits to being perfectly well. At most, she makes a reluctant confession to good health by saying: I’m pretty middlin’. This one word middling, by the aid of a preceding adverb, and by due adjustment of the speaker’s tone, may be made to express almost any degree of health. Middlin’, amongst the middlins, or joost middlin’ implies a moderate state of health; nobbut middlin’ means rather poorly; and very middlin’, or uncommon middlin’, means very ill: Sum daays ah’s middlin’, an uther sum as waffy an’ waake as owt (Yks.). Thoo nobbut lewks varry wawey this mooanin’! What’s matther wi tha? Ans. Whah, ah’s nobbut middlin’ (e.Yks.). Oh, her idn on’y very middlin’, eens mid zay, her’ve a-got the browntitus shockin’ bad like.
Before moving on to a list of ailments and their remedies, it might be interesting to examine some common words and phrases used by dialect speakers when describing their health. It can generally be assumed that a woman never claims to be perfectly healthy. At best, she'll begrudgingly admit to being okay by saying: I'm pretty middlin’. This single word middling, with the help of an adverb and the right tone, can convey almost any level of health. Middlin’, amongst the middlins, or joost middlin’ suggests a moderate state of health; nobbut middlin’ means rather poorly; and very middlin’, or uncommon middlin’, means very ill: Some days I'm middlin’, and other days I feel as weak as anything (Yks.). You only look very poorly this morning! What’s the matter with you? Ans. Well, I’m only nobbut middlin’ (e.Yks.). Oh, she's only very middlin’, I must say, she’s got the brownitus really bad.
The following are a few specimen remarks about health gathered from the dialects: He’s a man that enjoy werry bad health; I bant very well tü-day, this ’ot wuther mak’th me veel uncommon wangary [limp] (Dev.); Thankee, I baint no ways marchantable like s’morning, I was a-tookt rampin’ be-now in my inside (Som. Dev.); Ah feels weeak an’ wanklin’, ah’s that badly, whahl ah can hardlins tthraal mysen across t’fleear (Yks.); He’s sairly off on’t (Yks.), i.e. he is very ill; Aye, ah think ah’s ommost gitten ti t’far end (Yks.); Owd Jim Batley’s varry owd nah, he’s hung i’ jimmers (w.Yks.), i.e. he is ready to fall to pieces any moment;[Pg 238] Poor owd John’s gettin’ mighty simple [feeble], ’e can ’ardly get alung (w.Cy.); I dawnt zim yü be up tü tha mark tü-day, Jack, yü lük’th cruel wisht, like a ’apperd ov zoap arter a ’ard day’s wash (Dev.); I be better in myself, Sir, but my poor leg ’ave got that swelth in um as I couldn’t get um along to the top o’ the town, not if you was to crown mŭ (Wor.); I fare to feel kind o’ tired like (Ess.); He wor badly, but is brave again now (in gen. dial. use); She’s charmin’, thankee (sw.Cy.); He’s mending, but he’s not better yet (n.Cy. Not. Lin.), i.e. not quite recovered from illness; How is your wife, John, after her groaning? Ans. Finely, Sir, thankee (e.An.); Heaw arto this mornin’? Ans. Well, awm weantly [hearty], thank yo (Lan.). To have a pain at the heart (Yks. Lan. e.An.) is to have the stomach-ache, cp. Fr. avoir mal au cœur; to be crippled with the pains (Sc. Nhb.) is to suffer from rheumatism. A liver complaint was described thus: Dr. Brown, he says to me, Mrs. Smith, he says, it’s ovverharassment o’ th’ liver at yer sufferin’ from. But the doctor was not always called in to give an elaborate diagnosis of the case, cp.:
The following are a few remarks about health collected from different dialects: He’s a man who has very poor health; I’m not feeling very well today, this hot weather is making me feel really off (Dev.); Thanks, I’m not at all in good shape like this morning, I was feeling pretty awful inside (Som. Dev.); I feel weak and shaky, I’m feeling so bad that I can hardly drag myself across the floor (Yks.); He’s seriously unwell (Yks.), meaning he is very ill; Yeah, I think I’m almost at the end (Yks.); Old Jim Batley is very old now, he’s on the verge of falling apart (w.Yks.);[Pg 238] Poor old John is getting really weak, he can hardly get around (w.Cy.); I don’t see you being up to par today, Jack, you look terribly worn out, like a bar of soap after a hard day’s wash (Dev.); I feel a bit better, Sir, but my poor leg is so swollen that I couldn’t make it to the top of the town, not even for a reward (Wor.); I feel kind of tired like (Ess.); He was unwell, but he’s better now (in gen. dial. use); She’s lovely, thank you (sw.Cy.); He’s improving, but he’s not fully recovered yet (n.Cy. Not. Lin.), meaning not quite recovered from illness; How is your wife, John, after her pains? Ans. She's doing well, Sir, thank you (e.An.); How are you this morning? Ans. Well, I’m feeling good, thank you (Lan.). To have a pain in the heart (Yks. Lan. e.An.) means to have a stomach-ache, cp. Fr. nauseous; to be crippled with pain (Sc. Nhb.) means to suffer from rheumatism. A liver condition was described this way: Dr. Brown said to me, Mrs. Smith, he said, it’s overworking your liver that you’re suffering from. But the doctor wasn’t always called in to give a detailed diagnosis of the case, cp.:
For maintaining good health and keeping the doctor out of the house, there are in use certain homely prescriptions. For example: Ait a happle avore gwain to bed, An’ you’ll make the doctor beg his bread (Dev.); or as the more popular version runs: An apple a day Keeps the doctor away. Sometimes onion is substituted for apple, or, according to an Oxford version, the apple should be eaten during the day, and an onion at night. There is an old west-country proverb which bears further testimony to the health-giving properties of the onion tribe: Eat leekes in Lide [March] and ramsins [wild garlic] in May, And all the year after physitians may play. The term kitchen physic (n.Cy. Lin. Som.), food, good living, is found in early literature, cp.[Pg 239] ‘The country people use kitchen Physick, and common experience tells us that they live freest from all manner of infirmities that make least use of Apothecaries Physick,’ Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, 1621. Her don’t want no doctorin’, ’tis kitchen physic her’s in want o’ (Som.). For a trifling ailment may be recommended: A haporth o’ thole-weel [endure-well], an’ a pennorth o’ niver-let-on-ye-hae-it (Irel.).
To maintain good health and keep the doctor away, there are some home remedies people use. For example: "An apple before going to bed will make the doctor beg for his bread" (Dev.); or the more popular saying: "An apple a day keeps the doctor away." Sometimes an onion replaces the apple, or, according to an Oxford version, you should eat the apple during the day and an onion at night. There’s an old west-country proverb that further supports the health benefits of onions: "Eat leeks in March and wild garlic in May, and all year long, doctors can play." The term kitchen physic (n.Cy. Lin. Som.) refers to food and good living and is found in early literature, cp.[Pg 239] “‘The country people use kitchen physic, and common experience tells us that they are least affected by all kinds of ailments who make the least use of Apothecaries’ physic,’” Burton, Anatomy of Melancholy, 1621. She doesn’t want a doctor; she needs kitchen physic (Som.). For a minor issue, you might be recommended: "A little bit of endure-well, and a penny's worth of never-let-on-you-have-it" (Irel.).
Amongst the medicines for general debility are: a decoction of dock-root, the common mallow, known as dock-root-tea (Wil. Hmp.), considered a great purifier of the blood; old-man-tea (Chs.), made from southernwood; bog-bean-tea (Lakel.), a grand thing fer takkin’ fur off yer teeth, an’ givin’ ye a stomach; medicines made from feverfew; gill-tea (War.), a decoction of gill, i.e. ground ivy, heriff, and the young shoots of nettles, given to children as a spring medicine for nine successive days, a very bitter and horrible stuff. It cannot, however, have been so nasty as a mixture formerly known in Durham, called Dean and Chapter. This consisted of the remnants from every medicine bottle in the house, poured together, and well shaken, and then administered to the patient whatever might be the nature of his complaint. A common ironical saying used in recommending a dose of anything specially nauseous is: Sup, Simon, it’s excellent broth!
Among the remedies for general weakness are: a brew of dock root, also known as dock-root tea (Wil. Hmp.), thought to be a powerful blood purifier; old-man tea (Chs.), made from southernwood; bog-bean tea (Lakel.), which is great for taking the fur off your teeth and helping your stomach; remedies made from feverfew; gill tea (War.), a brew of gill, meaning ground ivy, heriff, and young nettle shoots, given to children as a spring remedy for nine consecutive days, and it's quite bitter and awful. However, it probably wasn't as disgusting as a concoction once known in Durham called Dean and Chapter. This was made from whatever was left in every medicine bottle in the house, mixed together well, and then given to the patient, no matter what their illness was. A common ironic saying when recommending a particularly unpleasant dose is: Sup, Simon, it’s excellent broth!
To wash in May-dew was supposed to strengthen the joints and muscles, the reason given being that the dew had in it all the ‘nature’ of the spring herbs and grasses, and therefore it must be wonderfully strengthening. But the more general belief concerning May-dew was that to get up early on May-morning and wash one’s face in the dew, ensured a rosy complexion. A cosmetic for beautifying the complexion by removing freckles used to be distilled from fevertory (Wil.), the common fumitory, whence the old couplet: If you wish to be pure and holy, Wash your face with fevertory.
Washing in May dew was thought to strengthen the joints and muscles because it was believed to contain all the 'essence' of spring herbs and grasses, making it incredibly beneficial. However, the more widespread belief about May dew was that getting up early on May morning and washing your face in the dew would give you a rosy complexion. A beauty treatment for improving complexion by removing freckles used to be made from fevertory (Wil.), the common fumitory, which inspired the old rhyme: If you want to be pure and holy, Wash your face with fevertory.
For an Adder-bite: Apply the contents of two addled goose-eggs; a poultice compounded of boiled onions and[Pg 240] rotten eggs (Shr.); garlic, the Churl’s Treacle (Chs.), or countryman’s antidote to the bite of venomous creatures. As an amulet, a milpreve (Cor.), or ball of coralline limestone, may be worn; or it may be boiled in milk, and then the milk administered to the patient as an antidote. To repeat verses 1 and 2 of Ps. lxviii was supposed to be efficacious both as a protection from adders, and as a cure for their bites. In an old MS. book, once the professional note-book of a Cornish white witch, occurred the following prescription: ‘A charam for the bit of an ader. “Bradgty [spotted], bradgty, bradgty, under the ashing leaf,” to be repeated three times.’ For Ague: Take wood-lice, the species which roll up on being touched, and swallow them as pills (Nhp.); or wrap a spider up in a cobweb, and swallow it like a pill (Sus.); place a spider in a nutshell, and suspend it round the neck in a small bag (Sus. Lan.); ‘take the eare of a mouse and bruise it, then take salte and stamp them together, and make a pultas with vinegar, and so lay it to the wrists,’ MS. book of recipes, seventeenth century; write this charm on a three-cornered piece of paper, and wear it round the neck till it drops off: Ague, ague, I thee defy, Three days shiver, Three days shake, Make me well for Jesus’ sake; pass on the disease by means of this charm: I tie my hair to the aspen-tree, Dither and shake instead of me (Lin.). To stop Bleeding: Apply pulverized selenite, called staunch (Nhp.), because it is supposed to possess the power of stanching the bleeding of wounds; or spiders’ webs (Sc. Yks.); for cuts when shaving, use a bull-fiest (e.An.), or puff-ball; repeat Ezek. xvi. 6 (Dev. Cor.); or this charm: Christ was born in Bethlehem, baptized in the river of Jordan, and as the waters stood still, so shall the blood stand still in thee, A— B—. In the name of the Father, &c. (Dev. Cor.). To cure Nose-bleeding: Take one or two large toads, put in a cold oven, and increase the heat till the toads are cooked to a crisp mass. Beat this to powder in a stone mortar. Place the powder in a box, and use it as snuff (Dev.); tie the patient’s left garter round the family Bible,[Pg 241] and put a key on the back of the neck (Shr.); repeat nine times these words: Blood abide in this vein as Christ abideth in the Church, and hide in thee as Christ hideth from Himself (Dev.). For Boils: Take a quart of alder-tree berries, stew in two or three quarts of water, and simmer down to three pints, add liquorice to give a flavour. Dose: one wineglassful every morning (Glo.). Boils are also cured by creeping on the hands and knees beneath a bramble which has grown into the soil at both ends (Dev. Cor.). For Burns: Apply goose-dung, mixed with the middle bark of an elder-tree, and fried in May butter (Shr.); repeat three times: Three wise men came from the east, One brought fire, two carried frost. Out fire! In frost! In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost (Shr. Dev. Cor.). For a Cold: Drink balm-tea for a feverish cold, or organ-tea (Dev. Cor.), made from the herb penny-royal, warranted to be specially efficacious when sweetened with honey, and with a ‘drap of zomtheng short in’t-’; take at bedtime a hot posset, made either with buttermilk, or onions, or treacle; or buttered-ale (Nhp. Shr.) made thus: Boil a pint of ale with a lump of butter in it, beat up two eggs with sugar and spices, then pour the boiling ale upon the eggs while stirring briskly. For a cough bramble-vinegar [blackberry-] (Lin.) is said to be an excellent specific; and for a sore throat, let somebody read Ps. viii seven times for three mornings in succession over the patient. For Colic: Stand on your head for a quarter of an hour (Cor.); mix equal quantities of elixir of toads and powdered Turkey rhubarb. Dose: half a teaspoonful, taken fasting, three successive mornings (Dev.). Sloe gin is also to be recommended. If the sufferer is an infant, administer in small doses, cinder-tea (Yks. Lan. Glo. Oxf.), that is, sweetened water into which hot cinders have been dropped. For Consumption: Take herb-medicines decocted from lungwort (Hmp.), the Jerusalem cowslip; or from lungs of oak (Hmp.), the hazel-crottles, Sticta pulmonaria; or from nettles; and eat muggons (Sc.), the mugwort, for as the old rhyme says: If they wad drink nettles in March And eat[Pg 242] muggons in May, Sae mony braw maidens Wadna gang to the clay. Snail soup (Yks.), and broth made of the flesh of an adder boiled with chicken (Lin.) are also valuable remedies. My old nurse remembers when she was a young nursemaid, seeing her master, who was consumptive, swallow baby frogs before breakfast by way of a cure for his complaint. The treatment proved successful, for these reminiscences had been called forth by a newspaper notice of the gentleman’s death in 1910 at the age of eighty-eight! For preventing Cramp: Wear eel-skin garters (Yks.), especially recommended for use when bathing; when going to bed place your shoes under the bed with the soles uppermost (Yks.), or with the toes peeping outwards (Lan.); or cross your stockings and shoes (Shr.); sleep with your stockings on, and with a piece of sulphur in each; or go to bed with the skin of a mole bound round your left thigh; carry in your pocket, or in a little bag tied round your neck, a cramp-bone (Dur. Nhp. e.An. Som.), either the patella of a sheep or lamb, or the top vertebra of a goose, but beware lest it should fall to the ground, for if it touches the ground, its virtue is lost. The real old historic talisman is, however, the cramp-ring (n.Cy. Yks. Lin.), a ring made out of the handles of decayed coffins, and worn as a charm against cramp. Formerly these rings were consecrated by the kings of England, who were supposed to cure cramp, the ceremony of the consecration being solemnly performed on Good Friday. That this faith in the virtue of a ring is not yet dead is shown by the following advertisement, taken from a modern periodical: ‘We know our marvellous GALVANIC Ring will cure you as it has done thousands of others, and to prove this will send you one on receipt of 1s. deposit.... Absolutely cures Rheumatism, Neuralgia, Lumbago, Sleeplessness, Gout, Nervous Disorders, and kindred complaints. They are also a certain cure for General Lassitude, no matter from what cause arising. Worn by Royalty.... Why suffer? Delay is dangerous. Send for one of our wonderful rings to-day and be cured.’ For Cuts: Apply[Pg 243] a poultice made of comfrey. If the sufferer is a man, use the red comfrey, and if a woman, the white variety (Shr.); or bind the wound with cut-leaf (Bck. Hmp.), the Valeriana pyrenaica, the upper side of the leaf next the skin for a cut, and the under side for a gathering. For Diarrhoea: Take a decoction of slon-root (Lei.), the root of the blackthorn; or raspberry-leaf tea (Wm.); or grate into milk or brandy a biscuit or small piece of a loaf baked on Good Friday, and kept throughout the year for this purpose (Yks. Wor. Sus. Dev.). Good Friday bread is also a specific for the same complaint in calves. For Dropsy: Drink besom-tea (Som.), an infusion of the leaves of the red heath broom; or try the following recipe: Take several large fully-grown toads, place them in a vessel in which they can be burned without their ashes becoming mixed with any foreign matter. When reduced to ashes, pound them in a stone mortar. Place the ashes in a wide-mouthed jar, cork closely and keep in a dry place. Dose. One teaspoonful of ashes in milk, to be taken at the growing of the moon for nine mornings (Dev.). For Sore Eyes: Take a handful of the knobs called pearls (Irel.), which grow at the base of button-grass stems, crush them in a small quantity of water, and use the water as an eye-wash; chickweed is also beneficial (Dev.); bathe the eyes with rain-water caught on Ascension Day (Shr. Wor.); or foment them with water in which club-moss has been boiled (Cor.), but this is only efficacious if the moss has been gathered with all due ceremony. The day for cutting must be the third day of the new moon, the hour must be sun-down, and the operator, having first carefully washed his hands, must kneel on the ground. The knife to be used must be shown to the moon, and then the following words must be repeated: As Christ heal’d the issue of blood, Do thou cut, what thou cuttest, for good! When cut, the club-moss must be wrapped in a white cloth, and afterwards boiled in water from the spring nearest the place where it grew. If preferred, the club-moss may be mixed with butter made from the milk of a new cow, and applied as an ointment (w.Cy.). [Pg 244]For Fits: Drink an infusion of herb-of-grace (Lin.), the rue; go to the parish church at midnight on June 23, and walk through each aisle, then crawl three times from north to south under the Communion table exactly as the clock strikes twelve (Dev.); place the foot of a toad in a small bag, and wear it suspended round the neck (Cor.). As a protective charm against fits the tongue of a still-born calf, dried and worn in such a position that it touches the spine, is effective (Yks.); or a ring made of a sacrament shilling (Shr.), which must be obtained thus: beg twelve pennies from twelve young unmarried men, and exchange them for a shilling from the offertory alms. In parts of Yorkshire the sacrament piece was a half-crown, taken from the Communion alms in exchange for thirty pennies collected from thirty poor widows. The half-crown was then perforated to allow of a ribbon being passed through it, and it was worn round the neck as an amulet. For an attack of Hiccup: Repeat the following: Hiccough, hiccough, gang away, An’ cum ageean some udder day When aw brew an’ when aw beeake, An’ than aw’l mak’ a hiccough ceeake (Lakel.). For Measles: Give as a medicine a mixture called crooke (Irel.), compounded of porter, sulphur, and sheep’s dung; pass the patient three times round the body of a live bear (Shr.). To safeguard a child from the infection of measles, place it on the back of a donkey, facing the animal’s tail, pull three hairs from the tail, and hang them in a bag round the child’s neck, and then walk the donkey up and down a short distance, a thistle being held the whole time over the child’s head (Yks.). For a Nettle-sting: Rub the affected part with a dock-leaf, and say the while: Nettle in, dock out, Dock in, nettle out, Nettle in, dock out, Dock rub nettle out, repeating the charm rapidly till the pain ceases. Other versions are: Nettle oot, dockan in; Dockan, dockan, in, Nettle, nettle, out; Docken, docken, inward, Nettle, nettle, outward; Dock go in, nettle come out; Out ’ettle, in dock, Dock shall ha’ a new smock, ’Ettle zhant ha’ narrun [ne’er a one]. The use of this charm[Pg 245] was evidently a common custom as far back as Chaucer’s time, for he introduces the words as a phrase meaning first one thing and then another, cp. ‘But canstow pleyen raket, to and fro, Netle in, dokke out, now this, now that, Pandare?’ Troil. and Cres. Bk. IV, ll. 460-1. In this sense, the charm-formula is found as a proverbial expression in North-country dialects as late as the first half of the nineteenth century. For Quinsy: Drink an infusion of squinancy-berries (Lan. Ess.), black-currants, so called because of their special efficacy in such cases, cp. O.Fr. squinancie, quinsy. Once upon a time there lived on the borders of Worcestershire and Shropshire a wise man who worked cures, whose method of treating quinsy was this: he made the patient sit bolt upright in a chair, with a poached egg on the top of the head, and a string of roasted onions round the neck, and then he blew a mysterious powder down the poor victim’s throat through a tobacco-pipe. For Rheumatism: Get a ha’porth of mustard and boil it in a pint of beer; find a dunderbolt (Cor.), boil it in water for some hours, and then drink the water, and it will prove a sovereign remedy. For external application use viper’s oil (Nrf.); or marsh-mallows-tea (Shr.), the latter is specially good for the ‘swellin’ as comes from rheumatiz’. Charm-cures are: A potato, preferably a stolen one, carried in the pocket (Shr. Nrf. Dev. Cor.); or the shoulder-bone of a rabbit sewn up in brown paper (Shr.); or the right fore-foot of a hare (Nhp.). A sacramental sixpence (Chs.); or a ring made of three nails taken from three coffins out of three several churchyards (Shr.), may be worn as a protective talisman. A story is told of an old woman who wanted to present herself for confirmation, though it was known that she had been confirmed already at least twice. When taxed with this she replied: Au knaws au has, but au finds it good for the rheumatics. For Rickets: Draw the child through a holey-stone (Yks.), a large upright stone with a hole through it; or cause the child to undergo the ceremony of laying (Bnff. ne.Sc.), as follows: the child must be taken before sunrise to a smithy in which three[Pg 246] men, bearing the same name, work. One of the smiths then takes the child, first lays it in the water-trough of the smithy, and then on the anvil. While lying on the anvil all the tools are, one by one, passed over the child. It is then given back to the mother, or nurse, who washes it once more in the water-trough. In some places the water was first heated by plunging pieces of hot iron into it, and the child was given a little of the water to drink, besides being bathed in it, the anvil part of the ceremony being omitted. In Northumberland, a heart-grown child, i.e. one sickly and puny from a supposed bewitchment, was subjected to a somewhat similar process, but in this case it was important that the blacksmith should be of the seventh generation in an unbroken line of blacksmiths. The child was laid on the anvil, and the blacksmith raised his hammer as if about to strike hot iron, bringing it down gently to touch the child’s body. This was repeated three times, after which the child was expected to thrive without further trouble. For Sciatica: The following charm was known in use as late as the end of the nineteenth century: The patient must lie on his back on the bank of a river or brook, with his head against the stream, and a straight ashen staff between him and the water, and these words must be repeated over him: Boneshave [sciatica] right, Boneshave strite; As tha watter rins by tha stave, Zo follow boneshave (Dev.). For Shingles: Burn some barley straw to powder, and put the ashes on the part affected; or apply grease taken from the wheels of church bells, called dodment (Wor.), or bell-coom (Bdf.). This is said to be the sovereign cure. In Shropshire, under the name of bletch, it is an approved remedy for ring-worm. In parts of Lincolnshire a name for shingles is cat-jingles, and children are warned that they will contract it if they habitually nurse cats. For Smallpox: Take a bun from the shop of a person whose wife when she married did not change her name, be careful not to pay for it, nor even say ‘thank you’, and then give it to the patient to eat (Chs.). For Sores: Apply crushed leaves of the greater periwinkle; cut-finger-leaf (Wil.), all-heal,[Pg 247] Valeriana officinalis; the vagabond’s friend (Lakel.), the Solomon’s seal; holy vervain, Verbena officinalis. Poor Jan’s leaf (Dev.), the house-leek, also called silgreen, singreen (Shr. Oxf. Dor.), pounded and mixed with cream is good as a cooling ointment. Featherfew (Lin.); and goose-grass (Hnt.), the silver weed, are both recommended for allaying inflammation. For Bad Legs a cow-sharn poultice (Shr.) is considered efficacious, and this is the recipe for making it: Tak’ a ’antle o’ wutmil [handful of oatmeal], an’ as much cow-sharn as’ll mix well together, an’ put it on the leg, it’ll swage the swellin’ an’ mak’ it as cool as a cowcoomer [cucumber]. A foal-sark (Yks.), the membranous covering in which a foal is born, when dried, is much valued as a remedy for sores and skin-wounds. If you cut yourself, sticking the knife into a flitch of bacon will prevent the wound taking bad ways (Shr.). A boy who had hurt his hand with a rusty nail, was told by the Wise-man whom he consulted, to have the nail first well filed and polished, and that then it must be rubbed every morning before sunrise, and every evening before sunset. By following these directions the wound was cured (Nhb.). For a wound caused by the prick of a thorn the following is a Cornish charm: Christ was of a virgin born, And he was pricked by a thorn, And it did never bell [fester] nor swell, As I trust in Jesus this never will. For Sprains: crab-varjis (Shr.), the juice of the crab-apple, is said to ‘swage the swellin’’ due to a sprain. An old Northumbrian remedy was practised by the stamp-strainer, a person skilled in the art of curing sprains by stamping on them. The limb ought afterwards to be bound up with an eel’s skin. For Stitch in the side: Use an application of saliva (Shr.), the common remedy for the painful sensation known as ‘pins and needles’. For a Stye in the eye: Rub it outwards from the nose with a wedding-ring (Som. Dev. Cor.), some say this should be done exactly three times, some say nine times; or it may be stroked nine times with a cat’s tail, in which case, if the cat be a black tom-cat, the cure is more certain. To draw out a Thorn: Apply the cast-off[Pg 248] slough of a viper (Nrf.). For Thrill in the foot: Make the sign of the cross with your finger on the toe of your shoe (Yks.). If the foot is ‘asleep’, make the sign of the cross with spittle on the sole of the shoe (Shr.). For Thrush: Hold a live frog by one of its legs, and allow it to sprawl about within the mouth of the child suffering from frog, or thrush (Chs. Lin. Shr.), the frog thereby will become the recipient of the complaint. Take the child to a running stream, draw a straw through its mouth, and repeat the verse, Psalm viii. 2: ‘Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings hast thou ordained strength because of thine enemies, that thou mightest still the enemy and the avenger’ (Dev.); or take it, fasting, on three successive mornings to have its mouth blown into by a person who never knew his father, that is to say, a posthumous child (Cor.). A left twin, the survivor of two twins, is thought to possess the power of curing thrush (Sus.). Teething: A coral necklace round a baby’s throat will ensure easy teething, cp. ‘Though coral doth properly preserve and fasten the teeth in men, yet it is used in children to make an easier passage for them: and for that intent is worn about their necks,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIV. A necklace of beads cut from the root of henbane and placed round the child’s neck is a Devonshire substitute for coral. Some ten or twelve years ago I knew a baby that always wore a mysterious black velvet band round its neck, which the mother said was a certain preventive against teething troubles, for all her children had worn a like talisman in infancy, and no one of them had ever had any difficulty in cutting its teeth. For Toothache: Take a decoction of elicompane (Chs.), the horse-heal; mix two quarts of rat’s broth, one ounce of camphor, and one ounce of essence of cloves. Dose: one teaspoonful three times a day (Dev.); steal some lead from the church roof or windows, and place a pellet of it in the hollow of the decayed tooth (Dev.); apply a mustard plaster to the wrist (Shr.). If you light on a briar-boss [gall of the wild rose] accidental wen yo’ ’an the tuth-ache, an’ wear it in yore boasom, it’ll cure it (Shr.). To find[Pg 249] a loady-nut (Dev.), a double nut, is lucky, for it will cure toothache; so does a tooth found in a churchyard, if rubbed on the cheek over the aching spot (Yks.). A spider enclosed in a nutshell, and worn in a bag hung round the neck (Wor.); a dead person’s tooth carried in the left waistcoat pocket (Dev.); and the paw of a mole (Shr.), are all good safeguards against toothache. If you always put your left stocking and shoe on first, it prevents toothache. If you cut your nails on a Friday you will never have toothache, for, as tradition tells, when St. Peter once complained of the toothache, our Lord told him to cut his nails on a Friday, and he would be cured. It is well to remember never to perform this task on a Sunday, for: A man had better ne’er be born Than on the Sabbath pare his horn. St. Peter seems to have been a kind of patron saint of sufferers from toothache. An old toothache-charm bearing reference to him was once common throughout the country, as is testified by the various versions of it which have been discovered by folklorists. The charm had to be written out on paper, and worn on the person of the sufferer, properly under a vest or stays. A Shropshire version is as follows: ‘As Jesus passed through Jerusalem He saw Peter standing at the gates and saith unto him, “What aileth thee, Peter?” Peter saith, “Lord, I have the toothache that I can neither walk, lie, nor stand.” He saith unto him, “Follow Me, and thou shalt not have the toothache any more.”’ In Somersetshire it ran: ‘Peter sat on a marble stone, When by here Jesus came aloan, “Peter what is it makes you for to quake?” “Lord Jesus, it is the toothake.” “Rise, Peter, and be heled.”’ Scholars affirm that the original of this charm is a Latin one found in the Anglo-Saxon Leechdoms, beginning: ‘Christus super marmoreum sedebat; Petrus tristis ante eum stabat, manum ad maxillum tenebat....’ For Warts: Rub them with Devil’s milk (Yks.), the great celandine, also called the wart-flower (Dev.), or wart-wort (Glo. Wil.); or with wart-grass (Cum. Yks. Der.), the sun-spurge, also called wartweed (Cum. Yks. Glo. e.An.). These plants, and others which[Pg 250] likewise contain a milky white sap, are the most popular remedies for curing warts. Other applications are: frog-spit (Yks.), the white froth deposited on plants by the insect Cicada spumaria; the slime of a common snail (Dev.); fasting spittle (Shr.); and eel’s blood (Nhb.). It is a common North-country belief that to wash the hands in water in which eggs have been boiled will most certainly produce warts. Dr. Christopher Wren, Dean of Windsor, and father of the architect of St. Paul’s, in his marginal notes to Sir Thomas Browne’s Vulgar Errors, makes the following quotation from Lord St. Alban’s ‘natural historye’: ‘The taking away of warts, by rubbing them with somewhat that afterwards is put to waste and consume, is a common experiment; and I do apprehend it the rather because of my own experience.... The English ambassador’s lady, who was a woman far from superstition, told me one day, she would help me away with my warts: whereupon she got a piece of lard with the skin on, and rubbed the warts all over with the fat side; and amongst the rest, that wart which I had had from my childhood: then she nailed the piece of lard, with the fat towards the sun, upon a post of her chamber window, which was to the south. The success was, that within five weeks’ space all the warts went quite away: and that wart which I had so long endured, for company.... They say the like is done by the rubbing of warts with a green elder stick and then burying the stick to rot in muck. It would be tried with corns and wens, and such other excrescences.’ This type of wart-cure was formerly prevalent in very many parts of England. The following are some of the best-known recipes: Take a large black slug, or snail, rub it on the wart, and then impale the creature on a thorn-bush, and leave it there to die and wither away, simultaneously with the decaying of the snail the wart will consume away and disappear; rub the wart with the inside of the husk of a broad bean, and then throw the husk away or bury it in some place disclosed to no one, as the bean-husk rots, so will the warts; perform the same[Pg 251] ceremony with a piece of stolen meat or bacon; take as many sprigs of elder as there are warts, with each sprig touch a wart, saying: Here’s a wart, then touch a place where there is no wart, and add: but here’s none, then bury the sprigs; rub the warts with ears of wheat, an ear for each wart, then throw away the ears of wheat to perish at a ‘four-lane end’; make as many knots in a hair as there are warts, and then throw it away; take as many stones from a running stream as you have warts, fasten them securely in a clean white bag, and throw them down on the highway, then wash each wart in strong vinegar seven successive mornings, and whoever picks up the bag of stones will get the warts; wrap up in a parcel as many grains of barley as there are warts, and lay it on a public road, whoever finds and opens the parcel will inherit the warts; count the warts over carefully to a passing tramp, and mark the number inside his hat, when he leaves the neighbourhood, the warts will also disappear; cut an apple in two, rub one half on the wart and give it to a pig, and eat the other half yourself; on the night of the new moon, let some one lead the wart-patient out into the garden, facing that quarter of the heavens where the moon is, the patient must then stoop down and rub the warts with soil, returning immediately afterwards to the house without once looking at the moon, cp. ‘referring unto sober examination what natural effects can reasonably be expected ... when for warts we rub our hands before the moon, or commit any maculated part unto the touch of the dead,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIV; repeat the words: Ashentree, ashentree, Pray buy these warts of me, then stick a pin into the tree, and afterwards into the wart, and then into the tree again, and leave it there. The belief in remedies of this kind is apparently not yet dead, to judge from a reference in a speech made last July at a Conference on ‘The Revival of the Gifts of Healing in the Church’. The speaker, Dr. A. T. Schofield, is reported to have said that: ‘There could be no doubt that all disease was partly caused and partly cured by mind. As proof that[Pg 252] mental healing had power over the material diseases, he might instance the wonderful power it had over the plebeian affliction of warts.’ For Wens: Take a handkerchief which has been wrapped round the swelling, and throw it into the grave at the burial service of a person of the opposite sex to that of the sufferer, as the handkerchief decays in the earth, the wen will disappear. Formerly the approved cure was the dead-stroke (Nhp.), the stroking by the hand of a person who had just been hanged, and numbers of people used to congregate round the gallows at an execution in order to receive this cure. For Whooping-cough, or as it is termed in the dialects, Chin-cough, or Kink-cough: Administer medicines made from the juice of Robin-run-in-the-hedge (Irel.), the goose-grass, or cleavers, boiled with sugar; golden-locks (Hrf.), the common polypody; Robin Redbreast’s cushion (Sus.), the rose-gall, or bedeguar; or give wood-lice as pills (Lin.). Other remedies are: fried mice (Chs. Nrf.); roast hedgehog (Chs.); owl-broth (Yks.); a decoction made from pushlocks (Sc.), sheep’s droppings, also known as lamb-trottle tea (Lin.); a few hairs taken from the cross on a donkey’s back, chopped up fine, and placed between two slices of bread and butter, and given to the child to eat (Chs. Shr.). Take a clean pocket-handkerchief and spread it under the nose of a donkey, give the animal a piece of white bread, take up the crumbs which fall, mix them with milk, and give the mixture to the child to drink; make the child eat its food with a quick-horn spoon (ne.Sc.), that is, a spoon made from the horn taken from a living animal. A woman who has not changed her name in marriage can cure whooping-cough by giving the patient something to eat, a cake, or a piece of bread and butter (Chs.). If the child is fed with bread and butter from the table of a family the heads of which bear the names of John and Joan, it is likewise efficacious (Cor.). In a certain district in Staffordshire children suffering from whooping-cough were often sent to an old couple whose names were Joseph and Mary in hopes of a gift of food, which if neither asked for, nor thanked for,[Pg 253] was regarded as an effective remedy. Any one riding a piebald horse has the power to prescribe an infallible remedy for whooping-cough (Sc. n.Cy. Shr.), and cures are said to have resulted from the simplest things, such as cold water, honey, bread and butter, and tea, suggested by riders in answer to the question: What is good for the chin-cough? Another approved remedy was to pass the child a certain number of times, usually nine, round the body of a parti-coloured horse, a donkey, a white cow or mare (Chs. Shr. Dev.). A child that had ridden on a bear was believed to be proof against ever taking the disease (Lan.). The bearward of former times subsisted largely on the moneys given him by the parents of children that had ridden on the bear as a protection against whooping-cough. Carry the child into a sheep-fold, and let the sheep breathe on its face, and then lay the child on the spot of ground from which a sheep has just arisen, continue this daily for a week, and: ’Tes a zartin cure (Dev.). Find a briar growing in the ground at both ends, pass the child under and over it nine times, for three successive mornings before sunrise, repeating: Under the briar, and over the briar, I wish to leave the chin-cough here; or pass the child six times under and over a bramble rooted at both ends, round and round while saying the Lord’s Prayer, then take half a dozen leaves from the spray, and make tea of them, and give them to the child to drink (Shr.). This ceremony performed over a bramble which grows in three counties is considered a still more potent charm. In parts of Scotland children were sometimes put through the hoppers of mills. Catch a frog, open its mouth, let the patient cough into it three times, and then throw the creature over his left shoulder, and the cough will disappear at once (Chs. Yks. Wor.). Another way of transferring the disease to a frog is to put the latter into a jug of water, and make the patient cough into the jug, and this smits [infects] the frog, and the patient is cured. A woman relating how she had cured her child after this manner, added: It went to my heart to hear the poor frog go[Pg 254] coughing about the garden afterwards. The mountain-ash also figures as a remedy for the chin-cough. A small lock of hair must be cut from the head of the patient, and then placed in a hole bored in the trunk of the tree, and fastened into it with a plug (Chs.). Or again, a certain number of hodmidods [small snails] were passed through the hands of the patient and then threaded on a string and suspended in the chimney; as the hodmidods died, the cough would leave the child (Suf.). In Norfolk the mother of the sufferer would be told to find a dark spider in her own house, and hold it over the head of her child, repeating three times: Spider, as you waste away, Whooping-cough no longer stay. The spider must then be hung up in a bag over the mantelpiece, and when it has dried up, the cough will be gone. Among curative charms to be worn by the patient are: a hairy caterpillar, or a small wood-lizard stitched up in a bag, and tied round the child’s neck (Yks. Shr.); some hairs from a donkey’s cross sewn up in a strip of flannel, and worn round the throat (Chs.); an adder-stone (Lin.), an ancient spindle-whorl, believed to be produced by adders; a string with nine knots in it (Lan.); the small twigs of an elder growing in a churchyard, cut into lengths of about an inch, and then threaded into a necklace; a godmother’s stay-lace, or a godfather’s garter (Shr.), worn round the neck of a child suffering from whooping-cough.
For an adder bite: Apply the contents of two spoiled goose eggs; a poultice made from boiled onions and rotten eggs (Shr.); garlic, the Churl’s Treacle (Chs.), or a countryman’s remedy for venomous creature bites. As an amulet, a milpreve (Cor.), or a ball made from coralline limestone, can be worn; or it can be boiled in milk, and then the milk given to the patient as an antidote. Reciting verses 1 and 2 of Ps. 68 was believed to be effective as both a protection from adders and a cure for their bites. In an old MS. book, which was once the professional notebook of a Cornish white witch, there was the following prescription: ‘A charm for the bite of an adder. “Bradgty [spotted], bradgty, bradgty, under the ashing leaf,” to be repeated three times.’ For ague: Take woodlice, the kind that curl up when touched, and swallow them like pills (Nhp.); or wrap a spider in a cobweb and swallow it (Sus.); place a spider in a nutshell and wear it around the neck in a small bag (Sus. Lan.); ‘take the ear of a mouse, bruise it, then take salt and mix them together, and make a poultice with vinegar, and apply it to the wrists,’ MS. book of recipes, seventeenth century; write this charm on a triangular piece of paper and wear it around the neck until it falls off: Ague, ague, I defy you, Three days shiver, Three days shake, Make me well for Jesus’ sake; pass on the disease using this charm: I tie my hair to the aspen tree, Dither and shake instead of me (Lin.). To stop bleeding: Apply powdered selenite, called staunch (Nhp.), because it’s believed to have the power to stop bleeding from wounds; or use spider webs (Sc. Yks.); for cuts when shaving, use a bull-fiest (e.An.), or puffball; repeat Ezek. 16:6 (Dev. Cor.); or this charm: Christ was born in Bethlehem, baptized in the Jordan River, and as the waters stood still, so shall the blood stand still in you, A—B—. In the name of the Father, &c. (Dev. Cor.). To cure nosebleeds: Take one or two large toads, put them in a cold oven, then increase the heat until the toads are cooked to a crispy state. Grind this into powder in a mortar. Place the powder in a box and use it as snuff (Dev.); tie the patient’s left garter around the family Bible, and put a key on the back of the neck (Shr.); repeat these words nine times: Blood abide in this vein as Christ abides in the Church, and hide in you as Christ hides from Himself (Dev.). For boils: Take a quart of alder tree berries, stew in two or three quarts of water, and simmer down to three pints, adding licorice for flavor. Dose: one wineglassful every morning (Glo.). Boils are also cured by crawling on hands and knees under a bramble that has rooted itself at both ends (Dev. Cor.). For burns: Apply goose dung, mixed with the inner bark of an elder tree, and fried in May butter (Shr.); repeat three times: Three wise men came from the east, One brought fire, two carried frost. Out fire! In frost! In the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost (Shr. Dev. Cor.). For a cold: Drink balm tea for a feverish cold, or organ tea (Dev. Cor.), made from penny-royal herb, especially effective when sweetened with honey, and with a ‘drap of something short in it’; take a hot posset made either with buttermilk, onions, or treacle at bedtime; or buttered ale (Nhp. Shr.) made by boiling a pint of ale with a lump of butter in it, beating up two eggs with sugar and spices, then pouring the boiling ale over the eggs while stirring quickly. For a cough, bramble vinegar (blackberry) (Lin.) is said to be an excellent remedy; and for a sore throat, have someone read Ps. 8 seven times for three consecutive mornings over the patient. For colic: Stand on your head for a quarter of an hour (Cor.); mix equal parts of elixir of toads and powdered Turkey rhubarb. Dose: half a teaspoonful taken fasting for three successive mornings (Dev.). Sloe gin is also recommended. If the sufferer is an infant, give them small doses of cinder tea (Yks. Lan. Glo. Oxf.), which is sweetened water into which hot cinders have been dropped. For consumption: Use herbal remedies made from lungwort (Hmp.), Jerusalem cowslip; or from lungs of oak (Hmp.), the hazel-crottles, Sticta pulmonaria; or from nettles; and eat muggons (Sc.), mugwort, because as the old rhyme says: If they would drink nettles in March And eat muggons in May, So many fine maidens Would not go to the grave. Snail soup (Yks.), and broth made from the flesh of an adder boiled with chicken (Lin.) are also valuable remedies. My old nurse remembers when she was a young maid, seeing her master, who was consumptive, swallowing baby frogs before breakfast as a cure for his illness. The treatment worked, as these memories were triggered by a newspaper notice of the gentleman’s death in 1910 at the age of eighty-eight! To prevent cramps: Wear eel-skin garters (Yks.), especially recommended when bathing; when going to bed, place your shoes under the bed with the soles facing up (Yks.), or with the toes pointing outwards (Lan.); or cross your stockings and shoes (Shr.); sleep with your stockings on, with a piece of sulfur in each; or go to bed with a mole skin wrapped around your left thigh; carry in your pocket, or in a small bag tied around your neck, a cramp bone (Dur. Nhp. e.An. Som.), either the kneecap of a sheep or lamb, or the top vertebra of a goose, but be careful not to let it touch the ground, as its power is lost if it does. The real historical talisman is the cramp ring (n.Cy. Yks. Lin.), a ring made from the handles of decayed coffins, worn as a charm against cramps. These rings were once consecrated by the kings of England, who were believed to cure cramps, with the consecration ceremony taking place solemnly on Good Friday. The belief in the power of a ring is still alive today, as evidenced by a modern advertisement: ‘We know our amazing GALVANIC Ring will cure you just like it has for thousands of others, and to prove it, we’ll send you one upon receiving a 1s. deposit... Completely cures Rheumatism, Neuralgia, Lumbago, Sleeplessness, Gout, Nervous Disorders, and related issues. Worn by royalty... Why suffer? Delay is dangerous. Order one of our wonderful rings today and be cured.’ For cuts: Apply a poultice made of comfrey. If the patient is a man, use red comfrey, and if a woman, use the white kind (Shr.); or bind the wound with cut-leaf (Bck. Hmp.), Valeriana pyrenaica, the upper side of the leaf next to the skin for a cut, and the underside for a gathering. For diarrhea: Take a decoction of slon-root (Lei.), the root of the blackthorn; or raspberry leaf tea (Wm.); or grate a biscuit or small piece of bread baked on Good Friday, which has been kept throughout the year for this purpose (Yks. Wor. Sus. Dev.). Good Friday bread is also effective for the same issue in calves. For dropsy: Drink besom tea (Som.), an infusion of red heath broom leaves; or try this remedy: Take several large fully-grown toads, place them in a container where they can burn without their ashes mixing with anything else. Once reduced to ashes, grind them in a stone mortar. Place the ashes in a wide-mouthed jar, cork tightly, and keep in a dry place. Dose: One teaspoonful of ashes in milk to be taken at the growing of the moon for nine mornings (Dev.). For sore eyes: Take a handful of knobs called pearls (Irel.), which grow at the base of button-grass stems, crush them in a small amount of water, and use the water as an eye wash; chickweed is also beneficial (Dev.); bathe the eyes with rainwater caught on Ascension Day (Shr. Wor.); or foment them with water in which club-moss has been boiled (Cor.), but this is effective only if the moss was gathered with all proper ceremony. The day for gathering must be the third day of the new moon, at sundown, and the operator, after carefully washing their hands, must kneel on the ground. The knife used must be shown to the moon, and then the following words must be repeated: As Christ healed the issue of blood, Do thou cut, what you cut, for good! Once cut, the club-moss must be wrapped in a white cloth and then boiled in water from the nearest spring where it grew. Alternatively, the club-moss can be mixed with butter made from the milk of a new cow and applied as an ointment (w.Cy.). For seizures: Drink an infusion of herb-of-grace (Lin.), rue; go to the parish church at midnight on June 23, walk through each aisle, then crawl three times from north to south under the Communion table right at midnight (Dev.); take a toad's foot and wear it in a small bag around your neck (Cor.). A protective charm against seizures can be the tongue of a stillborn calf, dried and worn such that it touches the spine (Yks.); or a ring made from a sacrament shilling (Shr.), which must be obtained like this: beg twelve pennies from twelve young unmarried men and exchange them for a shilling from the offering. In parts of Yorkshire, the sacrament piece was a half-crown, taken from Communion alms in exchange for thirty pennies collected from thirty poor widows. The half-crown was then perforated so a ribbon could be passed through it and was worn around the neck as an amulet. For hiccups: Repeat: Hiccough, hiccough, go away, And come again some other day When I brew and when I bake, And then I’ll make a hiccup cake (Lakel.). For measles: As medicine, give a mixture called crooke (Irel.), made from porter, sulfur, and sheep dung; pass the patient three times around the body of a living bear (Shr.). To protect a child from measles infection, place them on a donkey’s back, facing the tail, pull three hairs from the tail, hang them in a bag around the child’s neck, and then walk the donkey back and forth a short distance, holding a thistle over the child’s head the whole time (Yks.). For a nettle sting: Rub the affected area with a dock leaf, and say while: Nettle in, dock out, Dock in, nettle out, Nettle in, dock out, Dock rub nettle out, repeating the charm quickly until the pain stops. Other versions are: Nettle out, dock in; Dockin’, dockin’, in, Nettle, nettle, out; Docken, docken, inward, Nettle, nettle, outward; Dock go in, nettle come out; Out nettle, in dock, Dock shall have a new smock, Nettle sha’n’t have ne’er a one. The use of this charm was evidently a common custom as far back as Chaucer’s time, as he introduces the words as a phrase meaning one thing and then another, cp. ‘But can you play racket, back and forth, Nettle in, dock out, now this, now that, Pandare?’ (Troil. and Cres. Bk. IV, ll. 460-1). In this sense, the charm formula is found as a proverbial expression in North-country dialects well into the first half of the nineteenth century. For quinsy: Drink an infusion of squinancy-berries (Lan. Ess.), blackcurrants, named for their special effectiveness in such cases, cp. O.Fr. squinancie, quinsy. Once there lived on the borders of Worcestershire and Shropshire a wise man who performed cures, and his method for treating quinsy was this: he made the patient sit straight up in a chair, with a poached egg on their head and a string of roasted onions around their neck, and then blew a mysterious powder down the unfortunate victim’s throat through a tobacco pipe. For rheumatism: Get a halfpenny of mustard and boil it in a pint of beer; find a dunderbolt (Cor.), boil it in water for several hours, and then drink the water, and it will be a guaranteed remedy. For topical application use viper’s oil (Nrf.); or marshmallow tea (Shr.), which is particularly good for the swelling caused by rheumatism. Charm cures include: A potato, preferably a stolen one, carried in the pocket (Shr. Nrf. Dev. Cor.); or the shoulder bone of a rabbit sewn up in brown paper (Shr.); or the right forefoot of a hare (Nhp.). A sacramental sixpence (Chs.); or a ring made of three nails taken from three coffins in three different churchyards (Shr.) can be worn as a protective talisman. There’s a story of an old woman who wanted to present herself for confirmation, even though it was known she had already been confirmed at least twice. When questioned about this, she replied: “I know I have, but I find it helps with the rheumatism.” For rickets: Pass the child through a holey stone (Yks.), a large upright stone with a hole through it; or perform the ceremony of laying (Bnff. ne.Sc.), as follows: The child must be taken before sunrise to a smithy where three men with the same name work. One of the smiths will then take the child, lay it in the water trough of the smithy, and then on the anvil. While lying on the anvil, all the tools will be passed over the child, one by one. The child is then returned to the mother or nurse, who rinses it again in the water trough. In some places, the water was first heated by plunging pieces of hot iron into it, and the child was given a little of the water to drink, as well as being bathed in it, with the anvil part of the ceremony omitted. In Northumberland, a heart-grown child, one who appears sickly and weak from supposed bewitchment, underwent a similar process, but it was crucial that the blacksmith be of the seventh generation in an uninterrupted line of blacksmiths. The child lay on the anvil, and the blacksmith pretended to strike hot iron three times, gently bringing his hammer down to touch the child’s body. After this, the child was expected to thrive without further issues. For sciatica: The following charm was still known in use as late as the end of the nineteenth century: The patient must lie back on the bank of a river or brook, with their head against the stream, and a straight ash staff between them and the water, while the following words must be recited: Boneshave [sciatica] right, Boneshave strite; As the water flows by the stave, so follow boneshave (Dev.). For shingles: Burn some barley straw to powder and apply the ashes to the affected area; or use grease taken from church bell wheels, called dodment (Wor.), or bell-coom (Bdf.). This is said to be a guaranteed cure. In Shropshire, called bletch, it is an approved remedy for ringworm. In parts of Lincolnshire, shingles are referred to as cat-jingles, and children are warned that they will contract it if they frequently handle cats. For smallpox: Take a bun from the shop of someone whose wife did not change her name when she married, ensuring you neither pay for it nor say ‘thank you,’ then give it to the patient to eat (Chs.). For sores: Apply crushed leaves of the greater periwinkle; cut-finger-leaf (Wil.), all-heal, Valeriana officinalis; the vagabond’s friend (Lakel.), Solomon’s seal; holy vervain, Verbena officinalis. Poor Jan’s leaf (Dev.), house-leek, also known as silgreen, singreen (Shr. Oxf. Dor.), pounded and mixed with cream serves well as a cooling ointment. Featherfew (Lin.); and goose-grass (Hnt.), silver weed, are both recommended for reducing inflammation. For bad legs, a cow-sharn poultice (Shr.) is considered effective, and here's the recipe: Take a handful of oatmeal and mix it well with as much cow dung, and apply it to the leg; it’ll reduce swelling and cool it down like a cucumber. A foal-sark (Yks.), the membrane in which a foal is born, when dried, is highly regarded as a remedy for sores and skin wounds. If you cut yourself, sticking the knife into a piece of bacon will prevent the wound from getting infected (Shr.). A boy who hurt his hand with a rusty nail was advised by a wise man to first file and polish the nail well, and then rub it every morning before sunrise and every evening before sunset. By following these instructions, the wound was healed (Nhb.). For a wound caused by a thorn prick, here’s a Cornish charm: Christ was born of a virgin, And he was pricked by a thorn, And it did never swell or fester, As I trust in Jesus it never will. For sprains: Crab-varjis (Shr.), crabapple juice, is said to reduce swelling from a sprain. An old Northumbrian remedy was practiced by the stamp-strainer, a person skilled in curing sprains by stamping on them. The limb should then be wrapped up with an eel’s skin. For a stitch in the side: Use saliva (Shr.), a commonly used remedy for the painful feeling known as ‘pins and needles.’ For a stye in the eye: Rub it outward from the nose with a wedding ring (Som. Dev. Cor.), some say this should be done exactly three times, while others say nine times; or it can be brushed nine times with a cat’s tail, where using a black tomcat is thought to be more effective. To draw out a thorn: Apply the discarded skin of a viper (Nrf.). For a tingle in the foot: Make the sign of the cross with your finger on the toe of your shoe (Yks.). If the foot is ‘asleep,’ make the sign of the cross with spittle on the sole of the shoe (Shr.). For thrush: Hold a live frog by one of its legs, and let it wriggle around in the mouth of the child suffering from thrush (Chs. Lin. Shr.), thus making the frog the recipient of the condition. Take the child to a running stream, draw a straw through its mouth, and repeat Ps. 8: ‘Out of the mouth of babes and sucklings hast thou ordained strength because of thine enemies, that thou mightest still the enemy and the avenger’ (Dev.); or take the child, fasting, three consecutive mornings to have a person who never knew his father (a posthumous child, Cor.) blow into their mouth. A left twin, the survivor of twin births, is believed to have the ability to cure thrush (Sus.). For teething: A coral necklace worn around a baby’s neck will ensure easy teething, cp. ‘Though coral is traditionally used to preserve and secure teeth in adults, it is also worn in children for a smoother teething experience: and for that reason is worn around their necks,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIV. A necklace made of beads cut from the root of henbane and placed around the child's neck serves as a Devonshire alternative for coral. Some ten or twelve years ago, I knew a baby who always wore a mysterious black velvet band around its neck, which the mother said was a certain cure for teething problems, as all her children had worn similar talismans in infancy, and none of them had ever had trouble cutting their teeth. For toothache: Take a decoction of elicompane (Chs.), horse-heal; mix two quarts of rat’s broth, one ounce of camphor, and one ounce of clove essence. Dose: one teaspoonful three times a day (Dev.); steal some lead from the church roof or windows, and place a small piece in the cavity of the decayed tooth (Dev.); apply a mustard plaster to the wrist (Shr.). If you accidentally come across a gall of the wild rose while experiencing a toothache, and wear it close to your heart, it will cure it (Shr.). To find a loady-nut (Dev.), a double nut, is lucky because it will cure toothache; so will a tooth found in a graveyard, if rubbed on the cheek over the sore spot (Yks.). A spider enclosed in a nutshell, and worn in a bag around the neck (Wor.); a dead person’s tooth carried in the left waistcoat pocket (Dev.); and a mole’s paw (Shr.), are all considered good protectors against toothache. Always putting on your left stocking and shoe first can prevent toothaches. If you cut your nails on a Friday, you will never have toothache because, as tradition tells, when St. Peter once complained of a toothache, our Lord told him to cut his nails on a Friday and he would be cured. It is wise to remember never to do this on a Sunday, as: A man had better never be born Than to pare his nails on the Sabbath. St. Peter seems to have been
The seventh son of a family, born in succession without a girl, was believed to be born with special aptness for the healing art (Shr. Som. Dev.). An old man who died at Welshampton about 1868, used to cure whooping-cough merely by contact with the patient. Sometimes as many as ten or twelve children were brought to him on one day. He always gave each child a piece of cake before going away, but he never received any money from any one for the cures he performed. He attributed his powers solely to the fact that he was the seventh son of three generations of seventh sons. In former days it was believed that a seventh son could strike for the king’s evil (Dev. Cor.).
The seventh son in a family, born after several boys without a girl, was thought to have a special talent for healing. An old man who passed away in Welshampton around 1868 was known to cure whooping cough just by touching the patient. Sometimes, he had as many as ten or twelve children come to him in a single day. He always gave each child a piece of cake before they left, but he never accepted any money for the cures he provided. He believed his abilities came solely from being the seventh son in three generations of seventh sons. In the past, it was said that a seventh son could cure the king's evil.
A mediciner much thought of in parts of Yorkshire was the water-caster. Perhaps none of them are left now, but[Pg 255] certainly well within the memory of the present generation a member of the profession lived in a village near Bradford, where he was frequently consulted for all sorts of diseases and bodily misfortunes. He pretended to be able to diagnose the complaint from the cast or appearance of the urine, and to prescribe accordingly. On one occasion he told a woman that he had discovered by this means that her child, on whose behalf she had come, had injured himself by falling down some stairs. Whereupon the mother, at first unable to trust this astounding perspicacity, put it to the test by asking the number of the stairs the child had covered in his fall. ‘Seven,’ replied the water-caster. ‘Your wreng, Mester,’ said the mother, ‘it wor nine.’ ‘Then you didn’t bring me all the water,’ was the calm rejoinder. ‘Your reight, Mester, there, ah didn’t bring it all.’ So the woman went away satisfied that the water-caster was a man of infallible skill. In reality his marvellous insight was the result of a very simple expedient. He was only to be seen at certain stated times, hence he always had several patients arriving at the same hour. He kept them waiting all together whilst he himself remained behind a boarded partition, where he was supposed to be occupied with his scientific researches. Naturally the various sufferers detailed their respective ills and symptoms to each other, whilst the attentive water-caster secretly noted them down, to reproduce afterwards with some simple medical advice in return for pecuniary considerations.
A well-known healer in parts of Yorkshire was the water-caster. While there may not be any left now,[Pg 255] certainly within the memory of the current generation, one such practitioner lived in a village near Bradford. He was often consulted for various ailments and health issues. He claimed to be able to identify problems from the cast or appearance of urine and to prescribe treatments accordingly. Once, he told a woman that he had discovered through this method that her child, whom she had brought to him, had hurt himself by falling down some stairs. Initially, the mother found it hard to believe this remarkable insight and decided to test him by asking how many stairs the child had fallen down. "Seven," replied the water-caster. "You're wrong, mister," said the mother, "it was nine." "Then you didn’t bring me all the water," he calmly replied. "You’re right, mister, I didn’t bring it all." So the woman left satisfied that the water-caster was a man of exceptional skill. In reality, his incredible insight came from a very straightforward method. He only saw patients at set times, so he always had several people arrive at the same hour. He kept them waiting together while he stayed behind a wooden partition, where he was supposed to be busy with his scientific studies. Naturally, the various patients discussed their ailments and symptoms with each other, and the attentive water-caster secretly took notes on them, so he could give simple medical advice later in exchange for payment.
The best-known charm against cattle diseases in Scotland and the north of England was the need-fire, a virgin flame kindled by the friction of two pieces of wood. It was formerly raised in one village and hurriedly carried on from one village to another. A correspondent of The Times, in an article on the Coronation Bonfires, June 13, 1911, says: ‘These “need-fires” have continued in the north of England within living memory. The writer has spoken with farmers in Cumberland and Westmorland who in a time of cattle plague have not only seen the “need-fire” carried from[Pg 256] farm to farm, but cattle driven through the smoke to stop the murrain.’ The word still remains in popular sayings, such as: To be at a thing like need-fire, to do anything with great effort or industry; to go like need-fire, to go with great speed; to work for need-fire, to show great industry or restless activity (Lakel. Cum. Wm.). Another charm-cure for cattle was the shrew-ash (Lan. Sus. Hmp.). The affected part of the injured or diseased animal was rubbed with leaves or twigs from an ash-tree in the trunk of which live mice and shrews had been plugged up, and thus buried alive. The thunder-bolts, and awf-shots, which we have already noticed among charms against human ills, were also used for the cure of disordered cattle. If an animal died of distemper, a portion of its flesh cut out and hung in the chimney would serve as a protection against a recurrence of the complaint (Lan.). For a foul (Chs.), an inflammation between the claws of a cow’s foot: Cut a sod on which the diseased foot has stood, the shape of the foot, and stick it on a bush. For Lameness in a horse, caused by a nail: Thrust the nail into a piece of bacon, as it rusts, the wound will heal (Wor.). The quarter-ill is a disease which specially attacks young cattle, affecting them in one limb or quarter, and usually ending in death. To prevent this, at the birth of a calf, salt was sprinkled on its back, and an unbroken egg thrust down its throat (Nhb.). A piece of wood, termed a scopperil, was sometimes put through the dewlap of a beast, and an amulet suspended from it as a defence against the quarter-ill. Another disease to which calves are subject is called speed (Yks.), to prevent this, to nick the calf’s ears before it had seen two Fridays was believed to be efficacious. A Shropshire method of preventing a cow from fretting after her calf when it is taken away from her, was to cut a lock of hair from the calf’s tail and put it into the mother’s ear. This keepsake was supposed to console her for the loss of her offspring. Ef your dawg du lose ’is ’air, yiew mix up some oil, gunpowder, and the ashes of an old shoe—that’ll make ’air grow ’pon a boord.
The best-known remedy against cattle diseases in Scotland and the north of England was the need-fire, a virgin flame created by rubbing two pieces of wood together. It was once lit in one village and quickly transported from one village to another. A correspondent for The Times, in an article about the Coronation Bonfires on June 13, 1911, wrote: ‘These “need-fires” have persisted in the north of England within living memory. The writer has talked to farmers in Cumberland and Westmorland who, during a cattle plague, witnessed the “need-fire” being carried from[Pg 256] farm to farm, and cattle being driven through the smoke to stop the disease.’ The term is still used in everyday sayings, such as: To be at something like need-fire, meaning to do something with great effort or energy; to move like need-fire, meaning to go very fast; to work for need-fire, meaning to show significant effort or restless activity (Lakel. Cum. Wm.). Another charm for treating cattle was the shrew-ash (Lan. Sus. Hmp.). The affected area of the injured or diseased animal was rubbed with leaves or twigs from an ash tree in which live mice and shrews had been sealed inside and thus buried alive. The thunder-bolts and awf-shots, which we’ve already mentioned among remedies for human ailments, were also used to treat troubled cattle. If an animal died from distemper, taking a piece of its flesh and hanging it in the chimney would serve to protect against a recurrence of the disease (Lan.). For a foul (Chs.), an inflammation between the claws of a cow’s foot: Cut a sod where the affected foot has stood, shaped like the foot, and hang it on a bush. For lameness in a horse caused by a nail: Push the nail into a piece of bacon, and as it rusts, the wound will heal (Wor.). The quarter-ill is a disease particularly affecting young cattle, impacting one limb or quarter, and usually leading to death. To prevent this, salt was sprinkled on the calf's back at birth, and an unbroken egg was pushed down its throat (Nhb.). A piece of wood called a scopperil was sometimes placed through the dewlap of an animal, with an amulet hung from it as protection against the quarter-ill. Another condition affecting calves is known as speed (Yks.), and to avoid this, nicking the calf’s ears before it had seen two Fridays was thought to be effective. A Shropshire method for preventing a cow from grieving after her calf is taken away involved cutting a lock of hair from the calf’s tail and putting it in the mother’s ear. This keepsake was meant to comfort her over the loss of her offspring. If your dog loses its hair, mix some oil, gunpowder, and the ashes of an old shoe—that will make hair grow back on a board.
CHAPTER XV
Fortune-telling
The most prevalent of all the superstitious practices and charms for divining future events are the ceremonies connected with love-divination. Many of them are still in use, secretly practised by the country maiden who is pining for a sweetheart, or having one, doubts if he will prove constant; or if she is so fortunate as to possess several admirers, she wonders which to select, and seeks this aid to help her in her choice. Fortune-telling by means of plants is mostly done by children, and is indeed little more than a game. The plant most commonly employed for this purpose is the rye-grass, called aye-no-bent (Glo.), what’s your sweetheart (Sus.), and tinker-tailor grass (Som. Dev.). The alternate seeds are picked off one by one from the bottom upwards, to the words: Tinker, tailor, soldier, sailor, Rich man, poor man, beggarman, thief, each seed representing the occupation named at the moment it is plucked. The list is repeated over and over again till there is only one seed left standing at the top, and this is the calling of the future husband of the girl who is trying to read her fate. The same game is also played with the leaves of the pick-folly (Nhp.), the lady’s smock, and with the fruit-stones left on a plate after eating a helping of pie. The date of future marriage is foretold by plucking off the petals of a field daisy one by one to the words: This year, next year, sometime, never. In Shropshire, children playing with a cowslip-ball toss it up and say: Tissy-ball, tissy-ball, tell me true, How many years have I to go through? Then, if they catch it as it comes down they count it for a year, and so, on and on, as the ball is tossed up and caught again. A love-divination game played by school-children in Berkshire villages has been described[Pg 258] to me thus: write out your own name in full, and below it the name of your chosen sweetheart. Then cross out every letter of the alphabet common to both names, and count over the remaining letters by repeating: Friendship, courtship, marriage, through each name taken separately, and the result will show the future relationship between the two. Just lately, a young woman I know well was feeling thoroughly depressed about her lover, for in spite of his long-standing devotion, he yet seemed in no hurry to ‘get settled’; when a friend of hers suggested putting the matter to the test of this charm, which they used to work on their slates in school, and exhibit over their shoulders to little boys behind, when the teacher was not looking that way. Both names ran out with ‘marriage’, and sure enough, within a very short time the young man announced that he was looking out for a cottage with a view to the wedding this autumn! The common yarrow foretells constancy in courtship. Take one of the serrated leaves of the plant, and with it tickle the inside of the nostrils, repeating at the same time the following lines: Yarroway, yarroway, bear a white blow, If my love love me my nose will bleed now (e.An.). If blood follows this charm success in love is certain. Similarly apple-pips may be consulted on this point. The name of the possible lover must be whispered, or thought of in silence, and then the pip placed in the fire, or on the hot bars of the grate, and these lines repeated: If you love me, pop and fly, If you hate me, burn and die. This is also done with nuts, and with peas. In some parts of the country the ceremony is only efficacious if performed on St. Mark’s Eve, April 24, or Hallowe’en, Oct. 31. Apple-pips are also used as a charm to tell in what direction the future wife or husband lies. The pips are pressed between the finger and thumb until they fly, the following verse being repeated meanwhile: Pippin, pippin, paradise, Tell me where my love lies; East, west, north, south, Kirby, Kendal, Cockermouth (Lan.). The potency of the even-ash, i.e. an ash-leaf with an even number of leaflets, shows itself thus; the young girl who finds one[Pg 259] repeats the words: This even-ash I hold in my han’, The first I meet is my true man. She then asks the first male person she meets on the road what his Christian name is, and this will be the name of her future husband (Irel. Dev.). It is considered as lucky to find an even-ash as to find a four-leaved clover, for: Even-ash and four-leaved clover, See your true love ere the day’s over (Nhb. Shr. Dev. Cor.). If you find nine peas in a pod, and place the pod over the door, the first person who comes in will bear the Christian name of your future partner in life (Shr. Ken.), cp.:
The most common superstitions and charms for predicting future events are related to love divination. Many of these practices are still quietly used by young women longing for a partner, or if they're already in a relationship, they might worry about their partner’s loyalty; if they're lucky enough to have several suitors, they look for help in deciding who to choose. Kids mostly play fortune-telling games with plants, which are really just playful activities. The plant most frequently used for this is rye-grass, known as aye-no-bent (Glo.), what’s your sweetheart (Sus.), and tinker-tailor grass (Som. Dev.). They pick the seeds off one by one from the bottom, reciting: Tinker, tailor, soldier, sailor, Rich man, poor man, beggar man, thief, with each seed representing the job named when it’s plucked. They repeat this until only one seed remains at the top, indicating the future husband of the girl trying to reveal her fate. The same game can also be played using the leaves of the pick-folly (Nhp.), lady’s smock, and with the pits left on a plate after a pie. To predict the date of a future marriage, they pluck the petals of a field daisy one by one while saying: This year, next year, sometime, never. In Shropshire, kids play with a cowslip ball, tossing it and saying: Tissy-ball, tissy-ball, tell me true, How many years have I to go through? If they catch it when it falls, they count that as one year, continuing as the ball is tossed and caught repeatedly. In Berkshire villages, there’s a love divination game where schoolchildren write their full name and then the name of their crush below it. They cross out every letter that appears in both names, then count the leftover letters while saying: Friendship, courtship, marriage, for each name separately, which reveals the future relationship between them. Recently, a friend of mine was feeling really down about her boyfriend because, despite his long-standing affection, he seemed in no rush to settle down. A friend suggested they try this charm they used to do at school on their slates and show it to boys when the teacher wasn’t looking. Both names resulted in ‘marriage,’ and sure enough, shortly after, the guy mentioned he was looking for a cottage in preparation for their wedding this autumn! The common yarrow indicates fidelity in courtship. To use it, take one of its serrated leaves and tickle the inside of your nostrils while reciting: Yarroway, yarroway, bear a white blow, If my love loves me my nose will bleed now (e.An.). If blood follows this charm, love success is guaranteed. Similarly, you can use apple seeds for this purpose. One must whisper or think of the potential lover’s name while placing the seed in the fire or on the hot bars of the grate, repeating: If you love me, pop and fly, If you hate me, burn and die. This can also be done with nuts and peas. In some areas, the ceremony is effective only if done on St. Mark’s Eve, April 24, or Hallowe’en, Oct. 31. Apple seeds are also used to determine where a future wife or husband might be located. The seeds are pressed between the fingers until they pop, and the following rhyme is recited: Pippin, pippin, paradise, Tell me where my love lies; East, west, north, south, Kirby, Kendal, Cockermouth (Lan.). The power of the even-ash, which is an ash leaf with an even number of leaflets, is shown like this: the young girl who finds one says: This even-ash I hold in my hand, The first I meet is my true man. Then she asks the first male she encounters on the road for his first name, which will be her future husband’s name (Irel. Dev.). Finding an even-ash is considered as lucky as finding a four-leaved clover, because: Even-ash and four-leaved clover, See your true love before the day’s over (Nhb. Shr. Dev. Cor.). If you find nine peas in a pod and hang the pod over the door, the first person to enter will have the same first name as your future partner in life (Shr. Ken.), cp.:
Other ways of discovering the name of the lover are: Cut through the stem of a bracken fern, and the veins will show the initial letter (Nrf.); examine the veins on the back of your left hand, and note the letter they form; on May morning, take a small white slug termed a drutheen (Irel.), place it on a slate covered with flour or fine dust, and the track it pursues in the dust will form the initial letter of the name of the prospective husband; place a key at random in a Bible, and note the letter to which it points (Oxf.); take an apple, pare it whole, and holding the paring in your right hand, stand in the middle of the room repeating the following lines:
Other ways to find the name of your lover include: Cut through the stem of a bracken fern, and the veins will reveal the first letter (Nrf.); check the veins on the back of your left hand and see what letter they form; on May morning, take a small white slug called a drutheen (Irel.), place it on a slate covered with flour or fine dust, and the trail it makes in the dust will form the first letter of your future husband's name; randomly place a key in a Bible and note the letter it points to (Oxf.); take an apple, peel it entirely, and while holding the peel in your right hand, stand in the center of the room and repeat the following lines:
Then turn round three times, and cast the paring over your left shoulder, and it will form the first letter of the future husband’s surname. A form of this divination trick was to[Pg 260] my knowledge practised by some of the kindergarten children at the Oxford High School in 1910. A method whereby Berkshire damsels of to-day seek to discover the name of a future husband is this: Split open an unused envelope, and write three names of young men you know, or would like to know, one in each of three corners, leaving one corner a blank. Place a piece of wedding-cake in the middle of the envelope, and fasten it up firmly, and then lay it under your pillow for three successive nights. Each morning tear off a corner, and the name left on the fourth morning will be the name of the destined husband, or if it is the blank corner which remains, then you will die an old maid. The future husband’s occupation may be revealed on New Year’s Eve by pouring some melted lead into a glass of water, and observing what form the drops assume. If they resemble scissors, they point to a tailor; if they depict a hammer, then they foretell a carpenter, and so on (Lan.). Another similar custom, belonging to Midsummer Day, is recorded as known in Cornwall: Get a glass of water, throw into it the white of a freshly-broken egg, and then put the glass to stand in the sunshine. You will soon see by careful observation, the ropes and yards of a vessel if your husband is to be a sailor, or a plough and team if he is to be a farmer. If when you first hear the cuckoo you take off your left shoe and stocking, you will find inside the latter a hair of the same colour as that of the person you will marry (Shr.), cp. ‘Then doff’d my shoe, and by my troth, I swear, Therein I spy’d this yellow frizled hair,’ Gay, Thursday, or The Spell. Charms for procuring a vision of the beloved are: on St. Thomas’ Eve, Dec. 20, peel a large red onion, stick nine pins into it and say: Good St. Thomas, do me right, Send me my true love this night, In his clothes and his array, Which he weareth every day, and then place the onion under your pillow; on All Saints’ Eve go into the garden alone at midnight, and while the clock is striking twelve pluck nine sage-leaves, one at every stroke up to the ninth, when you will see the face of the future husband, or if not,[Pg 261] you will see a coffin (Shr.); gather twelve sage-leaves at noon, keep them in a saucer till midnight, then drop them one by one from your chamber window into the street, simultaneously with each stroke of the hour, the future husband will then either be seen, or else his step will be heard in the street below (Yks.); on Midsummer Eve walk through the garden with a rake over your left shoulder, and throw hempseed over your right, repeating the while: Hempseed I set, hempseed I sow, The man that is my true love Come after me and mow. The future husband will then appear following with a scythe. This charm with variations in the words used, and performed at different seasons, is widespread throughout the country, cp.:
Then turn around three times, throw the peel over your left shoulder, and it will form the first letter of your future husband's last name. A version of this divination trick was, to my knowledge, practiced by some kindergarten kids at Oxford High School in 1910. A way for Berkshire girls today to find out the name of their future husband is this: Open an unused envelope, write three names of young men you know or want to know in three corners, leaving one corner blank. Put a piece of wedding cake in the middle of the envelope, seal it up tightly, and then place it under your pillow for three nights in a row. Each morning, tear off a corner, and the name left on the fourth morning will be your destined husband’s name, or if it’s the blank corner that remains, then you’ll end up an old maid. You can discover your future husband’s job on New Year’s Eve by pouring melted lead into a glass of water and seeing what shape the drops take. If they look like scissors, it hints at a tailor; if they look like a hammer, it suggests a carpenter, and so on (Lan.). Another similar custom from Midsummer Day, noted in Cornwall, is this: Take a glass of water, add the white from a freshly broken egg, and set the glass in sunlight. With careful observation, you’ll soon see the outlines of a ship if your husband is going to be a sailor, or a plow and team if he’ll be a farmer. When you first hear the cuckoo, if you take off your left shoe and stocking, you’ll find a hair of the same color as the person you will marry inside the stocking (Shr.), cp. ‘Then doff’d my shoe, and by my troth, I swear, Therein I spy’d this yellow frizled hair,’ Gay, Thursday, or The Spell. To get a vision of your beloved, try these charms: on St. Thomas’ Eve, Dec. 20, peel a big red onion, stick nine pins into it and say: Good St. Thomas, do me right, Send me my true love this night, In his clothes and his array, Which he weareth every day, and then place the onion under your pillow; on All Saints’ Eve, go
Get up at midnight on All Saints’ Eve and stand before a looking-glass, combing your hair with one hand, and eating an apple held in the other, and as the clock strikes twelve you will see in the glass the face of the man you will marry looking over your left shoulder (Shr. Wor.). I can remember a schoolfellow of mine performing this ceremony, but in her case the prophecy proved a false one, for according to her description, the chief feature of the man in the vision was his moustache, and the man she ultimately married had none, for he was a clean-shaven clergyman. Perhaps the reason why the charm failed was because she had no apple to eat! On the Eve of St. Mark (Yks.), or of St. Agnes, Jan. 20 (Lan.), place on the floor a lighted pigtail, a small farthing candle, which must have been previously stolen, or else the charm will not work. Then sit down in silence and watch it till it begins to burn blue, when the future husband[Pg 262] will appear and walk across the room. The following is a very simple plan: Spread bread and cheese on the table, and sit down to it alone, observing strict silence. As the clock strikes twelve your future lover will appear and join you at your frugal meal (Cor.). On St. Agnes’ Fast, Jan. 21, you can procure a sight of your future husband thus: Eat nothing all day till bedtime, then boil an egg hard, extract the yolk, fill up the cavity with salt, and eat the egg, shell and all, then walk backwards to bed, repeating these lines: Sweet St. Agnes, work thy fast; If ever I be to marry man, Or man be to marry me, I hope him this night to see (Nhb.). Some say that the same result may be effected by eating a raw red herring, bones and all, before going to bed; or by placing the shoes, on going to bed, at right angles to each other in the shape of a T, saying the while: I place my shoes in form of a T, Hoping my true love to see; Not dressed in his best array, But in the clothes he wears every day (Nhb. Dev.). Another more elaborate ceremony is the preparation of the dumb-cake on St. Mark’s or sometimes on St. Agnes’ Eve (n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Nhp. Nrf.); or, as in Oxfordshire, on Christmas Eve, under the commonplace name of dough-cake. The cake must be prepared fasting, and in silence. When ready it must be placed in a pan on the coals to bake, and at midnight the future husband will come in, turn the cake, and go out again. In order to dream of the future husband: on a Friday night, when you go to bed, draw your left stocking into your right and say: This is the blessed Friday night; I draw my left stocking into my right, To dream of the living, not of the dead, To dream of the young man I am to wed (Shr.), then go to sleep without uttering another word; read the verse: ‘Lay down now, put me in a surety with thee; who is he that will strike hands with me?’ Job xvii. 3, after supper, then wash up the supper dishes and go to bed without speaking a word, placing the Bible under your pillow with a pin stuck through the verse previously read (ne.Sc.); or place a Bible under your pillow with a crooked sixpence over the[Pg 263] verses: ‘And Ruth said, Intreat me not to leave thee, or return from following after thee....’ Ruth i. 16, 17 (Lan.); take a blade-bone of mutton, stick it full of pins, go upstairs to bed walking backwards, and place the bone under your pillow (Yks.); get a piece of wedding-cake, carry it upstairs backwards, tie it in your left stocking with your right garter, place it under your pillow, and get into bed backwards, keeping strict silence all the while (Cor.). In its simplest form of sleeping with what Addison calls ‘an handsome slice of bride-cake ... placed very conveniently under’ the pillow, this is perhaps the most widely practised of all the dream-charms. Gather on a Friday at midnight nine leaves of the she-holly, Ilex aquifolium, tie them with nine knots inside a three-cornered handkerchief, and place them under the pillow (Nhb.). A way of finding out if you will ever be married or not, is to go into the farmyard at night and tap smartly at the door of the fowl-house. If a hen first cackles, you will never marry, but if a cock crows first then you will marry before the end of the coming year (Dev.). The merry-thought of a fowl is frequently used to ascertain which of two young people will be the first to enter the married state. In some places the shorter piece of the broken bone denotes the nearer marriage, elsewhere the longer piece is the coveted portion. In Northumberland scadded [scalded] peas were formerly eaten out of a large bowl, and the person who obtained the last pea was supposed to be the first married.
Get up at midnight on All Saints’ Eve and stand in front of a mirror, combing your hair with one hand and eating an apple with the other. As the clock strikes twelve, you will see the face of the man you will marry looking over your left shoulder (Shr. Wor.). I remember a classmate who did this, but it didn’t work for her. She described the man in her vision as having a mustache, but the man she ended up marrying was clean-shaven, since he was a clergyman. Maybe the charm failed because she didn’t have an apple to eat! On the Eve of St. Mark (Yks.) or St. Agnes, Jan. 20 (Lan.), place a lighted pigtail candle, which you must have stolen beforehand, on the floor—otherwise, the charm won’t work. Then sit quietly and watch it until it starts to burn blue, at which point your future husband will appear and walk across the room. Here’s a simple one: Put some bread and cheese on the table and sit down to eat it alone, keeping silent. When the clock strikes twelve, your future lover will show up to join you at your simple meal (Cor.). On St. Agnes’ Fast, Jan. 21, you can see your future husband by eating nothing all day until bedtime. Then hard boil an egg, scoop out the yolk, fill the hole with salt, and eat the egg, shell and all. Walk backward to bed while saying: Sweet St. Agnes, work thy fast; If ever I be to marry man, Or man be to marry me, I hope him this night to see (Nhb.). Some say you can also achieve the same result by eating a raw red herring, bones and all, before bed, or by placing your shoes at right angles to each other in the shape of a T when you go to bed, saying: I place my shoes in form of a T, Hoping my true love to see; Not dressed in his best array, But in the clothes he wears every day (Nhb. Dev.). A more complicated ritual involves making a dumb-cake on St. Mark’s or sometimes St. Agnes’ Eve (n.Cy. Nhb. Yks. Nhp. Nrf.); or, as in Oxfordshire, on Christmas Eve, referred to as dough-cake. The cake must be made while fasting and in silence. When it’s ready, it should be placed on the coals to bake, and at midnight, your future husband will come in, turn the cake, and leave again. To dream of your future husband: on a Friday night, when you go to bed, pull your left stocking into your right and say: This is the blessed Friday night; I pull my left stocking into my right, To dream of the living, not of the dead, To dream of the young man I am to wed (Shr.), then fall asleep without saying another word; read the verse: ‘Lie down now, make a promise with me; who is willing to shake on this with me?’ Job xvii. 3, after dinner, then wash the dishes and go to bed without speaking, placing the Bible under your pillow with a pin stuck through the previously read verse (ne.Sc.); or put a Bible under your pillow with a crooked sixpence over the[Pg 263] verses: ‘And Ruth said, "Don't ask me to leave you or to stop following you...."’ Ruth i. 16, 17 (Lan.); take a blade bone of mutton, fill it with pins, go upstairs backward to bed, and place the bone under your pillow (Yks.); get a piece of wedding cake, take it upstairs backward, tie it in your left stocking with your right garter, place it under your pillow, and get into bed backward, keeping quiet the whole time (Cor.). In its simplest form, sleeping with what Addison calls ‘a nice piece of bride cake ... placed very conveniently under’ the pillow is probably the most commonly practiced dream charm. Gather nine leaves of the female holly, Holly, on a Friday at midnight, tie them with nine knots inside a triangular handkerchief, and place them under your pillow (Nhb.). To find out if you will ever marry, go into the farmyard at night and tap at the fowl-house door. If a hen cackles first, you will never marry, but if a rooster crows first, you will marry before the end of the coming year (Dev.). The wishbone from a fowl is often used to determine which of two young people will be the first to get married. In some areas, the shorter piece of the broken bone signifies the sooner marriage, while in others, the longer piece is considered the lucky one. In Northumberland, scadded [scalded] peas were once eaten from a large bowl, with the person who got the last pea expected to be the first to marry.
Beside these ceremonies—of which the above are a mere handful among the hosts of examples of this popular form of divination which might be quoted—there are the more serious and solemn practices for discovering approaching death, such as watching the kirk on St. Mark’s Eve (Dur. Yks.). The watcher took up his post at midnight in the church porch, and between then and one o’clock he would see pass into the church one by one the figures of all the persons in the parish who would die within the coming year. According to some, all the parishioners would be seen to defile into the church, and then those destined to live through the year[Pg 264] would pass out thence, while the doomed would remain behind and never be seen again. Another St. Mark’s Eve custom was the caff-riddling (Yks.), a mode of divination by means of a riddle and chaff. The inquirer repaired at midnight to the barn, and leaving the doors wide open, he there riddled the contents of his sieve, and watched for portents. If a funeral procession passed by, or shapes of men carrying a coffin, then the watcher would die within a year, but if nothing appeared he was destined to live. St. Mark’s Eve was also the night for ash-riddling (n.Cy.). The ashes were riddled on the hearth, and left there untouched when the family retired to rest, the idea being, that if any of the inmates of the house were fated to die within the year, the print of his or her shoe would be found impressed in the soft ashes.
Besides these ceremonies—of which the ones mentioned are just a few examples of this popular form of divination—there are more serious and solemn practices for predicting approaching death, such as watching the church on St. Mark’s Eve (Dur. Yks.). The watcher would take their place at midnight in the church porch, and between then and one o’clock, they would see the figures of all the people in the parish who would die within the coming year enter the church one by one. According to some, all the parishioners would be seen entering the church, and then those destined to live through the year[Pg 264] would exit, while the doomed would be left behind and never seen again. Another St. Mark’s Eve custom was caff-riddling (Yks.), a method of divination using a riddle and chaff. The person inquiring would go to the barn at midnight, leave the doors wide open, riddled the contents of their sieve, and looked for signs. If a funeral procession passed by or figures of men carrying a coffin appeared, then the watcher would die within a year; but if nothing showed up, they were destined to live. St. Mark’s Eve was also the night for ash-riddling (n.Cy.). The ashes were riddled on the hearth and left untouched when the family went to bed, with the idea being that if any member of the household was fated to die within the year, the imprint of their shoe would be found in the soft ashes.
The ancient form of divination by ‘riddle and shears’ was used for the discovery of theft. A sieve was held in a pair of shears, whilst the names of suspected persons were uttered. At the mention of the culprit’s name, the sieve was supposed to turn round. Similar to this are the investigations made with ‘Bible and key’, though the details of the performance vary slightly in different parts of the country. In Devonshire the trial was conducted thus: the name of the suspected person was written on a piece of paper and placed within the leaves of a Bible, together with the front-door key, the wards of which must rest on the eighteenth verse of Psalm 1: ‘When thou sawest a thief, then thou consentedst with him.’ The left garters of two persons were then tied round the Bible, and these two persons placed their right forefingers under the bow of the key, repeating at the same time the above-mentioned verse. If the Bible moved, the suspected person was condemned as guilty, if it remained stationary, he was adjudged innocent.
The old method of divination using 'riddle and shears' was used to identify thieves. A sieve was held in a pair of shears while the names of suspected individuals were called out. When the name of the guilty person was mentioned, the sieve was expected to spin. A similar practice involved 'Bible and key,' though the specifics of the ritual vary a bit in different regions. In Devonshire, the process worked like this: the name of the suspected individual was written on a piece of paper and placed inside a Bible along with the front-door key, positioned so that the key's ward rested on the eighteenth verse of Psalm 1: ‘When thou sawest a thief, then thou consentedst with him.’ The left garters of two individuals were tied around the Bible, and these two people placed their right forefingers under the key's bow while simultaneously reciting the aforementioned verse. If the Bible moved, the suspect was deemed guilty; if it stayed still, they were considered innocent.
CHAPTER XVI
BIRTH, MARRIAGE, AND DEATH RITUALS
As might be expected, very many ancient superstitious ideas have lingered round the three great events of man’s life—his birth, marriage, and death. They took shape in various customs which were handed down from one generation to another long after the beliefs underlying them had ceased to exist in the popular mind. But now the traditional customs themselves are fast disappearing, whilst often their original significance is a matter only to be explained by the most learned folklorists. Here and there a new meaning has been grafted on to an old practice, which makes the old usage sound rational, and prolongs its life. For instance, in some districts, the first food given to a newly-born baby is a spoonful of butter and sugar, administered as wholesome, and even necessary medicine; but according to scholars, the practice was in origin a religious rite, belonging to remote antiquity. Again, it is popularly regarded as unlucky to cut a baby’s nails before it is a year old, because if this was done the baby would most certainly grow up a thief. If the nails need to be shortened, they must be bitten or pulled off. The real reason why the baby’s fingers must not come in contact with the scissors, is a fear respecting the baneful effect of iron, which has its source in the Dark Ages of primitive man, cp. ‘Professor Rhys believes aversion to iron to be a survival of the feeling implanted in man’s early life, when all metals were new, and hence to be avoided.... The same dread of iron has doubtless given rise to the custom throughout Europe regarding children’s nails. Everywhere, including England, it is the practice to bite off the infant’s nails if too long, and not to cut them, at least for the first year, or until the child, who is peculiarly open to the attacks of all[Pg 266] malignant influences, has grown strong,’ F.T. Elworthy, The Evil Eye, 1895, p. 224. Further, Mr. Elworthy tells us that the habit of covering up a new-born baby’s face whenever it is taken out of the house, said to be a necessary protection against the rigour of the outer air, may be referred to the ‘primaeval belief in the liability of infants to the blighting effect of the stranger’s eye,’ The Evil Eye, p. 428.
As you might expect, many ancient superstitions have persisted around the three major events in a person's life—birth, marriage, and death. These ideas formed various customs that were passed down through generations long after the beliefs that inspired them disappeared from popular awareness. However, now these traditional customs are quickly fading away, and their original meanings can often only be explained by the most knowledgeable folklorists. Occasionally, a new interpretation has been attached to an old tradition, making it seem logical and extending its relevance. For example, in some areas, the first food given to a newborn is a spoonful of butter and sugar, presented as a nourishing and even essential medicine; but scholars indicate that this practice originally had religious significance dating back to ancient times. Similarly, many believe it’s bad luck to trim a baby's nails before their first birthday because doing so will likely lead the child to become a thief. If the nails need to be shortened, they must be bitten or pulled off instead. The actual reason for avoiding scissors on a baby’s fingers stems from a fear of the harmful effects of iron, which traces back to the Dark Ages of early humanity. cp. “Professor Rhys believes the aversion to iron is a remnant of the feelings established in early human life, when all metals were new and therefore to be avoided... This same fear of iron has undoubtedly contributed to the custom across Europe regarding children's nails. Everywhere, including England, it is customary to bite off an infant’s nails if they’re too long, rather than cut them, at least during the first year, until the child has grown strong enough to fend off various harmful influences,” F.T. Elworthy, The Evil Eye, 1895, p. 224. Additionally, Mr. Elworthy explains that the practice of covering a newborn's face whenever they’re taken outside, believed to be essential for protection against harsh outside conditions, can be traced back to the “primitive belief in the vulnerability of infants to the damaging gaze of strangers,” The Evil Eye, p. 428.
Much is supposed to depend upon which day of the week a child is born. The following rhyme is well known, though it varies slightly in different localities; this is a Devonshire version:
Much is said to depend on which day of the week a child is born. The following rhyme is well known, though it varies a bit in different areas; this is a Devonshire version:
For Latin and O.E. versions of this v. ‘Wochentags-Geburtsprognosen,’ by Prof. Max Förster in Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen, Band 128, Heft 3/4, June 1912. The cradle provided for the baby must be paid for before it is brought into the house, else the child that sleeps in it will die without means to pay for a coffin (Yks.). Another curious superstition concerning a cradle is that should any one rock an empty cradle another baby will shortly come to occupy it (Shr. Sus. Cor.): Rock the cradle empty, You’ll rock the babies plenty. When possible, a new-born child before being laid beside the mother was placed in the arms of a maiden. This was thought to have a beneficial influence on the development of its character. It is still held important that the first time an infant leaves the mother’s room it should be taken upstairs, not down. If there is no upper story, then the nurse mounts upon a chair, or some other article of furniture, with the baby in her arms; for if its first step in the world is[Pg 267] a descent, then its subsequent career in life will be a downward course. This custom was observed in the case of a baby born a fortnight ago in Oxford, June 3, 1912, in a highly superior family. In Cumberland a child born on a Friday was always placed on the Bible shortly after its birth, no doubt with intent to secure it against the power of fairies. We have already noticed some of the ceremonies for warding off evil beings. One of these observances, formerly in use in the north of Scotland, was to turn an infant three times head over heels in the nurse’s arms, and shake it three times head downwards, to keep off fairies. Both in Scotland and in many parts of England a notion prevailed that it was unlucky to wash the palms of a baby’s hands, for if washed, they would never ‘gather riches’. Sometimes this rule was observed till the baby was a year old.
For Latin and O.E. versions of this v. ‘Wochentags-Geburtsprognosen,’ by Prof. Max Förster in Archive for the Study of Modern Languages and Literatures, Band 128, Weight 3/4, June 1912. The cradle for the baby must be paid for before it comes into the house; otherwise, the child that sleeps in it will die without the means for a coffin (Yks.). Another interesting superstition about a cradle is that if someone rocks an empty cradle, another baby will soon arrive to fill it (Shr. Sus. Cor.): Rock the cradle empty, you’ll rock the babies plenty. Ideally, before a newborn was laid beside the mother, they would be placed in the arms of a maiden. This was thought to positively influence the child's character development. It's still considered important that the first time an infant leaves the mother’s room, it should be taken upstairs, not down. If there's no upper floor, the nurse would stand on a chair or some other piece of furniture with the baby in her arms; because if its first step in the world is a descent, then its future in life will be a downward path. This custom was observed with a baby born a fortnight ago in Oxford, June 3, 1912, in a very prestigious family. In Cumberland, a child born on a Friday was always placed on the Bible shortly after birth, likely to protect it from fairy influence. We've already noted some practices for warding off evil beings. One of these customs, formerly used in the north of Scotland, involved turning an infant three times head over heels in the nurse’s arms and shaking it three times head downwards to keep away fairies. In both Scotland and many parts of England, there was a belief that it was unlucky to wash a baby's palms; if washed, they would never 'gather riches.' Sometimes, this rule was followed until the baby turned one year old.
In some districts it is still the custom to provide a feast on the occasion of the birth of a child for all the friends and neighbours who come to assist or to congratulate. This festive gathering is known under various names, for example: the bed-ale (sw.Cy.), the word ale being used in its old meaning of feast, cp. lit. Eng. bridal, from O.E. brȳd-ealu, literally, the bride-feast. Sometimes, however, the term is wrongly applied to the liquor prepared for these occasions, which, properly speaking, is the groaning-drink. The blithe-meat (Sc. Irel.), where amongst the viands was always a cheese, called the cryin’-oot cheese; the cummer-skolls (Sh. & Or.I.); the merry-meal (Chs.), where the chief items were currant cakes called Lord Ralph, and spirits of which all must partake to bring good luck to the new arrival; the merry-meat (ne.Sc.), where was served the cryin’-bannock made of oatmeal, milk, and sugar, and baked in a frying-pan, and beside it the indispensable cheese, or cryin’-kebback, of which each guest was expected to carry away a piece for distribution among friends who were not present at the entertainment; the shout (Yks.), to which the neighbours were summoned at the moment when the birth was about to take place, and to which they came each with a warming-[Pg 268]pan. After the event, they stayed to spend a festive hour, when each guest was expected to favour the child with a good wish. In more modern times this custom of celebrating a birth by a convivial gathering is commonly spoken of in northern England as: the head-washing, or: weshin’ t’bairn’s head, and is not so much a feast as a free drinking.
In some areas, it's still customary to throw a feast when a child is born, inviting friends and neighbors to help celebrate or offer congratulations. This festive gathering goes by various names, such as the bed-ale (sw.Cy.), where the word ale refers to an old meaning of feast, similar to cp. lit. Eng. bridal, from O.E. bride ale, which means bride-feast. Sometimes, though, the term is incorrectly used to describe the drink made for these events, which is actually the groaning-drink. The blithe-meat (Sc. Irel.) included a dish that always featured a cheese called cryin’-oot cheese; the cummer-skolls (Sh. & Or.I.); the merry-meal (Chs.), which mainly consisted of currant cakes known as Lord Ralph, and spirits that everyone was expected to drink for good luck for the new arrival; the merry-meat (ne.Sc.), which served cryin’-bannock made of oatmeal, milk, and sugar, cooked in a frying pan, accompanied by the necessary cheese, or cryin’-kebback, of which each guest was expected to take a piece home to share with friends who couldn't attend; the shout (Yks.), to which neighbors were called right when the birth was about to happen, and they arrived each with a warming-[Pg 268]pan. After the event, they would stay to enjoy a festive hour, and each guest was expected to offer a good wish to the child. In more recent times, this tradition of celebrating a birth with a gathering is often referred to in northern England as the head-washing, or weshin’ t’bairn’s head, and is less of a feast and more of a casual drinking occasion.
The old north-country toast drunk at the birth-feast was: The wife a good church-going and a battening to the bairn; or: Here’s good battening to t’barn, and good mends to the mother!
The old toast from the north country that was raised at the celebration of a birth was: "Cheers to a wife who goes to church and takes good care of the baby;" or: "Here's to good care for the baby, and good health to the mother!"
The groaning-cheese seems to have been everywhere a standing dish at the birth-feast. Formerly it was the practice to cut it in the middle, and so by degrees form it into a large kind of ring through which the child was drawn on the day of the christening (n.Cy. Oxf.). A slice of it laid under the pillow was supposed to enable a maiden to dream of her lover. The remains of the cheese and cake were kept for subsequent callers, and every visitor was expected to taste them. A special Cumberland dainty belonging to birth festivities is run-butter, or rum-butter, fresh butter melted with brown sugar and rum, poured into china bowls, where it stiffens, and out of which it is served, generally with havver [oat] breed. The lady who first cuts into the bowl is predicted to require a similar compliment. At one time it was customary to hide the bowl of rum-butter and allow it to be searched for by boys, who, having found it and eaten its contents, made a collection of money, which was put by for the baby in whose honour the delicacy had been made.
The groaning-cheese was a popular dish at the birth celebration. In the past, it was common to cut it in half, gradually shaping it into a large ring through which the child was passed during the christening (n.Cy. Oxf.). A slice placed under a maiden’s pillow was believed to help her dream of her future partner. The leftover cheese and cake were saved for later visitors, and everyone was expected to try them. A special treat from Cumberland for birth celebrations is run-butter or rum-butter, which is fresh butter mixed with brown sugar and rum, poured into china bowls to set, and served usually with havver [oat] breed. The first person to cut into the bowl is said to be the next to receive a similar gesture. At one time, it was tradition to hide the bowl of rum-butter and let boys search for it; once they found it and consumed the contents, they collected money, which was saved for the baby honored by the treat.
A custom once common in nearly all the northern counties of England—and still extant at the end of last century—was that of presenting a new-born infant with three articles ‘for luck’, the first time it visited a neighbour or relation. The gifts usually consisted of an egg, a handful of salt, and a new sixpence, but sometimes a piece of bread, or a bunch of matches was substituted for the coin. In Lancashire and Yorkshire this ceremony was known as puddinging; in Durham the gifts were termed: the bairn’s awmous, cp.[Pg 269] O.N. almusa, an alms. On the day of the christening somewhat similar gifts were made by the parents on behalf of the child. Before the procession started for church, a parcel was made up containing a slice of the christening cake, some cheese, and a packet of salt. This was called the christening bit (Sc. n.Cy.), or kimbly (Cor.). It was presented to the first person met on the way to church, and it was considered specially lucky if that person chanced to be of the opposite sex to the infant. In parts of Scotland the receiver was always the first male passer-by. He constituted the child’s first-foot, and if he was a dark-haired man it augured well for the child’s future, but if fair-haired, then the reverse. After the church service came the christening feast at home, with its special cakes, and dishes such as butter-sops (Cum. Wm.), oatcake or wheaten bread fried in melted butter and sugar. Then the child’s health would be drunk with some such formula as the following: Wissin’ the company’s gueede health, an’ grace and growin’ to the bairn (ne.Sc.).
A tradition that was once common in nearly all the northern counties of England—and was still around at the end of the last century—was to give a newborn baby three items ‘for luck’ when it first visited a neighbor or relative. The gifts usually included an egg, a handful of salt, and a new sixpence, although sometimes a piece of bread or a bunch of matches replaced the coin. In Lancashire and Yorkshire, this ceremony was called puddinging; in Durham, the gifts were referred to as the bairn’s awmous, cp.[Pg 269] O.N. almusa, an alms. On the day of baptism, somewhat similar gifts were given by the parents on behalf of the child. Before the procession headed to church, a parcel was put together that included a slice of the christening cake, some cheese, and a packet of salt. This was called the christening bit (Sc. n.Cy.), or kimbly (Cor.). It was given to the first person encountered on the way to church, and it was considered especially lucky if that person was of the opposite sex to the child. In parts of Scotland, the receiver was always the first male passerby. He was considered the child’s first-foot, and if he had dark hair, it was a good sign for the child’s future, but if he had fair hair, it was the opposite. After the church service, there would be a christening feast at home, featuring special cakes and dishes like butter-sops (Cum. Wm.), which are oatcake or wheaten bread fried in melted butter and sugar. Then, the child's health would be toasted with a phrase like this: Wissin’ the company’s gueede health, an’ grace and growin’ to the bairn (ne.Sc.).
The ceremony of private baptism is never considered equal to public baptism in church. A child baptized privately is said to have been half-baptized (w.Midl. Oxf. Ken. Sus.), or named (e.An.), e.g. He wasn’t ever christened, only named. Indeed, the term half-baptized is sometimes used as an epithet applied to persons of deficient intellect, equivalent to half-baked. It is held lucky for the baby to cry during some part of the baptismal service, the utterance of one good yell being the most favourable omen. If a male and a female infant are presented for baptism at the same time, the boy must be baptized first, else he will grow up effeminate, and play second fiddle to his wife; and the girl will become masculine in face and mien (Yks.).
The ceremony of private baptism is never considered as important as public baptism in church. A child baptized privately is said to be half-baptized (w.Midl. Oxf. Ken. Sus.), or named (e.An.), for example, he wasn’t ever christened, only named. In fact, the term half-baptized is sometimes used as a derogatory term for people with limited intellect, similar to saying they are half-baked. It is considered lucky for the baby to cry during some part of the baptism service, with one good cry being seen as the best sign. If a boy and girl are presented for baptism at the same time, the boy must be baptized first; otherwise, he might grow up to be less masculine and take a backseat to his wife, while the girl could end up looking and acting more like a boy (Yks.).
Most of the rural wedding customs belong to the days when, in accordance with the popular maxim: Better wed over the mixen [dunghill] than over the moor, the bride’s old home with her parents, and the new one she was to share with her husband were both within walking distance of the church where the wedding took place. Then all the neigh[Pg 270]bours were the friends of both bride and bridegroom, they had all grown up together with the same local traditions, and they all clung to the observance of the same ceremonies. Now railways and bicycles, newspapers and cheap magazines, have broken down the old order of things. The bridegroom’s friends and relations are often complete strangers to the bride’s kith and kin, their ways and beliefs are unknown to each other. They cannot join together in some time-honoured ceremonial when the newly-wedded pair enter their future home; instead they wave hats and handkerchiefs in the wake of a train or a motor which is carrying the couple to a distant dwelling-place. The bride, too, has up-to-date ideas. She wants to make a sensation like Lady Dunfunkus Macgregor’s daughter, a description of whose marriage she has just read in the Daily Mail, or like Miss Gwendolen Fitzwilliam in the current number of the Family Journal. Her dress and her doings, and all the wedding festivities must as far as possible be modelled on a fashionable pattern, till finally, modern conventionalities and not ancient customs rule the day. Two or three years ago the Weekly News of a very small town in Herefordshire was sent to me in order that I might read therein an account of a village wedding in which I was interested because I had known the bride’s parents all my life. Her father was the village blacksmith, and sexton of the parish, as his father, and grandfather, and great-grandfather had been before him. Here was described how the bride wore a ‘gown’, and how her mother ‘held a reception in a marquee’, and how the bride changed into her ‘travelling costume’, and how ‘the happy couple’ then ‘took their departure in a motor-car’, to ‘spend the honeymoon’ somewhere at the seaside. Indeed, from the newspaper report it might have been a fashionable ‘Society’ wedding, except for one recorded detail: in the list of wedding presents it appeared that the bridegroom’s father had bestowed on the happy couple ‘a pig’! I am glad to say that the young people did not continue to live up to the style of their wedding, and the[Pg 271] bride has since often spoken of the pig as the most valuable of all their wedding presents, for within a year this exemplary animal presented them with no less than twenty-eight robust and healthy piglings!
Most rural wedding customs date back to a time when, according to the popular saying: Better to marry over the dung heap than over the moor, the bride's childhood home and her new home with her husband were both close to the church where the wedding took place. Back then, all the neighbors were friends of both the bride and groom; they had grown up together with the same local traditions and stuck to the same ceremonies. Now, with railways and bicycles, newspapers and cheap magazines, the old ways have changed. The groom's friends and family are often complete strangers to the bride's relatives, and they don’t share the same customs or beliefs. They can’t come together for a traditional ceremony when the newlyweds enter their new home; instead, they wave hats and handkerchiefs as a train or car takes the couple to their new place. The bride also has modern ideas. She wants to make an impression like Lady Dunfunkus Macgregor’s daughter, whose wedding she just read about in the Daily Mail, or like Miss Gwendolen Fitzwilliam in the latest Family Journal. Her dress, her actions, and all the wedding celebrations have to be as fashionable as possible, until eventually, modern conventions, not old customs, take over. Two or three years ago, I received the Weekly News from a small town in Herefordshire, which included an account of a village wedding I was interested in because I had known the bride’s parents my whole life. Her father was the village blacksmith and parish sexton, just like his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather before him. The report described how the bride wore a 'gown', how her mother 'held a reception under a marquee', how the bride changed into her 'travelling costume', and how 'the happy couple' then 'left in a motor-car' to 'spend their honeymoon' somewhere by the sea. From the newspaper’s account, it could have been a trendy 'society' wedding, except for one detail: in the list of wedding gifts, it mentioned that the groom’s father had given the couple 'a pig'! I’m pleased to say that the young couple didn’t live up to the style of their wedding, and the bride has often said that the pig was the most valuable of all their wedding gifts because within a year, this remarkable animal gave them no less than twenty-eight strong and healthy piglets!
The usual preliminaries to a wedding, namely, the giving in of the banns of marriage, and the publishing of the same in church, can be very variously expressed in dialect speech, for example: to put in the cries (Sc.), or t’spurrins (Yks.), or the askings (Lan.); or to put up the sibbritts (Chs. e.An.), or sibberidge, cp. O.E. sibbrǣden, relationship; to be asked in church (gen. dial.); to be asked out (gen. dial.), i.e. to have the banns published for the last time; to be called in church (Lin.), or called home (Wil. Dor.); to be church-bawled (Sus.); to be prayed for (e.An.); to be shouted (Lan.); to be spurred (Yks. Lan. Der. Lin. Wil.). The word spur in this sense is from O.E. spyrian, to investigate, inquire into, but popular etymology has connected it with the ordinary literary English substantive spur. Hence the jocular remark when a person has been once asked in church: Why, thoo’s gotten one spur on thee! In many villages (Lin. Hnt. Rut.) it is customary to ring what is called the Spur-peal, either at the close of the morning service, or in the evening of the Sunday when the banns are published for the first time. Formerly in parts of Wiltshire a man whose banns had been published for the first time was said to have: vallen plump out o’ the pulpit laas’ Zunday, and he was asked how his shoulder was, since it had been put out o’ one side. Parallel to this is the remark: He’s gotten broken-ribbed to-day (Lin.); and further, there are the expressions: to fall over the desk (w.Cy.); and to be thrown over the balk (n.Cy.), balk here signifying the rood-beam dividing the chancel of a church from the nave. If after the banns have been published the marriage does not take place, the deserted one is said to hang over the balk; or, to be hung in the bell-ropes (Chs. Der. Wor.). Tradition in Sussex says that if a man goes to church to hear his banns read, his children will be born deaf and dumb. If a man[Pg 272] withdraws his banns after they have been given in, his projected marriage is spoken of as a rue-bargain (Lan.). Them at’s e’ a horry to wed gen’lins eats rew-pie afoore thaay’ve been married a year is a Lincolnshire way of saying: Marry in haste and repent at leisure. To get married is: to tie a knot wi the tongue, at yan cannot louze wi’ yan’s teeth (Yks. Nhp.).
The usual preparations for a wedding, like announcing the banns of marriage and making the announcements in church, can be expressed in various dialects. For example: to put in the cries (Sc.), or t’spurrins (Yks.), or the askings (Lan.); or to put up the sibbritts (Chs. e.An.), or sibberidge, cp. O.E. sibling rivalry, meaning relationship; to be asked in church (gen. dial.); to be asked out (gen. dial.), which means to have the banns published for the last time; to be called in church (Lin.), or called home (Wil. Dor.); to be church-bawled (Sus.); to be prayed for (e.An.); to be shouted (Lan.); to be spurred (Yks. Lan. Der. Lin. Wil.). The word spur in this context comes from O.E. spyrian, to investigate, but people have humorously linked it with the common English word spur. Hence the joke when someone has been asked in church: "Why, you’ve gotten one spur on you!" In many villages (Lin. Hnt. Rut.), it’s customary to ring what’s called the Spur-peal, either at the end of the morning service or on Sunday evening when the banns are published for the first time. In parts of Wiltshire, a man whose banns have been published for the first time was said to have “fallen plump out of the pulpit last Sunday," and people would ask how his shoulder was, since it had been put out of joint. Similarly, the expression "He’s gotten broken-ribbed today" (Lin.) is used; and there are also phrases like "to fall over the desk" (w.Cy.); and "to be thrown over the balk" (n.Cy.), where balk refers to the beam separating the chancel of a church from the nave. If the marriage doesn’t happen after the banns have been published, the person left behind is said to hang over the balk; or to be hung in the bell ropes (Chs. Der. Wor.). Tradition in Sussex claims that if a man goes to church to hear his banns read, his children will be born deaf and dumb. If a man withdraws his banns after they’ve been announced, his planned marriage is referred to as a rue-bargain (Lan.). The saying "Them at’s e’ a horry to wed gen’lins eats rew-pie afore thaay’ve been married a year" is a Lincolnshire way of saying: "Marry in haste and repent at leisure." To get married means "to tie a knot with the tongue, and one cannot loosen it with one’s teeth" (Yks. Nhp.).
Formerly in Scotland and the north of England it was not uncommon for the wedding-guests to contribute either in money or in kind to the expenses of the marriage entertainment. Such a wedding was called a bidden-wedding (Cum. Wm. Lan.), bride-wain (n.Cy.), or penny-wedding (Sc.). In Lancashire, when the couple to be married were of the very poor, it was once customary for the friends to assemble on the wedding-day, and build for them a house of clay and wood, termed post and petrel; or wattle and daub. The relations provided a few articles of necessary furniture, and when the clay bigging was completed the day was concluded with music and dancing.
In the past, in Scotland and northern England, it was common for wedding guests to help cover the costs of the wedding celebration, either with money or contributions of goods. This kind of wedding was known as a bidden-wedding (Cum. Wm. Lan.), bride-wain (n.Cy.), or penny-wedding (Sc.). In Lancashire, when the couple was very poor, it was a tradition for friends to gather on the wedding day to build them a small house made of clay and wood, called post and petrel or wattle and daub. The family would provide a few essential pieces of furniture, and once the clay bigging was finished, the day would end with music and dancing.
In fixing the date of the wedding care must be taken to note on which day of the week it falls, for each day of the week is supposed to have its special influence on the future life of the wedded pair:
In choosing the date for the wedding, it's important to pay attention to which day of the week it falls on, as each day is believed to have a unique influence on the couple's future life.
Leap year is looked upon as a lucky year for marriage: Happy they’ll be that wed and wive Within leap year; they’re sure to thrive (Yks.). Sunshine on the wedding-day is always a fortunate omen, for: Happy is the bride that the sun shines on. It is very unlucky for the bride to wear green at her wedding (Shr. Yks.), even in any part of her clothing—Green and white, Forsaken quite—but opinions differ as to blue for the colour of the wedding dress: Deean’t[Pg 273] o’ Friday buy yer ring, O’ Friday deean’t put t’spurrings in, Deean’t wed o’ Friday. Think o’ this, Nowther blue ner green mun match her dhriss (Yks.); If dressed in blue, She’s sure to rue (Yks.). On the other hand, in certain parts of the country blue is a favourite colour for the wedding attire (Shr.). The most lucky combination is to wear: Something old, and something new, Something borrowed, and something blue. The something borrowed should if possible have been previously worn by a bride at her wedding. In Devonshire a bride is supposed to further her chances of prosperity by carrying with her to church a few sprigs of rue, and of rosemary, and a little garlic in her pocket.
Leap year is seen as a lucky year for marriage: Happy are those who marry within a leap year; they’re sure to thrive. Sunshine on the wedding day is always a good sign because happy is the bride that the sun shines on. It’s considered very unlucky for the bride to wear green at her wedding, even in any part of her outfit—Green and white, completely avoided—but opinions vary about blue for the wedding dress. Don't buy your ring on Friday, and don't get married on Friday. Remember this: neither blue nor green should match her dress; if she's dressed in blue, she’ll regret it. However, in some places, blue is a popular color for wedding clothing. The luckiest combination is to wear: something old, something new, something borrowed, and something blue. The something borrowed should ideally be something previously worn by a bride at her wedding. In Devonshire, a bride is said to improve her chances of prosperity by carrying a few sprigs of rue, rosemary, and a little garlic in her pocket when she goes to church.
It is a very unlucky omen for a bride on her way to church if a cat or a toad should meet her on the road; if a raven should hover over her; or if a dog, a cat, or a hare should run between her and the bridegroom; if the bridal procession should encounter a funeral; or if a cripple should cross their path. It is unlucky for a widow to be present at the wedding (Shr.); or for the clock to strike during the marriage service (Wor.). When the ceremony is over, whichever of the wedded pair steps first out of church will be ‘master’ in the home (Brks.). At a recent wedding near Oxford, the bride’s mother-in-law stood waiting outside the church door to watch for this important omen, and when she saw her son step out first, she clapped her hands exultingly, greatly to the discomfiture of the bride, who had heedlessly missed her opportunity. In parts of Yorkshire the same superstition is connected with the leaving of the bride’s old home after the wedding-feast; whichever of the two then crosses the threshold first, will be the leader in their future life together. For unmarried members of the wedding party to rub against the bride or bridegroom is considered lucky, as by so doing they may hope to catch the infection of matrimony.
It’s really unlucky for a bride on her way to the church if a cat or a toad crosses her path; if a raven flies above her; or if a dog, cat, or hare runs between her and the groom. It's also bad luck if the wedding procession encounters a funeral or if a disabled person crosses their path. It's unlucky for a widow to be at the wedding (Shr.); or for the clock to chime during the marriage ceremony (Wor.). After the ceremony, whoever of the couple steps out of the church first will be the ‘master’ at home (Brks.). At a recent wedding near Oxford, the bride’s mother-in-law waited outside the church door to watch for this important sign, and when she saw her son step out first, she clapped her hands joyfully, much to the bride's dismay, who had carelessly missed her chance. In parts of Yorkshire, the same superstition applies when leaving the bride's old home after the wedding feast; whoever crosses the threshold first will lead their future life together. For unmarried guests at the wedding to brush against the bride or groom is seen as lucky since it’s believed they might catch the spirit of marriage.
Superstitious practices connected with the first-foot, such as we have already noticed at christenings, are also to be found as part of the old wedding ceremonies. In some districts it was the bride herself, on her way to church, who[Pg 274] carried in her pocket a small parcel of bread and cheese to give to the first woman or girl she might meet after leaving the church (Dev.); in others it was a friend who was sent on in front of the wedding procession with the kimbly (Cor.) to be given to the first person met on the road to church. In Scotland two people preceded the procession, one of whom carried a bottle of whisky and a glass, and the other carried the bread and cheese. A man on horseback or accompanied by a horse and cart was considered the most lucky first-foot.
Superstitious practices related to the first-foot, like those we’ve seen at christenings, are also part of old wedding ceremonies. In some areas, the bride herself would carry a small bundle of bread and cheese in her pocket on her way to church, ready to give it to the first woman or girl she encountered after leaving the church (Dev.); in others, a friend would go ahead of the wedding procession with the kimbly (Cor.) to hand to the first person met on the way to church. In Scotland, two people would lead the procession, one carrying a bottle of whisky and a glass, and the other with the bread and cheese. A man on horseback or accompanied by a horse and cart was seen as the luckiest first-foot.
In the north of England, after the marriage service was over, the bride on leaving the church had to jump or be lifted over the parting-stool, or petting-stone at the churchyard gate, after which ceremony money was distributed by the bridegroom. In n.Devon this custom takes the form of chaining the bride. Young men stretch twisted bands of hay, or pieces of rope decorated with ribbons and flowers, across the gateway. Then the bridegroom scatters handfuls of small coin, the chain is dropped whilst the holders scramble for the money, and the bridal party is free to pursue its way home. Money demanded and forcibly exacted at the church gates from the bridegroom is known as ball-money (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Chs.), so called because formerly the money was applied to buying a football for the parish; bride-shoe (Yks.); and hen-silver (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.). Sometimes, however, the hen-brass is money privately given by the bridegroom on the evening after the marriage to enable his friends to drink his health. In Westmorland a gun used to be fired over the house of a newly-married couple, and the hen-silver was the present of money given to the firing party to drink to the future health and good luck of the pair. A wedding at which no ball-money is distributed is contemptuously termed a buttermilk wedding (Chs.). On the way home from church the bridegroom usually threw coppers to be scrambled for by the children in the crowd; guns loaded with feathers were fired as a sign of rejoicing (Yks.); and friends came out to meet the bridal party bearing pots of warm ale sweetened and spiced, known as[Pg 275] hot pots (n.Cy.). In Cheshire it is still customary to ornament the approach to the bride’s home with sand spread in patterns. The patterns are made by trickling silver sand through the fingers, or through a large funnel. Wreaths and floral emblems are thus traced out, and sometimes mottoes are written, such as: Long may they live and happy may they be; Blest with contentment to all eternity.
In northern England, after the wedding ceremony, the bride had to jump or be lifted over the parting-stool or petting-stone at the churchyard gate. After this, the bridegroom would hand out money. In Devon, this tradition is called chaining the bride. Young men stretch twisted bands of hay or rope decorated with ribbons and flowers across the gateway. Then, the bridegroom throws handfuls of coins, the chain is dropped, and everyone scrambles for the cash, allowing the bridal party to continue home. Money collected from the bridegroom at the church gates is called ball-money (Sc. Nhb. Cum. Chs.), named because it used to be used to buy a football for the parish; bride-shoe (Yks.); and hen-silver (Cum. Wm. Yks. Lan.). Sometimes, the hen-brass is money given privately by the bridegroom the evening after the wedding so his friends can drink to his health. In Westmorland, a gun would be fired over the home of a newly married couple, and the hen-silver was the gift of money given to the firing party to toast the couple's future health and good luck. A wedding where no ball-money is handed out is scornfully called a buttermilk wedding (Chs.). On the way home from the church, the bridegroom would often toss coins for the children in the crowd to grab; guns loaded with feathers were fired as a celebration (Yks.); and friends would greet the bridal party with pots of warm, spiced ale known as hot pots (n.Cy.). In Cheshire, it’s still customary to decorate the path to the bride’s home with sand arranged in patterns. These patterns are created by letting silver sand flow through fingers or a funnel. Wreaths and floral designs are made, and sometimes comforting phrases are written, like: May they live long and may they be happy; Blessed with contentment for eternity.
Among the ancient wedding sports was the riding for the kail (Sc. n.Cy.), which took place when the bride was on her way home. When the party was nearing the future home of the couple, the unmarried men set off to ride or run at full speed to the house, and whoever reached it first was said to win the kail, or keal. The idea was that the winner of the kail would be the first to enter the married state, kail being the same word as cale, a turn in rotation. Some of the accounts of this sport would however seem to show that in some places the kail meant a dish of spiced broth given as a prize to the winner of the race. The race for the bride’s garter (Yks.) was formerly a very popular wedding sport, and it continued in practice as late as the last decade of the nineteenth century. The race was run from the churchyard gate to the bride-door, where the winner claimed the privilege of removing the prize himself as the bride crossed the threshold of her home. It was valued as a potent love-charm, and was given by the winner to his sweetheart: to binnd his luv. Later a ribbon or a handkerchief was substituted for the bridal garter (Dur. Cum. Yks.).
Among the old wedding games was the riding for the kail (Sc. n.Cy.), which happened when the bride was heading home. As the group got close to the couple's new home, the unmarried men would take off riding or running at full speed to the house, and whoever arrived first was said to win the kail, or keal. The idea was that the person who won the kail would be the first to get married, with kail being the same word as cale, which refers to a turn in a circle. Some stories about this game suggest that in some areas, the kail referred to a dish of spiced broth that was given as a prize to the race winner. The race for the bride’s garter (Yks.) was once a very popular wedding game and continued to be practiced as late as the last decade of the nineteenth century. The race went from the churchyard gate to the bride-door, where the winner claimed the right to take the prize as the bride crossed the threshold of her new home. It was considered a powerful love charm and was given by the winner to his girlfriend: to bind his love. Later on, a ribbon or a handkerchief replaced the bridal garter (Dur. Cum. Yks.).
The ceremony of throwing the bride-cake existed in various forms in Scotland and the northern counties of England. When the bride returned from church, she was met on the doorstep and presented with a thin currant cake on a plate, or it might be shortbread or oat-cake. Some of this cake was then thrown over her head, or more commonly it was broken over her head by the bridegroom. In cases where the cake was thrown over the bride’s head, the plate was not infrequently thrown along with it. In Scotland the cake provided was known as the infar-cake, cp. O.E. infær, an entrance.[Pg 276] The custom is not yet extinct in Scotland, for I was told by an eye-witness that at a fashionable Scotch wedding only two or three years ago, the bride’s mother-in-law broke a cake of shortbread over the bride’s head on her return from church. The following is a Yorkshire rhyme which accompanies the usual throwing of slippers after a newly-married couple:
The tradition of throwing the bride-cake had different variations in Scotland and the northern parts of England. When the bride came back from church, she was greeted at the doorstep and presented with a thin currant cake on a plate, or it could be shortbread or oat cake. Some of this cake was then tossed over her head, or more commonly, the groom broke it over her head. In instances where the cake was tossed over the bride’s head, the plate was often thrown along with it. In Scotland, the cake was known as the infar-cake, cp. O.E. inferrer, meaning an entrance.[Pg 276] This custom isn’t gone yet in Scotland, as I heard from a witness that just two or three years ago at a trendy Scottish wedding, the bride’s mother-in-law broke a shortbread cake over the bride’s head upon her return from church. Here’s a Yorkshire rhyme that goes along with the typical throwing of slippers after a newly-wedded couple:
A curious saying applied to an elder brother or sister left behind when a younger member of the family is married, is that he or she must dance in the pig-trough (Shr. Suf.), or in the half-peck (Yks.), or dance at the wedding in his (or her) stocking-feet (Shr.).
A curious saying applies to an older brother or sister who is left behind when a younger family member gets married: they must dance in the pig trough (Shr. Suf.), or in the half-peck (Yks.), or dance at the wedding in their stocking feet (Shr.).
In olden days, when a marriage resulted in conjugal infelicity, and the husband became a wife-beater, popular disapproval was expressed by a method of punishing the offender known as Riding the Stang. This custom with slight variations and under different names—such as: Rantipole-riding, Skimmington-riding, or simply Riding—was once common practically throughout England, and in many parts of Scotland. Cases where it has been kept up in practice have been recorded as late as the year 1896. The delinquent was caught and tied fast to a stang or pole, and carried round the village in the midst of a jeering crowd; or he was represented by a straw effigy borne on a ladder, or drawn in a cart for three successive nights, accompanied by horn-blowing and shouting. When the procession reached the man’s house, a long nominy or doggerel recounting his offences was recited, the verses varying in different localities. A Lincolnshire nominy runs: He banged her wi’ stick, He banged her wi’ steän, He teeak op his naefe [fist], An’ he knocked her doon. With a ran, tan, tan, &c. On the third night the effigy was burned in the street or on the village green. Sometimes instead of an effigy, two men, one of them dressed in female attire, rode in the cart, giving a[Pg 277] dialogue representation of the quarrel, and an imitation of the final beating. In some places the culprit was merely serenaded with rough singing, and the noise of beating on pots and pans. This ceremony was called Randanning, or Rough Music, and is closely allied to Stang-riding, cp. ‘Charivaris de poelles. The carting of an infamous person, graced with the harmony of tinging kettles, and frying-pan Musick,’ Cotgrave.
In the old days, when a marriage was unhappy and the husband became abusive, people showed their disapproval through a method of punishing the wrongdoer called Riding the Stang. This practice, which had various names like Rantipole-riding, Skimmington-riding, or simply Riding, was once widespread throughout England and in many parts of Scotland. Reports of it still happening have been recorded as recently as 1896. The offender was captured and tied to a stang or pole, then paraded around the village in front of a mocking crowd; alternatively, a straw figure representing him would be carried on a ladder or pulled in a cart for three nights in a row, accompanied by horn-blowing and shouting. When the procession arrived at the man’s home, a long nominy or doggerel reciting his misdeeds was performed, with the verses varying in different areas. A Lincolnshire nominy goes: He banged her wi’ stick, He banged her wi’ steän, He teeak op his naefe [fist], An’ he knocked her doon. With a ran, tan, tan, &c. On the third night, the effigy was burned in the street or in the village green. Sometimes, instead of an effigy, two men would ride in the cart, one dressed in women's clothing, acting out the argument and mimicking the final beating. In some places, the offender was simply serenaded with loud, rough singing and the sound of banging on pots and pans. This ceremony was called Randanning, or Rough Music, and is closely related to Stang-riding, cp. ‘Charivaris of the girls. The transport of a notorious individual, accompanied by the pleasant sound of ringing kettles and the music of frying pans.,’ Cotgrave.
According to a popular superstition once prevalent in many parts of England, dying persons could not pass away peacefully if there were any feathers of game-birds or pigeons in the bed on which they lay. Instances have been recorded where some such feathers have been placed in a small bag, and thrust under the pillow of a dying man to hold him in life until the arrival of some expected relation; and further, instances where, out of pure kindness, a sufferer at the point of death has been removed from his bed, and laid on the floor to die ‘nat’rally’. Formerly, when the moment of death was unmistakably nigh at hand, it was customary to throw open all the doors and windows, so that nothing should hinder the flight of the departing spirit. I myself can remember what seemed to be a remnant of this superstitious observance in a country parish in Herefordshire about twenty-five years ago. The widow of an old farmer had just died, and her daughter told my father that it was well that there was a bolt to the front door, for that the key must not be turned in the lock whilst the body lay in the house. This we took to be a preservation of the letter of the old law. In Yorkshire there exists an idea that the door must not be locked for seven years after a death in the house.
According to a popular superstition that used to be common in many parts of England, people who were dying couldn't pass away peacefully if there were any feathers from game birds or pigeons on the bed they were lying on. There have been cases where such feathers were put in a small bag and tucked under the pillow of a dying person to keep them alive until a family member arrived; additionally, there are stories where, out of kindness, a person close to death was taken from their bed and laid on the floor to die 'naturally.' In the past, when it was clear death was imminent, it was customary to open all the doors and windows to ensure the spirit could leave freely. I personally remember seeing what seemed to be a leftover version of this superstition in a rural parish in Herefordshire about twenty-five years ago. The widow of an old farmer had just passed away, and her daughter told my father that it was a good thing there was a bolt on the front door since the key must not be turned in the lock while the body was in the house. We took this to mean that they were preserving the letter of the old law. In Yorkshire, there's a belief that the door should not be locked for seven years after a death has occurred in the house.
Immediately after the death had taken place, the fire in the room was extinguished, and the looking-glass either covered up, or turned with its face to the wall (Yks. Shr.). In Scotland a piece of iron used to be thrust into all the eatables in the house, butter, cheese, meat, &c., in order—as it was said—to prevent death from entering them. When the corpse[Pg 278] had been duly laid out, or streeked (Sc. n.Cy.), a plate of salt was placed on the breast (Sc. Nhb. Shr. Dev.), formerly with the avowed object of driving evil spirits away, but towards the latter end of the nineteenth century, where the custom was still in use, the reason given was that: it prevents the body from swelling. This placing of a plate of salt on the corpse had been part of the performances of the old sin-eater (Sc. Hrf. Cth.), a person who was called in when any one died, to eat the sins of the deceased. He placed a plate of salt and a plate of bread on the breast of the corpse, and muttered certain incantations, after which he ate the contents of the plates, thereby taking upon himself the sins of the dead person, which would otherwise have kept his ghost hovering round his relations on earth. In Northumberland it was customary to double the thumbs of the deceased within the hand, to avert evil spirits. The candles kept burning round the corpse were termed in parts of Lincolnshire ghost-candles, because they were supposed to ward off ghosts.
Immediately after the death occurred, the fire in the room was put out, and the mirror was either covered or turned to face the wall (Yks. Shr.). In Scotland, a piece of iron used to be stuck into all the food in the house—like butter, cheese, meat, &c.—to supposedly keep death from entering it. Once the corpse[Pg 278] was properly laid out, or streeked (Sc. n.Cy.), a plate of salt was placed on the breast (Sc. Nhb. Shr. Dev.), originally meant to drive away evil spirits, but by the late nineteenth century, where the custom still existed, the explanation was that it prevents the body from swelling. This practice of placing a plate of salt on the corpse was part of the rituals performed by the old sin-eater (Sc. Hrf. Cth.), a person called in when someone died to eat the sins of the deceased. He would place a plate of salt and a plate of bread on the corpse's breast and mutter certain incantations, after which he would consume the contents of the plates, thereby taking on the sins of the dead, which would otherwise cause their ghost to linger around their relatives on earth. In Northumberland, it was customary to fold the deceased's thumbs within their hand to keep evil spirits away. The candles that burned around the corpse were referred to in parts of Lincolnshire as ghost-candles, because they were believed to keep ghosts at bay.
The customs connected with the tolling of the Passing Bell vary somewhat in detail in different localities, but they are substantially the same. After the bell has tolled for some minutes there is a pause, and then follow the tellers, thrice three successive strokes for a man, twice three for a woman, and three strokes for a child. It has been suggested that the old saying: nine tailors make a man, is a corruption of nine tellers mark a man.
The traditions surrounding the ringing of the Passing Bell differ slightly in various places, but they are fundamentally the same. After the bell rings for a few minutes, there is a pause, and then the tellers begin: three sets of three rings for a man, two sets of three for a woman, and three rings for a child. Some have proposed that the old saying "nine tailors make a man" is actually a distortion of "nine tellers mark a man."
The ceremony of holding watch over the dead between the time of death and burial was called the wake or lyke-wake in Ireland, Scotland, and the north of England. The relatives and neighbours of the deceased assembled at the house, and spent the night in the room with the corpse, singing Psalms and dirges, chatting, telling stories, praising the virtues of the departed, eating and drinking. This gathering usually took place either the evening after the death, or the night before the funeral.
The tradition of keeping vigil over the deceased from the time of death until burial was known as the wake or lyke-wake in Ireland, Scotland, and northern England. Family and neighbors of the person who passed away would gather at the house, spending the night in the room with the body, singing Psalms and mournful songs, talking, sharing stories, honoring the good qualities of the deceased, and eating and drinking. This gathering typically happened either the evening after the death or the night before the funeral.
In due course somebody went round to invite friends and[Pg 279] neighbours to be present at the funeral. This was called bidding (n.Cy. Stf. Der.), lathing (n.Cy.), or sperring (Lan.), terms which are still in use—e.g. Awm gooin’ a sperrin’, He’s gone a laithin’ o’ th’neeburs to th’berrin’, Ah mun gan an’ see t’last on him, ah’s bid—though the custom of sending a bidder wearing a black silk scarf has long been discontinued. In many places in the Lake district, two persons from every house within a prescribed area were invited to the funeral. Formerly the bidder presented a sprig of rosemary to each invited guest, and the latter was expected to carry it with him to the funeral (Lan.). In Shropshire these sprigs were distributed to the mourners just before the procession left the house. At the conclusion of the burial service each mourner cast his rosemary into the open grave. In s.Pembrokeshire a woman walked in front of the funeral procession strewing sprigs of rosemary and box along the road—‘There’s rosemary, that’s for remembrance.’
In time, someone went around to invite friends and neighbors to the funeral. This was called bidding (n.Cy. Stf. Der.), lathing (n.Cy.), or sperring (Lan.), terms that are still used today—like "I'm going a sperrin’," "He’s gone a laithin’ o’ th’neeburs to th’berrin’," or "I must go and pay my last respects, I’ve been bid." However, the tradition of sending a bidder wearing a black silk scarf is long gone. In many areas of the Lake District, two people from every household within a certain distance were invited to the funeral. Traditionally, the bidder would give a sprig of rosemary to each invited guest, who was expected to bring it to the funeral (Lan.). In Shropshire, these sprigs were handed out to the mourners just before the procession left the house. At the end of the burial service, each mourner tossed their rosemary into the open grave. In s.Pembrokeshire, a woman walked ahead of the funeral procession, scattering sprigs of rosemary and box along the way—‘There’s rosemary, that’s for remembrance.’
A custom still practised in Yorkshire and formerly prevalent in many other English counties, and also in parts of Wales, is that of distributing burying biscuits, or funeral cakes, small oblong sponge biscuits, which some think were originally intended to represent a coffin. As each mourner arrives, he or she is presented with a biscuit and a memorial card. Sometimes this is done by two women who are called servers (n.Yks.). In the Midlands the biscuits were folded up each in white paper sealed with black wax, and so handed round to every guest; in this form, too, they were sent out to any relations or intimate friends not present at the funeral, just as wedding-cake is sent now. Two generations ago this practice was commonly observed in middle class families, as well as among the poorer folk. When my great-uncle—a well-known Evangelical clergyman in Birmingham—died some twenty-five years ago, his executors found among his papers a packet, yellow with age, containing what had once been a funeral sponge biscuit. Together with the funeral cakes spiced ale used sometimes to be served, in a tankard of silver or pewter; but in later, more degenerate[Pg 280] days glasses of spirits and water replaced the tankard of ale. Meanwhile the coffin was still kept open, that one and all might take a last look at the corpse before the time came for lifting (Sc. n.Cy.), when the coffin must be closed. Formerly in Northumberland the lifting of the corpse was the signal for the outburst of lamentation known as keening (Sc. Irel. Nhb.), a dismal concerted cry raised by the assembled mourners.
A tradition still followed in Yorkshire and once common in many other English counties, as well as parts of Wales, involves handing out burying biscuits or funeral cakes, which are small rectangular sponge biscuits that some believe originally represented a coffin. When each mourner arrives, they're given a biscuit and a memorial card. This is sometimes done by two women known as servers (n.Yks.). In the Midlands, the biscuits were wrapped in white paper sealed with black wax and given to every guest; this was also how they were sent to any relatives or close friends who couldn't attend the funeral, much like wedding cake is sent out today. Two generations ago, this practice was commonly followed in middle-class families as well as among the poorer communities. When my great-uncle—a well-known Evangelical clergyman in Birmingham—passed away about twenty-five years ago, his executors found an old, yellowed packet among his papers containing what had once been a funeral sponge biscuit. Along with the funeral cakes, spiced ale was sometimes served in a silver or pewter tankard; however, in later, more decadent times, glasses of spirits and water replaced the ale. Meanwhile, the coffin remained open, allowing everyone to take a last look at the body before it was time for lifting (Sc. n.Cy.), when the coffin had to be closed. In Northumberland, the lifting of the corpse used to trigger a loud display of grief known as keening (Sc. Irel. Nhb.), a mournful collective cry raised by the gathered mourners.
It is still a custom in some Midland counties for little girls in white dresses and black sashes to act as bearers at the funeral of an infant or very young child of their own sex, and for boys to carry baby boys. The coffin is supported by white handkerchiefs or towels passed underneath and held on each side by the young bearers. The funeral garland (n.Cy. Der. Lin. Shr. Hmp.), which marked the burial of a young unmarried woman, has now long since become obsolete. This garland consisted of a coronal or wreath of ribbons, or flowers cut out in white paper, with a white glove suspended in the centre, and it was borne in front of the coffin, or upon it, to the grave, and afterwards suspended in the church. According to a popular belief the passage of a funeral over any ground establishes a right of way. Rain at a funeral is a good sign, for: Happy is the corpse that the rain rains on.
It’s still a tradition in some Midland counties for little girls in white dresses and black sashes to serve as bearers at the funeral of an infant or very young girl, and for boys to carry baby boys. The coffin is supported by white handkerchiefs or towels passed underneath and held on each side by the young bearers. The funeral garland (n.Cy. Der. Lin. Shr. Hmp.), which used to mark the burial of a young unmarried woman, has long since become outdated. This garland consisted of a crown or wreath made of ribbons or white paper flowers, with a white glove hanging in the center. It was carried in front of the coffin or placed on it and taken to the grave, then later hung in the church. There’s a common belief that the path of a funeral establishes a right of way. Rain at a funeral is considered a good sign because: Happy is the corpse that the rain falls on.
A beautiful old custom, well known in Shropshire in olden days, and kept up certainly within living memory, is that of ringing the dead home. When the funeral procession came in sight of the church, the bell ceased tolling, and a peal was rung, as if to welcome the body to its last resting-place.
A lovely tradition, well-known in Shropshire in the past, and still remembered today, is that of ringing the dead home. When the funeral procession approached the church, the bell stopped tolling, and a peal was rung, as if to welcome the body to its final resting place.
There is a general feeling in country parishes against burial on the north side of the church. The south side is considered the holiest portion of the churchyard, where the cross stands, if such there be. In a small parish, where there are few interments, the north side of the churchyard may be quite empty. This points the moral contained in the phrase: Thaay bury them as kills thersens wi’ hard wark o’ th’no’th side o’ th’chech, applied to persons who complain unwarrantably of hard work.
There’s a common belief in rural parishes against burying people on the north side of the church. The south side is seen as the holiest part of the churchyard, where the cross is located, if there is one. In a small parish, where there aren’t many burials, the north side of the churchyard can be quite empty. This illustrates the saying: “They bury themselves with hard work on the north side of the church,” referring to people who unjustly complain about having to work hard.
After the burial came the funeral feast held in the house where the deceased had lived, or provided at the village inn. In some places if the family was poor, it would be a pay-berring (Yks.), and each of the invited guests would give some small contribution towards the expenses. To provide a handsome entertainment on these occasions was looked upon as a mark of fitting respect for the dead: Ah’ve nivver been at sike a sitting-doon i’ mah leyfe; ther war nowt bud tea-cakes, an’ badly buttered at that. Noo ah’ve sahded fahve o’ my awn, bud thank the Lord, ah buried ’em all wi’ ham. It is on record that at the funeral of a farmer who died near Whitby in 1760, meat and drink were provided as follows: ‘110 dozen penny loaves, 9 large hams, 8 legs of veal, 20 stone of beef (14 lbs. to the stone), 16 stone of mutton, 15 stone of Cheshire cheese, and 30 ankers of ale; besides what was distributed to 1,000 poor people who had 6d. each in money.’
After the burial, there was a funeral feast held in the house where the deceased had lived, or provided at the village inn. In some areas, if the family was struggling financially, it would be a pay-burring (Yks.), and each invited guest would contribute a small amount towards the expenses. Providing an impressive spread on these occasions was seen as a respectful way to honor the deceased. I’ve never been to such a gathering in my life; there was nothing but tea cakes, and poorly buttered ones at that. Now I’ve buried five of my own, but thank the Lord, I buried them all with ham. It's recorded that at the funeral of a farmer who died near Whitby in 1760, the food and drink provided included: ‘110 dozen penny loaves, 9 large hams, 8 legs of veal, 20 stone of beef (14 lbs. to the stone), 16 stone of mutton, 15 stone of Cheshire cheese, and 30 ankers of ale; plus what was given to 1,000 poor people who received 6d. each in cash.’
One of the most interesting of all the ceremonies connected with funerals is the superstitious practice known as telling the bees, once common throughout the greater part of England. To tell the bees is to inform them of the occurrence of the death of the head of the house, or of some member of the family. If this is not done, they are supposed to leave their hives and never return, or else they all die. The right time for making the communication is either just before the funeral leaves the house, or else at the moment when the procession is starting. On the Welsh Border people say it must be made in the middle of the night. The form of words used varies in different parts of the country, but they must always be whispered words, or the bees may take offence. These are some of the recognized formulae: The master is dead; Your friend’s gone; The poor maister’s dead, but yo mun work fur me; Bees, bees, bees, your master is dead, and you must work for ——, naming the future owner. This is accompanied in some instances by three taps on the hive. The hives are ‘put into mourning’ by attaching to them a piece of black crape. In some places it was customary[Pg 282] to give the bees a piece of funeral cake; and elsewhere, small portions of every item of the funeral feast were collected in a saucer and put in front of the hive. In Devonshire the popular belief was that if the bees were not told of the death in the family, some other member of the household would die before the expiration of the year. A writer in Lloyd’s Weekly News, July 3, 1910, speaks of the superstition of telling the bees as still extant; and at about the same date a girl in Oxford told me that an uncle of hers—yet living—had lost all his bees by neglecting to tell them of the death of his mother.
One of the most fascinating funeral customs is the superstitious practice known as telling the bees, which used to be common across much of England. To tell the bees means to notify them of the death of the head of the household or a family member. If this isn’t done, it’s believed they will leave their hives and never come back, or they might all die. The right moment to make this communication is either just before the funeral leaves the house or at the moment when the procession starts. In the Welsh Border region, people say it should be done in the middle of the night. The phrasing used varies in different parts of the country, but it always has to be whispered, or the bees could get upset. Some of the common phrases are: The master is dead; Your friend’s gone; The poor master’s dead, but you must work for me; Bees, bees, bees, your master is dead, and you must work for ——, mentioning the future owner. This is sometimes accompanied by three taps on the hive. The hives are ‘put into mourning’ by attaching a piece of black fabric to them. In some places, it was customary[Pg 282] to give the bees a piece of funeral cake; in others, small portions of each item from the funeral feast were collected in a saucer and placed in front of the hive. In Devonshire, there was a popular belief that if the bees weren’t informed of the family death, another household member would die within the year. A writer in Lloyd’s Weekly News, July 3, 1910, noted that the superstition of telling the bees still existed; around the same time, a girl in Oxford told me that her still-living uncle had lost all his bees because he neglected to inform them of his mother’s death.
In some districts is found the observance of the month’s end (Hrf. w.Cy. Wales), a certain Sunday after the funeral when the mourners attend church. A trace of an old religious custom belonging also to the days subsequent to the funeral has been crystallized in the phrase: to have a month’s mind to anything (Chs. Midl. e.An. I.W. Som. Cor.). This alludes to a pre-Reformation practice of repeating one or more masses at the end of a month after death for the repose of a departed soul. In the Churchwardens’ accounts of Abingdon, Berkshire, occurs the following, among other similar entries: ‘1556. Receyved att the buryall and monethe’s mynde of Geo. Chynche xxiid.’ The phrase, however, long ago acquired the meaning it bears to-day, cp.: ‘I see you have a month’s mind to them,’ Shaks. Two Gent. I. ii. 137; ‘I have a month’s mind to be doing as much,’ Jervas, Don Quixote; ‘The King [Henry VII] had more than a moneth’s mind ... to procure the pope to canonize Henry VI for a saint,’ Fuller, Church Hist. Bk. IV. 23; I’d a month’s mind to a knock’d un down (I.W.).
In some areas, there's the tradition of the month’s end (Hrf. w.Cy. Wales), a specific Sunday after the funeral when the mourners go to church. This reflects an old religious custom that also pertains to the days after the funeral, captured in the expression: to have a month’s mind to anything (Chs. Midl. e.An. I.W. Som. Cor.). This refers to a pre-Reformation practice of holding one or more masses at the end of the month after someone's death for the peace of their soul. In the Churchwardens’ records of Abingdon, Berkshire, there’s an entry that states: ‘1556. Received at the burial and memorial service for Geo. Chynche __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ xxiid.’ However, the phrase has long since taken on the meaning it has today, cp.: ‘I see you have a memorial service planned for them.,’ Shaks. Two Gent. I. ii. 137; ‘I have a month’s mind to be doing as much,’ Jervas, Don Quixote; ‘The King [Henry VII] had been considering for over a month... to get the pope to canonize Henry VI as a saint,’ Fuller, Church Hist. Bk. IV. 23; I’d a month’s mind to knock one down (I.W.).
CHAPTER XVII
CUSTOMS RELATED TO SPECIFIC DAYS AND SEASONS
Beside the customs connected with the changes and chances of man’s mortal life, which we have considered in the foregoing chapter, there are those which belong to certain fixed days of the year, Saints’ Days, and other church seasons and festivals. To give an account of each and all of the customs and pastimes which would come under this category would indeed be a tremendous task, so great is their number, and so varied their nature. I shall only attempt here to give a small selection, arranged according to the sequence of the dates to which they belong.
Beside the customs related to the changes and challenges of human life that we discussed in the previous chapter, there are those that are tied to specific days of the year, such as Saints’ Days and other church seasons and celebrations. Covering all the customs and pastimes in this category would be a massive undertaking due to their vast number and diverse nature. Here, I will only try to provide a small selection, organized by the dates to which they correspond.
We are all of us familiar with the usual ceremonies which usher in the New Year—the sitting up to watch the Old Year out and the New Year in, the ringing of the church bells immediately after the last stroke of twelve, the handshaking, and exchange of greetings. But in England generally, New Year’s Day is of little account as a festival, being overshadowed by Christmas. In Scotland, on the other hand, New Year’s Day holds the more important place, and consequently New Year’s Eve, as a day of preparatory observances, ranks above Christmas Eve. New Year’s Eve in Scotland is known as Hogmanay, a term which is also applied to the customary gift for which children go round and beg on this day. The name and the custom are not, however, confined to Scotland, being also found in certain of the northern counties of England (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.). Much has been written about the history of this word, but beyond the generally accepted statement that it is of French origin, its precise derivation still remains obscure; cp. Norm. dial. hoquinano, haguinelo, cries on New Year’s[Pg 284] Eve; hoguilanno, a New Year’s gift. On the last day of the year, children go in companies chiefly to the houses of the better class, singing some such rhyme as: Rise up, gude-wife, and shake your feathers, Dinna think that we are beggars, We’re girls and boys come out to-day, For to get our Hogmanay, Hogmanay, trol-lol-lay. Give us of your white bread, and not of your grey, Or else we’ll knock at your door a’ day (w.Sc.); or in shorter form: Hogamanay, hogamanay, Gi’s wor breed-an’-cheese, an’ set’s away (Nhb.). In earlier times it was also customary for youths to go round dressed up as guisers, performing at their neighbours’ houses a Hogmanay masque. Sometimes they went round just after midnight to enter the houses in the capacity of first-foot.
We’re all familiar with the typical celebrations that welcome the New Year—the late-night vigil to see the Old Year out and the New Year in, the church bells ringing right after midnight, the handshakes, and the exchange of well wishes. However, in England, New Year’s Day isn’t considered a major holiday, as it gets overshadowed by Christmas. In Scotland, on the other hand, New Year’s Day is much more significant, making New Year’s Eve, a day of preparations, even more important than Christmas Eve. New Year’s Eve in Scotland is called Hogmanay, which also refers to the traditional gifts that children collect by going door to door on this day. This name and tradition aren’t exclusive to Scotland; they’re also found in some northern counties of England (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.). A lot has been written about the history of this word, but while it’s generally accepted that it has French origins, its exact derivation still isn’t clear; cp. Norm. dial. hoquinano, haguinelo, cries on New Year’s[Pg 284] Eve; hoguilanno, a New Year’s gift. On the last day of the year, children usually visit wealthier households in groups, singing rhymes like: Rise up, good wife, and shake your feathers, Don’t think that we’re beggars, We’re girls and boys out today, To get our Hogmanay, Hogmanay, trol-lol-lay. Give us your white bread, not your grey, Or else we’ll knock at your door all day (w.Sc.); or in a shorter version: Hogamanay, hogamanay, Give us our bread and cheese, and we’ll be on our way (Nhb.). In the past, it was also common for young people to dress up as guisers, performing a Hogmanay masque at their neighbors’ homes. Sometimes they would visit right after midnight to enter houses as the first-foot.
The superstitious practice of first-footing belongs also to Scotland and northern England. The first person who crosses the threshold after midnight on New Year’s Eve is the first-foot or lucky-bird, and the prosperity or misfortune of the household during the ensuing year depends on what manner of man is then admitted. On no account must the first-foot be a woman. In most places the luckiest kind of first-foot is a fair-haired man. A man of dark complexion, a flat-footed man, or one afflicted with a squint brings bad luck. But in some parts of Yorkshire where the lucky-bird is the first person who enters the house on Christmas Day, if it is a dark-haired man who thus ‘lets Christmas in’, he is welcomed as a bringer of good luck, whilst a red-haired man is esteemed a harbinger of ill-luck. On the whole, the safest plan was that of engaging some recognized lucky person to undertake the office of first-foot, instead of leaving the matter in the hands of wayward chance.
The superstitious practice of first-footing is also part of Scotland and northern England. The first person to step over the threshold after midnight on New Year’s Eve is the first-foot or lucky-bird, and the fortune or misfortune of the household for the coming year depends on the kind of person who enters. Under no circumstances should the first-foot be a woman. In most places, the luckiest kind of first-foot is a light-haired man. A dark-complexioned man, a flat-footed man, or someone with a squint brings bad luck. However, in some areas of Yorkshire, where the lucky-bird is the first person to enter the house on Christmas Day, a dark-haired man who brings in Christmas is welcomed as a bringer of good fortune, while a red-haired man is seen as a sign of bad luck. Overall, the safest approach is to hire someone considered lucky to take on the role of first-foot, rather than relying on random chance.
Another old Hogmanay-night custom was that of fetching the ream-water (Sc.) from the well. This could only be done by a woman, in some places only by a spinster. As soon as the clock had finished striking twelve, some female member of the household would hurry pitcher in hand to the nearest well, in order to be the first to skim off the water lying near the surface and bring it home; for whoever could secure[Pg 285] this, the ream, crap or floo’er of the water, would bring in good fortune for the whole of the year.
Another old New Year's Eve tradition was collecting the ream-water (Sc.) from the well. This could only be done by a woman, and in some places, only by an unmarried woman. As soon as the clock struck twelve, a female member of the household would rush with a pitcher to the nearest well to be the first to skim off the water that sat near the surface and bring it home; for whoever could secure[Pg 285] this, the ream, crap, or floo’er of the water, would bring good luck for the entire year.
A writer in Notes and Queries for Jan. 3, 1852, quotes the following song sung by children in South Wales on New Year’s morning, when carrying a jug full of water newly drawn from the well:
A writer in Notes and Queries for Jan. 3, 1852, quotes the following song sung by kids in South Wales on New Year’s morning while carrying a jug full of freshly drawn water from the well:
An ancient custom in the city of Coventry is the sending of god-cakes on New Year’s Day. The god-cake is a particular kind of cake sent by godparents to their godchildren. It varies in price, but its shape is invariably triangular, it is about one inch thick, and is filled with mincemeat. A similar custom exists in Kidderminster, where the head of the family sends out packets of blessing-cakes to the scattered representatives of the original stock, wherever they may be. Each householder who receives a gift of cakes must again distribute them among the members of his household, servants included, so that every one under his roof may receive the family blessing. The cakes are like long oval buns, rather thin, coated on the top with melted sugar, and ornamented with seven sultanas. As my father came from Kidderminster, I have eaten blessing-cakes every New Year’s Day as far back as my memory carries me, but I was never clear as to the significance of the seven sultanas. I think[Pg 286] they are intended to symbolize a sevenfold blessing. The recipe for making the cakes is supposed to be a trade secret in the possession of a certain confectioner, though some of us think that the secret has been lost, and that the blessing-cakes now savour of the common penny bun mixture. But we should never dare to carry the comparison further, for from our earliest youth we were made to feel it almost a sacrilegious offence to call a blessing-cake a bun. After all, it is the sentiment that matters, and that remains good and beautiful.[3]
An old tradition in the city of Coventry is sending god-cakes on New Year’s Day. The god-cake is a specific type of cake sent by godparents to their godchildren. It varies in price, but it always has a triangular shape, is about one inch thick, and is filled with mincemeat. A similar tradition exists in Kidderminster, where the head of the family sends out packets of blessing-cakes to the scattered members of the original family, wherever they may be. Each householder who receives a gift of cakes must then distribute them among the members of his household, including servants, so that everyone under his roof may receive the family blessing. The cakes resemble long oval rolls, fairly thin, coated on top with melted sugar, and adorned with seven sultanas. Since my father was from Kidderminster, I've eaten blessing-cakes every New Year’s Day as far back as I can remember, but I was never sure about the significance of the seven sultanas. I think they are meant to symbolize a sevenfold blessing. The recipe for making the cakes is believed to be a trade secret held by a certain confectioner, although some of us think the secret has been lost, and that the blessing-cakes now taste like regular penny buns. But we would never dare to compare them further, as we were made to feel since childhood that calling a blessing-cake a bun is almost a sacrilegious offense. After all, it’s the sentiment that matters, and that remains good and beautiful.[3]
A curious New Year ceremony observed in Durham is known as crowning. The Mayor and Mayoress visit the Workhouse, and there crown the eldest of the inmates by placing a five-shilling piece in each hand.
A unique New Year ceremony seen in Durham is called crowning. The Mayor and Mayoress go to the Workhouse, where they crown the oldest inmate by putting a five-shilling piece in each hand.
The first Monday in the New Year is called Handsel-Monday (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Lakel.). Anything which comes into your possession that day, such as a child, a calf, a lamb, or money, augurs good luck for the rest of the year. Formerly it was the custom for presents to be given on this day by mistresses to servants, and by parents to children. At the Trinity House, Newcastle, on Handsel-Monday, every free brother who answers to his name is entitled to five shillings in money, a quarter of a pound of tobacco, a glass of wine, and as much bread and cheese and ale as he pleases.
The first Monday of the New Year is known as Handsel Monday (Sc. Irel. Nhb. Lakel.). Anything you receive that day, like a child, a calf, a lamb, or money, is said to bring good luck for the rest of the year. In the past, it was common for employers to give gifts on this day to their staff, and for parents to give gifts to their kids. At Trinity House in Newcastle, every free member who responds to his name on Handsel Monday is entitled to five shillings, a quarter pound of tobacco, a glass of wine, and as much bread, cheese, and ale as he wants.
The sixth of January is Twelfth Day, or Old Christmas Day, the church festival of the Epiphany. To this date belongs the ceremony—now nearly obsolete—of wassailing the apple-trees (Sus. Som. Dev.), also known as howling, or hollering. In some districts the performance took place on the day itself, and in others on Jan. 5, the Eve of the Epiphany. Herrick mentions the custom among Ceremonies for Christmas:
The sixth of January is Twelfth Night, or Old Christmas Day, and it's the church festival of the Epiphany. This date used to be associated with the nearly forgotten tradition of wassailing the apple trees (Sus. Som. Dev.), also known as howling or hollering. In some areas, the celebration happened on the day itself, while in others, it took place on Jan. 5, the Eve of the Epiphany. Herrick talks about this custom in Ceremonies for Christmas:
Boys called howlers used to go round wassailing the orchards. Within doors, toasted bread and sugar were soaked in new cider and made hot, part to be drunk by the farmer’s family and the howlers, and part to be poured upon the best bearing apple-tree. The tree was then encircled by the wassailers, singing a special song. Mrs. Hewitt describes the ceremony thus: ‘On Old Christmas Eve it is customary for farmers to pour large quantities of cyder on the roots of the primest apple-trees in the orchard, and to place toast sops on the branches, all the while singing the following:
Boys called howlers used to go around wassailing the orchards. Inside, toasted bread and sugar were soaked in fresh cider and heated, part of it for the farmer’s family and the howlers, and part to be poured on the best apple tree. The tree was then surrounded by the wassailers, singing a special song. Mrs. Hewitt describes the ceremony like this: ‘On Old Christmas Eve, it’s a tradition for farmers to pour large amounts of cider on the roots of the finest apple trees in the orchard and to place toast sops on the branches, all while singing the following:
When enough of this serenading has been accomplished, guns are fired into the branches,’ Peasant Speech of Devon, 2nd edit. 1892.
When enough of this serenading is done, guns are shot into the branches,' Peasant Speech of Devon, 2nd edit. 1892.
The first Monday after Twelfth Day is Plough Monday, once celebrated throughout the greater part of England. A company of men wearing white shirts over their jackets, decorated with ribbons, drew a plough through the village or town. They were variously designated in different localities as: Plough-bullocks, or -bullockers, Plough-jags, Plough-slots, and Plough-witchers. Among them were usually two special characters, the Fool, and a man dressed up in showy female costume called the Bessy; but in some places there were two, and even four female characters with names such as Sweet Sis, Old Joan, Maid Marian, or col[Pg 288]lectively named Bessybabs, Ladymadams, Queens. This troupe performed some kind of morris-dance or sword-dance, and collected money from the onlookers. Gradually the old ceremonies fell into disuse, the plough no longer appeared in the procession, and instead of the original ploughmen, a band of children paraded the streets to keep up the memory of Plough Monday, a day which Tusser includes among the ‘ploughmans feasting daies’, which no good housewife should forget:
The first Monday after Twelfth Night is Plough Monday, once celebrated across much of England. A group of men wearing white shirts over their jackets, decorated with ribbons, would pull a plough through the village or town. They were known by different names in different areas, like Plough-bullocks, -bullockers, Plough-jags, Plough-slots, and Plough-witchers. Among them were usually two special characters: the Fool and a man dressed in a flashy female costume called Bessy; in some places, there were two or even four female characters with names like Sweet Sis, Old Joan, Maid Marian, or collectively called Bessybabs, Ladymadams, and Queens. This group would perform some kind of morris or sword dance and collect money from spectators. Gradually, the old ceremonies faded away, the plough stopped appearing in the procession, and instead of the original ploughmen, a group of children marched through the streets to keep the memory of Plough Monday alive, a day that Tusser includes among the ‘ploughman’s feasting days’, which no good housewife should forget:
The Daily Mail of Nov. 16, 1897, mentions the observance of Plough Monday in Warwickshire at that date; and three years later the Standard of Oct. 11, 1900, has: ‘“Plough Monday” is still kept up by children and “hobbledehoys”, who go round with blackened faces, and ribbons, &c., in their hats, expecting that the heads of the houses visited will “Remember the ploughboys”, though it is questionable if the party are now following the plough.’
The Daily Mail on Nov. 16, 1897, talks about the celebration of Plough Monday in Warwickshire on that date; and three years later, the Standard on Oct. 11, 1900, reports: ‘“Plough Monday” is still celebrated by children and young men, who go around with blackened faces and ribbons, &c., in their hats, hoping that the heads of the households they visit will “Remember the ploughboys”, although it’s uncertain if the group is still connected to actual plowing.’
A convivial custom in Cornwall gives the name of Paul Pitcher’s Day to Jan. 24, the Eve of the Conversion of St. Paul, a day observed as a miners’ holiday. A water-pitcher is set up and pelted with stones till it is broken to pieces. A new one is then bought and carried to a public-house by the stone-throwing miners, to be filled and refilled with beer till the whole company is drunk. On the other hand, some people say that the name Paul Pitcher’s Day originates with the custom of throwing broken pitchers against the doors of dwelling-houses. Parties of lads used to go round to the different houses, shouting as they threw the sherds: Paul’s Eve, and here’s a heave. A mischievous game similar to certain Shrove Tuesday pastimes.
A friendly tradition in Cornwall is known as Paul Pitcher’s Day, celebrated on January 24, the Eve of the Conversion of St. Paul, which is marked as a holiday for miners. A water pitcher is set up and pelted with stones until it shatters. A new pitcher is then purchased and taken to a pub by the rock-throwing miners, where it gets filled and refilled with beer until everyone is drunk. On the other hand, some people believe the name Paul Pitcher’s Day comes from the practice of throwing broken pitchers against the doors of homes. Groups of boys would go around to different houses, shouting as they tossed the fragments: "Paul’s Eve, and here’s a heave." It’s a playful game, similar to some Shrove Tuesday traditions.
Candlemas Day, February 2, the festival of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, was reckoned the termination of the Christmas season. Herrick wrote: ‘End now the[Pg 289] white loaf and the pie, And let all sports with Christmas die.’ The same poet also tells us that all the Christmas evergreens used for decorations must be taken down on Candlemas Eve. This custom was observed in Shropshire houses and churches within the last thirty years, if not still later. At this date, according to a common proverb: gooid geese all lay; New Candlemas Day, good goose will lay, Old Candlemas Day any goose will lay. There is a saying in Kent: Candlemas Day, Half your fodder and half your hay, meaning that the winter is only then half gone, and you ought not to have exhausted more than half the keep for the cattle. The same saying is also associated with Valentine’s Day. Old folks used to say that so far as the sun shone into the house on Candlemas Day, so far would the snow drive in before the winter was out (Sur.).
Candlemas Day, February 2, the festival of the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary, marked the end of the Christmas season. Herrick wrote: ‘End now the [Pg 289] white loaf and the pie, And let all sports with Christmas die.’ The same poet also reminds us that all the Christmas evergreens used for decorations should be taken down on Candlemas Eve. This tradition was still being followed in Shropshire houses and churches as recently as the last thirty years, if not longer. On this date, according to a common saying: good geese all lay; New Candlemas Day, good goose will lay, Old Candlemas Day any goose will lay. There’s a saying in Kent: Candlemas Day, Half your fodder and half your hay, which means that winter is only half over, and you shouldn’t have used up more than half of the feed for the cattle. The same saying is also linked to Valentine’s Day. Older generations used to say that the amount of sunlight coming into the house on Candlemas Day indicated how much snow would still come before winter was over (Sur.).
Old Candlemas Day is February 14, better known as Valentine’s Day. The custom of writing and of sending valentines is out of fashion, and there remains little to mark the day. In some country places it is still said that the first man you meet in the morning is your valentine; and it is a common saying that the birds on this day select their mates for nesting. Formerly it was customary for parties of children to go valentining (Nhp. Rut.). They went from house to house singing and begging, their song being usually a form of salutation, differing slightly in different localities: Good morrow, Valentine! Plaze to give me a Valentine, I’ll be yourn, if ye’ll be mine, Good morrow, Valentine!; or, Morrow, morrow, Valentine! First ’tis yours, and then ’tis mine, So please to give me a Valentine, Holly and ivy tickle my toe, Give me red apple and let me go. In Berkshire the following words were sung:
Old Candlemas Day is February 14, better known as Valentine’s Day. The tradition of writing and sending valentines is no longer popular, and there isn’t much to celebrate the day. In some rural areas, it’s still said that the first man you meet in the morning will be your valentine; and there’s a common belief that the birds on this day choose their mates for nesting. In the past, it was common for groups of children to go valentining (Nhp. Rut.). They would go from house to house singing and asking for treats, their song usually a form of greeting that varied slightly in different areas: Good morning, Valentine! Please give me a Valentine, I’ll be yours, if you’ll be mine, Good morning, Valentine!; or, Morning, morning, Valentine! First it’s yours, and then it’s mine, So please give me a Valentine, Holly and ivy tickle my toe, Give me a red apple and let me go. In Berkshire, the following words were sung:
In the northern part of Northamptonshire sweet currant buns were formerly made called Valentine buns, and given by godparents to their godchildren on the Sunday preceding and the Sunday following Valentine’s Day. A like custom once prevailed in Rutland, where a lozenge-shaped bun called a Shittle was given to children and old people on Valentine’s Day.
In the northern part of Northamptonshire, sweet currant buns used to be made called Valentine buns, and given by godparents to their godchildren on the Sunday before and the Sunday after Valentine’s Day. A similar tradition once existed in Rutland, where a lozenge-shaped bun called a Shittle was given to children and elderly people on Valentine’s Day.
For the farmer, Valentine’s Day means that half your firing and half your hay is already consumed. In Rutland there is an old saying: Valentine’s Day, sow your beans in the clay. David [Mch. 1] and Chad [Mch. 2], sow your beans be the weather good or bad. Then comes Benedick [Mch. 21], if you ain’t sowed your beans you may keep ’em in the rick.
For farmers, Valentine’s Day means that half your firewood and half your hay is already used up. In Rutland, there's an old saying: On Valentine’s Day, plant your beans in the ground. David [Mch. 1] and Chad [Mch. 2], plant your beans whether the weather is good or bad. Then comes Benedick [Mch. 21]; if you haven't planted your beans, you might as well leave them in the barn.
Shrovetide in olden days was a season of sport and feasting, the occasion for a final burst of jollity before the beginning of Lent. As the name records, it was originally a time for confession and absolution in preparation for the Lenten Fast, whence also the name Gooddit (Lan. Chs. Stf. Der.), a corruption of Good-tide. Shrove Tuesday is Fasten’s E’en (Sc. n.Cy. n.Midl.), the Eve of the great Fast of the ecclesiastical year. There still remain in some districts traces of the former carnival gaieties, whilst the popular eating of pancakes on Shrove Tuesday keeps up the memory of the ancient feasting. The day before Shrove Tuesday is Collop Monday (n.Cy.), that is, rasher-of-bacon Monday, so called because the customary dish for this day is bacon and eggs. In parts of Cornwall it is known as Pease-Monday, from the custom of eating pea-soup that day, though such fare would seem rather to be a foretaste of Lent than a festival dainty.
Shrovetide in the past was a time of fun and feasting, marking a last chance to celebrate before Lent began. As the name suggests, it started as a time for confession and forgiveness in preparation for the Lenten Fast, which is where the name Gooddit comes from, a variation of Good-tide. Shrove Tuesday is known as Fasten’s E’en, the eve of the major Fast in the church year. In some areas, remnants of the old carnival celebrations still exist, while the tradition of eating pancakes on Shrove Tuesday keeps the memory of the past feasting alive. The day before Shrove Tuesday is Collop Monday, known as rashers-of-bacon Monday, because the typical meal for this day is bacon and eggs. In parts of Cornwall, it’s called Pease-Monday, due to the tradition of eating pea soup that day, although that seems more like a hint of Lent than a festive treat.
Chief among the Shrovetide sports which have lasted down to modern times is the well-known pastime called Lent-crocking (Som. Dev. Wil. Dor.), or Drowin’ o’ cloam, which consists in throwing broken crockery-ware in at doorways on the night before Shrove Tuesday, known as Dappy-door-night, and Lentsherd-night. Lead-birds (Pem.) is a game played by boys as a substitute for the obsolete cock-throwing, a barbarous old Shrovetide sport, which is[Pg 291] perhaps further to be traced in the name Lent-cocks (Dev.) for daffodils. In the old Grammar Schools it was customary for each scholar to contribute towards a fund for Shrovetide cock-fighting. This contribution was called the cock-penny (Lakel. Yks. Lan.), and it continued to be a recognized fee paid to the Head Master long after the sport itself had died out. Shrovetide ball-games still survive, such as bung-ball (Bdf.); and kep-ball, the game of catch-ball which gives the name Kepping-day (e.Yks.) to Shrove Tuesday. There is an old saying: if you don’t have a kepp on kepping-day, you’ll be sick in harvest.
Chief among the Shrovetide sports that have lasted into modern times is the well-known pastime called Lent-crocking (Som. Dev. Wil. Dor.), or Drowin’ o’ cloam, which involves throwing broken pottery through doorways on the night before Shrove Tuesday, known as Dappy-door-night, and Lentsherd-night. Lead-birds (Pem.) is a game played by boys as a substitute for the outdated cock-throwing, a brutal old Shrovetide sport, which is[Pg 291] possibly further reflected in the name Lent-cocks (Dev.) for daffodils. In the old Grammar Schools, it was common for each student to contribute to a fund for Shrovetide cock-fighting. This contribution was called the cock-penny (Lakel. Yks. Lan.), and it continued to be a recognized fee paid to the Head Master long after the sport itself had died out. Shrovetide ball games still exist, like bung-ball (Bdf.); and kep-ball, the catch-ball game that gives Shrove Tuesday the name Kepping-day (e.Yks.). There’s an old saying: if you don’t have a kepp on kepping-day, you’ll be sick during the harvest.
The bell once rung before noon on Shrove Tuesday to summon the penitents to their shrift, came to be looked upon as a signal for preparing the day’s pancakes, and hence it was termed the Pancake bell. The practice of ringing this bell continued certainly into the last quarter of the nineteenth century. In Worcestershire the Pancake bell was said to ring out the words: Pot off, pan on; Pot off, pan on; whilst in Warwickshire the message rung out was: Pan’s a-burning; Pan’s a-burning. In Yorkshire a kind of pancake or fritter with currants in it is eaten on Ash-Wednesday, and the day is called Frutters’ Wednesday.
The bell that used to ring before noon on Shrove Tuesday to call people to confession became a signal for making pancakes, so it was called the Pancake bell. The tradition of ringing this bell lasted at least until the late 1800s. In Worcestershire, the Pancake bell was said to announce: Pot off, pan on; Pot off, pan on; while in Warwickshire, it proclaimed: Pan’s a-burning; Pan’s a-burning. In Yorkshire, a type of pancake or fritter with currants is eaten on Ash Wednesday, and the day is referred to as Frutters’ Wednesday.
In parts of Cornwall a straw figure dressed in cast-off clothes and called Jack o’ Lent was formerly carried round and then burned at the beginning of Lent. The effigy was probably originally meant to represent Judas Iscariot. Now the term is applied to a scarecrow, and, as a contemptuous epithet, also to persons (Nhp. Dor.).
In some areas of Cornwall, a straw figure dressed in old clothes, known as Jack o’ Lent, used to be carried around and then burned at the start of Lent. The effigy was likely intended to represent Judas Iscariot. Now, the term is used to refer to a scarecrow and, as an insult, to describe people (Nhp. Dor.).
The Sundays in Lent, beginning with the second Sunday, are thus enumerated in an old north-country saying: Tid, Mid, Misera, Carlin, Palm, Pace egg day. It is supposed that Tid is a corruption of Te Deum, and that Misera is based on the opening words of the penitential Psalm Miserere mei, Deus. The fourth Sunday in Lent is, however, more generally known as Mothering Sunday, the day on which it was always customary for the scattered members of the family to visit the mother in the old home, carrying some[Pg 292] small present for her in their hands. Special cakes and dishes were associated with this festival, the most popular being simnel cakes, and frummety, a dish made of hulled wheat, boiled in milk, and seasoned with sugar and spice. In some places the usual fare was veal and rice pudding; and in others fig-pie—made of dried figs, sugar, treacle, and spice—was the standing dish. In Berkshire at the present time it is considered the proper thing to eat fig-pudding on Palm Sunday.
The Sundays in Lent, starting with the second Sunday, are listed in an old northern saying: Tid, Mid, Misera, Carlin, Palm, Pace egg day. It’s thought that Tid is a variation of Te Deum, and that Misera comes from the opening words of the penitential Psalm Miserere mei, Deus. However, the fourth Sunday of Lent is more commonly known as Mothering Sunday, a day when family members who live apart would usually visit their mother at the old home, bringing her a small gift. Special cakes and dishes were associated with this celebration, the most popular being simnel cakes, along with frummety, a dish made of hulled wheat, boiled in milk, and flavored with sugar and spice. In some places, the regular meal was veal and rice pudding; in others, fig-pie—made of dried figs, sugar, treacle, and spice—was the traditional dish. Currently, in Berkshire, it's customary to eat fig-pudding on Palm Sunday.
Carl Sunday, or Carling Sunday (Sc. n.Cy.), takes its name from the grey or brown peas prepared and eaten on this day. They must be steeped all night in water, and then fried in butter. To account for this usage one tradition states that it commemorates the action of the disciples, who, going through the corn fields on the Sabbath day, ‘plucked the cars of corn, and did eat, rubbing them in their hands,’ St. Luke vi. 1; whilst a second associates it with a famine in Newcastle, which was relieved by the arrival of a ship bearing a cargo of grey peas or carlings.
Carl Sunday, or Carling Sunday (Sc. n.Cy.), gets its name from the grey or brown peas that are prepared and eaten on this day. They need to be soaked overnight in water and then fried in butter. One tradition explains this practice by saying it honors the action of the disciples, who, while walking through the grain fields on the Sabbath, ‘picked the ears of corn and ate them, rubbing them in their hands,’ St. Luke vi. 1; while another tradition connects it to a famine in Newcastle that was relieved by a ship arriving with a load of grey peas or carlings.
On Palm Sunday village churches used to be decorated with the catkin-laden twigs of the common sallow, or, as in Kent, with branches of yew, according to the local interpretation of the word palm. Going a-palming (Ken.) meant gathering yew twigs on the Saturday before Palm Sunday for this purpose. In some s.Midland counties Palm Sunday is known as Fig Sunday, dried figs being largely consumed on this day. The probable explanation of this practice lies in the fact that in the Gospel narrative the cursing of the barren fig-tree is the first recorded incident of the day following that of the triumphal entry into Jerusalem, cp. St. Mark xi. 12-14, with the result that in the popular mind the events of two days were merged together, and the fig was adopted as an appropriate part of the Palm Sunday festival.
On Palm Sunday, village churches used to be decorated with twigs from the common sallow filled with catkins, or, in Kent, with yew branches, depending on how people interpreted the word palm. Going a-palming (Ken.) referred to gathering yew twigs on the Saturday before Palm Sunday for this purpose. In some s.Midland counties, Palm Sunday is known as Fig Sunday, as dried figs are commonly eaten on this day. The likely reason for this tradition is that in the Gospel narrative, the cursing of the barren fig tree is the first recorded event on the day after the triumphal entry into Jerusalem, cp. St. Mark xi. 12-14, leading people to combine the events of these two days in their minds, and the fig became a fitting part of the Palm Sunday celebration.
An old Cheshire name for Good Friday is Care Friday, a preservation of the original meaning of the word care, O.E. caru, sorrow, trouble; cp. Germ. Karfreitag, Good Friday.[Pg 293] In Lancashire it was termed Long Friday, and also Crackling Friday, from a special kind of wheaten cake given to children on this day. The custom of eating Hot Cross buns is common even in towns, though probably nobody now preserves them throughout the year as a specific against diarrhoea. Up to the middle of last century people afflicted with eye-diseases used on Good Friday to visit St. Margaret’s Well, near Wellington, in Shropshire, a stone cistern containing spring water which was supposed on this day to possess eye-healing virtues. A Good Friday sport called cock-kibbit, practised in parts of Devonshire by boys, would seem to be a kind of survival of the old Shrove Tuesday cock-throwing. A live cock is put under an inverted earthenware milk-pan, and then cudgels or kibbits are thrown at the pan from a fixed distance until the pan is broken and the cock thus released. The cock is then chased by the whole company, and it becomes the joint property of its captor and the breaker of the milk-pan.
An old Cheshire name for Good Friday is Care Friday, which reflects the original meaning of the word care, O.E. caru, meaning sorrow or trouble; cp. Germ. Good Friday, Good Friday.[Pg 293] In Lancashire, it was called Long Friday and also Crackling Friday, named after a special kind of wheaten cake given to children on this day. The custom of eating Hot Cross buns is still popular in towns, though probably nobody now keeps them throughout the year as a remedy for diarrhea. Up until the middle of last century, people suffering from eye diseases would visit St. Margaret’s Well, near Wellington in Shropshire, on Good Friday. This stone cistern containing spring water was believed to have eye-healing properties on this day. A Good Friday sport called cock-kibbit, practiced by boys in parts of Devonshire, seems to be a remnant of the old Shrove Tuesday cock-throwing. A live cock is placed under an inverted earthenware milk pan, and then cudgels or kibbits are thrown at the pan from a fixed distance until the pan breaks and the cock is released. The cock is then chased by everyone, and it becomes the shared property of whoever catches it and the person who broke the milk pan.
The custom amongst farmers of sowing and planting on Good Friday to ensure lucky crops we have already noticed in a previous chapter. For the sowing of onion seed, however, a still more propitious day is March 12, the Feast of St. Gregory.
The tradition among farmers of sowing and planting on Good Friday to guarantee bountiful crops was mentioned in an earlier chapter. However, for planting onion seeds, an even better day is March 12, the Feast of St. Gregory.
The day after Good Friday was formerly known in East Anglia as Shitten Saturday, that is Shut-in-Saturday, the day on which the body of the Lord lay shut in the tomb.
The day after Good Friday used to be called Shitten Saturday in East Anglia, which means Shut-in-Saturday, the day when the Lord's body lay sealed in the tomb.
Eastertide is marked in the northern counties of England by the custom of Pace-egging. The phrase itself is interesting, for we have in it the preservation of the Latin name beside our English Easter, cp. M.Lat. pascha, the feast of the passover. The form Pace or Paas is found in English literature as far back as the early fifteenth century. During Holy Week children, and sometimes grown-up persons too, go round to the farmhouses begging for Pace-eggs. Some of the eggs are used for special Easter Day cakes and custards, but the Pace-egg proper is stained and hard-boiled like the German Oster-Ei. On Easter Monday these coloured eggs are trundled or rolled against each other till they are broken,[Pg 294] when they are eaten, and hence Easter Monday is termed Troll-egg-day. Another form of this game is known as jauping paste-eggs. One boy holds his egg, exposing the small end, and the jauper, or striker, knocks the end of his egg against it. The egg remaining unbroken is the conqueror, and the broken egg is forfeited. Occasionally one or two Pace-eggs are kept as ornaments. One such, stained pink, and inscribed with a child’s name, and the date, ranked among the ornaments on the parlour shelf in the Yorkshire farmhouse where we were staying this August (1912). In the days when mumming was still popular, the play of St. George was performed at Easter by mummers who called themselves Pace-eggers. No doubt originally they collected Easter eggs on their rounds; indeed, a writer on Lancashire customs says the company included a personage styled Dirty Bet, whose duty it was to carry a basket for the collection of eggs, but usually they played for money only, so that Pace-egging came to be synonymous with mumming. A Lakeland play began with an introductory verse as follows:
Eastertide is celebrated in the northern counties of England with the tradition of Pace-egging. The term itself is intriguing, as it preserves the Latin name alongside our English Easter, cp. M.Lat. Easter, the festival of the passover. The form Pace or Paas appears in English literature going back to the early fifteenth century. During Holy Week, children, and sometimes adults, visit farmhouses asking for Pace-eggs. Some of the eggs are used for special Easter Day cakes and custards, but the true Pace-egg is dyed and hard-boiled like the German Easter egg. On Easter Monday, these colored eggs are rolled against each other until they break,[Pg 294] at which point they are eaten, leading to Easter Monday being called Troll-egg-day. Another variation of this game is known as jauping paste-eggs. One boy holds his egg out, showing the small end, while the jauper, or striker, hits the end of his egg against it. The egg that remains unbroken wins, and the broken egg is lost. Occasionally, one or two Pace-eggs are kept as decorations. One such egg, dyed pink and marked with a child's name and date, was displayed on the parlour shelf in the Yorkshire farmhouse where we stayed this August (1912). In the days when mumming was still common, the play of St. George was performed at Easter by mummers who called themselves Pace-eggers. Originally, they probably collected Easter eggs during their performances; indeed, a writer on Lancashire customs mentions a character named Dirty Bet, whose role was to carry a basket for collecting eggs, but typically, they played for money only, making Pace-egging synonymous with mumming. A Lakeland play started with an introductory verse as follows:
An Easter custom once very common in Cheshire, Lancashire, and the Midlands is variously termed Heaving, Hoisting, and Lifting. Parties of men went round from house to house on Easter Monday carrying a chair decorated with evergreens, flowers, and ribbons. Wherever they came, they seized in turn every woman of the household, and made her sit in the chair, which they then raised as high in the air as arms could reach, three times in succession. On Easter Tuesday the women returned the compliment to the men. A small fee was often paid by the lifted to the lifters. Folklorists tell us that this strange practice was originally designed to typify the Resurrection.
An Easter tradition that used to be quite common in Cheshire, Lancashire, and the Midlands is called Heaving, Hoisting, and Lifting. Groups of men would go from house to house on Easter Monday, carrying a chair decorated with greenery, flowers, and ribbons. Whenever they arrived, they would take turns seizing every woman in the household and making her sit in the chair, which they would then lift as high in the air as they could reach, three times in a row. On Easter Tuesday, the women would return the favor to the men. A small fee was often given by the women being lifted to the men lifting them. Folklorists say this unusual practice was originally meant to symbolize the Resurrection.
The prevalent practice of wearing some new article of clothing for the first time on Easter Day is not confined to[Pg 295] any particular district but may be met with anywhere. A Lincolnshire name for Easter Day is Crow-Sunday, from the belief that rooks let fall their droppings on those that wear nothing new on that day.
The popular tradition of wearing something new for the first time on Easter Day isn't limited to any specific area; it can be found everywhere. In Lincolnshire, Easter Day is called Crow-Sunday because people believe that rooks will drop their droppings on anyone who doesn't wear something new that day.
Herb-pudding (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.) is a dish peculiar to Easter Day. It is made of the leaves of the bistort, Polygonum Bistorta—the so-called Easter-giants, or Easter-magiants—boiled in broth with barley, chives, &c., and served as an accompaniment to veal and bacon.
Herb-pudding (Nhb. Cum. Wm. Yks.) is a dish unique to Easter Sunday. It's made from the leaves of the bistort, Bistort—known as Easter-giants or Easter-magiants—boiled in broth with barley, chives, &c., and served alongside veal and bacon.
The old tradition that the sun rises dancing on Easter morning, which we remember because of Suckling’s allusion to it in the lines:
The old tradition that the sun rises dancing on Easter morning, which we remember because of Suckling’s allusion to it in the lines:
has been found lingering in some parts of the country. At the beginning of the second half of the nineteenth century there were still some people who would get up early on Easter Day and go out into the fields to see the sun dance. The Rev. R. H. Cobbold, Rector of Ross, wrote on October 13, 1879: ‘In the district called Hockley, in the parish of Broseley, a woman whose maiden name was Evans, wife of Rowland Lloyd, a labourer, said she had heard of the thing but did not believe it true, “till,” she said, “on Easter morning last, I got up early, and then I saw the sun dance, and dance, and dance, three times, and I called to my husband and said, Rowland, Rowland, get up and see the sun dance! I used,” she said, “not to believe it, but now I can never doubt more.” The neighbours agreed with her that the sun did dance on Easter morning, and some of them had seen it,’ Shropshire Folk-Lore, p. 335. According to a Sussex version the sun always dances on Easter morning, but nobody has ever seen it because the Devil is so cunning that he always puts a hill in the way to hide it. Although Sir Thomas Browne included this tradition in his lists of Vulgar Errors, he evidently felt that belief in it was an outgrowth of popular religious feeling, and that as such it must be handled with[Pg 296] reverence: ‘We shall not, I hope, disparage the resurrection of our Redeemer, if we say the sun does not dance on Easter-day. And though we would willingly assent unto any sympathetical exultation, yet cannot conceive therein any more than a tropical expression,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIII. 14.
has been found lingering in some parts of the country. At the start of the second half of the 19th century, there were still people who would wake up early on Easter Day and go out into the fields to see the sun dance. The Rev. R. H. Cobbold, Rector of Ross, wrote on October 13, 1879: ‘In a district called Hockley, in the parish of Broseley, a woman named Evans, wife of Rowland Lloyd, a laborer, said she had heard about it but didn’t believe it was true, “until,” she said, “on Easter morning last, I got up early, and then I saw the sun dance, and dance, and dance, three times, and I called to my husband and said, Rowland, Rowland, get up and see the sun dance! I used,” she said, “not to believe it, but now I can never doubt again.” The neighbors agreed with her that the sun did dance on Easter morning, and some of them had seen it,’ Shropshire Folk-Lore, p. 335. According to a Sussex version, the sun always dances on Easter morning, but nobody has ever seen it because the Devil is so clever that he always puts a hill in the way to hide it. Although Sir Thomas Browne included this tradition in his lists of Vulgar Errors, he clearly felt that belief in it was a result of popular religious sentiment and that it should be treated with[Pg 296] respect: ‘I hope we don’t downplay the resurrection of our Redeemer by claiming the sun doesn’t shine on Easter Day. While we would happily support any compassionate celebration, we can only view it as a metaphorical expression.,’ Vulgar Errors, Bk. V, Chap. XXIII. 14.
Up to the middle of the nineteenth century the Eve of May-day was in some northern districts known as Mischief-night, when rough practical jokes were played by boys upon their neighbours, gates were pulled off their hinges, and hung up in trees, tubs and mops left out of doors were carried off and left in some inaccessible place, and other property was wantonly damaged.
Up until the middle of the 1800s, the night before May Day in some northern areas was called Mischief Night, when boys would play rough practical jokes on their neighbors. Gates were removed from their hinges and hung in trees, tubs and mops left outside were taken and hidden in hard-to-reach spots, and other property was deliberately damaged.
The original May-day sports and observances have long been dead and gone, leaving only scattered traces few and far between, but at the present time great efforts are being made to revive the old folk-songs, dances, and mumming-plays, and children are being taught in Board Schools how to celebrate May-day with the traditional songs, processions, and flowers; so that we have consequently to beware of mistaking a revival for a survival. The May-garland would seem, however, to be a genuine relic of the past. As seen in Oxford, it is formed of two willow hoops, placed transversely, and decorated with leaves and wild flowers. It is suspended from a stick, which is held at each end by a child, and carried thus from house to house on May morning. The Jack-in-the-green, very common twenty or twenty-five years ago, was a chimney-sweep enclosed in a frame of green leaves shaped like a bower, who paraded the streets on May-day. He is still occasionally to be seen. I myself saw one in Oxford in 1909. The name also lingers on in figurative use as an expression of contempt, e.g. He looked for all the world like a Jack-in-the-green. A Bedfordshire term for a scarecrow or a slattern is moggy, a name which bears a reminiscence of the maying company which consisted of: my lord and my lady, two moggys and a merry Ander. The moggy always carried a ladle.
The original May Day celebrations and activities have been long gone, leaving only a few scattered remnants, but right now, there are significant efforts to bring back the old folk songs, dances, and mumming plays. Children in Board Schools are being taught how to celebrate May Day with traditional songs, parades, and flowers, so we need to be careful not to confuse a revival with a continuation. The May garland appears to be a genuine relic from the past. In Oxford, it consists of two willow hoops placed crosswise and decorated with leaves and wildflowers. It hangs from a stick, which a child holds at each end, and is taken from house to house on May morning. The Jack-in-the-green, which was very common twenty or twenty-five years ago, was a chimney sweep dressed in a frame of green leaves shaped like a bower, who paraded the streets on May Day. He can still be seen occasionally; I witnessed one in Oxford in 1909. The name also continues to be used figuratively as a term of disdain, e.g., “He looked like a Jack-in-the-green.” In Bedfordshire, a term for a scarecrow or a messy person is moggy, a name that reminds us of the maying group made up of my lord and my lady, two moggys, and a merry Ander. The moggy always carried a ladle.
To remind us of the revelry of May-day there is the custom among boys of making May-music with May-horns (Oxf. Brks. Cor.), or whistles made out of sycamore or willow twigs; cp. ‘Scores of youngsters, as usual, celebrated the advent of the month of flowers in their own peculiar way by creating a most hideous row with their May-horns,’ Oxford Times, May 5, 1900; and further, the use of the term may-games (Som. Dev. Cor.) for frolics, tricks, &c. In Cornwall, a half-witted person is sometimes spoken of as a may-game.
To remind us of the festivities of May Day, there's a tradition among boys to create May-music with May-horns (Oxf. Brks. Cor.), or whistles made from sycamore or willow twigs; cp. ‘Scores of kids, as usual, celebrated the arrival of the month of flowers in their own unique way by making a loud racket with their May-horns,’ Oxford Times, May 5, 1900; and additionally, the term may-games (Som. Dev. Cor.) refers to playful activities, tricks, &c. In Cornwall, a person with a mental disability is sometimes referred to as a may-game.
Near the beginning of May come the Rogation days, the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday before Ascension-day, or Holy Thursday. These days are marked in the popular mind by the ancient and well-known custom of beating the parish bounds, whence arose the now obsolete name of Gang-days (n.Cy.), and the name Rammalation-day (Yks.), i.e. Perambulation-day, for Rogation Monday. The practice is also called Processioning (Midl. Som.), and Possessioning (Nhp.). Among dialect names for the milkwort are: Rogation Flower, Gang Flower, and Procession Flower, showing that it was formerly much used in making the garlands carried on these occasions. The reason why this perambulation of the parish boundaries takes place at Rogationtide seems to be that originally it was purely a religious observance, a procession of priest and people through the fields to pray for a fruitful spring-time and harvest. In course of time the secular object of familiarizing the growing generation with their parish landmarks gained the upper hand, but the date remained as testimony to the primary devotional character of the custom. Another remnant of the religious side may be traced in the term Gospel Tree, applied to some tree where the Gospel was read aloud by the clergy on the occasion of these parochial perambulations.
Near the beginning of May come the Rogation days, which are the Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday before Ascension Day, or Holy Thursday. These days are well-known for the traditional custom of walking the parish boundaries, which led to the outdated term Gang days (n.Cy.) and the term Rammalation Day (Yks.), meaning Perambulation Day for Rogation Monday. This practice is also referred to as Processioning (Midl. Som.) and Possessioning (Nhp.). Some dialect names for the milkwort include: Rogation Flower, Gang Flower, and Procession Flower, indicating that it was once commonly used to make the garlands carried on these occasions. The reason for walking the parish boundaries during Rogationtide seems to be that it originally started as a purely religious observance, a procession of priests and people through the fields to pray for a fruitful spring and harvest. Over time, the secular goal of familiarizing the younger generation with their parish landmarks became more important, but the timing still serves as a reminder of the custom's initial spiritual purpose. Another remnant of this religious aspect can be seen in the term Gospel Tree, which refers to a tree where the clergy would read the Gospel aloud during these parish walks.
It would seem, however, that recently some of the High Church clergy have begun to revive in some form the old ceremonial processions. The following paragraph appeared in the Church Times of May 2, 1918, under the heading Sheffield: ‘The Rogation procession, revived last year at St. Matthew’s,[Pg 298] again took place this year; a perambulation of the parish was made, incense, lights, and the beautiful silver crucifix were used, and the vicar in cope intoned the Litany. The choir and a good number of communicants of both sexes took part, and the Rogation Mass was afterwards sung in church. Another procession, with hymns and short addresses at various stations, was announced for Tuesday evening.’ Similar processions were also made here in Oxford at the same date.
It seems that recently some of the High Church clergy have started to bring back the old ceremonial processions. The following paragraph appeared in the Church Times on May 2, 1918, under the heading Sheffield: ‘The Rogation procession, which was revived last year at St. Matthew’s,[Pg 298] took place again this year; a walk around the parish was done, with incense, lights, and the beautiful silver crucifix being used, and the vicar in cope intoned the Litany. The choir and a good number of communicants from both genders participated, and the Rogation Mass was sung in church afterward. Another procession, with hymns and short speeches at different stops, was planned for Tuesday evening.’ Similar processions were also held here in Oxford at the same time.
In former times, the season of Whitsuntide brought round another parochial custom, namely, the holding of the Whitsun-ale (Lin. Nhp. Oxf. Hmp.). This was a village feast which, while it provided amusement for the parishioners in the shape of sports and dancing, was also at the same time made by the churchwardens a means of bringing in money to the parish coffers for the maintenance of the church. In Oxfordshire a similar festivity was known as a Lamb-ale, and with it was associated the following sport: a fat lamb was chased by girls with tied hands; she who caught the lamb with her teeth was styled Lady of the Lamb, and was conducted home with her prize in a triumphal procession. The next day the lamb was cooked and served up to the Lady and her companions.
In the past, the Whitsun season brought about a local tradition called the Whitsun-ale (Lin. Nhp. Oxf. Hmp.). This was a village celebration that offered fun for the locals through sports and dancing, while also serving as a way for the churchwardens to raise money for the church's upkeep. In Oxfordshire, a similar celebration was known as a Lamb-ale, which included a unique game: girls with their hands tied would chase a fat lamb; the girl who caught the lamb with her teeth was called Lady of the Lamb and was proudly brought home with her prize in a celebratory parade. The following day, the lamb was cooked and served to the Lady and her friends.
Thirty years ago it was still customary in some west Midland districts to decorate village churches on Whit Sunday with sprigs of birch stuck in holes bored in the tops of the pews. I can remember this being done by an old parish clerk in Herefordshire, but when he was gathered to his fathers in the same profession, the custom died with him.
Thirty years ago, it was still common in some areas of the West Midlands to decorate village churches on Whit Sunday with sprigs of birch placed in holes drilled into the tops of the pews. I can remember an old parish clerk in Herefordshire doing this, but when he passed away, the tradition died with him.
The north-country Rush-bearing is an annual ceremony which usually takes place concurrently with the village Wakes. It has come down from the days when the bare earthen floors of churches and chapels were strewn with rushes as their only covering. The parishioners assembled on some special day, and went out to collect the rushes, which were then piled on a gaily decorated cart, and brought back through the village to the accompaniment of music[Pg 299] and dancing. The custom has in many places now fallen into disuse, but it is still kept up in Westmorland. Nowadays the procession is formed of children who carry garlands and emblems made of rushes and flowers, and entering the church they lay them along the aisles. The rush-bearing festival at Grasmere takes place on the Saturday next after St. Oswald’s Day, August 5, and the following Sunday and Monday. A very interesting account of it entitled ‘Rush-bearing at Grasmere’, appeared in The Outlook of August 13, 1910. No doubt it is the connexion with Wordsworth which has prolonged the life of this particular custom, and spread its fame far beyond the country of its birth. It is not given to all our ancient rural festivals to receive a ‘tributary lay’ from an immortal poet.
The northern Rush-bearing is an annual event that usually happens at the same time as the village Wakes. It dates back to when the bare earthen floors of churches and chapels were covered with rushes. The parishioners would gather on a special day to collect the rushes, which were then stacked on a brightly decorated cart and paraded through the village with music and dancing. While this tradition has faded in many places, it is still observed in Westmorland. Today, the procession consists of children carrying garlands and symbols made from rushes and flowers, and when they enter the church, they lay them along the aisles. The Rush-bearing festival in Grasmere takes place on the Saturday after St. Oswald’s Day, August 5, and continues on the following Sunday and Monday. An interesting article titled ‘Rush-bearing at Grasmere’ was published in The Outlook on August 13, 1910. It's likely the connection to Wordsworth has helped keep this tradition alive and made it famous well beyond its origin. Not all our ancient rural festivals can boast a ‘tributary lay’ from an immortal poet.
Passing through the village of Cuddesdon on October 11, 1912, I met two or three big farm wagons going to the hamlet of Denton, loaded with what was evidently a farm-labourer’s household stuff. On the top of the last wagon, wedged in securely amongst bedding and chairs, were four or five children, merry little people, obviously enjoying the ride through country lanes on a warm, sunny afternoon. My companion who lived in the village remarked to me, ‘You see how Michaelmas Day is kept here according to the Old Style. They always make their Michaelmas moves to-day.’
Passing through the village of Cuddesdon on October 11, 1912, I saw a couple of big farm wagons heading to the small town of Denton, packed with what looked like a farm worker’s household items. On the last wagon, nestled securely among bedding and chairs, were four or five children, happy little ones clearly enjoying the ride through the countryside on a warm, sunny afternoon. My companion, who lived in the village, said to me, ‘You see how they celebrate Michaelmas Day here according to the Old Style. They always make their Michaelmas moves today.’
October 31 is Halloween (Sc. n.Cy.), the Eve of All Saints’ Day, a night specially devoted to love-divination ceremonies, and other superstitious customs such as we have noticed in a previous chapter. The game of hanch-apple (Cum. Lan.) is a favourite Halloween pastime, so much so that in some districts Hanchin’-neet is another name for Halloween. The game consists in biting at an apple floating in water, or suspended by a cord.
October 31 is Halloween (Sc. n.Cy.), the night before All Saints’ Day, dedicated to love-divination rituals and other superstitious traditions we've discussed in a previous chapter. The game of hanch-apple (Cum. Lan.) is a popular Halloween activity, so much so that in some areas, Hanchin’-neet is another term for Halloween. The game involves trying to bite an apple floating in water or hanging from a string.
In parts of Ireland a dish called colcannon, made of potatoes and cabbage mashed together with butter, used to form part of the Halloween dinner. In it was concealed a ring, the finder whereof would be the first of the company to[Pg 300] be married. In St. John’s, Newfoundland, the popular name for Halloween is Colcannon-night, so named because colcannon is generally eaten then.
In some parts of Ireland, a dish called colcannon, made of potatoes and cabbage mashed together with butter, used to be part of the Halloween dinner. A ring was hidden inside it, and whoever found it would be the first one in the group to[Pg 300] get married. In St. John’s, Newfoundland, Halloween is commonly known as Colcannon-night, named that way because colcannon is usually eaten then.
November 2 is the Roman Catholic festival of All Souls, the day on which the Church of Rome makes supplications for the souls of the faithful departed. The ancient custom of going out souling on this day was preserved in the n.Midland counties well into the second half of last century. Poor women, or companies of children, used to go round to the houses of their wealthier neighbours singing certain doggerel lines, and begging for gifts of cakes, apples, money, &c., &c. In some districts this was done on All Saints’ Day, the Eve of All Souls, and in others on All Souls’ Day itself. Formerly special cakes called soul-cakes were baked by housekeepers in readiness for the soulers, but biscuits, apples, nuts—anything in fact given in response to their request—would be accepted under the name of soul-cakes. There are various versions of the traditional souling-song. This is a Cheshire version: Soul, soul, a apple or two; If ye han noo apples, pears ’un do; Please, good Missis, a soul-cake; Put yur hand t’yur pocket, Tak’ ait yur keys, Go dain i’ yur cellar, Bring what yo please, A apple, a pear, A plum, or a cherry, Or any good thing That’ll make us all merry. Or again, there is the simple cry: A cake, a cake, For All Souls’ sake (Der.).
November 2 is the Roman Catholic festival of All Souls, the day when the Church of Rome prays for the souls of the faithful departed. The old tradition of going out souling on this day was kept alive in the n. Midland counties well into the late 20th century. Poor women, or groups of children, used to walk around to the houses of their wealthier neighbors singing some rhyming lines, asking for gifts of cakes, apples, money, &c., &c. In some areas, this was done on All Saints’ Day, the Eve of All Souls, and in others, it happened on All Souls’ Day itself. In the past, special cakes called soul-cakes were made by housekeepers in preparation for the soulers, but biscuits, apples, nuts—anything they received in response to their request—would be accepted as soul-cakes. There are various versions of the traditional souling-song. This is a Cheshire version: Soul, soul, a apple or two; If ye han noo apples, pears ’un do; Please, good Missis, a soul-cake; Put yur hand t’yur pocket, Tak’ ait yur keys, Go dain i’ yur cellar, Bring what yo please, A apple, a pear, A plum, or a cherry, Or any good thing That’ll make us all merry. Or again, there is the simple cry: A cake, a cake, For All Souls’ sake (Der.).
Similar customs belonging to November 23, St. Clement’s Day, and to November 25, St. Catherine’s Day, were kept up in some s.Midland counties. Children went from house to house singing verses and begging for apples and pence, a practice known as Catterning and Clemmening (War. Wor. Stf. Sus.). A Worcestershire version of the Cattern Day song runs: Catten and Clemen come year by year; Some of your apples and some of your beer! Some for Peter, some for Paul, Some for Him as made us all. Clement was a good old man, For his sake give us some. Plum, plum, cherry, cherry, Give us good ale to make us merry, Apples to roast and nuts to crack, And a barrel of cider on the tap. Up the ladder and down the can, Give us a red apple and we’ll be[Pg 301] gone. The following is a Warwickshire Clementing rhyme: Clemancing, clemancing, year by year, Apples and pears are very good cheer; One for Peter, two for Paul, And three for the Man that made us all. Up with your stocking, and down with your shoe; If you’ve got no apples, money’ll do. Clement was a good old man, For his sake give us some; None of the worst, but some of the best. I pray God send your soul to rest. This closely resembles some of the souling-songs, in which the couplet: One for Peter, &c., also occurs word for word the same.
Similar customs tied to November 23, St. Clement’s Day, and November 25, St. Catherine’s Day, were observed in some s. Midland counties. Kids went from house to house singing verses and asking for apples and coins, a practice known as Catterning and Clemmening (War. Wor. Stf. Sus.). A Worcestershire version of the Cattern Day song goes: Catten and Clemen come year after year; Some of your apples and some of your beer! Some for Peter, some for Paul, Some for Him who made us all. Clement was a good old man, For his sake give us some. Plum, plum, cherry, cherry, Give us good ale to make us merry, Apples to roast and nuts to crack, And a barrel of cider on tap. Up the ladder and down the can, Give us a red apple and we’ll be[Pg 301] gone. The following is a Warwickshire Clementing rhyme: Clementing, Clementing, year by year, Apples and pears are very good cheer; One for Peter, two for Paul, And three for the Man who made us all. Up with your stocking, and down with your shoe; If you’ve got no apples, money will do. Clement was a good old man, For his sake give us some; None of the worst, but some of the best. I pray God send your soul to rest. This closely resembles some of the souling songs, where the couplet: One for Peter, &c., also appears word for word the same.
St. Clement is the blacksmiths’ patron saint, and in parts of Sussex blacksmiths used to hold a feast on November 23 in his honour. Over the door of the inn where the feast took place a figure dressed up with a wig, a beard, and a pipe, was set up, and called Old Clem. In Surrey it was customary to fire the anvil on St. Clement’s Day. This was done by setting light to a charge of gunpowder placed beneath a wooden plug or wedge driven into a hole in the top of the anvil.
St. Clement is the patron saint of blacksmiths, and in some areas of Sussex, blacksmiths used to have a feast in his honor on November 23. Above the door of the inn where the feast happened, a figure dressed in a wig, beard, and pipe was put up and called Old Clem. In Surrey, it was common to fire the anvil on St. Clement’s Day. This was done by igniting a charge of gunpowder placed beneath a wooden plug or wedge driven into a hole in the top of the anvil.
November 30 is St. Andrew’s Day. In Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire special cakes were formerly eaten on this day, called Tandrew cakes, Tandry cakes, and Tandry wigs. They were plain dough cakes or buns ornamented with currants and caraway seeds, made in honour of St. Andrew, the patron saint of lace-makers. But since the lace trade has become less profitable, to keep Tandry, i.e. to keep the festival of St. Andrew, in this way has become less common.
November 30 is St. Andrew’s Day. In Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire, people used to eat special cakes on this day, called Tandrew cakes, Tandry cakes, and Tandry wigs. These were simple dough cakes or buns decorated with currants and caraway seeds, made in honor of St. Andrew, the patron saint of lace-makers. However, as the lace trade has become less profitable, celebrating Tandry, meaning keeping the festival of St. Andrew in this way, has become less common.
Bricklayers in Sussex used to go St. Andring. This meant that they went in gangs to the woods, and threw sticks at squirrels and game. Afterwards they all repaired to the inn to drink, the squirrels being carried home to be stuffed or eaten.
Bricklayers in Sussex used to go St. Andring. This meant that they would form groups to go into the woods, throwing sticks at squirrels and game. Afterward, they all went to the inn to drink, bringing the squirrels home to be stuffed or eaten.
To December 21, the festival of St. Thomas, belongs the old custom known as going a-gooding, a-mumping, or a-Thomasing, a practice once common all over England from Cheshire and Yorkshire to East Anglia and Cornwall. In some places it has been preserved up to quite modern times. To go a-gooding means to go from house to house on St. Thomas’ Day begging for money or gifts in kind wherewith to[Pg 302] furnish the Christmas table. This was generally done by poor widows, but also often by people who would never think of begging at any other time of year. Formerly every farmer set aside a sack of corn for the mumpers, some of them needy widows, some of them married women with their families, wives of the holders of cottages on the farm. These all went to receive each a dole of corn. In course of time the doles given took the form of money and food, including perhaps a pint of wheat for making frumenty. An old Thomasing rhyme runs thus: Well-a-day, well-a-day, St. Thomas goes too soon away, Then your gooding we do pray, For the good time will not stay. St. Thomas grey, St. Thomas grey, The longest night and the shortest day, Please to remember St. Thomas Day (Stf.). In these latter days children go a-Thomasing for halfpence, singing hymns instead of the old traditional begging rhymes.
By December 21, the festival of St. Thomas, there’s an old custom called going a-gooding, a-mumping, or a-Thomasing, which was once common across England from Cheshire and Yorkshire to East Anglia and Cornwall. In some areas, it has continued even into modern times. To go a-gooding means traveling from house to house on St. Thomas’ Day, begging for money or gifts to help fill the Christmas table. This was usually done by poor widows, but also by people who wouldn’t think of begging at any other time of year. Traditionally, every farmer would set aside a sack of corn for the mumpers, which included some needy widows and married women with their families, wives of the tenants on the farm. All of them would come to receive their share of corn. Over time, the gifts changed to money and food, possibly including a pint of wheat for making frumenty. An old Thomasing rhyme goes like this: Well-a-day, well-a-day, St. Thomas goes too soon away, Then your gooding we do pray, For the good time will not stay. St. Thomas grey, St. Thomas grey, The longest night and the shortest day, Please to remember St. Thomas Day (Stf.). Nowadays, children go a-Thomasing for pennies, singing hymns instead of the old traditional begging rhymes.
Christmas is everywhere the most popular festival of the whole year, combining as it does the religious and social sides of life in a way none of the other ecclesiastical Holy-days do. The Church with its message of ‘Peace on earth, goodwill towards men’, as it were, comes down and takes the hand of the people and says let us unite together to celebrate the mystery of family life at the altar of the home. Hence it appeals more forcibly than any other festival to young and old, rich and poor, town-dweller and country rustic, without distinction of creed or class. Owing to this universal popularity, many of the old Christmas customs are yet with us, and most of those which are dying or dead are kept before our minds by writers of Christmas stories, and illustrators of Christmas Numbers.
Christmas is the most popular holiday of the entire year, blending the religious and social aspects of life in a way that no other religious holidays do. The Church, with its message of ‘Peace on earth, goodwill towards men,’ reaches out to the people and invites us to come together to celebrate the mystery of family life in our homes. This makes it resonate more deeply than any other celebration among young and old, rich and poor, city dwellers and country folk, regardless of their beliefs or background. Because of this widespread appeal, many traditional Christmas customs are still with us, and most of those that are fading away are kept alive in our minds through Christmas stories and illustrations in Christmas Numbers.
Christmas Eve was the great night for the mummers who acted the play of St. George and the Dragon; or again, there were men and boys who carried round a wooden figure representing a horse’s head, the mouth of which was made to open and shut by means of a string. Sometimes it was the skull of a dead horse, decorated with ribbons, and supported on a pole by a man concealed under a sheet. This[Pg 303] figure was called Old Hob (Chs.), Mari Lwyd or Merry Hewid (Wal.), and in Kent the performance was known as Hodening. In some northern counties the mummers were termed guisers, and in Sussex and Hampshire, tipteerers, or tip-teariers. The children used to go a-wassailing carrying a decorated bough, or a garland which they called a wessel-bob, and singing doggerel verses such as: Here we come a-wassailing, Among the leaves so green; Here we come a-singing, So fair to be seen. The vessel-cup, or bezzle-cup—both words being corruptions of wassail-cup, due to popular etymology—was a box containing two dolls representing the Virgin and Child, carried round by women or by children who sang this carol: God bless the maysther of this hoose, The mistheress also; An’ all the lahtle intepunks, That round the table go (Yks.).
Christmas Eve was a big night for the mummers who performed the play of St. George and the Dragon. There were also men and boys who carried around a wooden figure that represented a horse’s head, which was made to open and close by pulling a string. Sometimes, it was actually a horse's skull, decorated with ribbons and held up by a guy hidden under a sheet. This[Pg 303] figure was called Old Hob (Chs.), Mari Lwyd or Merry Hewid (Wal.), and in Kent, the performance was known as Hodening. In some northern counties, the mummers were called guisers, and in Sussex and Hampshire, they were known as tipteerers or tip-teariers. The children used to go a-wassailing carrying a decorated branch, or a garland they called a wessel-bob, and singing silly verses like: Here we come a-wassailing, Among the leaves so green; Here we come a-singing, So fair to be seen. The vessel-cup or bezzle-cup—both names were variations of wassail-cup, due to popular misunderstanding—was a box containing two dolls representing the Virgin and Child, carried around by women or children who sang this carol: God bless the maysther of this hoose, The mistheress also; An’ all the lahtle intepunks, That round the table go (Yks.).
There are some still living who can remember the time when people went out at midnight on Christmas Eve to the cow-byre to see the owsen kneeling in their stalls in adoration of the Heavenly Babe.
There are still some people alive who can remember when folks would go out at midnight on Christmas Eve to the cow barn to see the cows kneeling in their stalls in worship of the Heavenly Child.
A quaint custom at Dewsbury in Yorkshire is the ringing of the Devil’s knell on Christmas Eve. The bells toll first a hundred strokes, then a pause, then three strokes, three strokes, and three strokes again, to signify that the Devil died when Christ was born.
A charming tradition in Dewsbury, Yorkshire, is the ringing of the Devil’s knell on Christmas Eve. The bells ring a hundred times, then there's a pause, followed by three rings, three more rings, and then three rings again, to mark that the Devil died when Christ was born.
It is still customary in the West Riding of Yorkshire to eat spice-cake at Christmas time. It is a rich cake containing currants, sultanas, spices and candied peel, made only at this season of the year, and eaten together with cheese. In Northumberland and Durham children are given a cake called a Yule-babby, or Yule-dough, a figure made in ginger-bread or dough, rolled out flat, and cut out with a head, arms and body. The arms are folded across, and two currants put in for eyes. In Shrewsbury and the neighbourhood it was customary to eat wigs or caraway buns dipped in ale for supper on Christmas Eve. An East Anglian Christmas cake is the kickel, a flat triangular cake with currants and sugar on the top, O.E. coecil, tortum, M.E. kechil, Chauc.[Pg 304] Somnours Tale, l. 39. A very favourite Christmas dish in the north of England is—or used to be—frummety, a preparation of wheat which is creed or softened in the oven, and then boiled in milk, sweetened and flavoured with spice. In some districts it is eaten with plum loaf and cheese.
It’s still a tradition in West Riding of Yorkshire to eat spice cake during Christmas. It’s a rich cake made with currants, sultanas, spices, and candied peel, made only during this time of year, and served with cheese. In Northumberland and Durham, children are given a cake called a Yule-babby or Yule-dough, a figure made from gingerbread or dough, rolled flat and cut out with a head, arms, and body. The arms are crossed, and two currants are used for eyes. In Shrewsbury and nearby areas, it was common to have wigs or caraway buns dipped in ale for supper on Christmas Eve. An East Anglian Christmas cake is the kickel, a flat triangular cake topped with currants and sugar, O.E. cozy, tortum, M.E. small, Chauc.[Pg 304] Somnour's Tale, l. 39. A popular Christmas dish in the north of England is—or used to be—frummety, a wheat dish that is creed or softened in the oven, then boiled in milk, sweetened, and flavored with spices. In some areas, it’s eaten with plum loaf and cheese.
Wren-hunting was formerly a Christmas Day practice in Ireland. The following day, St. Stephen’s Day, the slaughtered birds tied to a bush decked with ribbons, were carried round by young lads, called wren-boys, who begged for money, and sang a song, one version of which begins thus: The wran, the wran, the king of all birds, St. Stephen’s Day is caught in the furze; Although he is little his family is great—Rise up, landlady, and give us a trate. Various legends are told in explanation of the origin of this custom. According to one story, the Jews were searching for St. Stephen, when his hiding-place was betrayed to them by the noisy cries of a couple of wrens flying in and out of a furze-bush where the saint lay concealed. The custom has also been found in the Isle of Man, Wales, and parts of England, the song varying in different localities, and in some places the wren being carried round on Twelfth Day instead of on St. Stephen’s Day.
Wren-hunting used to be a Christmas Day tradition in Ireland. The next day, St. Stephen's Day, the killed birds tied to a bush decorated with ribbons were carried around by young guys called wren-boys, who would ask for money and sing a song, one version of which starts like this: The wran, the wran, the king of all birds, St. Stephen's Day is caught in the furze; Although he is little, his family is great—Rise up, landlady, and give us a trate. Various legends explain the origin of this custom. One story says that the Jews were looking for St. Stephen, and his hiding place was revealed by the loud cries of a couple of wrens flying in and out of a furze-bush where the saint was hiding. This custom has also been found in the Isle of Man, Wales, and parts of England, with the song varying in different places, and in some areas, the wren is carried around on Twelfth Day instead of St. Stephen's Day.
December 28 is Holy Innocents’ Day, popularly called Childermas Day. In many parts of England, notably the northern counties and Cornwall, this day has always been regarded as unlucky. People would refrain from starting on a journey, or beginning a new undertaking, and housewives would even forbear to wash clothes on this day. Indeed so forceful is its evil influence that the day of the week on which it fell was marked as a black one throughout the ensuing year (Yks.). Dr. Johnson gives this superstitious belief in his definition of Childermas Day: ‘The day of the week, throughout the year, answering to the day on which the feast of the holy Innocents is solemnized, which weak and superstitious persons think an unlucky day.’
December 28 is Holy Innocents’ Day, commonly known as Childermas Day. In many parts of England, especially in the northern counties and Cornwall, this day has traditionally been seen as unlucky. People would avoid starting a journey or taking on a new project, and housewives would even refrain from doing laundry on this day. The negative influence is so strong that the day of the week it falls on is considered a black day for the entire year (Yks.). Dr. Johnson mentions this superstition in his definition of Childermas Day: ‘The day of the week throughout the year that corresponds to the day the feast of the holy Innocents is celebrated, which weak-minded and superstitious people consider an unlucky day.’
Amongst the customs connected with corporate village life must be included the observance of the local carnival[Pg 305] variously termed the Feast, Revel, Tide, Wake, &c., coupled with the name of the village, or with that of the patron Saint of the parish church, as, for instance, St. Giles’ Fair and St. Clement’s Fair here in Oxford. The Feast is generally held on or about the name-day of the Saint to whom the church is dedicated, or on the anniversary of the church opening or consecration. It is everywhere the great gathering time for distant friends and relations; the one important event of the year from which all dates are reckoned, e.g. ’Twill be a year cum next Heetown Wake. In the north of England the mills and workshops close during the Tide; all is holiday-mirth and hospitality. People will pinch and scrape for weeks beforehand in order to be able to afford a goodly joint of Tide-beef, or Wake-beef, to provide which herds of fat oxen have been slain in readiness; and every good housewife prepares a store of cakes, tarts, pies, and pasties. Tusser felt the importance of this housewifely baking when he wrote his lines on The Wake day:
Among the customs associated with community village life is the celebration of the local carnival[Pg 305], often called the Feast, Revel, Tide, or Wake, along with the name of the village or the patron Saint of the parish church, such as St. Giles’ Fair and St. Clement’s Fair here in Oxford. The Feast typically occurs around the name-day of the Saint to whom the church is dedicated or on the anniversary of the church's opening or consecration. It's a time when distant friends and relatives gather; it's the main annual event from which all dates are calculated, e.g., "It'll be a year from next Heetown Wake." In northern England, the mills and workshops shut down during the Tide; it’s all about holiday fun and hospitality. People save and budget for weeks leading up to it so they can afford a decent joint of Tide-beef or Wake-beef, for which herds of fat oxen have been prepared in advance, and every good housewife stocks up on cakes, tarts, pies, and pasties. Tusser recognized the importance of this baking when he wrote his lines about The Wake day:
A certain sort of wake-cake in Staffordshire has passed into a proverb. As short as Marchington wake-cake is applied figuratively to a woman’s temper!
A specific type of wake-cake from Staffordshire has become a saying. "As short as Marchington wake-cake" is used figuratively to describe a woman's temper!
Beside the purely merry-making fairs were the Hiring, or Statute fairs, held usually in the autumn, often about Martinmas, Nov. 11; but these, too, have mostly developed into pleasure fairs. The young men and girls who came to seek places as farm-labourers and maid-servants, used to stand, clad in their ‘Sunday best’, on either side of the principal street, the men wearing emblems of service in their hats. Thus the plough-boy or carter had a piece of whip-cord; the shepherd a lock of wool; and the cowherd a tuft of cow-hair. It is said that the name Mop which is widely used in the Midlands instead of Stattis [Statutes] is derived from this old custom of carrying the badge of office, and refers to the mop borne by the servant-girls. The[Pg 306] contracts made between employer and employed at the Mop were binding for the following twelve months. A fee, formerly termed in the northern counties the God’s-penny, but later more generally the fastening-penny, was given by the employer to the servant as earnest-money. It varied in amount from one shilling to a pound. If the servant changed his or her mind before entering the service, he or she returned the God’s-penny to the employer; and on the other hand, if the employer changed his mind and refused to take the servant, he forfeited the fee. The relative merits of various ‘places’, and warnings against ‘bad meat houses’, i.e. houses where scant rations prevailed, were transmitted to new generations of servants in doggerel verses repeated at the hirings, such as: Bradford breedless, Harnham heedless, Shaftee pick at the craa; Capheaton’s a wee bonny place, But Wallin’ton bangs [excels] them aa (Nhb.).
Next to the purely fun fairs were the Hiring, or Statute fairs, usually held in the autumn, often around Martinmas, Nov. 11; but these too mostly turned into pleasure fairs. The young men and women who came to look for jobs as farm laborers and maids used to stand, dressed in their ‘Sunday best’, on either side of the main street, with the men wearing symbols of their work in their hats. So the ploughboy or carter had a piece of whipcord; the shepherd had a lock of wool; and the cowherd a tuft of cow hair. It’s said that the term Mop, commonly used in the Midlands instead of Stattis [Statutes], comes from this old tradition of showing the badge of office, referring to the mop carried by the servant girls. The[Pg 306] contracts made between employer and employee at the Mop were binding for the next twelve months. A fee, once called in the northern counties the God’s-penny, but later more commonly known as the fastening-penny, was given by the employer to the servant as a down payment. It varied in amount from one shilling to a pound. If the servant changed their mind before starting the job, they would return the God’s-penny to the employer; on the other hand, if the employer changed their mind and refused to employ the servant, they lost the fee. The pros and cons of different ‘places’, along with warnings about ‘bad meat houses’, or houses with poor rations, were passed down to new generations of servants in rhymes recited at the hirings, such as: Bradford breedless, Harnham heedless, Shaftee pick at the craa; Capheaton’s a wee bonny place, But Wallin’ton bangs [excels] them aa (Nhb.).
A Runaway Mop was a statute hiring-fair held a few weeks after the customary ones, said to be composed of servants who had been hired at a previous fair, and had run away from their situations. In the Evesham Journal of October 16, 1897, there appeared an announcement stating that ‘The runaway mop [at Stratford-on-Avon] will be held on October 22nd’. A Mop Fair is still held in Stratford-on-Avon. In the Daily Sketch of October 14, 1912, appeared an illustration entitled ‘Roasting the Ox at Stratford Mop Fair’, with this note appended: ‘The Stratford-on-Avon Mop Fair, which dates from the reign of King John, was held on Saturday. Six excursion trains ran from London, and specials arrived from many towns. The ox-roasting in the streets was one of the principal sights of the Fair, seven bullocks and a dozen pigs being spitted.’
A Runaway Mop was a hiring fair that took place a few weeks after the usual ones, featuring workers who had been hired at a previous fair and had fled from their jobs. In the Evesham Journal on October 16, 1897, there was an announcement saying, ‘The runaway mop [at Stratford-on-Avon] will be held on October 22nd’. A Mop Fair still happens in Stratford-on-Avon. In the Daily Sketch on October 14, 1912, there was an illustration titled ‘Roasting the Ox at Stratford Mop Fair’, along with this note: ‘The Stratford-on-Avon Mop Fair, which dates back to the reign of King John, was held on Saturday. Six excursion trains ran from London, and special trains arrived from many towns. The ox-roasting in the streets was one of the main attractions of the Fair, with seven bullocks and a dozen pigs being roasted on spits.’
The children’s singing game: Here comes the lady of the land, With sons and daughters in her hand; Pray, do you want a servant to-day? &c., is probably an outgrowth of the Hiring-fairs, an imitation of customs once in vogue on these occasions, either derived directly from the Fairs or from dramatic representations of them acted at Harvest Homes.
The children's singing game: Here comes the lady of the land, With sons and daughters in her hand; Do you want a servant today? &c., likely comes from the Hiring-fairs, a copy of traditions that were popular during those times, either taken directly from the Fairs or from plays that depicted them at Harvest Homes.
[3] Mr. J. R. G. Aubrey of the Comberton Bakery, Kidderminster, to whom I wrote concerning this custom, kindly furnished me with the following information: ‘As far as I know round here the custom is dead or nearly so. I make perhaps 300 to 400 ... I think up North the custom is fairly brisk, but they call theirs the Twelfth Cakes. Coventry makes a fair quantity.’ July 24, 1912.
[3] Mr. J. R. G. Aubrey from the Comberton Bakery in Kidderminster, whom I contacted about this tradition, kindly provided me with the following information: ‘As far as I know, this custom is either dead or almost gone around here. I make about 300 to 400 ... I believe up North the custom is still quite active, but they refer to theirs as the Twelfth Cakes. Coventry produces a decent amount.’ July 24, 1912.
CHAPTER XVIII
GAMES
Children’s games form a study in themselves. Nobody who has once dipped into one of the two big volumes of that scholarly and intensely interesting work by Mrs. Gomme, entitled The Traditional Games of England, Scotland, and Ireland, can fail to be struck by the importance of games as a mirror of real life. Indeed—to quote the words of Mrs. Gomme’s closing paragraph—‘it is not ... too much to say that we have in these children’s games some of the oldest historical documents belonging to our race, worthy of being placed side by side with the folk-tale and other monuments of man’s progress from savagery to civilisation.’
Children’s games are a subject worth studying on their own. Anyone who has taken a look at either of the two large volumes of that fascinating scholarly work by Mrs. Gomme, titled The Traditional Games of England, Scotland, and Ireland, cannot help but notice the significance of games as a reflection of real life. Indeed—using Mrs. Gomme’s own words from her concluding paragraph—‘it is not ... too much to say that we have in these children’s games some of the oldest historical documents belonging to our race, worthy of being placed side by side with the folk-tale and other monuments of man’s progress from savagery to civilization.’
After reading her book I look back with a new sense of pleasure to the village school-treats, where I joined in the singing games played on the lawns of our old Rectory home in Herefordshire. It is a source of great gratification to me to think that in: Nuts in May—which should properly be read Knots of May, i.e. bunches of hawthorn-blossom—I reenacted marriage by capture; that in: Here come three Spaniards out of Spain, A-courting of your daughter Jane. Ans. My daughter Jane is yet too young, She cannot bear your flattering tongue, I personated the ambassador of a would-be bridegroom belonging to the days when marriage by purchase had succeeded to marriage by capture; that when I adjured the kneeling Sally Water to: Sprinkle in the pan, and then: Rise Sally, rise Sally, Choose your young man, I was calling her to the performance of a marriage ceremony the chief feature of which was some rite connected with water-worship, a relic of the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British Isles; that when I formed one of a circle of[Pg 308] little girls playing the ever-popular Who goes round my stony wall to-night? Ans. Only Johnny Ningo, I represented a primitive village, round which prowled by night a thief from a neighbouring village, or a wild animal from the forest, on a sheep-stealing expedition. But best of all I like to think that as the centre player in: Wind up the old Yew-tree, I personified a sacred Tree, encircled by a band of worshippers stamping on the ground to arouse the sleeping Earth-spirit. London Bridge was another very favourite game at those school-treats, but little did we know that it originated in the barbarous custom of foundation sacrifice. I cannot remember that we ever performed the game of: Mother, mother, the pot boils over, with its traces of customs belonging to fire-worship and the worship of the hearth.
After reading her book, I look back with a fresh sense of enjoyment to the village school treats, where I participated in the singing games held on the lawns of our old Rectory home in Herefordshire. It brings me great satisfaction to think that in: Nuts in May—which should really be called Knots of May, meaning bunches of hawthorn blossoms—I reenacted marriage by capture; that in: Here come three Spaniards out of Spain, A-courting of your daughter Jane. Ans. My daughter Jane is still too young, She cannot tolerate your flattering words, I took on the role of the ambassador of a would-be bridegroom from the time when marriage by purchase had taken over from marriage by capture; that when I urged the kneeling Sally Water to: Sprinkle in the pan, and then: Rise Sally, rise Sally, Choose your young man, I was calling her to perform a marriage ceremony, the main aspect of which was some rite related to water-worship, a remnant of the pre-Celtic inhabitants of the British Isles; that when I was part of a circle of[Pg 308]little girls playing the ever-popular Who goes round my stony wall to-night? Ans. Only Johnny Ningo, I represented a primitive village, which at night was prowled by a thief from a nearby village or a wild animal from the forest on a sheep-stealing mission. But most of all, I enjoy remembering that as the central player in: Wind up the old Yew-tree, I personified a sacred Tree, surrounded by a group of worshippers stamping on the ground to awaken the slumbering Earth-spirit. London Bridge was another very popular game at those school treats, but we had little idea that it came from the brutal custom of foundation sacrifice. I can’t recall that we ever played the game of: Mother, mother, the pot boils over, with its associations of customs tied to fire-worship and the worship of the hearth.
Of less hoary antiquity are the customs represented in Jenny Jones, where Jenny dies, and her corpse is dressed in white and carried to the grave by her maiden friends, weeping as they go. Our Herefordshire version of the song was a decadent one, for we always called the heroine Jenora, and we decided that commonplace ‘black’ is ‘for dead people’. Here we enacted the funeral to the bitter end, till Jenora—or her embodied ghost—rose up from the grave and chased the shrieking mourners. But in Wallflowers and Green Gravel we lamented the death of a maiden only by turning our faces ‘to the wall’ to indicate hopeless grief.
Of less ancient times are the customs shown in Jenny Jones, where Jenny dies, and her body is dressed in white and carried to the grave by her female friends, crying as they go. Our Herefordshire version of the song was a more indulgent one, as we always called the heroine Jenora, and we decided that ordinary ‘black’ is ‘for dead people’. Here we performed the funeral to the very end, until Jenora—or her ghost—rose up from the grave and chased the screaming mourners. But in Wallflowers and Green Gravel, we mourned the death of a maiden simply by turning our faces ‘to the wall’ to show our deep sorrow.
Even those apparently mere baby games which we played with the infant scholars, such as Mulberry Bush, accompanied by actions of daily life, and Ring a Ring o’ Roses, with its allusion to the ceremonial use of flowers, the bowing to the ground, and the sneezing, should probably be regarded with the respect due to survivals of ancient sacred dances. We learn, too, that the primitive element may also be traced in the simple games of Touch and Tig, where ‘he’ or ‘it’ would seem to be a tabooed person; and that in the game of Hoblionkers, so common in Oxford, may be found ‘evidence of the early belief that the possession of a weapon which had, in the hands of a skilful chief, done great execution,[Pg 309] would give additional skill and power to the person who succeeded in obtaining it’.
Even those seemingly simple games we played with the young students, like Mulberry Bush, complete with actions from everyday life, and Ring a Ring o’ Roses, which references the ceremonial use of flowers, the bowing down, and the sneezing, should likely be seen with the respect fitting for remnants of ancient sacred dances. We also learn that primitive elements can be found in the straightforward games of Touch and Tig, where 'he' or 'it' appears to be a tabooed person; and that in the game of Hoblionkers, commonly played in Oxford, there are signs of the early belief that having a weapon that, in the hands of a skilled leader, caused significant destruction, would provide extra skill and power to whoever managed to acquire it.[Pg 309]
Beside the games which exhibit traces of pre-Christian religion and social custom are the later historical games played by boys, such as Scots and English, and We are the Rovers, dating from the inroads of the Scots, or from the threatened invasion of Napoleon, games which, by comparison with the others, seem to be of mushroom growth. But it is needless further to recapitulate what has been better said elsewhere, and it would be hard to find a game of any sort which is not fully described in Mrs. Gomme’s volumes.
Beside the games that show influences of pre-Christian religion and social customs are the later historical games played by boys, like Scots and English, and We are the Rovers, which come from the Scottish incursions or the looming threat of Napoleon. These games, compared to the others, seem to have appeared overnight. However, it's unnecessary to go over what has been better explained elsewhere, and it would be difficult to find a game of any kind that isn't thoroughly covered in Mrs. Gomme’s books.
A bird’s-eye view of the game of marbles as played throughout the British Isles would probably show a larger and more varied vocabulary of technical terms and phrases than almost any other game. To begin with, there are the different dialect names denoting the different species of marbles, for example: balser, bobber or dobber, bullocker, dogle, dolledger, fifer, frenchie, kabber, ligganie, pot-donnock, &c., &c.; then the names for the different varieties of the game, such as: bungums, dab-at-the-hole, doorie, drop-eye, dykey, follow-tar, lag, langie-spangie, nanks, plonks and spans, rackups, ringhams, rumps, &c., &c.; and lastly, there is the rich assortment of exclamations and expressions used by the players, as for instance: A-rant! No custance! Dubs! Fen keeps! Gobs! Heights! Layers! Lights up and no bird-eggs! Lodge! No first my redix! Roonses! &c., &c.; to fub, to fullock, to gull, to grumphey, to hagger, to murl, to plonk, to strake, to play freezers, to play kibby, &c., &c.
A bird’s-eye view of the game of marbles as played throughout the British Isles would probably show a larger and more varied vocabulary of technical terms and phrases than almost any other game. To start with, there are different regional names for the various types of marbles, such as: balser, bobber or dobber, bullocker, dogle, dolledger, fifer, frenchie, kabber, ligganie, pot-donnock, &c., &c.; then there are the names for the different game variations, like: bungums, dab-at-the-hole, doorie, drop-eye, dykey, follow-tar, lag, langie-spangie, nanks, plonks and spans, rackups, ringhams, rumps, &c., &c.; and lastly, there is a rich collection of exclamations and expressions used by players, like: A-rant! No custance! Dubs! Fen keeps! Gobs! Heights! Layers! Lights up and no bird-eggs! Lodge! No first my redix! Roonses! &c., &c.; to fub, to fullock, to gull, to grumphey, to hagger, to murl, to plonk, to strake, to play freezers, to play kibby, &c., &c.
Many of the good old nursery jingles appear in quaint guise in the dialects. The following is an Isle of Wight version of This little pig went to market, used when counting a baby’s fingers or toes: This gurt pig zays, I wants meeat; T’other one zays, Where’ll ye hay et? This one zays, In gramfer’s barn; T’other one zays, Week! Week! I can’t get over the dreshel [threshold]. In Scotland they say: This[Pg 310] ain biggit the baurn, This ain stealt the corn, This ain stood and saw, This ain ran awa’, An’ wee pirlie-winkie paid for a’. A Scottish version of This is the way the ladies ride, used when dancing a child on the knee, runs: This is the way the ladies rides, Jimp and sma’, jimp and sma’; This is the way the gentlemen rides, Spurs an a’, spurs an a’; This is the way the cadgers rides, Creels an a’, creels an a’.
Many classic nursery rhymes show up in charming forms in different dialects. Here's a version from the Isle of Wight of "This little pig went to market," used for counting a baby’s fingers or toes: "This big pig says, I want meat; the other one says, Where will you eat? This one says, In grandpa’s barn; the other one says, Whee! Whee! I can’t get over the threshold." In Scotland, they say: "This one biggit the barn, This one stole the corn, This one stood and saw, This one ran away, And wee little wormy paid for all." A Scottish version of "This is the way the ladies ride," used when dancing a child on the knee, goes: "This is the way the ladies ride, Neat and small, neat and small; This is the way the gentlemen ride, Spurs and all, spurs and all; This is the way the carriers ride, Baskets and all, baskets and all."
Country children often repeat certain rhymes when they meet with some particular insect or other creature; or when they hear the note of some familiar bird. In the latter case, the words used are sometimes intended as a gloss on the cry of the bird, as for example: Steal two coos, Taffy, Steal two coos, which is what the wood-pigeon says, according to the Welshman’s story, when he was asked why he stole the cows. When Berkshire children hear the wood-pigeon they sing: My toe bleeds, Betty! My toe bleeds, Betty! Northamptonshire children on hearing the blackbird, sing: Draw the knave a cup of beer, Be quick, quick, quick! In many dialects the generic name for a moth is miller, but the term is more specially applied to large white moths. When children catch such a one they sing: Millery, millery, doustipoll, How many zacks hast thee astole? Vow’r an’ twenty, and a peck; Hang the miller up by’s neck (Hmp.); Miller, miller, blow your horn! You shall be hanged for stealing corn (Shr.). A woodlouse is called Granfer Grig (Wil. Som.), and the following are the lines to a woodlouse to make it curl up: Granfer Grig killed a pig, Hung un up in corner; Granfer cried and Piggy died, And all the fun was over. There are several rhymes addressed to snails in various localities, for example: Snarley-’orn, put out your corn, Father and mother’s dead (Som.); Sneely-snawl, put out your horn, The beggars are coming to steal your corn, At six o’clock in the morning (Lin.); Snag, snag, put out your horn, And I will give you a barleycorn (Sus.); Hodmadod, hodmadod, pull out your horns, Here comes a beggarman to cut off your corns (Suf.). Children in Northumberland call a scarlet ladybird a sodger. When they have caught one[Pg 311] they throw it up in the air and say: Reed, reed sodger, fly away, And make the morn a sunny day. But the commonest rhyme addressed to a ladybird is: Cowlady, cowlady, hie thee way whum! Thy haase is afire, thy childer all gone, All but poor Nancy set under a pan, Wavin’ gold lace as fast as she can (Yks.). There are versions of this rhyme in various dialects. To irritate turkeys boys will shout at them: Bubbly Jock, Bubbly Jock, Bubbly Jock the satter, Yor faithor’s deed, yor mother’s deed, ye canna flee nae fawthor (Nhb.); or: Lubber, lubber-leet, Look at your dirty feet (Cor.); or: What d’ye hang yer vather wi’? to which the turkey is supposed to reply, Holter, holter, holter. When a Lincolnshire hen cackles she is believed to say: Cuca, cuca, cayit, I’ve laid an egg, cum ta’ it. Norfolk boys scare rooks and crows from corn by shouting: Bird, a bird, a wook, Here come the clappers To knock ye down back’ards. Carwo! Carwoo—oh!
Country kids often chant certain rhymes when they encounter a specific insect or other creature, or when they hear the call of a familiar bird. In the latter case, the words are sometimes meant as a playful take on the bird's call. For example, "Steal two coos, Taffy, Steal two coos," which is what the wood-pigeon supposedly says, according to a Welsh story, when asked why he stole the cows. When children in Berkshire hear the wood-pigeon, they sing: "My toe bleeds, Betty! My toe bleeds, Betty!" Kids in Northamptonshire, upon hearing the blackbird, sing: "Draw the knave a cup of beer, Be quick, quick, quick!" In many dialects, a moth is generically called a miller, but the term is usually used for large white moths. When children catch one, they sing: "Millery, millery, doustipoll, How many zacks hast thee astole? Vow’r an’ twenty, and a peck; Hang the miller up by’s neck (Hmp.); Miller, miller, blow your horn! You shall be hanged for stealing corn (Shr.). A woodlouse is referred to as Granfer Grig (Wil. Som.), and these are the lines to make it curl up: "Granfer Grig killed a pig, Hung un up in corner; Granfer cried and Piggy died, And all the fun was over." There are several rhymes directed at snails in various places, for instance: "Snarley-’orn, put out your corn, Father and mother’s dead" (Som.); "Sneely-snawl, put out your horn, The beggars are coming to steal your corn, At six o’clock in the morning" (Lin.); "Snag, snag, put out your horn, And I will give you a barleycorn" (Sus.); "Hodmadod, hodmadod, pull out your horns, Here comes a beggarman to cut off your corns" (Suf.). Kids in Northumberland call a red ladybird a sodger. When they catch one[Pg 311], they toss it in the air and say: "Reed, reed sodger, fly away, And make the morn a sunny day." But the most common rhyme for a ladybird is: "Cowlady, cowlady, hie thee way whum! Thy haase is afire, thy childer all gone, All but poor Nancy set under a pan, Wavin’ gold lace as fast as she can" (Yks.). There are different versions of this rhyme in various dialects. To annoy turkeys, boys will shout at them: "Bubbly Jock, Bubbly Jock, Bubbly Jock the satter, Yor faithor’s deed, yor mother’s deed, ye canna flee nae fawthor" (Nhb.); or: "Lubber, lubber-leet, Look at your dirty feet" (Cor.); or: "What d’ye hang yer vather wi’?" to which the turkey is supposed to respond, "Holter, holter, holter." When a hen cackles in Lincolnshire, she is believed to say: "Cuca, cuca, cayit, I’ve laid an egg, cum ta’ it." Norfolk boys scare away rooks and crows from the corn by yelling: "Bird, a bird, a wook, Here come the clappers To knock ye down back’ards. Carwo! Carwoo—oh!"
To wind up my chapter I will add a few rustic riddles: Tweea lookers, twea crookers, fower dilly danders, four stiff standers, an’ a wig-wam (Wm. Lan.). Ans. A cow. Clink, clank doon the bank, Ten again four; Splish, splash in the dish, Till it run ower (Nhb.). Ans. The milking of a cow. Creep-hedge, crop-thorn; Little cow with the leather horn (Yks.). Ans. A hare. The bat, the bee, the butterflee, the cuckoo, and the gowk, The heather-bleat, the mire-snipe, hoo many birds is that (Sc. Irel.)? Ans. Two. So black’s my ’at, so white’s my cap, Magotty pie, and what’s that (Som.)? This is a kind of jibe-riddle asked of very stupid persons. The common dialect expression to come to, meaning to cost, gives rise to the following version of a well-known arithmetical problem: If a herrin’ and a half come to dree ’aa-pence, what will a hundred o’ coal come to? Ans. Ashes. What’s the smallest thing as is sold alive in markut? Ans. A mint [a cheese-mite].
To wrap up my chapter, I’ll share a few country riddles: Two eyes, two crooks, four little legs, four stiff stancers, and a wigwam (Wm. Lan.). Ans. A cow. Clink, clank down the bank, Ten again four; Splish, splash in the dish, Until it overflows (Nhb.). Ans. The milking of a cow. Creep-hedge, crop-thorn; Little cow with the leather horn (Yks.). Ans. A hare. The bat, the bee, the butterfly, the cuckoo, and the gowk, The heather-blight, the mire-snipe, how many birds is that (Sc. Irel.)? Ans. Two. So black’s my hat, so white’s my cap, Magpie, and what’s that (Som.)? This is a type of jest riddle asked of very foolish people. The common phrase to come to, meaning to cost, leads to the following version of a well-known math problem: If a herring and a half cost three pence, how much will a hundred coals cost? Ans. Ashes. What’s the smallest thing sold alive in the market? Ans. A cheese mite.
CHAPTER XIX
Weather Wisdom and Farming Terms
‘There was no information for which Dr. Johnson was less grateful than for that which concerned the weather.... If any one of his intimate acquaintance told him it was hot or cold, wet or dry, windy or calm, he would stop them by saying, “Poh! poh! you are telling us that of which none but men in a mine or a dungeon can be ignorant. Let us bear with patience, or enjoy in quiet, elementary changes, whether for the better or the worse, as they are never secrets.”’
Burney, Boswell’s Life of Johnson, G. Birkbeck Hill, vol. iv, p. 360."There was no information Dr. Johnson valued less than that about the weather. If any of his close friends mentioned it was hot or cold, wet or dry, windy or calm, he would interrupt them by saying, 'Poh! poh! You're telling us something that only someone in a mine or a dungeon could not know. Let's either endure these basic changes with patience or quietly enjoy them, whether they’re good or bad, since they’re never really secrets.'"
Burney, Boswell’s Life of Johnson, G. Birkbeck Hill, vol. iv, p. 360.
In all ranks of life the weather is the one great topic for casual conversations and salutations; and thanks to the blessed uncertainty of our English climate we have a wide field, and seldom need to repeat the same remark two days running. Dialect-speakers, however, have the advantage over us of the standard language, in that they possess so many good descriptive adjectives and metaphorical expressions which we lack. The rustic, moreover, accepts the weather as he finds it, and puts plain facts into words, he does not abuse unalterable conditions in the way we are so apt to do, as if a cold wind, or drizzling rain were a personal insult not to be borne. Sometimes we even descend to unadulterated slang, as did the two charming and well-dressed maidens I once heard greet each other in the street thus: ‘Awful weather, isn’t it!’ said the one. ‘Beastly!’ retorted the other, and they passed on. One was reminded of the girl in the fairy-tale who was condemned for her sins to let fall a toad each time she opened her mouth to speak.
In every level of society, the weather is the go-to topic for casual chats and greetings; and thanks to the unpredictable nature of our English climate, we have plenty to discuss and rarely need to repeat ourselves two days in a row. However, speakers of dialects have an edge over those of us who speak standard English, as they have a wealth of descriptive adjectives and metaphoric expressions at their disposal, which we often lack. Country folks, moreover, accept the weather as it is and state the facts plainly; they don't complain about unchangeable conditions in the way many of us do, as though a cold wind or drizzly rain were a personal affront that shouldn’t be tolerated. Sometimes we even resort to pure slang, like the two charmingly dressed young women I once heard greet each other on the street: “Awful weather, isn’t it?” said one. “Beastly!” replied the other, and they moved on. It reminded me of the girl in the fairy tale who was cursed for her wrongdoings to let a toad fall from her mouth every time she spoke.
For describing the weather in realistic and at the same time picturesque terms, some of the dialect phrases would be hard to beat. Take for example these: It’s a donky day, Ben! Ey, rayder slattery. Varra slashy! Ay, parlish soft. Here’s a sharp mwornin’, John! Ey, as snell as a step[Pg 313]mother’s breath. A tell you ’tis a day wud blaw the horns aff the kye [cows]. It fare to be a wunnerful glosy morning, leastways I sweat good tidily. It fair teeam’d doon, it stowered, an’ it reek’d, an’ it drazzl’d, whahl ah was wet ti t’skin, an’ hedn’t a dhry threed aboot ma. T’weather wor seea pelsy, followed wi’ sitch a snithe, hask wind. A cold snarzling wind. When the air is so cold that it will not allow any one to stand idle: There’s a good steward about. On the Cumberland Fells there is always a bone in the air. When the day looks bright and pleasant, but there is a chill nip in the air, it is a sly day; when it is cold and foggy, it is hunch-weather, because it makes men and animals hunch up their shoulders; when it is very cold with a piercing wind it is peel-a-bone weather; and when it rains very hard it is: Raining pitchforks with the tines downwards. A raging, blustering wind goes wuthering across a bleak moor, whence the name of Mr. Heathcliff’s dwelling Wuthering Heights. When the sky shows streaks of windy-looking cloud, and the weather seems doubtful it: Looks skeowy; an unusually bright day is: Too glisky to last; when a fine rain is falling: It hadders and roäks. A kind of hoar-frost peculiar to Dartmoor is known as the ammil, a term which is apparently a figurative use of amel, i.e. enamel (cp. ‘Esmail, ammel or enammel’, Cotgr.), used to denote the thin coating of transparent ice which covers every twig, and leaf, and blade of grass. On a calm, hot day, when the air near the surface of the ground is seen to quiver in the sunlight: The summer-colt rides, or: The summer-goose flackers; the Northern Lights are the Merry Dancers; heavy masses of fleecy white cloud are Wool-packs, or they are the Shepherd’s Flock. The evening star becomes the Shepherd’s Lamp, whilst the moon, more prosaically, does duty as the Parish Lantern.
For describing the weather in realistic yet colorful terms, some of the dialect phrases are hard to beat. Take for example these: It’s a donkey day, Ben! Oh, really gloomy. Very drizzly! Oh, quite mild. Here’s a chilly morning, John! Oh, as biting as a stepmother’s breath. I tell you, it’s a day that would blow the horns off the cows. It seems like it’s going to be a wonderful glossy morning, at least I swear it feels nice and tidy. It really poured down, it was stormy, and it drizzled while I got soaked to the skin, and didn’t have a dry thread on me. The weather was so wet and followed by such a cold, harsh wind. A bitter, gnarly wind. When the air is so cold that it doesn’t allow anyone to stand around: There’s a good steward about. In the Cumberland Fells, there’s always a chill in the air. When the day looks bright and pleasant, but there’s a cold nip in the air, it’s a sly day; when it’s cold and foggy, it’s hunch-weather, because it makes people and animals hunch up their shoulders; when it’s very cold with a piercing wind, it’s peel-a-bone weather; and when it rains very heavily, it’s raining pitchforks with the tines downwards. A raging, blustering wind goes wuthering across a bleak moor, which is where Mr. Heathcliff’s home gets its name, Wuthering Heights. When the sky shows streaks of windy-looking clouds, and the weather seems questionable, it looks skeowy; an unusually bright day is too glisky to last; when a fine rain is falling, it hadders and roäks. A type of hoar-frost unique to Dartmoor is known as the ammil, a term that seems to figuratively use amel, meaning enamel, to describe the thin layer of transparent ice that covers every twig, leaf, and blade of grass. On a calm, hot day, when the air near the ground shimmers in the sunlight, it’s called the summer-colt rides or the summer-goose flackers; the Northern Lights are the Merry Dancers; heavy, fluffy white clouds are Wool-packs, or they’re the Shepherd’s Flock. The evening star becomes the Shepherd’s Lamp, while the moon, more practically, serves as the Parish Lantern.
To the countryman who lives by tilling the soil, or by tending sheep and cattle, the prospect of fair days or foul is all-important; we therefore find in the dialects a mass of weather-lore, in part based on old superstition, in part on trustworthy observation. Sun, moon, and stars, clouds and[Pg 314] wind, the habits of animals, and the various signs of the approach of winter, or the advent of spring, are all observed and studied, and then, in course of time, the results of this observation have become crystallized in popular sayings and homely rhymes.
To the farmer who makes a living by working the land or raising sheep and cattle, the forecast of good or bad weather is crucial; we can see the dialects filled with weather-related wisdom, partly rooted in old superstitions and partly based on reliable observations. The sun, moon, stars, clouds, and wind, along with the behavior of animals and various signs that winter is coming or spring is on the way, are all carefully watched and analyzed. Over time, the findings from these observations have turned into popular sayings and simple rhymes.
When the sky has a cruddled appearance, that is, when it is covered with small fleecy clouds called Hen-scrattins (Sc. n.Cy. Midl.), it means that the weather will be: Neither long wet nor yet long dry. The same is said of the long streaky clouds called Filly-tails (Sc. n.Cy.), Mares’-tails (gen. dials.), and Goat’s-hair (Nhb.). When a thick band of cloud lies across the west, with smaller bands above and below, it is: Barbara and her barns [children], a sign of stormy weather (Yks.). The name is an allusion to St. Barbara, whose father was about to strike off her head, when a lightning flash laid him dead at her feet. Hence she was supposed to command the thunderstorm, and was invoked as a protectress. When dingy packs on Criffel lower, Then hoose yer kye an’ stuik yer duir, But if Criffel be fair an’ clear, For win’ or weet ye needn’t fear (Cum.). A small dark cloud such as Elijah’s servant beheld when he looked toward the sea from the top of Carmel, is called a Dyer’s-neäf [hand], and betokens rain as it did in Ahab’s time, for: A dyer’s neaf an’ a weather-gall Shepherds warn at rain’ll fall (Yks.). A Weather-gall (n.Cy.) is the stump of a rainbow left visible above the horizon. A Weather-breeder (n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An.) is a fine warm day out of season, regarded as the precursor of stormy weather. When streaks of light are seen radiating from the sun behind a cloud, the sun is said to be drawing wet, for the Sun-suckers (Chs. Shr.) are sucking up moisture from the earth, to form rain. Roger’s blast (e.An.) is a kind of miniature whirlwind, which suddenly on a calm day whirls up the dust on the road, or the hay in the field, high in the air, to herald the approaching rain.
When the sky looks cruddled, meaning it’s filled with small fluffy clouds called Hen-scrattins (Sc. n.Cy. Midl.), it signals that the weather will be neither very wet nor very dry. The same goes for the long streaky clouds known as Filly-tails (Sc. n.Cy.), Mares’-tails (gen. dials.), and Goat’s-hair (Nhb.). When there’s a thick band of clouds across the west, with smaller ones above and below, it’s referred to as: Barbara and her barns [children], indicating stormy weather (Yks.). This name refers to St. Barbara, whose father was about to behead her when a lightning bolt struck him dead at her feet. Because of this, she was thought to control thunderstorms and was called upon for protection. When gloomy clouds gather over Criffel, it’s time to bring in your cows and shut your door, but if Criffel is fair and clear, you needn't worry about wind or rain (Cum.). A small dark cloud, like the one Elijah’s servant saw when looking toward the sea from the top of Carmel, is called a Dyer’s-neäf [hand] and indicates rain just like in Ahab’s time, for: A dyer’s neaf an’ a weather-gall Shepherds warn at rain’ll fall (Yks.). A Weather-gall (n.Cy.) is the leftover stump of a rainbow visible above the horizon. A Weather-breeder (n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An.) is an unusually warm day that suggests a coming storm. When streaks of light radiate from the sun behind a cloud, it’s said the sun is drawing wet, as the Sun-suckers (Chs. Shr.) are absorbing moisture from the ground to create rain. Roger’s blast (e.An.) is a small whirlwind that suddenly swirls up dust on the road or hay in the field on a calm day, signaling that rain is on its way.
It is a sign of coming wet weather if the moon is on her back (Sc. Midl. e.An.), for she holds the water in her lap; if a halo is seen round her, variously termed a wheel (Brks.[Pg 315] Hmp. Som.), a bur (n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An. s.Cy.), and a brough (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.), e.g. The bigger the wheel, the nearer the wet; If t’bur i’ t’muin be far away, Mek heaste an’ hoose yer cworn an’ hay; A far-aff broch a near-han’ shoor, A near-han’ broch a far-aff shoor; or if the evening star leads the moon, that is, if it is in front, or on the right-hand side of the moon. A Setterda’s moon, Cum it once in seven year, it cums too soon (Lin.), for: Saturday new, and Sunday full, It allus rines, and it allus ool (Glouc.). If curleys whaup when t’day is duin, We’ll hev a clash [downpour] an’ varra suin (Cum.). The guinea-fowl or come-back invokes rain (Nrf.); and the call of the green woodpecker is the warning signal: Wet! wet! wet! (Shr. Som.). It is a sign of rain when th’ craws plaays football, that is, when the rooks gather together in large bodies, and circle round each other; when the ducks do squacketty (Som.), or when they throw water from their bills over their heads (Yks.); when the swallows fly near the surface of the ground; when the crickets chirp more loudly than usual; when a cat scratches the table legs, or makes bread, or sneezes (Sc.), or in washing her face, draws her paw down over her forehead; if a cock flies up on to a gate, and there crows (Wal.); if a dog eats grass (Sc.); if the packmen [snails] are about (War.); If paddocks crowk in t’pow [pool] at neet, We may expect baith win’ an’ weet (Cum.); if a peacock cries frequently (Dev.); if you meet a shiny-back (War.), or common garden beetle; if you kill a rain-clock [beetle], or rain-bat (n.Cy. Wor.), an egg-clock [cockchafer] (Lan.), or God’s horse [the sun-beetle](Cum.). If it rains on Friday it will rain on the following Sunday (Cum.). The shooting of corns, or of an old sore, is a sign of wind and rain (Yks.). If a rake is carried in harvest-time with its teeth pointing upwards it is certain to rake down rain (Dev.). If the cat frisk about the house in an unusually lively manner, wind or stormy weather is approaching (Lan.). The shrew-mouse prognosticates in which quarter the wind will prevail during the winter by making the opening of its nest in the contrary direction (Nhp.). It is a very common[Pg 316] saying that: When the wind is in the east, It’s neither good for man nor beast; but: The wind in the west Suits every one best (Lan.) A streak of thin white cloud, somewhat in the shape of a boat, is called Noah’s Ark (Sc. n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An.). If it lies north and south it denotes rain, but lying east and west it denotes fine weather (Cum.). Or again, it is held that if the Ark remains three days, the wind will pass into the quarter to which the Ark points. South for rain; north for cold; east for all that is ill; and west to everybody’s gain (Wm.).
It's a sign of impending rain if the moon is on her back (Sc. Midl. e.An.), as she holds water in her lap. If you see a halo around her, which is referred to as a wheel (Brks.[Pg 315] Hmp. Som.), a bur (n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An. s.Cy.), or a brough (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.), then the bigger the wheel, the closer the rain. If the bur is far away, hurry and shelter your corn and hay; a far-off brough indicates rain nearby, and a nearby brough means rain is far off. If the evening star is ahead of the moon, that is, if it's in front or to the right of the moon, expect rain. A Saturday moon occurring once every seven years arrives too soon (Lin.); as they say: Saturday new and Sunday full, it always rains, and it always pours (Glouc.). If curlews call when the day is done, we’ll get a downpour very soon (Cum.). Guinea-fowl or come-back birds signal rain (Nrf.), and the call of the green woodpecker is a warning: Wet! wet! wet! (Shr. Som.). When the crows play football, meaning when rooks gather in large groups and circle each other, or when ducks make a fuss (Som.), or when they splash water over their heads (Yks.); when swallows fly close to the ground; when crickets chirp more loudly than usual; when a cat scratches the table legs, or makes bread, or sneezes (Sc.), or when she washes her face and draws her paw down over her forehead; if a rooster flies onto a gate and crows (Wal.); if a dog eats grass (Sc.); if packmen [snails] are around (War.); if frogs croak in the pond at night, we can expect both wind and rain (Cum.); if a peacock cries frequently (Dev.); if you spot a shiny-back (War.), or common garden beetle; if you kill a rain-clock [beetle], or rain-bat (n.Cy. Wor.), an egg-clock [cockchafer] (Lan.), or God’s horse [the sun-beetle] (Cum.). If it rains on Friday, it will rain the following Sunday (Cum.). The appearance of corns or an old sore is a sign of wind and rain (Yks.). If a rake is carried during harvest time with its teeth pointing upwards, rain is sure to follow (Dev.). When cats behave unusually lively around the house, it signals that wind or stormy weather is coming (Lan.). The shrew-mouse indicates which way the wind will blow in winter by making its nest opening in the opposite direction (Nhp.). A common saying goes: When the wind is in the east, it’s neither good for man nor beast; however, the wind in the west suits everyone best (Lan.). A streak of thin white cloud shaped a bit like a boat is called Noah’s Ark (Sc. n.Cy. n.Midl. e.An.). If it lies north and south, it means rain; but if it lies east and west, it means nice weather (Cum.). Additionally, it is believed that if the Ark remains for three days, the wind will shift to the direction it's pointing. South for rain; north for cold; east for all that is bad; and west for everyone’s benefit (Wm.).
If a robin sings on a high branch of a tree it is a sign of fine weather, but if one sings near the ground the weather will be wet (Shr.). An old saying about the wood-seer (Nhp.), the little green insect found in the white froth deposited on plants, is that when its head is turned upwards it betokens fine weather, and when downward, the reverse.
If a robin sings on a high branch of a tree, it means nice weather is coming, but if it sings near the ground, expect rain (Shr.). There's an old saying about the wood-seer (Nhp.), the small green insect found in the white froth on plants: when its head is pointed up, it indicates good weather, and when it's pointed down, the opposite.
In changeable weather the rain is said to come and go by planets (Der. Lei. e.An.), or if rain falls with great violence, but very locally, it is said to fall in planets (n.Cy.), phrases which must be remnants of old astrological beliefs.
In unpredictable weather, it's said that rain comes and goes by planets (Der. Lei. e.An.), or if rain falls heavily but just in specific areas, people say it falls in planets (n.Cy.), phrases that seem to be leftovers from ancient astrological beliefs.
The presence of sea-gulls inland is generally taken as an indication of stormy weather: Sea-mo, sea-mo, bide on t’sand, Theer nivver good weather when thoo’s on t’land (Cum.); but this is not always the case. A Devonshire rhyme runs: When the say-gulls cry by lan’, ’Tis time to take the zellup [seed-leap, i.e. seed-basket for sowing] in han’; When the say-gulls cry by say, ’Tis time to draw the zellup away. In Shetland there is an old rhyme concerning the movements of the rain-goose, or red-throated diver: If the rain göse flees ta da hill, Ye can geng ta da haf whin ye will; But whin shö gengs ta da sea, Ye maun draw up yir boats an’ flee. According to an old Cumberland saying: If’t cums on rain when t’teyde’s at flowe, You may yoke t’plew on any knowe [knoll]; Bit if it cums when t’teyde’s at ebb, Then lowse yer plew an’ gang to bed.
The presence of seagulls inland is usually seen as a sign of stormy weather: Sea-mo, sea-mo, stay on the sand, There’s never good weather when you’re on land (Cumb.); but this isn’t always true. A rhyme from Devonshire goes: When the seagulls cry by land, it’s time to take the seed basket in hand; When the seagulls cry by sea, it’s time to draw the seed basket away. In Shetland, there’s an old rhyme about the rain goose, or red-throated diver: If the rain goose flies to the hill, You can go to the harbor when you will; But when she heads to the sea, You must pull up your boats and flee. According to an old saying from Cumberland: If it starts to rain when the tide is high, you can plow on any knoll; But if it rains when the tide is low, then loosen your plow and go to bed.
Perhaps the commonest of all sayings concerning the weather is: A red sky at night Is the shepherd’s delight;[Pg 317] A red sky in the morning Is the shepherd’s warning. The wording varies slightly in different districts, but the sense is always the same, cp. ‘When it is evening, ye say, It will be fair weather: for the sky is red. And in the morning, It will be foul weather to-day: for the sky is red and lowring,’ St. Matt. xvi. 2, 3. Another very common adage is: Rain before seven, fine before eleven. Among the Yorkshire Dales people will tell you that when you see the cattle on the tops of the hills, it is a sign of fine weather. The early mist called the pride of the morning (n.Cy. Midl. Dor.), harr, and hag, foretells a fine day. A moorn hag-mist Is worth gold in a kist; A northern harr Brings fine weather from far (Yks.).
One of the most popular sayings about the weather is: A red sky at night is a shepherd’s delight; A red sky in the morning is a shepherd’s warning. The phrasing changes slightly in different areas, but the meaning remains the same, cp. ‘When evening comes, you say, it will be nice weather: for the sky is red. And in the morning, you say, it will be bad weather today: for the sky is red and gloomy,’ St. Matt. xvi. 2, 3. Another common saying is: Rain before seven, fine before eleven. In the Yorkshire Dales, people will tell you that when you see the cattle on the tops of the hills, it’s a sign of good weather. The early mist known as the pride of the morning, harr, and hag, predicts a nice day. A morning hag-mist is worth gold in a chest; a northern harr brings good weather from far.
But popular meteorology does not confine itself to foretelling the weather of the immediate future; there are plenty of prophetic utterances concerning the seasons, and their effects on the crops of weeks and even months ahead. For instance: If the ice will bear a man before Christmas, it will not bear a mouse afterwards. If the sun shine through the apple-tree on Christmas Day there will be an abundant crop of apples in the following year. If the wind is in the west at noon on Candlemas Day it will be a good year for fruit. If Cannlemas Day be lound [calm] and fair, Yaw hawf o’ t’winter’s to come an’ mair; If Cannlemas Day be murk and foul, Yaw hawf o’ t’winter’s geean at Yule (Yks.). A January spring is worth naething. If in February there be no rain, The hay won’t goody, nor the grain, All other months of the year Most heartily curse a fine Februeer (Dev.). If the cat in February lies in the sun, she will creep under the grate in March (Dev.). So many frogs in March, so many frosts in May (Rut.). A peck of March dust is worth a king’s ransom. When the oak is before the ash, The summer will be dry and mash [hot] (Bdf.). If the oak before the ash, Then we’re sure to have a plash, If the ash before the oak, Then we’re sure to have a soak (Nhb.). When the hair-beard [the field woodrush] appear, The shepherd need not fear (Nhp.). Rain on Good Friday and Easter Day Brings[Pg 318] plenty of grass but little good hay (Glo.). Cold May, Long corn, short hay (Rut.). A wet May, Maks lang-tail’d hay (Yks.). A lecky [showery] May, plenty o’ hay, A lecky June, plenty o’ corn (Nhb.). A wet May and a winnie [windy], Makes a fou stackyard and a finnie [plentiful] (Sc. n.Cy.). A dry summer never begs its bread (Som.). If it sud rain on St. Swithin’s Day, We’re feckly sarrat [served] wi’ dwallow’d hay (Cum.). If it rains on St. Swithin’s Day, even if only a few drops, the apples are christened, and early sorts may then be picked. Very hot weather in July, August, and September breeds hard frosts for January (Dev.). If the buck rises with a dry horn on Holyrood morn, Sept. 14, it is a sign of a Michaelmas summer. A warm October presages a cold February (Dev.). As the weather is in October, so it will be next March (Dev.). Where the wind is at Holland-tide, the Season of All Saints, it will be most of the winter (Glo.). If there’s ice in November will bear a duck, There’ll be nothing after but sludge and muck. Many hips, many haas, Many frosts, many snaas. When patches of snow linger after the rest has melted, these are snowbones, and more snow will come to fetch them away.
But popular meteorology doesn’t just predict the weather for the near future; it also offers plenty of forecasts about the seasons and their impact on crops weeks and even months ahead. For example: If the ice can support a person before Christmas, it won’t support a mouse afterwards. If the sun shines through the apple tree on Christmas Day, there will be a plentiful crop of apples the following year. If the wind is coming from the west at noon on Candlemas Day, it will be a good year for fruit. If Candlemas Day is calm and clear, you’ll have half of winter to come and more; if Candlemas Day is dark and stormy, you’ll have half of winter gone by Yule. A January thaw isn’t worth anything. If February is dry, the hay won’t be good, and neither will the grain; all the other months of the year really hate a nice February. If the cat lies in the sun in February, she’ll hide under the grate in March. The more frogs in March, the more frosts in May. A peck of March dust is worth a king’s ransom. When the oak tree blooms before the ash, summer will be dry and hot. If the oak blooms before the ash, then we’re sure to have a downpour; if the ash blooms before the oak, then we’re sure to be soaked. When the field woodrush appears, the shepherd doesn’t need to worry. Rain on Good Friday and Easter brings plenty of grass but little good hay. A cold May means long corn and short hay. A wet May leads to long, bushy hay. A showery May means plenty of hay, and a rainy June means plenty of corn. A wet May and a windy one create a messy stackyard and lots of hay. A dry summer never goes hungry. If it rains on St. Swithin’s Day, we're pretty much stuck with ruined hay. If it rains on St. Swithin’s Day, even just a few drops, the apples are “christened,” and early varieties can then be picked. Very hot weather in July, August, and September causes hard frosts in January. If the buck rises with a dry horn on Holyrood morning, September 14, it indicates a Michaelmas summer. A warm October predicts a cold February. How the weather is in October will determine next March. Where the wind blows on All Saints' Day, it will be that way for most of the winter. If there’s ice in November that can support a duck, there will be nothing left after but mud and muck. Lots of hips mean lots of hazelnuts; lots of frosts mean lots of snares. When patches of snow linger after the rest has melted, these are “snowbones,” and more snow will come to take them away.
When children see the snowflakes falling they say: There’s the old domman [woman] a-picking her geese, An’ sellin’ the feathers a penny apiece (Oxf.); They’re killing geese i’ Scotland, An’ sending t’feathers here (Yks.); The folk i’ the eas’ is plotin’ their geese, An’ sendin’ their feathers ti huz (Nhb.); Keelmen, keelmen, ploat yor geese, Caad days an’ winter neets (Nhb.).
When children see the snowflakes falling, they say: There’s the old woman picking her geese, and selling the feathers for a penny each (Oxf.); They’re killing geese in Scotland, and sending the feathers here (Yks.); The folks in the east are plotting their geese, and sending their feathers to us (Nhb.); Keelmen, keelmen, pluck your geese, cold days and winter nights (Nhb.).
From weather lore we are naturally led to turn to the farm and the farmer, and here, at the outset, we are reminded of that father of English ‘Husbandrie’, Thomas Tusser. Writers on Literature tell us that he was one of the most popular authors of his time, judging from the number of editions through which his work—A Hundreth Good Pointes of Husbandrie, afterwards enlarged to Fiue hundred pointes of good Husbandrie—passed in the first forty years after its publication in 1557. A further testimony to the popularity[Pg 319] of the book lies in the fact that copies of any one of the thirteen editions of this period are very scarce, and nearly all imperfect. It certainly is a most attractive handbook to farming, and one can easily imagine how the family copy would be thumbed by father and son, consulting it on every occasion for its practical advice, useful information, and homely maxims, till the book fell to pieces. A glance at Tusser’s ‘Table of the pointes of husbandrie mentioned in this booke’ will show that he does not confine himself strictly to agricultural subjects. Here we find: ‘A description of life and riches,’ ‘Against fantastical scruplenes,’ ‘A Christmas caroll,’ ‘A Sonet against a slaunderous tongue,’ sandwiched in between such titles as: ‘Seedes and hearbes for the kitchen,’ ‘A medicine for faint cattle,’ ‘Howe to fasten loose teeth in a bullocke,’ and the ‘Abstract’ for every month in succession. His verses may not be poetical, but they contain much matter plainly expressed in little room, and their good rhythm and rhyme made them easy to remember. For example:
From weather sayings, we naturally turn to the farm and the farmer, and at the beginning, we are reminded of the father of English farming, Thomas Tusser. Literature experts tell us that he was one of the most popular authors of his time, judging by the number of editions of his work—A Hundred Great Tips for Farming, which was later expanded to Five Hundred Tips for Good Farming Practices—published in the first forty years after its release in 1557. Further proof of the book's popularity is that copies of any one of the thirteen editions from that period are very rare, and most are incomplete. It’s certainly a very appealing guide to farming, and you can easily picture a family copy being worn out by father and son, looking it up for practical advice, useful information, and down-to-earth sayings until the book fell apart. A look at Tusser’s ‘Table of the points of farming discussed in this book’ will show that he doesn’t limit himself to farming topics. Here we find: ‘A description of life and wealth,’ ‘Against unrealistic concerns,’ ‘A Christmas song,’ ‘A Sonnet Against a Slanderous Tongue,’ mixed among titles like: ‘Seeds and herbs for the kitchen,’ ‘A solution for weak cattle,’ ‘How to secure loose teeth in a bull,’ and the ‘Summary’ for each month. His verses may not be very poetic, but they convey a lot of information clearly and concisely, and their good rhythm and rhyme make them easy to memorize. For example:
Then there are everywhere the simple and kindly moral[Pg 320] maxims, so characteristic of their author, such as the advice concerning trespassing sportsmen:
Then there are simple and friendly moral[Pg 320] maxims everywhere, which are so typical of their author, like the advice about trespassing hunters:
or concerning sick servants:
or regarding sick employees:
‘Good husbandlie lessons’ stored up in rhymes in the manner of Tusser may still be found in rural districts. For example: When the cuckoo comes to the bare thorn, Sell your cow and buy your corn (Sus.). When the slae tree is white as a sheet, Sow your barley, whether it be dry or weet (Nhb.). When elum leaves are as big as a farden, It’s time to plant kidney-beans in the garden. When the moon is at the full, Mushrooms you may freely pull; But when the moon is on the wane, Wait ere you think to pluck again (Ess.). Shear you sheep in May, and shear them all away (Wor.). If you marl land, you may buy land; If you marl moss, there is no loss; If you marl clay, you fling all away (Lin.).
‘Good husbandry lessons’ stored up in rhymes like Tusser’s can still be found in rural areas. For example: When the cuckoo comes to the bare thorn, sell your cow and buy your corn (Sus.). When the sloe tree is white as a sheet, sow your barley, whether it’s dry or wet (Nhb.). When elm leaves are as big as a penny, it’s time to plant kidney beans in the garden. When the moon is full, you can freely pick mushrooms; but when the moon is waning, wait before you think of picking again (Ess.). Shear your sheep in May, and shear them completely (Wor.). If you marl land, you can buy land; if you marl moss, you won’t lose anything; if you marl clay, you’ll just throw it all away (Lin.).
There is an old farmer’s saying in Rutland: One boy is a boy, two boys is half a boy, and three boys is no boy at all. According to a Cumberland adage, the ‘good husband’—as Tusser would call him—says: Come, goway to yer wark wid me, lads; while ‘unthrift his brother’ says: Howay to yer wark, lads, and leaves them to go by themselves.
There’s an old farmer’s saying in Rutland: One boy is a boy, two boys are half a boy, and three boys are no boy at all. According to a Cumberland saying, the ‘good husband’—as Tusser would call him—says: Come, go to work with me, guys; while ‘unthrift his brother’ says: Go to work, guys, and leaves them to go on their own.
It is interesting to recognize familiar sayings under a figure taken from farming. For instance: to have other oats to thresh, or another rig to hoe, is equivalent to other fish to fry; to shear [reap] one’s own rig, is to paddle one’s own canoe; to plough the headlands before the butts, is to begin a thing at the wrong end. The headland is the strip of land left unploughed at the ends of a field on which the plough turns, hence: to turn on a mighty narrow adlant, means to have a narrow escape. Pay-rent is a good practical[Pg 321] synonym for profitable, e.g. A proper pay-rent sort o’ pigs; A rare pay-rent piece o’ beans.
It’s interesting to recognize familiar sayings using farming terms. For example, having other oats to thresh or another rig to hoe means having other fish to fry; to shear one’s own rig means to paddle one’s own canoe; to plough the headlands before the butts means to start something at the wrong end. The headland is the strip of land left unploughed at the ends of a field where the plough turns, so to turn on a really narrow headland means to have a narrow escape. Pay-rent is a good practical[Pg 321] synonym for profitable, for example, a proper pay-rent sort of pigs; a rare pay-rent piece of beans.
A way-ganging crop is the last crop belonging to a tenant before he leaves a farm, a phrase which is picturesquely applied to an old man nearing his end.
A way-ganging crop is the final crop a tenant has before leaving a farm, a term that is vividly used to describe an old man approaching the end of his life.
Numbers of the old agricultural terms so common a generation or two ago, have now become obsolete, since the implements to which they belonged have given place to newer machinery. Twenty or thirty years ago one was accustomed to hearing the thud of the flail resounding on the barn floor, but now the threshing-machine does the work, and we have to look in dictionaries if we want to understand what was meant by a dreshel, and what parts of it were the handstaff, soople, and capel, and what happened to the barley when submitted to the faltering-iron. Reaping-machines, again, have superseded the older methods of shearing with the sheckel, the badging-hook, or the fagging-hook. We seldom hear the sound of the mower whetting his scythe, nor do we see Phillis hasting out of her bower ‘With Thestylis to bind the sheaves’. These are sounds and sights to read of in poetry, like the whilome glories of our wayside hedgerows, now cloaked under a grey pall of dust thrown over them by the passing motor.
Many of the old farming terms that were common a generation or two ago have now become outdated, as the tools they referred to have been replaced by newer machinery. Twenty or thirty years ago, you would often hear the thud of the flail echoing on the barn floor, but now the threshing machine does that job, and we have to check dictionaries if we want to know what a dreshel is, or what parts are the handstaff, soople, and capel, and what happened to the barley when it went through the faltering-iron. Reaping machines have taken over from the older methods of shearing with the sheckel, badging-hook, or fagging-hook. We rarely hear the sound of the mower sharpening his scythe, nor do we see Phillis rushing out of her bower ‘With Thestylis to bind the sheaves’. These are sounds and sights that belong in poetry, like the former beauty of our roadside hedgerows, now covered by a grey layer of dust thrown over them by passing cars.
The decay of old customs belonging to farming is chiefly noticeable in connexion with the ingathering of the harvest, and the celebration of its completion. Many causes have combined of late years to make farming an anxious and unremunerative industry, so that there is no longer the real joy in harvest that there used to be; a fact which must be reckoned together with the changes which have been wrought by the introduction of machinery, and by the increase in means of locomotion which brings hireling harvesters from distant parts, and carries away the young people who used to grow up on the same farm where their fathers and grandfathers had always worked.
The decline of old farming traditions is most noticeable when it comes to harvesting and celebrating its completion. Many factors in recent years have made farming a stressful and unprofitable job, so the genuine joy in harvest time is no longer what it used to be. This reality must be considered alongside the changes brought about by machinery and improved transportation that brings in laborers from far away and takes away the young people who used to grow up on the same farms where their fathers and grandfathers had always worked.
In olden days, harvest time was the great social season of the year on the farm, when master and man worked and[Pg 322] rejoiced together in common bonds of fellowship, and finally celebrated the festival of the Harvest Home as one family. Tusser thus describes the old-time harvest:
In the past, harvest time was the big social season of the year on the farm, when everyone, from the boss to the workers, came together to work and[Pg 322] celebrate their shared sense of community, culminating in the Harvest Home festival as one big family. Tusser describes the traditional harvest this way:
The principal reaper was in some districts named the harvest-lord (Lin. e.An.). It was his duty to go first in the row, and to regulate the motions of the rest of the band. Tusser, who was an Essex man, says:
The main reaper was referred to in some areas as the harvest-lord (Lin. e.An.). His job was to lead the row and control the movements of the rest of the group. Tusser, an Essex native, states:
Next to him came the harvest-lady, the second reaper, who took the harvest-lord’s place if the latter were absent. In Shropshire the last man of the whole band was termed the lag-man. Often three or four reapers would each take a ridge and compete with one another as to who should finish first. This was called kemping (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.). The largess was a gift of money demanded by the reapers, either during the harvest or at its conclusion. After receiving it, the custom was to cry out three times: Halloo largess! This was the ceremony of crying a largess to which Tusser alludes in the verse quoted above. It continued to be practised in parts of East Anglia till the latter half of last century.
Next to him was the harvest lady, the second reaper, who took the place of the harvest lord if he was absent. In Shropshire, the last man of the whole group was called the lag man. Often, three or four reapers would each take a row and compete to see who would finish first. This was called kemping (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.). The largess was a cash gift requested by the reapers, either during the harvest or at its end. After receiving it, the tradition was to shout three times: Halloo largess! This was the ritual of crying a largess that Tusser refers to in the verse mentioned above. It continued to be practiced in parts of East Anglia until the latter half of last century.
When the reaping of the last cornfield was all but finished, a small patch of grain was left standing. It was then tied at the top with a piece of ribbon, or the stalks were roughly plaited together, to form a sheaf, and then the reapers placed[Pg 323] themselves a few yards off, and threw their sickles at it, competing for the honour of winning the last cut. This last handful to be reaped was the trophy of the harvest-home feast. It was frequently dressed up to appear like a rude human figure, gaily decorated, and carried home in triumph. Afterwards it was usually placed above the door of the farm-kitchen, or over the chimney-piece, to remain there throughout the winter to bring good luck, and ward off witchcraft. The ceremonies connected with this last sheaf, and the names by which it was known varied in different places. It was called: the ben (e.An.); cailleach (Irel.); churn or kirn (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.); claaick-sheaf (Sc.); cripple-goat (I. of Skye); frog (Wor.); gilach (Irel.); granny (Irel.); hare (Irel. Dev.); maiden (Sc.); mell (n.Cy.); or when made up into a figure it was: the corn-baby; kirn-baby; kirn-doll; mell-doll; harvest-queen. But perhaps the best-known name of all is the south-west-Country neck, a term originally borrowed from Scandinavia, cp. Norw. and Swed. dial. nek, a sheaf. Much has been written about the ceremony of Crying the neck. A full account of it is given in Hunt’s Popular Romances of the West of England, and a long correspondence on the subject was kept up in the Western Morning News in August 1898. Mrs. Hewitt, writing in 1900, says the custom ‘still obtains in some parishes in the west of England’. She describes it thus: ‘When the last sheaf of wheat is cut at the end of August, the reapers take the very last handful of straw and plait the ends together, tying them with lengths of bright-coloured ribbons; then, lifting it high above their heads, wave their sickles frantically, and shout:
When the last cornfield was almost done being harvested, a small patch of grain was left standing. That patch was tied at the top with a piece of ribbon or the stalks were roughly braided together to form a sheaf. The reapers then stood a few yards away and threw their sickles at it, competing for the honor of making the last cut. This last handful to be harvested was the trophy of the harvest feast. It was often dressed up to look like a crude human figure, brightly decorated, and carried home in celebration. Later, it was usually placed above the door of the farm kitchen or over the mantelpiece to stay there throughout the winter for good luck and to keep away witchcraft. The rituals associated with this last sheaf and the names it was known by varied in different regions. It was called: the ben (e.An.); cailleach (Irel.); churn or kirn (Sc. Irel. n.Cy.); claaick-sheaf (Sc.); cripple-goat (I. of Skye); frog (Wor.); gilach (Irel.); granny (Irel.); hare (Irel. Dev.); maiden (Sc.); mell (n.Cy.); or when formed into a figure, it was: the corn-baby; kirn-baby; kirn-doll; mell-doll; harvest-queen. But probably the most well-known name is the south-west Country neck, a term originally borrowed from Scandinavia, cp. Norw. and Swed. dial. nek, meaning a sheaf. Much has been written about the ceremony of Crying the neck. A detailed account of it is in Hunt’s Popular Romances of the West of England, and a lengthy correspondence on the topic was continued in the Western Morning News in August 1898. Mrs. Hewitt, writing in 1900, says the custom "still exists in some parishes in the west of England." She describes it this way: "When the last sheaf of wheat is cut at the end of August, the reapers take the very last handful of straw, braid the ends together, tying them with bright-colored ribbons; then, lifting it high above their heads, they wave their sickles wildly and shout:
The exact manner of performing the ceremony and the words used vary in different districts, the variations being mostly due to the fact that this custom has been blended together with another called Crying the mare (Irel. Chs. Shr. Hrt.). Indeed, many writers have been hereby led to confuse these two customs, which were originally quite distinct. Crying the mare was performed by the farm men who were first to finish harvest in the neighbourhood. It was a mode of triumphing over their neighbours by offering the services of an imaginary mare to help a laggard farmer. The men assembled in the stackyard, or on some strip of rising ground, and there divided themselves into two bands, and chanted in loud voices the following dialogue. First band: I have her, I have her, I have her. Second band: What hast thee? (Every sentence is repeated three times.) A mare. Whose is her? H. B.’s (naming their master whose corn is all cut). Where shall we send her? To C. D. (naming some neighbour whose corn is left standing, and who therefore may be supposed to need the loan of a mare). In parts of Shropshire it was customary, some sixty or seventy years ago, actually to send a horse, mounted by the head reaper.
The exact way of performing the ceremony and the words used differ across various areas. These differences mainly arise because this tradition has merged with another one called Crying the mare (Irel. Chs. Shr. Hrt.). In fact, many writers have mistakenly confused these two customs, which were originally quite separate. Crying the mare was carried out by the farm workers who were the first to finish harvest in the area. It was a way of celebrating their success over their neighbors by offering the services of a fictional mare to assist a slower farmer. The men gathered in the stackyard or on a small hill, split into two groups, and sang this dialogue loudly. First group: I have her, I have her, I have her. Second group: What do you have? (Each line is repeated three times.) A mare. Whose is it? H. B.’s (naming their master whose corn is all harvested). Where shall we send her? To C. D. (naming another neighbor whose corn is still standing and might need to borrow a mare). In parts of Shropshire, around sixty or seventy years ago, it was common to actually send a horse, ridden by the head reaper.
The cart carrying home the last load was styled the Harvest-cart. It was often decked out with ash-boughs and garlands, whilst on it rode boys singing the traditional song appropriate to the occasion:
The cart carrying home the last load was called the Harvest-cart. It was often decorated with ash branches and garlands, while boys rode on it singing the traditional song for the occasion:
Then came the harvest-home banquet, the churn-supper, mell-supper, or hockey (Hrt. e.An.), to which the labourers’ wives and children were also invited. When the feasting was over, and the usual harvest-songs had been sung, the rest of the evening was spent in dancing and general rustic merriment.
Then came the harvest-home feast, the churn-supper, mell-supper, or hockey (Hrt. e.An.), to which the workers’ wives and kids were also invited. Once the feasting was done, and the usual harvest songs had been sung, the rest of the evening was spent dancing and enjoying good times.
The day when the farm hands resumed the usual order of work, which would be paid for by the usual allowance of[Pg 325] wages and drink, was known in parts of Shropshire by the name of Sorrowful Monday.
The day when the farm workers went back to their regular tasks, which would be compensated by their usual wages and drinks, was known in some areas of Shropshire as Sorrowful Monday.
Since farming is an industry covering the land, and not confined to particular districts, like coal-mining or salt-making, it would be possible to collect several different series of dialect terms relating to land-tenure, haymaking, reaping, ploughing, &c., each belonging to a specified geographical area. If we were travelling through the country at the time of the haysel, or hay-harvest, we should have to call a hay-cock a hay-cock wherever we met one, but it might locally be known by the name of a hatchel, a hob, a jockey-cock, a keil, or a wad, or by some other name equally unfamiliar to our ears. Or again, later in the season, if we went into a cornfield and looked at the sheaves set up to dry, each pile would be a yellow corn-stook and nothing more to us with our limited vocabulary of the harvest field, but it might stand there as a hattock, a hile, a kiver, a mair, a stitch, &c., according to the district where it had been set up.
Since farming is an industry that covers the land and isn't limited to specific areas like coal mining or salt production, we could gather various sets of dialect terms related to land ownership, haymaking, harvesting, ploughing, &c., each connected to a specific geographical region. If we were traveling through the countryside during the hay harvest, we'd call a haycock a haycock wherever we saw one, but it might locally be referred to as a hatchel, a hob, a jockey-cock, a keil, or a wad, or by another name that sounds unfamiliar to us. Later in the season, if we entered a cornfield and looked at the sheaves set up to dry, each pile would just be a yellow corn-stook to us with our limited harvest vocabulary, but it might be known as a hattock, a hile, a kiver, a mair, a stitch, &c., depending on the area where it was arranged.
Farm labourers everywhere are accustomed to wear some sort of rough gaiters to protect their legs from cold and wet, often it is worsted stockings without feet, which serve this purpose, especially for walking in snow. The various names for these gaiters in the different dialects form a curious list. They are: bams, baffles, bofflers, cockers, galligaskins, gamashes, hoggers, kitty-bats, loags, martyens, moggans, scoggers, whirlers, yanks, &c. But one of the biggest lists of dialect names might be found belonging to the slight refreshment taken by labourers between meals, either at eleven o’clock or four in the afternoon. Here is a selection of some of the names: bagging, bait, bever, clocking, coger, dew-bit, docky, down-dinner, downdrins, elevens, four-hours, jaw-bit, lump, nammet, i.e. noon-meat, O.E. nōn-mete, nocket, nuncheon, undern.
Farmworkers everywhere typically wear some kind of rough gaiters to keep their legs warm and dry. Often, these are footless woolen stockings that are especially helpful for walking in the snow. The various names for these gaiters in different dialects create an interesting list. They include: bams, baffles, bofflers, cockers, galligaskins, gamashes, hoggers, kitty-bats, loags, martyens, moggans, scoggers, whirlers, yanks, &c. One of the longest lists of dialect names might be found for the light snacks that workers have between meals, either at eleven o’clock or four in the afternoon. Here are some of the names: bagging, bait, bever, clocking, coger, dew-bit, docky, down-dinner, downdrins, elevens, four-hours, jaw-bit, lump, nammet, i.e. noon-meat, O.E. nonsense, nocket, nuncheon, undern.
If we turn to the animals on the farm, the sheep in its various stages of growth and commercial value would probably be found to possess the largest number of names.[Pg 326] It would puzzle most people, other than those to the manner born, to define all the technical terms in use, such as: chilver, cull, dinmont, gimmer, he-der, shear-hog, wether-hog, theave, thrinter, twinter, two-tooth.
If we look at the animals on the farm, the sheep at different growth stages and levels of commercial value probably have the most names.[Pg 326] It would confuse most people, except for those who grew up with it, to define all the technical terms used, like: chilver, cull, dinmont, gimmer, he-der, shear-hog, wether-hog, theave, thrinter, twinter, two-tooth.
More interesting, however, than mere names of the animals are the words used by the farmer and his men in dealing directly with the beasts under their control. A study of wagoners’ words raises one’s notion of the intellectual level of cart-horses considerably. All sorts of exact directions are conveyed to them through the medium of interjections such as the following: Boc! Chee-eggin! Come-other-whoa! Cubba-hoult! Hait! Hap! Har! Hauve! Joss! Kip! Mather! Mock-mether-hauve! Ree! Ware-whoop! Weesh! Whet-gee! Wo-cum-huggin! Woor-ree! Wug! The word hait is found in Chaucer, cp. ‘The carter smoot, and cryde, as he were wood, Hayt, Brok! hayt, Scot! what spare ye for the stones,’ Freres Tale, ll. 244, 245. So too are kip, and joss, cp. ‘Thise sely clerkes rennen up and down, With keep, keep, stand, stand, Iossa, warderere,’ Reves Tale, ll. 180, 181.
More interesting than just the names of the animals are the words that the farmer and his workers use when directly interacting with the beasts they manage. A look into the language of wagoners really elevates our understanding of the intelligence of cart-horses. They receive all sorts of specific commands through various interjections like these: Boc! Chee-eggin! Come-other-whoa! Cubba-hoult! Hait! Hap! Har! Hauve! Joss! Kip! Mather! Mock-mether-hauve! Ree! Ware-whoop! Weesh! Whet-gee! Wo-cum-huggin! Woor-ree! Wug! The word hait appears in Chaucer, cp. ‘The carter shouted and cried, as if he were mad, "Hey, stop! Hey, Scot! What are you saving the stone for?"s,’ Brothers' Tale, ll. 244, 245. The words kip and joss are also noted, cp. ‘These poor clerks run back and forth, shouting, "Keep, keep, stand, stand, Iossa, warderere.",’ Reve's Tale, ll. 180, 181.
Then there are all the mysteriously alluring cries which summon creatures to the shippon, sty, or pen; and the authoritative words of command which drive them in the way they should go. To take a few examples. Cows may be addressed thus: Coop! Cush, cush!—cp. O.N. kus! kus! a milkmaid’s call—Hoaf! Hobe! Mull! or Mully! Proo! Proochy! Prut! Calves: Moddie! Mog, mog, mog! Pui-ho! Sook, sook! Sheep: Co-hobe! Ovey! Pigs: Check-check! Cheat! Dack, dack! Giss! or Gissy! Lix! Ric-sic! Shug, shug, shug! Tantassa, tantassa pig, tow a row, a row! Tig, tig, tig! Turkeys: Cobbler! Peet, peet, peet! Pen! Pur, pur, pur! Geese: Fy-laig! Gag, gag, gag! Ob-ee! White-hoddy! Ducks: Bid, bid, bid! Diddle! Dill, dill! Wid! Wheetie! Pigeons: Pees! Pod! Rabbits: Map!
Then there are all the mysteriously enticing calls that bring animals to the barn, sty, or pen; and the commanding words that guide them where they need to go. Here are a few examples. Cows can be called like this: Coop! Cush, cush!—cp. O.N. kus! kus! a milkmaid’s call—Hoaf! Hobe! Mull! or Mully! Proo! Proochy! Prut! For calves: Moddie! Mog, mog, mog! Pui-ho! Sook, sook! For sheep: Co-hobe! Ovey! For pigs: Check-check! Cheat! Dack, dack! Giss! or Gissy! Lix! Ric-sic! Shug, shug, shug! Tantassa, tantassa pig, tow a row, a row! Tig, tig, tig! For turkeys: Cobbler! Peet, peet, peet! Pen! Pur, pur, pur! For geese: Fy-laig! Gag, gag, gag! Ob-ee! White-hoddy! For ducks: Bid, bid, bid! Diddle! Dill, dill! Wid! Wheetie! For pigeons: Pees! Pod! For rabbits: Map!
It must be very confusing for animals transported to a distance to understand the calls of a new and strange[Pg 327] dialect. I have more than once tried the effect of imitating the seductive tones of the Yorkshire Co-oop in addressing an Oxfordshire cow. But with her foot securely planted on her native heath, she would either pay no heed whatever, or else she would turn upon me the gently indulgent eye of a consciously superior intelligence.
It must be really confusing for animals taken far away to grasp the sounds of a new and unfamiliar[Pg 327] dialect. I've tried more than once to see how imitating the tempting tones of the Yorkshire Co-oop works when talking to an Oxfordshire cow. But standing firmly on her home turf, she would either completely ignore me or give me a gently amused look, like she was aware of being smarter than I was.
In olden times it was customary among sheep-farmers and shepherds in the Lake District and in the northern counties generally, to use Celtic numerals for counting sheep. The traditional forms varied in different localities, as may be seen from the various series which have been collected and put on record by folklorists. The following are the numbers up to ten formerly in use near Keswick: Yan, tyan, tethera, methera, pimp, sethera, lethera, hovera, dovera, dick.
In the past, it was common for sheep farmers and shepherds in the Lake District and the northern counties to use Celtic numerals for counting sheep. The traditional forms varied by location, as shown by the different series collected and documented by folklorists. Here are the numbers up to ten that were used near Keswick: Yan, tyan, tethera, methera, pimp, sethera, lethera, hovera, dovera, dick.
The custom of counting sheep by means of such numbers has now been obsolete for about a hundred years, but it is a curious link with our Celtic predecessors, coming down as it does so near to our own times. Our Anglo-Saxon forefathers never amalgamated with the Celts, and the Celtic language never seriously influenced English. The Celtic loan-words borrowed by the Anglo-Saxons are comparatively few, and those few, chiefly names of places and things of no special importance. From a linguistic point of view it is strange to find such an everyday implement as a set of numerals persisting in the spoken speech of a people who hardly knew another word of the language of which these formed part, and who of course had their own numerals. It is perhaps not too romantic an explanation to suggest that among the few Celts who became subjects to the foreign invaders were the humble shepherds who had always tended sheep on the north-country moors and fells. The new settlers would doubtless find it useful to keep them on in their hereditary occupation, and in taking over the shepherd, they also took over his system of numeration, which in his mind was indissolubly associated with the sheep under his care.
The practice of counting sheep with those numbers has been out of date for about a hundred years, but it’s an interesting connection to our Celtic ancestors, surviving so close to our modern times. Our Anglo-Saxon ancestors never merged with the Celts, and the Celtic language had little impact on English. The few Celtic words adopted by the Anglo-Saxons are limited and mostly consist of place names and things that aren’t particularly significant. From a linguistic perspective, it’s odd to see something as basic as a set of numbers being used in the speech of people who hardly knew any other words from that language, especially since they had their own numerals. It’s not too far-fetched to suggest that some of the few Celts who became subjects of the foreign invaders were the simple shepherds who had always watched over sheep on the northern moors and hills. The new settlers likely found it practical to keep them in their traditional roles, and in bringing on the shepherd, they also adopted his counting system, which was closely linked to the sheep he managed.
CHAPTER XX
Weights and Measures
Anybody who has ever done any practical housekeeping in a provincial town is familiar with certain anomalies in the buying and selling of farm produce and other articles in common use. Why, for instance, is a potato when young sold by weight, and when it is old by measure? Why are gooseberries sold by measure and other small fruits by weight? Why are eggs in Oxford sold at so many to the shilling, and in Sidmouth for so much the dozen? Still, we can jog along with our preconceived notions as to the proper means of apportioning out the goods we want to buy, and we do not have to readjust or add to the Tables we learned at school. A catalogue of the weights and measures in the dialects does however upset a great many of our everyday ideas, and make our knowledge of Tables seem surprisingly limited. For here we find familiar measures changing their standard value according to locality, or according to the commodity to be sold by measure or weight; all sorts of new measures with queer names enter into computations where we had hitherto only dealt with plain bushels, or pounds, or inches; liquid measures usurp the place of dry, and vice versa; and indefinite terms like heap, bunch, bundle become fixed quantities. Let us hope that compilers of arithmetic books will never be allowed to stray into this field. What a fiendish joy it would give to those tormentors of youth if they might add to their nightmare sums about taps running into leaky baths, and men ploughing fields by the week, and horses costing odd shillings and pence, a few questions like this: If one man could plough an acre of land in Westmorland in five days, working every other day, how long would six men take to plough a field of[Pg 329] 11½ acres in Cheshire? If a Cornishman bought a mease of herrings in the Isle of Man and sold them to his next-door neighbour at home, how many more herrings would he have left for his wife to fry than if he took them to Clovelly to sell? If a dish and a half of butter costs two shillings and twopence halfpenny, how much butter would you get for four shillings and elevenpence three farthings? Or nice problems on the Tables such as: If three men and a boy could get thirty-six pankets of coal in four days and a half, how long would it take two boys to get out a chalder? If A. bought a wash of oysters and sold them to B. at so much per strike, what would be the price of a prickle of whelks?
Anyone who has ever done any practical housekeeping in a small town knows that there are some oddities in the buying and selling of farm produce and everyday items. For example, why are young potatoes sold by weight, but old ones by measure? Why are gooseberries measured while other small fruits are weighed? Why are eggs sold by the number in Oxford but by the dozen in Sidmouth? Regardless, we can get by with our established ideas about how to portion out the things we want to buy, and we don't have to change the Tables we learned in school. However, a list of the weights and measures in local dialects can really shake up many of our everyday assumptions and make our understanding of these Tables seem surprisingly narrow. Here, we see familiar measurements shifting based on the location or the product being sold, all sorts of new measurements with strange names pop up where we previously dealt only with straightforward bushels, pounds, or inches; liquid measures replace dry and vice versa; and vague terms like heap, bunch, and bundle become exact amounts. Let's hope that math book authors never venture into this territory. What a wicked thrill it would bring to those torturers of education if they could add to their troublesome problems about taps leaking into baths, men plowing fields by the week, and horses costing odd shillings and pence, whimsical questions like: If one man could plow an acre of land in Westmorland in five days, working every other day, how long would six men take to plow a field of[Pg 329] 11½ acres in Cheshire? If a Cornishman bought a mease of herrings on the Isle of Man and sold them to his neighbor back home, how many more herrings would he have left for his wife to fry than if he took them to Clovelly to sell? If a dish and a half of butter costs two shillings and twopence halfpenny, how much butter would you get for four shillings and elevenpence three farthings? Or interesting problems about the Tables like: If three men and a boy could gather thirty-six pankets of coal in four and a half days, how long would it take two boys to get out a chalder? If A. bought a wash of oysters and sold them to B. at a certain rate per strike, what would be the price of a prickle of whelks?
A gill in most of the north-country dialects means half a pint, in Devonshire it means a quart, and in Cornwall, as a measure of tin, it means a pint. A stone may be equivalent to any weight from 8 lb. to 24 lb., it would depend whether the article in the scales was beef, or butter, or hay, or wool, and so on. A pound of butter used to weigh 18 oz. throughout Cheshire. In the Lake District butter was formerly sold by the long pound, which was equivalent to 22 oz. A Northumbrian peck is one third of a Winchester bushel, but a Craven peck is half a Winchester bushel. A hundred may mean the long hundred, which is usually six score, but in parts of Worcestershire, by machine weight it is 112 lb., by count, 126. In Norfolk a hundred crabs is 240, because crabs are counted by casts, and a cast is a pair of crabs. According to Brighton measure, 128 herrings make a hundred, but if it was mackerel there would be 132. An old Cumberland rhyme gives: Five scwore to t’hundred o’ men, money, an’ pins; Six scwore to t’hundred o’ other things. A yard of land in Devonshire is 9 ft., but a Cornish land yard is 6 yds. or 18 ft.
A gill in most northern dialects means half a pint; in Devonshire, it means a quart, and in Cornwall, as a measure of tin, it means a pint. A stone can weigh anywhere from 8 lb. to 24 lb., depending on whether the item is beef, butter, hay, or wool, and so on. A pound of butter used to weigh 18 oz. in Cheshire. In the Lake District, butter was once sold by the long pound, which equals 22 oz. A Northumbrian peck is a third of a Winchester bushel, but a Craven peck is half a Winchester bushel. A hundred can refer to the long hundred, which is usually six score, but in parts of Worcestershire, by machine weight, it is 112 lb., and by count, 126. In Norfolk, a hundred crabs is 240, because crabs are counted by casts, and a cast is a pair of crabs. According to Brighton measure, 128 herrings make a hundred, but if it’s mackerel, there would be 132. An old Cumberland rhyme says: Five score to the hundred of men, money, and pins; six score to the hundred of other things. A yard of land in Devonshire is 9 ft., but a Cornish land yard is 6 yds. or 18 ft.
A boll is a dry measure of capacity varying from two to six bushels. At Alnwick, a boll of barley or oats was six bushels; of wheat two bushels. At Hexham, a boll of barley or of oats was five bushels; of wheat four bushels. A trug (Hrf.) is a measure of wheat of which three go to make up two[Pg 330] bushels. A fother is a cartload, in some places a one-horse load, and in others a two-horse load. If it denotes a weight of lead, it is equivalent to 21 cwt. and upwards. In Durham, as a measure for coals, it meant 17⅔ cwt., cp. ‘With him ther was a Ploughman, was his brother, That hadde i-lad of dong ful many a fother,’ Chaucer, Prol. ll. 529, 530. A last is a dry measure, used for corn, &c. A Lincolnshire last of oats = 21 sacks of four bushels each, but used for rape-seed, turnip-seed, or oats the last = 10 quarters, or eighty bushels. As a measure for herrings in East Anglia, a last of herrings is said to be ten thousand, but if six score and twelve go to each hundred, there would actually be 13,200. A lug (War. w.Cy.) is a measure of land, usually a rod, pole, or perch, but occasionally varying in length, cp. ‘Eight lugs of grownd,’ Spenser, F. Q. Bk. II. x. 11. A shaftment is the measure of the fist with the thumb extended, generally taken as six inches. A bodge (Ken.) is an odd measure of corn left over when the bulk has been measured out into quarters and sacks, cp. ‘To the last bodge of oats and bottle of hay,’ Jonson, New Inn.
A boll is a dry measure of capacity that ranges from two to six bushels. In Alnwick, a boll of barley or oats was six bushels, while a boll of wheat was two bushels. In Hexham, a boll of barley or oats was five bushels, and a boll of wheat was four bushels. A trug (Hrf.) is a measure of wheat, where three make up two[Pg 330] bushels. A fother is a cartload, which can mean a one-horse load in some places and a two-horse load in others. When it refers to a weight of lead, it equals 21 cwt. and upwards. In Durham, as a measure for coal, it meant 17⅔ cwt., cp. ‘With him was a Ploughman, his brother, who had loaded many heaps of dung.,’ Chaucer, Prol. ll. 529, 530. A last is a dry measure used for grain, &c. In Lincolnshire, a last of oats equals 21 sacks of four bushels each, but when used for rape-seed, turnip-seed, or oats, a last equals 10 quarters, or eighty bushels. As a measure for herrings in East Anglia, a last of herrings is said to be ten thousand, but if six score and twelve go to each hundred, there would actually be 13,200. A lug (War. w.Cy.) is a measure of land, usually a rod, pole, or perch, but sometimes varying in length, cp. ‘Eight lugs of ground,’ Spenser, F. Q. Bk. II. x. 11. A shaftment is the measure of the fist with the thumb extended, typically regarded as six inches. A bodge (Ken.) is an odd measure of leftover corn once the bulk has been measured out into quarters and sacks, cp. ‘To the last bodge of oats and bottle of hay,’ Jonson, New Inn.
In East Anglia a pint of butter would mean 20 oz. In parts of Kent fruit, vegetables, and fish are sold by the quart. Bread also is sold in pecks, gallons, and quarts. A peck in west Somerset may be used as a measure for cider, one peck being equal to two gallons. In Cheshire and Staffordshire pottery is sold by the piece. I have myself bought flower-pots by this standard, the number of the pots contained in the piece varying according to their size. Firewood stacked for sale is in many districts sold by the cord, a measure varying in amount in different parts of the country. In Worcestershire and Herefordshire, and parts also of Shropshire and Gloucestershire, fruit and vegetables are always sold by the pot, or half-pot; a kind of basket or hamper without a lid. Hops are sold by the pocket, this latter being an enormous bag some 7½ ft. long, holding about 168 lb. of hops. Bottom might still express ‘a great desire to a bottle of hay’, and be understood in any county. The[Pg 331] common proverbial saying: To look for a needle in a bottle of hay is known as far back as 1655. Peck is used figuratively in the phrase: a peck o’ troubles. A very common way of telling a Yorkshireman that he is judging or treating others by his own standard of thought or action is to say he is: measuring a peck out of his own stroke.
In East Anglia, a pint of butter means 20 oz. In some parts of Kent, fruit, vegetables, and fish are sold by the quart. Bread is also sold in pecks, gallons, and quarts. A peck in west Somerset can be used to measure cider, with one peck being equal to two gallons. In Cheshire and Staffordshire, pottery is sold by the piece. I've personally bought flowerpots this way, with the number of pots in each piece varying by their size. Firewood stacked for sale is sold by the cord in many areas, with the amount varying across different regions. In Worcestershire, Herefordshire, and parts of Shropshire and Gloucestershire, fruit and vegetables are always sold by the pot or half-pot; a type of basket or hamper without a lid. Hops are sold by the pocket, which is a large bag about 7½ ft. long, holding roughly 168 lb. of hops. “Bottom” might still mean a strong desire for a bottle of hay and would be understood in any county. The common saying: “To look for a needle in a bottle of hay” dates back to at least 1655. The term "peck" is also used figuratively in the phrase: a peck o’ troubles. A common way of telling a Yorkshireman that he is judging or treating others based on his own standards is to say he is: measuring a peck out of his own stroke.
Any kind of indefinite measure of anything may of course be taken by scowl of brow, or by the skeg of the eye, and things of minor weight may be judged by the heft or the lift.
Any kind of vague measure of anything can obviously be taken by scowl of brow, or by the skeg of the eye, and lighter things can be assessed by the heft or the lift.
CHAPTER XXI
Plant Names and Animal Names
A few of the dialect plant-names have been noticed in previous chapters in connexion with superstitious beliefs, medical lore, &c., but there are a great many more, equally well worth considering. What one feels about them—and herein lies their chief attraction—is that they reflect the popular mind, and are not the result of mere peeping and botanizing. The rustic sees in the flower something which calls up in his mind a familiar object—a dish of eggs and bacon, the parson in the pulpit, a hen and chickens; or something which reminds him of a Bible story he has known from his childhood; or something akin to human nature, which draws forth a responsive recognition.
A few of the local plant names have been mentioned in previous chapters in relation to superstitions, medical knowledge, &c., but there are many more that are just as worth exploring. What stands out about them—and this is their main appeal—is that they reflect the thoughts of the common people, rather than just being a result of simple observation and study. The country person sees in the flower something that triggers a familiar image—a plate of eggs and bacon, the preacher at the pulpit, a hen and her chicks; or something that reminds them of a Bible story they've known since childhood; or something that resonates with human nature, which evokes a sense of recognition.
We naturally expect to find in the different dialects different names for one and the same flower, but it is strange to find up and down the country one and the same name attached to different flowers. An Oxford lady once pointed out to me some plants of the double garden daisy, which she called Bachelor’s Buttons. I declared this was a misnomer, for the Bachelor’s Buttons I had grown up with in Herefordshire were some kind of double ranunculus. Subsequent research, however, supported both sides of the argument, and showed further, that at least twenty more plants also bore the name of Bachelor’s Button in different parts of the country. Even a common name like Honeysuckle is not restricted to the fragrant climber Lonicera Peryclymenum with which we of the standard speech always associate it. The following plants may all be called Honeysuckle: 1. The purple clover, Trifolium pratense. 2. The white clover, T. repens. 3. The bird’s-foot trefoil, Lotus corniculatus. 4. The dwarf cornel, Cornus suecica. 5. The great bindweed,[Pg 333] Convolvulus sepium. 6. The white dead-nettle, Lamium album. 7. The lousewort, Pedicularis sylvatica. 8. The blossoms of the willow.
We naturally expect to find different names for the same flower in different dialects, but it's odd to see the same name used for different flowers all over the country. An Oxford lady once pointed out some double garden daisies to me, which she called Bachelor's Buttons. I insisted that was the wrong name, as the Bachelor's Buttons I knew from Herefordshire were a type of double ranunculus. However, further research showed that both perspectives were valid, and revealed that at least twenty other plants were also called Bachelor's Buttons in different regions. Even a common name like Honeysuckle isn’t limited to the fragrant vine Honeysuckle that we typically associate with it. The following plants can all be referred to as Honeysuckle: 1. The purple clover, Red clover. 2. The white clover, T. repens. 3. The bird’s-foot trefoil, Bird's-foot trefoil. 4. The dwarf cornel, Cornus suecica. 5. The great bindweed, [Pg 333] Field bindweed. 6. The white dead-nettle, Lamium album. 7. The lousewort, Woodland Lousewort. 8. The blossoms of the willow.
The following are some of the names of plants associated with Biblical subjects: Aunt Mary’s Tree (Cor.) is the common holly; Virgin Mary (Lakel. Cor.), Virgin Mary’s Honeysuckle (Chs. Shr.), Virgin Mary’s Milkdrops (Mon. Wil.), Lady’s Milk-sile (Chs.), are names of the lungwort Pulmonaria officinalis, referring to the legend that during the flight into Egypt some of the Blessed Virgin’s milk fell on its leaves, as she nursed the infant Jesus. The same legend is also told to account for like spots on the leaves of the Blessed Thistle (War.), Our Lady’s Thistle, Carduus Marianus. Another legend says that the Virgin Mary, when thirsty, met with a cow, and after using the broad leaf of the thistle as a drinking-cup, willed that the species should ever after be called by her name, and bear the stains of the milk on its leaves. The lungwort is also called Mary’s Tears (Dor.), and the spots are traced to the tears shed by her at the Crucifixion. Legend tells that once the Virgin Mary plucked up a root of the crab’s claw, Polygonum Persicaria, and then threw it away, saying ‘that’s useless’, hence Useless (Sc.) has been its name ever since, and the blotches on its leaves are the marks of her fingers.
The following are some of the names of plants associated with Biblical subjects: Aunt Mary’s Tree (Cor.) is the common holly; Virgin Mary (Lakel. Cor.), Virgin Mary’s Honeysuckle (Chs. Shr.), Virgin Mary’s Milkdrops (Mon. Wil.), Lady’s Milk-sile (Chs.) are names for the lungwort Lungwort, referencing the legend that during the flight into Egypt, some of the Blessed Virgin’s milk fell on its leaves while she nursed the infant Jesus. The same story is told to explain the spots on the leaves of the Blessed Thistle (War.), Our Lady’s Thistle, Milk thistle. Another legend says that the Virgin Mary, when thirsty, came across a cow, and after using the broad leaf of the thistle as a cup, decided that the plant should always carry her name and bear stains of milk on its leaves. The lungwort is also known as Mary’s Tears (Dor.), with the spots traced back to the tears she shed at the Crucifixion. Legend has it that once the Virgin Mary pulled up a root of the crab’s claw, Smartweed, and then discarded it, saying ‘that’s useless’, and since then, it has been called Useless (Sc.), with the blotches on its leaves being marks from her fingers.
Gethsemane (Chs.), the early purple orchis, Orchis mascula, is said to have been growing at the foot of the Cross, and to have received drops of blood on its leaves, the marks of which it has never lost. The same legend is attached also to the Calvary Clover, Medicago echinus, the leaves of which are marked with dull red, irregular blotches exactly like real blood-stains. The plant is much prized as a pot-plant, both for the sake of its leaves and for its curious seed-vessels, one of which was given to me a few weeks ago. It looks like a little prickly ball, and when thoroughly dry it can be unwound, spiral fashion, in two coils, an outer prickly one, and an inner smooth one which encases the twelve seeds. The ends can then be hooked one into the other, to form[Pg 334] a miniature Crown of Thorns. The seeds, I was told, must be planted on Ash Wednesday, though probably an older version of the tradition would give Good Friday as the fitting date, but I have never heard of the superstition before. In parts of Cheshire Christ’s Thorn, Crataegus Pyracantha, is the accredited plant from which the Saviour’s Crown of Thorns was made. In parts of Yorkshire Christ’s Thorn is a name of the common holly, with its scarlet berries typical of His blood. The fame of having been cut to make the Crown of Thorns was given in Kent to the Jews’ Myrtle, the butcher’s broom, Ruscus aculeatus. The Eye of Christ (Wal.) is the germander speedwell, Veronica Chamaedrys, also known as Angels’ Eyes (Dev.).
Gethsemane (Chs.), the early purple orchis, Orchis mascula, is believed to have grown at the foot of the Cross, receiving drops of blood on its leaves, which it has never lost. The same legend is connected to the Calvary Clover, Medicago echinus, whose leaves are marked with dull red, irregular spots that look exactly like real blood stains. This plant is highly valued as a potted plant, both for its leaves and its interesting seed pods, one of which was given to me a few weeks ago. It appears as a small prickly ball, and when completely dry, it can be unwound in a spiral, revealing two coils: an outer prickly one and an inner smooth one that holds twelve seeds. The ends can then be linked together to make[Pg 334] a tiny Crown of Thorns. I was told that the seeds should be planted on Ash Wednesday, although an older version of the tradition might suggest Good Friday as the better date, but I had never heard of that superstition before. In some parts of Cheshire, Christ’s Thorn, Firethorn, is recognized as the plant from which the Savior’s Crown of Thorns was made. In parts of Yorkshire, Christ’s Thorn refers to the common holly, with its red berries symbolizing His blood. In Kent, the Jews’ Myrtle, the butcher’s broom, Ruscus aculeatus, is famed for being used to create the Crown of Thorns. The Eye of Christ (Wal.) is the germander speedwell, Veronica speedwell, also known as Angels’ Eyes (Dev.).
The name Aaron’s Beard is applied to several plants; so is Aaron’s Rod, the latter name being perhaps most commonly given to the mullein, Verbascum Thapsus, because of its long, straight stem. The mullein also goes by the name of Adam’s Flannel (Yks. Chs. Lin. Nhp. War.), so called from the soft, flannel-like appearance of the leaves. The Solomon’s Seal, Polygonatum multiflorum, is named David’s Harp, from the resemblance of the long curved flower-stalk with its pendent blossoms to the harp as it is portrayed in old pictures, where David is represented playing on an instrument shaped like half a pointed arch, hung with metal bells, which he strikes with two hammers. The Drops of Abel’s Blood (Dur.) are unopened flower-buds of the red fuchsia; Jacob’s Ladder is a name shared by various plants, garden-plants, and wild; Joseph’s Flower (Sus.) is the goat’s beard, Tragopogon pratensis, probably a reminiscence of pictures of Joseph as an old man with a long beard; Joseph’s Walking-stick (Hmp.) is another name for one of the Jacob’s Ladder flowers, Polemonium caeruleum; Lazarus Bell (Dev.) is the fritillary, Fritillaria Meleagris, Saint Peter’s Herb (Yks.) is the cowslip, the flower-head suggesting a bunch of keys; Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Lin.) is a name of the garden comfrey, Symphytum officinale, as well as of other plants having flowers of different shades of colour on the[Pg 335] same stem; several plants bear the name of Adam and Eve; Cain and Abel (Wil.) is the columbine, Aquilegia vulgaris, and other flowers in other localities; Mary and Joseph (Lin.) is the name of a garden variety of the forget-me-not; the common Virginian stock, on account of its numerous small flowers, is called the Children of Israel (Wil. Dev.); a kind of dark blue campanula is known in Sussex as the Twelve Apostles; the Rose of Sharon (Lan. Chs. Lin. War. Suf. Dor.) is the large-flowered St. John’s wort, Hypericum calycinum; the name of Good-Friday Flower (Dor.), given to the tuberous moschatel, Adoxa Moschatellina, is supposed to be due to the four-cleft corolla of the topmost flower, which suggested the Cross, and not to refer merely to the date of flowering, as is the case with the Good-Friday Grass (Sur.), the field woodrush, Luzula campestris; the Alleluia Plant (Dor.) is the wood-sorrel, Oxalis acetosella, so called because it blossoms between Easter and Whitsuntide, when in the Catholic Liturgy psalms ending with ‘Alleluia’ were sung in the churches. It is a very old name, cp. ‘Allelujah, wood-sorrel, Oxys,’ Coles, 1679, and one which occurs in other European languages. The name Epiphany (Cor.) for the hell-weed, Cuscuta Epithymum, is formed by popular etymology out of the French epithin, ‘the weed Dodder, especially that kind thereof, which grows twining about the branches of Time,’ Cotgrave. In the same way anemone has been corrupted sometimes into Enemy, and a single plant of phlox has been termed a Flock.
The name Aaron’s Beard refers to several plants; so does Aaron’s Rod, which is most commonly associated with the mullein, Mullein, due to its long, straight stem. The mullein is also known as Adam’s Flannel (Yks. Chs. Lin. Nhp. War.), named for the soft, flannel-like look of its leaves. Solomon’s Seal, Polygonatum multiflorum, is called David’s Harp because the long curved flower stalk and its hanging blossoms resemble the harp depicted in old paintings, where David is shown playing an instrument shaped like a half-arch, adorned with metal bells that he strikes with two hammers. The Drops of Abel’s Blood (Dur.) are unopened flower buds of the red fuchsia; Jacob’s Ladder is a name used for various plants, both garden and wild; Joseph’s Flower (Sus.) refers to the goat’s beard, None, likely a reminder of images of Joseph as an old man with a long beard; Joseph’s Walking-stick (Hmp.) is another name for one of the Jacob’s Ladder flowers, Sky blue bells; Lazarus Bell (Dev.) is the fritillary, Fritillaria meleagris, while Saint Peter’s Herb (Yks.) refers to the cowslip, its flower head resembling a bunch of keys; Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob (Lin.) is a name for garden comfrey, Comfrey, as well as for other plants with flowers of various colors on the same stem; several plants are named Adam and Eve; Cain and Abel (Wil.) refers to the columbine, Columbine, and other flowers in different areas; Mary and Joseph (Lin.) refers to a garden variety of forget-me-not; the common Virginian stock, known for its many small flowers, is called the Children of Israel (Wil. Dev.); a type of dark blue campanula is called the Twelve Apostles in Sussex; the Rose of Sharon (Lan. Chs. Lin. War. Suf. Dor.) is the large-flowered St. John’s wort, St. John's wort; the Good-Friday Flower (Dor.), given to the tuberous moschatel, Musk root, likely refers to the four-cleft corolla of the top flower, which resembles the Cross, rather than to the date of blooming, unlike the Good-Friday Grass (Sur.), the field woodrush, Luzula campestris; the Alleluia Plant (Dor.) is the wood-sorrel, Wood sorrel, named for its blossom occurring between Easter and Whitsun, when psalms ending with ‘Alleluia’ were sung in Catholic churches. This is a very old name, cp. ‘Hallelujah, wood sorrel, Oxys,’ Coles, 1679, and it appears in other European languages. The term Epiphany (Cor.) for the hell-weed, Cuscuta epithymum, comes from popular etymology based on the French epithin, ‘the weed Dodder, specifically that which twines around the branches of thyme,’ Cotgrave. In the same way, anemone has occasionally been distorted into Enemy, and a single phlox plant has been called a Flock.
There is a touch of poetry in such names as: New Year’s Gift (Ess.), the winter aconite, Eranthis hyemalis; Summer’s Farewell (Dor. Som.), a variety of the Michaelmas daisy, Aster Tripolium; Fair Maids (Nrf. Hmp.), or February Fair Maids (Wm.), the snowdrop, Galanthus nivalis; Golden Chain (Midl. s. and sw.Cy.), the laburnum. The reminiscence of the Northern god Balder in Balder’s Brae (Nhb.), a name for the wild camomile, Anthemis cotula, is probably a borrowing from Scandinavia, cp. O.N. Baldrs-brā. The same name occurs also in Swedish and Danish dialects.[Pg 336] ‘Thou may’st have some idea of the beauty of his hair when I tell thee that the whitest of all plants is called Baldur’s brow,’ Mallet, Northern Antiquities, 1770.
There’s a bit of poetry in names like: New Year’s Gift (Ess.), the winter aconite, Winter Aconite; Summer’s Farewell (Dor. Som.), a type of Michaelmas daisy, Aster Tripolium; Fair Maids (Nrf. Hmp.) or February Fair Maids (Wm.), the snowdrop, Snowdrop; Golden Chain (Midl. s. and sw.Cy.), the laburnum. The reference to the Northern god Balder in Balder’s Brae (Nhb.), a name for the wild camomile, Anthemis cotula, is likely borrowed from Scandinavia, cp. O.N. Baldr's brow. The same name appears in Swedish and Danish dialects.[Pg 336] ‘You might have some idea of the beauty of his hair when I tell you that the whitest of all plants is called Baldur’s brow,’ Mallet, Northern Antiquities, 1770.
We may still hear the plant-names Shakespeare knew, such as: Honey-stalks (War.), the blossoms of the white clover, Trifolium repens; and Love in idleness (Midl.), the pansy, a name often corrupted into Love and idols, or Loving idols; and many which Dr. Johnson included in his Dictionary, for example: Ale-hoof (Yks. Shr. Sus. Dev. Cor.), the ground ivy, Nepeta Glechoma, cp. ‘Alehoof ... Groundivy, so called by our Saxon ancestors, as being their chief ingredient in ale’; Ayegreen (Wm. Lan.), the house-leek, Sempervivum tectorum, cp. ‘Aygreen ... The same with houseleek’; Prick-madam (Cum.), the crooked yellow stonecrop, Sedum reflexum, cp. ‘Prickmadam ... A species of houseleek’; Herb of grace (Yks. Der. Lin. Som.), the rue, Ruta graveolens, cp. ‘Rue ... An herb called herb of grace, because holy water was sprinkled with it.’
We can still recognize the plant names that Shakespeare knew, such as: Honey-stalks (War.), the flowers of the white clover, White clover; and Love in idleness (Midl.), the pansy, a name often mispronounced as Love and idols, or Loving idols; and many that Dr. Johnson included in his Dictionary, for example: Ale-hoof (Yks. Shr. Sus. Dev. Cor.), the ground ivy, Ground ivy, cp. ‘Alehoof ... Groundivy, named by our Saxon ancestors because it was their main ingredient in ale’; Ayegreen (Wm. Lan.), the house-leek, Houseleek, cp. ‘Aygreen ... The same as houseleek’; Prick-madam (Cum.), the crooked yellow stonecrop, Sedum reflexum, cp. ‘Prickmadam ... A type of houseleek’; Herb of grace (Yks. Der. Lin. Som.), the rue, Rue, cp. ‘Rue ... An herb known as herb of grace, because holy water was sprinkled with it.’
There are other old names which can be traced even further back, for example: Way-bread (Sc. n.Cy. Wor.), the greater plantain, Plantago major, O.E. weg-brǣde, literally way-breadth, cp. O.H.G. wege-breita, the plantain; and Withy-wind (w. and sw.Cy.), the great bindweed, Convolvulus sepium, and also the field bindweed, C. arvensis, O.E. wiþe-winde, bindweed. ‘He bare a burdoun ybounde with a brode liste, In a withewyndes wise ywounden aboute,’ Piers Plowman, B. v. ll. 524, 525.
There are other old names that can be traced even further back, for example: Way-bread (Sc. n.Cy. Wor.), the greater plantain, Plantago major, O.E. roadway, literally way-breadth, cp. O.H.G. wege-breita, the plantain; and Withy-wind (w. and sw.Cy.), the great bindweed, Bindweed, and also the field bindweed, C. arvensis, O.E. withered wind, bindweed. ‘He carried a thick staff bound with a wide ribbon, wrapped around in a stylish manner.,’ Piers Plowman, B. v. ll. 524, 525.
The smell of the common buttercup was formerly supposed to induce madness, hence the name Crazy (Midl. w. and sw.Cy.). In the same way poppies are called Headaches (Irel. Midl. e.An.), because it is believed that the smell of them will cause headache. Pick-pocket (Midl. Nrf. Sus. Wil.[Pg 337] Dev.), the shepherd’s purse, Capsella Bursa-pastoris, is so named because it impoverishes the farmer’s land. Children gather it and repeat: Pick-pocket, penny nail, Put the rogue in the jail. The same plant is also called Pick your mother’s heart out (War.), or simply Mother’s Heart (Sc. n.Cy. Midl.). Children play a kind of game with the heart-shaped seed-pods. They get one another to pick one of these off, which done, there follows the accusing cry: You’ve picked your mother’s heart out. In parts of Yorkshire the derisive cry is: Pick packet to London, You’ll never go to London. In Dorsetshire Break your mother’s heart is the hemlock, Conium maculatum; and Pick your mother’s eyes out is the field speedwell, Veronica agrestis. In the Lake District certain curative properties are attributed to the Solomon’s Seal, Polygonatum officinale, whence it is called the Vagabond’s Friend. It is said to be a remedy for black eyes, bruises, and broken noses. Courtship and Matrimony (Cum.) is the meadow-sweet, Spiraea Ulmaria, so called from the scent of the flower before and after bruising, which is thought to be typical of the two states in life.
The smell of the common buttercup was once believed to drive people insane, which is why it’s nicknamed Crazy (Midl. w. and sw.Cy.). Similarly, poppies are called Headaches (Irel. Midl. e.An.), as people think their scent can trigger headaches. Pick-pocket (Midl. Nrf. Sus. Wil.[Pg 337] Dev.), which is shepherd’s purse, Shepherd's purse, gets its name because it drains the farmer’s land. Kids pick it and chant: Pick-pocket, penny nail, Put the rogue in the jail. This same plant is also known as Pick your mother’s heart out (War.), or simply Mother’s Heart (Sc. n.Cy. Midl.). Children play a game with the heart-shaped seed pods, challenging each other to take one off, followed by the accusing shout: You’ve picked your mother’s heart out. In parts of Yorkshire, the mocking chant is: Pick packet to London, You’ll never go to London. In Dorsetshire, Break your mother’s heart refers to hemlock, Poison hemlock; and Pick your mother’s eyes out refers to field speedwell, Veronica herb. In the Lake District, certain healing properties are associated with Solomon’s Seal, Common Solomon's Seal, which earns it the nickname Vagabond’s Friend. It’s said to help with black eyes, bruises, and broken noses. Courtship and Matrimony (Cum.) is meadow-sweet, Meadowsweet, named for the scent of its flowers before and after bruising, which is thought to represent those two stages in life.
For the rest, the following miscellaneous list may serve as a fairly representative sample: Babes in the Cradle (Wil.), the water figwort, Scrophularia aquatica; Lords and Ladies (in gen. dial. use), the wild arum, Arum maculatum; Milkmaids, or Milkmaidens (Yks. Midl. Ess. Wil. Dev.), the cuckoo flower, Cardamine pratensis; Painted Lady (I.Ma. Wil.), the sweet pea; Mournful Widow, or Poor Widow (Dev.), the sweet scabious, Scabiosa atropurpurea; Ranting Widow (Chs.), the willow-herb, Epilobium angustifolium; Pretty Maids (Brks.), the white meadow saxifrage, Saxifraga granulata. Babies’ Shoes (Wil.), the common bugle, Ajuga reptans; Bird-een (Cum. Wm.), Primula farinosa, e.g. The lockety gowan [globe-flower] an’ bonny bird-een, Are the fairest flowers that ever were seen; Bleeding Heart (Wm. Wor. Glo. Som. Dev.), Dielytra spectabilis; Ear-drops (Sus. Som. Dev.), the flowers of the garden fuchsia; Geslins, or Goslins (common), the blossoms of the willow; Golden[Pg 338] Knobs (Brks.), the marsh-marigold, Caltha palustris, much used for May-morning garlands; Grandmother’s Bonnets (Som.), or Grandmother’s Night-cap (Yks. Chs. Nrf. Ken.), the monkshood, Aconitum Napellus; Grandmother’s Slippers (Hmp.), the bird’s-foot trefoil, Lotus corniculatus; Money in both pockets (Lakel. Ken. Wil. sw.Cy.), the common honesty, Lunaria biennis; Mother Shimble’s Snick-needles (Wil.), the greater stitchwort, Stellaria Holostea; Puppy-dog’s Mouth (Wil.), the yellow toadflax, Linaria vulgaris; Tailor’s Garters (Sc.), the ribbon-grass, Phalaris arundinacea variegata; Two faces under a hat (Sus.), the common columbine. Peace and plenty (Wil.), the London pride, Saxifraga umbrosa; Pretty and little (Dev.), the Virginia stock, Malcolmia maritima; Wink-a-peep, or Wink and peep (Lan. Chs. Stf. Shr.), the scarlet pimpernel, Anagallis arvensis. Aunt Hannah (e.An.), the white arabis, Arabis alpina; Bloody Warrior (common), the dark-coloured wallflower; Bobbin Joan (Nhp.), the wild arum; Bouncing Bess (Dev.), the red valerian, Centranthus ruber; Delicate Bess (Dev.), the white valerian, Valeriana celtica; Bridget in her bravery (Lin.), the rose-campion, Lychnis chalcedonica; Gill run by the ground (Lin. Bck. Som.), the ground-ivy; Grim the collier (War. Shr. Glo. Som. Sus.), the orange hawkweed, Hieracium aurantiacum; Jack in green doublet (Stf.), a variety of Primula vulgaris in which the calyx is transformed into leaves; John go to bed at noon (Chs. Nhp.), the scarlet pimpernel; Sweet Nancy (Lan. Chs. Nrf. Hmp.), the pheasant-eyed narcissus; Pink-eyed John (Midl.), the pansy; Robin Hood (w.Cy. Dor. Som. Dev.), the red campion, Lychnis diurna; Trembling Jock (Yks.), or -jockies, the quaking-grass, Briza media, dried in bunches, and kept on the mantel-piece, because it is supposed to be obnoxious to mice: A trimmling-jock in t’house, An’ you weeant hev a mouse.
For the rest, the following miscellaneous list may serve as a fairly representative sample: Babes in the Cradle (Wil.), the water figwort, Water figwort; Lords and Ladies (in gen. dial. use), the wild arum, Arum plant; Milkmaids, or Milkmaidens (Yks. Midl. Ess. Wil. Dev.), the cuckoo flower, Cardamine pratensis; Painted Lady (I.Ma. Wil.), the sweet pea; Mournful Widow, or Poor Widow (Dev.), the sweet scabious, Scabiosa atropurpurea; Ranting Widow (Chs.), the willow-herb, Fireweed; Pretty Maids (Brks.), the white meadow saxifrage, Saxifraga granulata. Babies’ Shoes (Wil.), the common bugle, Ajuga reptans; Bird-een (Cum. Wm.), Primula farinosa, e.g. The lockety gowan [globe-flower] an’ bonny bird-een, Are the fairest flowers that ever were seen; Bleeding Heart (Wm. Wor. Glo. Som. Dev.), Dicentra spectabilis; Ear-drops (Sus. Som. Dev.), the flowers of the garden fuchsia; Geslins, or Goslins (common), the blossoms of the willow; Golden[Pg 338] Knobs (Brks.), the marsh-marigold, Cowslip, much used for May-morning garlands; Grandmother’s Bonnets (Som.), or Grandmother’s Night-cap (Yks. Chs. Nrf. Ken.), the monkshood, Monkshood; Grandmother’s Slippers (Hmp.), the bird’s-foot trefoil, Lotus corniculatus; Money in both pockets (Lakel. Ken. Wil. sw.Cy.), the common honesty, Lunaria biennis; Mother Shimble’s Snick-needles (Wil.), the greater stitchwort, Stellaria holostea; Puppy-dog’s Mouth (Wil.), the yellow toadflax, Butterbird; Tailor’s Garters (Sc.), the ribbon-grass, Variegated reed canary grass; Two faces under a hat (Sus.), the common columbine. Peace and plenty (Wil.), the London pride, Saxifraga umbrosa; Pretty and little (Dev.), the Virginia stock, Malcolmia maritima; Wink-a-peep, or Wink and peep (Lan. Chs. Stf. Shr.), the scarlet pimpernel, Scarlet pimpernel. Aunt Hannah (e.An.), the white arabis, Arabis alpina; Bloody Warrior (common), the dark-coloured wallflower; Bobbin Joan (Nhp.), the wild arum; Bouncing Bess (Dev.), the red valerian, Red valerian; Delicate Bess (Dev.), the white valerian, Valerian; Bridget in her bravery (Lin.), the rose-campion, Lychnis chalcedonica; Gill run by the ground (Lin. Bck. Som.), the ground-ivy; Grim the collier (War. Shr. Glo. Som. Sus.), the orange hawkweed, Orange Hawkweed; Jack in green doublet (Stf.), a variety of Primrose in which the calyx is transformed into leaves; John go to bed at noon (Chs. Nhp.), the scarlet pimpernel; Sweet Nancy (Lan. Chs. Nrf. Hmp.), the pheasant-eyed narcissus; Pink-eyed John (Midl.), the pansy; Robin Hood (w.Cy. Dor. Som. Dev.), the red campion, Lychnis diurna; Trembling Jock (Yks.), or -jockies, the quaking-grass, Briza media, dried in bunches, and kept on the mantel-piece, because it is supposed to be obnoxious to mice: A trimmling-jock in t’house, An’ you weeant hev a mouse.
Names for the common pansy are: Jump up and kiss me (Sus. Hmp.); Meet her in the entry kiss her in the buttery (Lin.); Kiss me behind the garden gate (Wor. Nrf. Suf.), or[Pg 339] Kiss me at the garden gate (Nhp. e.An.); Kiss me John at the garden gate (Suf.); Meet me Love behind the garden door. Kiss behind the garden gate (Brks. Glo. Wil.), and Meet me Love (Dev.) are names also given to the London pride. Kiss me quick and go (Dev.) is a name for lad’s love, Artemisia Abrotanum; Lift up your head and I’ll kiss you (Wor.) is the Dielytra spectabilis; Kitty come down the lane jump up and kiss me (Ken.) is the cuckoo-pint, Arum maculatum; Granny jump out of bed (Wil.) is another name for the monkshood; Welcome home husband tho’ never so drunk (Suf.) is the yellow stonecrop, Sedum acre.
Names for the common pansy include: Jump up and kiss me (Sus. Hmp.); Meet her in the entry, kiss her in the buttery (Lin.); Kiss me behind the garden gate (Wor. Nrf. Suf.), or[Pg 339] Kiss me at the garden gate (Nhp. e.An.); Kiss me John at the garden gate (Suf.); Meet me Love behind the garden door. Kiss behind the garden gate (Brks. Glo. Wil.), and Meet me Love (Dev.) are names also given to the London pride. Kiss me quick and go (Dev.) is a name for lad’s love, Abrotanum Wormwood; Lift up your head and I’ll kiss you (Wor.) is the Dicentra spectabilis; Kitty come down the lane, jump up and kiss me (Ken.) is the cuckoo-pint, Arum lily; Granny jump out of bed (Wil.) is another name for the monkshood; Welcome home husband though never so drunk (Suf.) is the yellow stonecrop, Stonecrop.
The hail-fellow-well-met spirit of the rustic towards the world of Nature and all that is therein, which shows itself in plant-names like Saucy Betty, is still more noticeable in his use of personal names for living animals—toads, and even insects included. According to Dr. Smythe Palmer in his book on The Folk and their Word-lore, some of these names are due to popular etymology, as for instance, Isaac, the hedge-sparrow, from hay-suck, O.E. hege-sugge, i.e. the hedge-sucker. In the same way Sweet Alice is said to be a corruption of sweet allison, Alyssum maritimum. But even if a few of the names admit of this prosaic derivation, it does but enhance their interest, by making them proofs of the common tendency towards individual names.
The friendly, easygoing attitude of country folks towards nature and everything in it, which is evident in plant names like Saucy Betty, is even more apparent in their use of personal names for animals, including toads and even insects. According to Dr. Smythe Palmer in his book The Folk and their Word-lore, some of these names come from popular etymology, such as Isaac for the hedge-sparrow, derived from hay-suck, O.E. hege-sugge, meaning hedge-sucker. Similarly, Sweet Alice is thought to be a variation of sweet allison, Alyssum maritimum. Even if some names have a straightforward origin, it only adds to their charm, demonstrating the common practice of using individual names.
Amongst the names for the common sparrow is Philip (Chs. Nhp.), a name of very old standing. Skelton wrote an elegy entitled A litle boke of Philip Sparrow, being the lament of a nun for the untimely death of her pet sparrow, slain by a cat. The hedge-sparrow is Betty (War.), and Juggy (Not.), the latter name being given also to the wren (Lei. Sus.). It is a derivative of Jug, formerly a favourite female name, cp. ‘Jug, Johannicula’, Coles, 1679, and Shakespeare’s ‘Whoop, Jug! I love thee’, K. Lear, I. iv. 245. The missel-thrush is called Charlie-cock (e.Yks.); the starling, Jacob (Nhp.); and Joey (Oxf.), a name shared by the green linnet (War.), and the toad (Ken.); the redwing is Jan Shewall (Cor.); the goldfinch is Jack-a-nickas, or Jack Nicol (Chs.[Pg 340] Wal.). A curious little instance of the way in which Dr. Johnson’s knowledge and love of his native dialect crops up in his Dictionary occurs under the heading ‘Goldfinch’, cp. ‘Goldfinch.... A singing bird, so named from his golden colour. This is called in Staffordshire a proud taylor.’ In most of the Midland counties, including Staffordshire, and in others to the north and south-west, the goldfinch still bears the name of Proud Tailor. The redstart is Katie bran’-tail (Shr.); the owl is Josey (Wor. Dev.); Madge-howlet (Wor. Nrf.), a name found in Jonson’s Every Man, 1598; and Billy-wix (e.An.). Maggie-monyfeet (Sc.) is a centipede. The very common name of Maggot, or Magotty-pie, for the magpie is the same word as Magot, a pet form, now obsolete, of the name Margaret, cp. Fr. Margot, ‘diminutif très familier de Marguerite, nom vulgaire de la pie,’ Littré. The heron is Moll-hern, or Molly-heron (Midl. Wil.), pronounced in Oxford Mollern, with the accent on the first syllable; Joan-na-ma-crank (Cum.); and Frank (Sc. e.An.), from its harsh cry which sounds like Frank! Frank! The whitecap is Peggy-whitethroat (Nhp.); the raven is Ralph (Chs. Nhp.): the cock bird in the poultry yard is Richard (Som.); the pied wagtail is Polly-dishwasher (Wil.), or Polly-wash-dishes (e.An. Dor. Som.). It is interesting to note in connexion with the geographical distribution of this name in modern times, that Dr. Johnson includes ‘Dish-washer’ in his Dictionary as: ‘The name of a bird,’ without being able to specify the kind of bird to which it belonged. No doubt he had heard the name casually, but neither he nor his Scottish assistants were familiar with its use.
Among the names for the common sparrow is Philip (Chs. Nhp.), a name that has been around for a long time. Skelton wrote an elegy titled A Little Book of Philip Sparrow, which is the lament of a nun for the untimely death of her pet sparrow, killed by a cat. The hedge-sparrow is known as Betty (War.), and Juggy (Not.), a name also given to the wren (Lei. Sus.). Juggy comes from Jug, which was once a popular female name, cp. ‘Pitcher, Johannicula’, Coles, 1679, and Shakespeare’s ‘Whoop, Jug! I love you.’, K. Lear, I. iv. 245. The missel-thrush is called Charlie-cock (e.Yks.); the starling, Jacob (Nhp.); and Joey (Oxf.), a name shared by the green linnet (War.), and the toad (Ken.); the redwing is called Jan Shewall (Cor.); the goldfinch is referred to as Jack-a-nickas or Jack Nicol (Chs.[Pg 340] Wal.). A curious example of how Dr. Johnson’s knowledge and appreciation of his local dialect appears in his Dictionary occurs under the entry ‘Goldfinch’, cp. ‘Goldfinch.... A singing bird, named for its golden color. This is called in Staffordshire a proud taylor.’ In most Midlands counties, including Staffordshire, as well as others to the north and south-west, the goldfinch still carries the name Proud Tailor. The redstart is called Katie bran’-tail (Shr.); the owl is referred to as Josey (Wor. Dev.); Madge-howlet (Wor. Nrf.), a name found in Jonson’s Every Man, 1598; and Billy-wix (e.An.). Maggie-monyfeet (Sc.) is a centipede. The very common name of Maggot or Magotty-pie for the magpie is the same word as Magot, an old pet form of the name Margaret, cp. Fr. Margot, ‘very familiar diminutive of Marguerite, common name for the magpie,’ Littré. The heron is called Moll-hern or Molly-heron (Midl. Wil.), pronounced in Oxford Mollern, with the stress on the first syllable; Joan-na-ma-crank (Cum.); and Frank (Sc. e.An.), named for its harsh call that sounds like Frank! Frank! The whitecap is Peggy-whitethroat (Nhp.); the raven is Ralph (Chs. Nhp.): the male bird in the poultry yard is Richard (Som.); the pied wagtail is Polly-dishwasher (Wil.), or Polly-wash-dishes (e.An. Dor. Som.). It’s interesting to note regarding the modern geographical distribution of this name that Dr. Johnson includes ‘Dish-washer’ in his Dictionary as: ‘The name of a bird,’ without being able to specify what kind of bird it referred to. He likely heard the name in passing, but neither he nor his Scottish assistants were familiar with its usage.
The name Wat (Nrf. Cor.) for the hare occurs in Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis, cp.:
The name Wat (Nrf. Cor.) for the hare appears in Shakespeare’s Venus and Adonis, cp.:
In Cumberland the hare is Katie. In Herefordshire it was Sarah, so the gardener said, that came in the early morning hours, and while men still slept, browsed on the young green of the pinks in the big bed on our Rectory lawn. In Norfolk[Pg 341] the marshmen call her Old Aunt. The rabbit in Cumberland bears the nickname of Johnny Wapstraw. A Berkshire mouse is sometimes called Moses, a name given in Kent to a young frog. In parts of Scotland the pig is familiarly addressed as Sandy Campbell. The toad is Thomas (Chs.); the cockchafer is Tom Beadle (Cum. Lan.); the guinea-fowl is Tom-pot (Dev.), so named from its peculiar cry. For the same reason it is called Swap-hats (w.Som.), and Come-back, this last being the most widely known dialect name for the bird.
In Cumberland, the hare is called Katie. In Herefordshire, it was Sarah, according to the gardener, who came in the early morning hours and, while people still slept, nibbled on the young green shoots of the pinks in the large bed on our Rectory lawn. In Norfolk[Pg 341], the marshmen refer to her as Old Aunt. The rabbit in Cumberland goes by the nickname Johnny Wapstraw. A Berkshire mouse is sometimes called Moses, a name given in Kent to a young frog. In parts of Scotland, the pig is affectionately called Sandy Campbell. The toad is known as Thomas (Chs.); the cockchafer is Tom Beadle (Cum. Lan.); the guinea-fowl is Tom-pot (Dev.), named for its distinctive call. For the same reason, it is also called Swap-hats (w.Som.) and Come-back, the latter being the most commonly known dialect name for the bird.
The donkey goes by a number of names: Balaam (e.An.); Jeremiah (Suf.); Peter Moguz (Cor.), &c.; a female donkey in Lincolnshire is a Jen-ass. A tom-cat in Suffolk is a Jim-cat; and a she-cat is a Betty-cat. One is tempted to suggest that this last name is due to association of ideas—the domestic cat, the fireside, and the kettle singing on the hob—for in East Anglia the kettle is nicknamed Betty, and the common proverb takes the form of: That’s the saucepan calling the kettle Betty Black.
The donkey has several names: Balaam (e.An.); Jeremiah (Suf.); Peter Moguz (Cor.), &c.; a female donkey in Lincolnshire is called a Jen-ass. A male cat in Suffolk is a Jim-cat; and a female cat is a Betty-cat. It's tempting to think that this last name comes from some common ideas—the domestic cat, the cozy living room, and the kettle whistling on the stove—because in East Anglia, the kettle is often called Betty, and the usual saying goes: That’s the saucepan calling the kettle Betty Black.
When the author of that delightful book The Rose and the Ring tells us how Valoroso XXIV, King of Paflagonia, gave a small family dinner-party in honour of Prince Bulbo, he writes: ‘You may be sure they had a very good dinner—let every boy or girl think of what he or she likes best, and fancy it on the table,’ with the added footnote: ‘Here a very pretty game may be played by all the children saying what they like best for dinner.’ So here I will leave my readers to amuse themselves by thinking of all the choice morsels of dialect lore, which they specially love, and which have not been recorded in the foregoing chapters; knowing as I do full well, that many a feast can yet be spread before the store of good things is exhausted.
When the author of the charming book The Rose and the Ring describes how Valoroso XXIV, King of Paflagonia, hosted a small family dinner in honor of Prince Bulbo, he writes: ‘You can bet they had an amazing dinner—just imagine whatever meal you like best, and picture it on the table,’ with the added footnote: ‘This is a fun game where all the kids can share what they love most for dinner.’ So, I’ll leave my readers to entertain themselves by thinking of all the delightful dishes of local flavor that they particularly enjoy, which haven’t been mentioned in the earlier chapters; knowing as I do that many more feasts can still be laid out before the supply of great food is gone.
Transcriber’s Note:
The following addendum was printed at the end of the book, and has been incorporated into the text: “To VIII on p. 149 add: The stressed form of the nominative is generally ðē or ðeə, but in some midl. and s. dialects it is ðai or ðei, and in Sh. and Or.I. n.Ken. Sus. dē, rarely dei. The unstressed form is generally ðe or ðə, rarely ði.” The reference to the addendum “See p.342.” has been removed from page 149.
The following addendum was printed at the end of the book and has been incorporated into the text: “To VIII on p. 149 add: The stressed form of the nominative is usually the or there, but in some midl. and s. dialects, it can be they or they, and in Sh. and Or.I. n.Ken. Sus. dē, rarely dei. The unstressed form is usually the or the, rarely the.” The reference to the addendum “See p.342.” has been removed from page 149.
In the original sometimes the abbreviation “c.” is italicized, and sometimes not. They have been left as they were printed.
In the original, the abbreviation “c.” is sometimes italicized and sometimes not. They've been left as they were printed.
Some words have been abbreviated in more than one way (e.g. s.w. and sw. for south-west). These have not been changed.
Some words have been shortened in more than one way (e.g., s.w. and sw. for south-west). These have not been altered.
In the original, citations for quoted poetry were printed on the last line of the quotation if there was room, with a long dash between the poem and the citation. If there was not room, the citation was printed on the following line. Here all such citations are shown on the line following the quotation, with no long dash.
In the original, citations for quoted poetry were placed on the last line of the quotation if there was enough space, with a long dash between the poem and the citation. If there wasn’t enough space, the citation was placed on the next line. Here, all such citations are shown on the line following the quotation, without a long dash.
This book contains inconsistent hyphenations which have been left as printed. A few minor changes to punctuation have been made without comment, and the case of roman numerals in references has been made consistent.
This book has inconsistent hyphenations that have been kept as printed. A few minor punctuation changes have been made without comment, and the formatting of roman numerals in references has been standardized.
Other changes that have been made are:
Other changes that have been made are:
Page 36: “ s” has been changed to “is” in “it is a Norse word”.
Page 36: “s” has been changed to “is” in “it is a Norse word”.
Page 244: “tall” has been changed to “tail” in “To safeguard a child from the infection of measles, place it on the back of a donkey, facing the animal’s tail ...”.
Page 244: “tall” has been changed to “tail” in “To protect a child from the measles infection, put them on the back of a donkey, facing the animal’s tail …”.
The page headings from the original book are shown in sidenotes, normally at the start of the paragraph in which they occur. The use of quotation marks in these page headings does not appear to be consistent, however they have not been changed. In some cases the left-hand page heading represents a division of a chapter (e.g. “Accidence”), and the right-hand page heading a sub-division (e.g. “Pronouns”), these have been combined with a colon, (e.g. “Accidence: Pronouns”). In some very long paragraphs, only the first page heading is shown as a sidenote. The omitted page headings are:
The page headings from the original book are shown in sidenotes, usually at the beginning of the paragraph where they occur. The use of quotation marks in these page headings isn't consistent, but they haven't been changed. In some cases, the left-hand page heading represents a division of a chapter (e.g., “Accidence”), and the right-hand page heading is a subdivision (e.g., “Pronouns”); these have been combined with a colon (e.g., “Accidence: Pronouns”). In some very long paragraphs, only the first page heading is displayed as a sidenote. The omitted page headings are:
PAGE | |
A Yorkshire Inn | 4 |
The Parson’s Pig | 12 |
Dialect in the Witness-box | 24 |
Dialect in the Sunday School | 25 |
Corruptions due to Sound Change | 34 |
Johnson’s Treatment of Dialect | 64 |
Johnson’s Treatment of Scots Words | 66 |
‘Low Words | 67 |
False, Flippant, Idle | 112 |
Jolly, Kind, Maxim, Odd | 113 |
Old Customs | 187 |
Oak-Apple Day | 188 |
Robin Hood | 189 |
Cornish Traditions as to the Jews | 200 |
Names of Birds assigned to the Devil | 204 |
Superstitions concerning Evil Influence of Animals, Birds, and Insects | 218 |
Popular Sayings and Beliefs as to Good and ill-luck | 220 |
Lucky and Unlucky Actions | 222 |
How to ensure Good Luck | 225 |
Story of St. Catherine of Ledbury | 229 |
Violent Remedies | 236 |
Remedies for Boils, Burns, and Colds | 241 |
Cures for Cramp | 242 |
Dropsy and Sore Eyes | 243 |
Fits, Hiccups, Nettle-sting | 244 |
Quinsy, Rheumatism, Rickets | 245 |
Sciatica, Shingles, Sores | 246 |
Bad Legs, Skin-wounds, Styes | 247 |
Thrush, Teething | 248 |
Safeguards against Toothache | 249 |
Old Beliefs about Warts | 250 |
Types of Wart-cure | 251 |
Cures for Wens | 252 |
Remedies for Whooping-cough | 253 |
How to ascertain if one will marry | 263 |
The Farmer and the Weather | 318 |
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