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Title: Children Above 180 IQ Stanford-Binet: Origin and Development

Title: Children With an IQ Over 180 on the Stanford-Binet: Origins and Development

Author: Leta S. Hollingworth

Author: Leta S. Hollingworth

Original publisher: World Book Company

World Book Company

Copyright 1942.

Copyright 1942.

About the online edition.

About the digital edition.

Italic text is represented as italics. Underlined text is represented as __underline__. Subscripts are represented as #subscripts#. Footnotes are collected at the end of each chapter. Transcriber's notes and translations, in letters, have been added and collected at the end of the chapter, after the footnotes. [Single-brackets] in the original text have been changed to [[double-brackets]] to distinguish from edits within this version of the text. #Single pound signs# in the original text have been changed to ##double pound signs##, to distinguish from #subscript text#.

Italic text is shown as italics. Underlined text is shown as __underline__. Subscripts are shown as #subscripts#. Footnotes are gathered at the end of each chapter. Transcriber's notes and translations, in letters, have been added and collected at the end of the chapter, after the footnotes. [Single brackets] in the original text have been replaced with [[double brackets]] to separate them from edits in this version of the text. #Single pound signs# in the original text have been changed to ##double pound signs## to separate them from #subscript text#.

CHILDREN ABOVE 180 IQ STANFORD-BINET: ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT

FOREWORD

Shortly after the year 1924 Leta S. Hollingworth prepared a manuscript on "Children above 180 IQ (Stanford-Binet)" in which she surveyed the material on the topic available up to that date and added accounts of five cases which she had studied individually. [1] As the years went by she held back the manuscript from publication and one by one she found seven more cases to be included in her list. At the time of her death in 1939 she had begun to revise this manuscript, bringing the survey up to date and adding the new cases. The present book gives as much of this revision from her own hand as is available. The Preface and Chapters 1, 2, and 3 are as she wrote them. The accounts of the first five cases are given just as she originally wrote them up, but to them "editorial supplements" have been added in which an endeavor has been made to present for each case such data as have been found in her files, with little in the way of discussion or interpretation.

Shortly after 1924, Leta S. Hollingworth prepared a manuscript on "Children with IQs above 180 (Stanford-Binet)" where she reviewed the material on this topic available up to that time and included accounts of five cases that she studied individually. [1] As time went on, she delayed publishing the manuscript and found seven more cases to add to her list. By the time of her death in 1939, she had started revising this manuscript, updating the survey and including the new cases. This book includes as much of her revision as is available. The Preface and Chapters 1, 2, and 3 are in her own words. The accounts of the first five cases are presented exactly as she originally wrote them, but "editorial supplements" have been added to provide additional data from her files for each case, with minimal discussion or interpretation.

The seven new cases which the original author had intended to include in the manuscript she had not yet written up. For these, therefore, it has been necessary to study the data she had accumulated for each child, to secure additional data when and where possible, and to present such an account of each as she might herself have written, patterned after her reports of the earlier cases.

The seven new cases that the original author planned to include in the manuscript she hadn't finished yet. For these, it was necessary to analyze the data she had collected for each child, to gather more data whenever possible, and to write an account of each case as she might have done, modeled after her reports of the earlier cases.

Much is lost that would have been contributed had the author lived to complete her project. She knew these cases intimately and at first hand. Some of them she had followed for as long as twenty years, taking a personal interest in the individual children and their problems, advising them, assisting them, continuously observing them, and frequently testing and measuring them.

Much is lost that could have been added if the author had lived to finish her project. She knew these cases intimately and firsthand. Some of them she had followed for as long as twenty years, taking a personal interest in each child and their issues, advising them, helping them, continuously observing them, and often testing and measuring them.

Particularly inadequate must be the accounts of the later development of the individuals herein described, for many of the details well known to the author she not committed to paper, since she fully expected to complete the manuscript herself. It is to be regretted that a follow-up study of these recent developments could not have been undertaken, and a hope is expressed that this may yet be done.

Particularly lacking must be the accounts of the later development of the individuals described here, as many details well known to the author were not written down, since she fully expected to finish the manuscript herself. It is unfortunate that a follow-up study of these recent developments could not be conducted, and there is hope that this may still happen.

The chapters summarizing the group of twelve new cases are wholly without Leta S. Hollingworth's touch. It seemed desirable, however, to give such a summary as could be made under the circumstances. Had the original author been able to complete her book, we know that penetrating light would have been thrown on many of the more personal difficulties of these children of rare intelligence. This experience and insight can no longer be recovered. It must suffice to put on record chiefly the factual data now available, leaving it for future workers to follow up, if it should seem desirable, the subsequent career and destiny of the individuals whose early development and background are herein reported. Identification of these children is not made in this book, but the necessary facts for this purpose are on file and identification can be made at any time in the interests of educational research.

The chapters summarizing the group of twelve new cases are completely missing Leta S. Hollingworth's input. However, it seemed important to provide a summary based on the current situation. If the original author had been able to finish her book, we know she would have shed significant light on many of the more personal challenges these exceptionally intelligent children face. This experience and insight can no longer be retrieved. It must be enough to document primarily the factual data currently available, leaving it to future researchers to explore, if they find it necessary, the later experiences and outcomes of the individuals whose early development and background are recorded here. This book does not identify these children, but the necessary information for identification is on file, and researchers can identify them at any time for the sake of educational research.

The third section of this book as originally outlined by Leta S. Hollingworth was to have dealt with general principles and with the social and educational implications of the study of children of very high intelligence. Up to the time of her death nothing of this character had been written by her explicitly, but throughout the years in which her projected book was developing she wrote a number of papers and reports bearing on the subject, and these were published from time to time in technical journals. It is well known that the content of these papers was dictated by her study of such cases as are herein reported, by her familiarity with the reports of other students in this field, and by her own very concrete and long experience in the organization and conduct of two experimental projects in the schools of New York City. It is, in fact, likely that the final chapters she had in mind for this book would have been a reorganization of the conclusions set forth in these articles.

The third section of this book, as originally planned by Leta S. Hollingworth, was meant to cover general principles and the social and educational implications of studying children with very high intelligence. Up until her death, she hadn't explicitly written anything on this topic, but during the years while her book was in development, she published several papers and reports on the subject in various technical journals. It's well-known that the content of these papers was influenced by her study of cases reported here, her familiarity with the work of other researchers in this area, and her extensive hands-on experience with two experimental projects in New York City schools. In fact, it’s likely that the final chapters she envisioned for this book would have reorganized the conclusions presented in these articles.

Consequently, the last five chapters of this book, instead of being an attempt to guess at what the author might have said in them, are all from her own hand. They are either selections from or complete reproductions of papers she had published on what she considered to be the implications of her observations of children of rare intelligence.

Consequently, the last five chapters of this book, rather than trying to speculate on what the author might have written in them, are all from her own hand. They are either excerpts from or full reproductions of papers she published on what she believed to be the implications of her observations of exceptionally intelligent children.

The publication of this book has been made possible by funds granted by the Carnegie Corporation of New York. That Corporation is not, however, the author, owner, publisher, or proprietor of this publication, and it is not to be understood as approving by virtue of its grants any of the statements or views expressed herein.

The publication of this book was made possible by funds from the Carnegie Corporation of New York. However, that Corporation is not the author, owner, publisher, or proprietor of this publication, and it should not be interpreted as endorsing any of the statements or views expressed in this work due to its grants.

Harry L. Hollingworth
Barnard College
Columbia University, New York

Harry L. Hollingworth
Barnard College
Columbia University, New York

[1] Chapter 9 of Gifted Children, published in 1926, bears the title "Children Who Test above 180 IQ (Stanford-Binet)." Some of the cases described more fully in the monograph manuscript are also sketched in that chapter.

[1] Chapter 9 of Gifted Children, published in 1926, is titled "Children Who Test above 180 IQ (Stanford-Binet)." Some of the cases described in more detail in the monograph manuscript are also summarized in that chapter.

CONTENTS

PREFACE

PART I: ORIENTATION

1. THE CONCEPT OF INTELLECTUAL GENIUS Concepts of the Ancients, Dictionary Definitions, Concepts of Genius, Miscellaneous Observations Tending to Define Characteristics of Genius, Speculation and Comment Concerning Genius

1. THE CONCEPT OF INTELLECTUAL GENIUS Ideas from the Ancients, Dictionary Definitions, Ideas of Genius, Various Observations Aiming to Define the Traits of Genius, Thoughts and Comments About Genius

2. EARLY SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF EMINENT ADULTS Origin of Eminent Adults, Yoder's Study, Terman's Inferences from Biography

2. EARLY SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF EMINENT ADULTS Origin of Eminent Adults, Yoder's Study, Terman's Inferences from Biography

3. PUBLISHED REPORTS ON TESTED CHILDREN Modern Approach to the Study of Ability, Binet's Method, The Range of Intellect above 180 IQ, Children Observed before the Era of Binet, Children Who Test above 180 IQ by Binet-Simon Tests, Children Who Test above 180 IQ by Stanford-Binet Tests, Generalizations

3. PUBLISHED REPORTS ON TESTED CHILDREN Modern Approach to the Study of Ability, Binet's Method, The Range of Intellect above 180 IQ, Children Observed before the Era of Binet, Children Who Test above 180 IQ by Binet-Simon Tests, Children Who Test above 180 IQ by Stanford-Binet Tests, Generalizations

PART II: TWELVE CASES NEW TO LITERATURE CONCERNING TESTED CHILDREN

4. CHILD A
Family Background, Preschool History, School History, Judgments
of Teachers, Mental Measurements, Traits of Character, Physical
Measurements and Health, Miscellaneous Characteristics

4. CHILD A
Family Background, Preschool History, School History, Teacher Evaluations
of Teachers, Mental Assessments, Personality Traits, Physical
Measurements and Health, Other Characteristics

5. CHILD B
Family Background, Preschool History, School History, Traits of
Character, Judgments of Teachers, Mental Measurements, Physical
Measurements, Miscellaneous Characteristics

5. CHILD B
Family Background, Preschool History, School History, Traits of
Character, Teachers' Evaluations, Mental Assessments, Physical
Measurements, Other Characteristics

6. CHILD C
Family Background, Preschool History, School History, Traits of
Character, Mental Measurements, Physical Measurements, Later
School History

6. CHILD C
Family Background, Preschool History, School History, Traits of
Character, Mental Measurements, Physical Measurements, Later
School History

7. CHILD D
Family Background, Preschool History, Traits of Character, Mental
Measurements, Physical Measurements and Health, Miscellaneous
Characteristics, School History

7. CHILD D
Family Background, Preschool History, Character Traits, Mental
Assessment, Physical Health and Measurements, Other
Characteristics, School History

8. CHILD E
Family Background, Early History, School Achievement, Mental
Measurements, Social Habits, Tastes, etc., Later Mental Measurements,
Later Physical Measurements, Later Scholastic Records, Extracurricular
Activities, Teachers' Comments, Summary up to 1921, Eventual
Scholastic Records, Researches of E, Summary of Development

8. CHILD E
Family Background, Early History, School Achievement, Mental
Measurements, Social Habits, Tastes, etc., Later Mental Measurements,
Later Physical Measurements, Later Scholastic Records, Extracurricular
Activities, Teachers' Comments, Summary up to 1921, Eventual
Scholastic Records, Researches of E, Summary of Development

9. CHILD F
Family Background, Preschool History, Early School History, Early
Test Scores, Home Rating, Miscellaneous Characteristics, Later
Educational Career

9. CHILD F
Family Background, Preschool History, Early School History, Early
Test Scores, Home Rating, Miscellaneous Characteristics, Later
Educational Career

10. CHILD G
Family Background, Educational History, Early Mental Tests,
Later Test Records, Traits of Character, Physical Measurements,
High School Record, G's Brother's Record

10. CHILD G
Family Background, Educational History, Early Mental Tests,
Later Test Records, Character Traits, Physical Measurements,
High School Record, G's Brother's Record

11. CHILD H
Family Background, Preschool History, Mental Measurements, Physical
Measurements, Intellectual Ability

11. CHILD H
Family Background, Preschool History, Mental Measurements, Physical
Measurements, Intellectual Ability

12. CHILD I
Family Background, Preschool History, Early Educational History,
Mental Measurements, Physical Measurements and Health, Miscellaneous
Characteristics

12. CHILD I
Family Background, Preschool History, Early Educational History,
Mental Measurements, Physical Measurements and Health, Miscellaneous
Characteristics

13. CHILD J Family Background, Childhood Characteristics, Later Mental Tests

13. CHILD J Family Background, Childhood Traits, Later Mental Assessments

14. CHILD K
Family Background, Early Development, Mental Measurements, Physical
Measurements, Later Educational Progress

14. CHILD K
Family Background, Early Development, Mental Measurements, Physical
Measurements, Later Educational Progress

15. CHILD L
Family Background, Early History, Achievement at Speyer School,
High School Record to Date of Writing, Later Tests and Inventories

15. CHILD L
Family Background, Early History, Achievements at Speyer School,
High School Record up to the Date of Writing, Later Tests and Inventories

16. SUMMARIES OF HEREDITIES AND EARLY BEHAVIOR Family History and Background, Physical and Behavioral Development

16. SUMMARY OF HEREDITIES AND EARLY BEHAVIOR Family History and Background, Physical and Behavioral Development

17. SCHOLASTIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CREATIVE ACTIVITY Scholastic Achievement and Educational Adjustment, Creative Work, General Statement

17. ACADEMIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CREATIVE ACTIVITY Academic Achievement and Educational Adjustment, Creative Work, General Statement

PART III: GENERAL PRINCIPLES AND IMPLICATIONS.

18. ADULT STATUS AND PERSONALITY RATINGS.
Adult Status of Highly Intelligent Children, Critique of the
Concept of "Genius" as Applied in Terms of IQ, Application of
Bernreuter Inventory of Personality to Highly Intelligent Adolescents

18. ADULT STATUS AND PERSONALITY RATINGS.
Adult Status of Highly Intelligent Children, Critique of the
Concept of "Genius" as Applied in Terms of IQ, Application of
Bernreuter Inventory of Personality to Highly Intelligent Adolescents

19. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY IN HIGHLY INTELLIGENT CHILDREN General Considerations, The Part Played by Physique, Problem of Leadership, Problems of Adjustment to Occupation, Learning to "Suffer Fools Gladly", The Tendency to Become Isolated, The Concept of "Optimum Intelligence", Conclusion

19. THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY IN HIGHLY INTELLIGENT CHILDREN General Considerations, The Role of Physique, Leadership Challenges, Occupational Adjustment Issues, Learning to "Deal with Difficult People Gracefully," The Tendency to Become Isolated, The Idea of "Optimal Intelligence," Conclusion

20. THE CHILD OF VERY SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE AS A SPECIAL PROBLEM IN SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT The Quality of Gifted Children, The Problem of Work, The Problem of Adjustment to Classmates, The Problem of Play, Special Problems of the Gifted Girl, Problems of Conformity, The Problems of Origin and of Destiny, General Considerations

20. THE CHILD OF VERY SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE AS A SPECIAL PROBLEM IN SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT The Quality of Gifted Children, The Problem of Work, The Problem of Fitting In with Classmates, The Problem of Play, Special Challenges of Gifted Girls, Issues of Conformity, The Problems of Background and Future, General Considerations

21. THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOLING OF VERY BRIGHT CHILDREN
Considerations in Planning the Curriculum, Enrichment Units at
Speyer School, Special Work, Emotional Education, Matters of
General Policy

21. THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOLING OF VERY BRIGHT CHILDREN
Considerations in Planning the Curriculum, Enrichment Units at
Speyer School, Special Work, Emotional Education, Matters of
General Policy

22. PROBLEMS OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY
SCHOOLS IN THE CASE OF HIGHLY INTELLIGENT PUPILS
The Elementary School, Transition from Elementary to Secondary
School, Consideration of the Questions Arising, What about Genius?

22. ISSUES WITH THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY
SCHOOLS FOR HIGHLY INTELLIGENT STUDENTS
The Elementary School, Transition from Elementary to Secondary
School, Examining the Questions That Arise, What Happens with Geniuses?

PREFACE

This study is founded upon the work of Francis Galton, on the one hand, and of Albert Binet, on the other. It goes back to Galton's Hereditary Genius, read as a prescribed reference in the courses of Professor Edward L. Thorndike, in 1912; and to the publication in 1916 of Professor Lewis M. Terman's Stanford Revision of the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring Intelligence. It comprises observations, measurements, and conversations covering a period of twenty-three years, during which acquaintanceships and friendships, every one of them delightful, have been formed and maintained with the twelve individuals who form the basis of the study.

This study is based on the work of Francis Galton and Albert Binet. It traces back to Galton's Hereditary Genius, which was a required reading in the courses taught by Professor Edward L. Thorndike in 1912, as well as to the 1916 publication of Professor Lewis M. Terman's Stanford Revision of the Binet-Simon Scale for Measuring Intelligence. It includes observations, measurements, and conversations over a span of twenty-three years, during which wonderful connections and friendships have been created and maintained with the twelve individuals who are the focus of this study.

It was in November, 1916, shortly after taking appointment as instructor in educational psychology at Teachers College, Columbia University, that I saw for the first time a child testing above 180 IQ (S-B). I was teaching a course in the psychology of mentally deficient children, and it seemed to me that my class should if possible observe under test conditions one bright child for the sake of contrast. Accordingly, I asked whether any teacher present could nominate a very intelligent pupil for demonstration.

It was in November 1916, shortly after I started my position as an instructional instructor in educational psychology at Teachers College, Columbia University, that I saw a child test above 180 IQ (S-B) for the first time. I was teaching a course on the psychology of mentally disabled children, and I thought it would be valuable for my class to observe a very bright child under testing conditions for the sake of contrast. So, I asked if any teacher in attendance could suggest a highly intelligent student for demonstration.

Miss Charlotte G. Garrison and Miss Agnes Burke, teachers in the Horace Mann School, Teachers College, New York City, thereupon nominated the child who is called E in this monograph. E was presented at the next meeting of the class. It required two full classroom periods to test this child to the limits of the Stanford-Binet Scale, which had just then been published. E exhausted the scale without being fully measured by it, achieving an IQ of at least 187. He was on that date 8 years 4 months old.

Miss Charlotte G. Garrison and Miss Agnes Burke, teachers at the Horace Mann School, Teachers College, New York City, nominated the child referred to as E in this monograph. E was introduced at the next class meeting. It took two complete class periods to test this child using the newly published Stanford-Binet Scale. E maxed out the scale without a complete measurement, achieving an IQ of at least 187. At that time, he was 8 years and 4 months old.

This IQ of at least 187 placed E in Galton's Class X of able persons; i.e., more than six "grades" removed from mediocrity. Taking 1 PE#dis# as one "grade," it placed him at least plus 11 PE from the norm; for 1 PE (Probable Error) equals 8 IQ, according to Terman's original distribution of 905 school children. [1] This appeared as sufficiently striking to warrant permanent recording, since it would rate E as one in a million for statistical frequency, assuming "zeal and power of working" to be also abundantly present.

This IQ of at least 187 put E in Galton's Class X of capable individuals; that is, more than six "grades" above average. Considering 1 PE#dis# as one "grade," it placed him at least plus 11 PE from the norm; because 1 PE (Probable Error) equals 8 IQ, according to Terman's original distribution of 905 schoolchildren. [1] This seemed significant enough to be permanently recorded, as it would categorize E as one in a million for statistical frequency, assuming he also had a strong "zeal and power of working."

I did not at that time have any expert knowledge of highly intelligent children. I had been working for some years in the hospitals of New York City with persons presented for commitment to reformatories, prisons, and institutions for mental defectives. I had tested thousands of incompetent persons, a majority of them children, with Goddard's Revision of the Binet-Simon Scale, scarcely ever finding anyone with an IQ rating as high as 100. This thoroughgoing experience of the negative aspects of intelligence rendered the performance of E even more impressive to me than it would otherwise have been. I perceived the clear and flawless working of his mind against a contrasting background of thousands of dull and foolish minds. It was an unforgettable observation.

I didn’t have any expert knowledge of highly intelligent children back then. I had spent several years working in the hospitals of New York City with individuals being committed to reform schools, prisons, and facilities for those with mental disabilities. I had tested thousands of incompetent individuals, mostly children, using Goddard's Revision of the Binet-Simon Scale, rarely finding anyone with an IQ of 100 or higher. This extensive experience with the less capable made E’s performance even more remarkable to me than it might have been otherwise. I noticed the clear and exceptional functioning of his mind against the dull and foolish minds of thousands. It was an unforgettable observation.

I then began to look for children like E, to observe them with reference to the principles of education. This search has been conducted in a desultory manner, in "odd" moments, ever since 1916. At times, as in 1922-1923 and in 1935-1936, when pupils were being sought for special classes at Public School 165, Manhattan, or at Public School 500, Manhattan, the search has been systematic. Usually, however, the quest has been quite otherwise, for in the course of long searching I have learned that it is nearly useless to look for these children, because so few of them exist. In twenty-three years' seeking in New York City and the local metropolitan area, the densest center of population in this country and at the same time a great intellectual center attracting able persons, I have found only twelve children who test at or above 180 IQ (S-B). This number represents the winnowing from thousands of children tested, hundreds of them brought for the testing because of their mental gifts. Of course there were and are others who have not been found, since [this] search has never been exhaustive.

I then started looking for kids like E to observe them in relation to educational principles. This search has been pretty random during "free" moments since 1916. Sometimes, like in 1922-1923 and 1935-1936, when we were looking for students for special classes at Public School 165 or Public School 500 in Manhattan, the search was more organized. But usually, it’s been quite the opposite because during my long search, I've learned that it's almost pointless to look for these kids, since there are so few of them. In twenty-three years of searching in New York City and the surrounding metropolitan area—the most densely populated place in the country and a major intellectual hub attracting talented individuals—I’ve only found twelve children who test at or above 180 IQ (S-B). This number comes from sifting through thousands of tested children, with hundreds being referred for testing due to their mental abilities. Of course, there are others who haven’t been found, as this search has never been thorough.

The most interesting part of this research is yet to come, in the form of a record of the mature performances of these gifted persons observed in childhood. However, I propose to make a report now of origin and development; to be followed, if I live so long, by further reports of adult status. Such researches require more than the life span of one investigator, since time is of the essence of the task. Universities should make provision for institutional prosecution of these long-time studies as distinguished from individual prosecution. In any case, I shall try to leave the records to some younger student who will comprehend them, and who will amplify them if I prove unable to do so myself.

The most interesting part of this research is still ahead, showcasing the adult performances of these talented individuals we observed as children. However, I plan to report now on their origins and development; this will be followed, if I live long enough, by further reports on their adult lives. These types of studies require more than one person's lifetime, as time is essential to the task. Universities should support ongoing institutional studies like these, rather than just individual efforts. In any case, I hope to pass on the records to a younger student who can understand them and expand on them if I'm unable to do so myself.

Galton, in his efforts to understand ability, was limited to the study of the eminent adult, dead and gone. The only test he could use was that of reputation, for at the time he was at work on the problem, mental measurement had not yet been developed as a technique. He wished for a more valid method of gauging ability, and he fully realized that it would be of greater advantage to study "the living individual." "Is reputation a fair test of natural ability?" he asked. "It is the only one I can employ . . . am I justified in using it? How much of a man's success is due to his opportunities, and how much to his natural power of intellect?"

Galton, in his quest to understand ability, was restricted to studying the renowned adults who had passed away. The only measure he could rely on was reputation, since mental measurement had not yet been established as a method at the time he was tackling this issue. He desired a more reliable way to assess ability and fully acknowledged that it would be more beneficial to examine "the living individual." "Is reputation a fair measure of natural ability?" he questioned. "It's the only one I can use... am I right to rely on it? How much of a person's success comes from their opportunities, and how much from their natural intellectual capacity?"

Galton's work was finished before Binet's studies made it possible to measure natural ability apart from reputation; and what is most essential of all, to measure natural ability in childhood. It was Binet's great and original service that he rendered it possible to determine accurately the permanent intellectual caliber of an undeveloped human being. It has always been possible to appraise the ability of people forty or fifty years old, after they have met "the tests of life," but for the pursuit of education and social science it is not very practically useful to know what a person is like only at the end of his life. It is essential, rather, to know with a high degree of precision and certainty the mental endowment of persons at the beginning of their lives if anything is to be done in the matter of special training for special children.

Galton's work was completed before Binet's research made it possible to measure natural ability without relying on reputation; and most importantly, to measure natural ability in childhood. Binet's significant and original contribution was that he made it possible to accurately assess the permanent intellectual potential of an undeveloped person. It's always been possible to evaluate the abilities of people in their forties or fifties, after they've faced "the tests of life," but for education and social science, knowing what a person is like only at the end of their life isn't very useful. What's essential is to understand, with a high degree of precision and certainty, the mental capabilities of individuals at the beginning of their lives if we want to provide specialized training for exceptional children.

The facts derived from the study of the twelve exceptional persons herein described, and from the study of others like them, and the principles deduced from these facts, are of that order of importance for social science which Galton ascribed to them. Nevertheless, to hear of the tremendous differences between the dullest and the most intelligent individual, between the average man and the person who falls more than +10 PE away from him in mental ability, is extremely tedious to the typical American listener. This is only too well known to one who has long tried to interest foundations and moneyed persons in the education of gifted children. There is an apparent preference among donors for studying the needs and supporting the welfare of the weak, the vicious, and the incompetent, and a negative disregard of the highly intelligent, leaving them to "shift for themselves."

The findings from the study of the twelve extraordinary individuals mentioned here, along with the analysis of similar individuals and the principles drawn from these findings, hold significant relevance for social science, as Galton pointed out. However, discussing the vast differences between the least intelligent and the most intelligent person, or between the average person and someone who is more than +10 PE away from them in mental capability, can be incredibly tedious for the typical American audience. This is well understood by anyone who has spent a long time trying to engage foundations and wealthy individuals in the education of talented children. Donors tend to prefer focusing on the needs and supporting the welfare of the weak, the troubled, and the incompetent, while showing a disregard for the highly intelligent, leaving them to "figure it out on their own."

Perhaps a wider dissemination of facts such as have been adduced in the studies of Professor Lewis M. Terman and other educators, and in this study, may eventually bring about a more constructive point of view, one more conducive to a recognition of national welfare involved in educational plans for the unusual student.

Perhaps sharing more facts like those presented in the studies by Professor Lewis M. Terman and other educators, along with this study, may eventually foster a more positive perspective, one that better acknowledges the national benefits tied to educational plans for exceptional students.

It is desirable in this introduction to make known some of the etiquette and ethics involved in the scientific study of very gifted children. This is a new area in the field of human relationships and the investigator who works within it comes rather frequently upon certain questions of good manners which do not arise in any other field of psychological research.

It’s important in this introduction to share some of the etiquette and ethics involved in studying highly gifted children. This is a new area in the field of human relationships, and the researcher who works in this area often encounters specific questions of proper behavior that don’t come up in other areas of psychological research.

For instance, persons who test above 180 IQ (S-B) are almost sure to read and recognize in books and articles whatever has been written about them, no matter how anonymously they may have been described. This is true of them even as children. When the book Gifted Children was published, in 1926, Child A, who is described therein as well as in these pages, was thirteen years old. He read the book within two weeks of publication; for, as he said in mentioning the matter to the author, "I go every week to the Public Library and look first at the shelf of new books." The problem always in the foreground is how to present the whole truth about such matters as family history, social-economic status, and character, without invading the privacy of those described and without identifying them to the general public or to curious persons.

For example, people with an IQ above 180 (S-B) are nearly guaranteed to read and recognize anything written about them in books and articles, no matter how anonymously it was described. This has been true for them since childhood. When the book Gifted Children came out in 1926, Child A, who is mentioned both there and here, was thirteen years old. He read the book within two weeks of its release because, as he told the author, "I go to the Public Library every week and check out the new books first." The ongoing challenge is how to convey the complete truth about issues like family background, socio-economic status, and character without intruding on the privacy of those being described and without revealing their identities to the public or to the curious.

Those who test above 180 IQ (S-B) are characterized by a strong desire for personal privacy. They seldom volunteer information about themselves. They do not like to have attention called to their families and homes. They are reluctant to impart information concerning their plans, hopes, convictions, and so forth. The question arises, then, how to avoid presumption; for it is by no means easy for a young person politely to evade an older person who can lay claim to having known one "all one's life."

Those who test above 180 IQ (S-B) tend to have a strong need for personal privacy. They rarely share information about themselves. They don't appreciate having attention drawn to their families and homes. They are hesitant to share details about their plans, dreams, beliefs, and so on. This raises the question of how to avoid coming off as rude; it's not easy for a young person to politely sidestep an older person who claims to have known them "their whole life."

Thus, in this study, in order to preserve the privacy of those concerned, some items have been omitted from the histories which would have been of interest to students of child psychology. Let it be understood at once, however, that the omissions include nothing discreditable to any of the twelve individuals studied; rather, many of these items are highly creditable. There have been acts of moral courage, acts of skill, and acts of self-sustaining heterodoxy that if told at all should be told only by those who performed the actions. Perhaps autobiographies may some day be written by these persons, telling whatever they may wish to tell.

In this study, to protect the privacy of those involved, some details have been left out of the histories that would interest students of child psychology. It's important to note that these omissions do not reflect poorly on any of the twelve individuals studied; in fact, many of these details are quite commendable. There have been acts of moral courage, skill, and independent thinking that, if shared, should only be conveyed by those who actually performed these actions. Maybe one day, these individuals will write their own autobiographies, sharing whatever they choose to share.

In the matter of the attitude of people in general toward gifted children, there are, of course, a majority who are kindly and understanding and helpful, but it is a melancholy fact that there are also malicious and jealous people who are likely to persecute those who are formally identified as being unusual. It may prove a handicap rather than a help to a gifted youngster to have been identified in book or article or school as extraordinary. Some of the children herein described have suffered considerably from the malice of ill-mannered persons, even their instructors, who have felt the impulse to "take them down a peg." Specific instances of such persecution can be cited from public prints, and reference will be made to them in the course of this monograph.

When it comes to how people generally feel about gifted children, most are kind, understanding, and supportive. Sadly, there are also malicious and jealous individuals who tend to target those recognized as different. Having been labeled as extraordinary in a book, article, or school can sometimes be more of a burden than a benefit for a gifted kid. Some of the children mentioned here have faced significant challenges due to the hostility of poorly behaved people, including teachers, who want to “bring them down a notch.” Specific examples of such mistreatment can be found in the media, and there will be references to them in this monograph.

It would be of interest to present a photograph of each child herein observed, to show how in personal appearance they are diametrically opposite to the popular stereotype of the highly intelligent child; but photographs would tend to identification.

It would be interesting to present a photograph of each child mentioned here to show how their appearance is completely different from the typical stereotype of a highly intelligent child; however, photographs would lead to identification.

These questions of what is right and what is wrong, what is permissible and what is forbidden, in reporting the origin and development of the gifted cannot be fully determined here. The policies pursued in this study have been discussed from time to time with gifted children and their parents, and I have been guided by their advice. Everything has been presented that is consistent both with scientific interest and with the preservation of personal privacy. The work as it stands has taken hundreds of hours of the time of these children and of their parents and teachers, over a period of twenty years. They are all very busy people, yet they have given time and energy for tests, measurements, and interviews as requested. It is obvious that without this coöperation no study could have been made.

These questions about what is right and what is wrong, what is allowed and what is not, in reporting the origins and development of gifted individuals can't be fully decided here. The approaches taken in this study have been discussed periodically with gifted children and their parents, and I’ve followed their guidance. Everything presented is consistent with both scientific interest and respecting personal privacy. This work has required hundreds of hours from these children, their parents, and teachers over the past twenty years. They all have busy lives, yet they’ve dedicated time and energy for tests, measurements, and interviews as requested. It’s clear that without their cooperation, this study wouldn’t have been possible.

Leta S. Hollingworth
Teachers College
Columbia University
New York City

Leta S. Hollingworth
Teachers College
Columbia University
New York City

[1] EDITORIAL NOTE. The larger and better sampling of subjects tested for the 1937 Stanford Revision showed a wider variability than the 1916 group and indicates that the true PE of the IQ distribution of unselected children is in the neighborhood of 11 IQ points, according to Terman.

[1] EDITORIAL NOTE. The larger and better sampling of subjects tested for the 1937 Stanford Revision showed a wider range of variability than the 1916 group and indicates that the true PE of the IQ distribution of unselected children is around 11 IQ points, according to Terman.

[2] All such records have been deposited in the psychological laboratory of Barnard College, Columbia University.

[2] All of these records have been submitted to the psychological lab at Barnard College, Columbia University.

PART I ORIENTATION

CHAPTER ONE THE CONCEPT OF INTELLECTUAL GENIUS

It would be an ambitious project to find and discuss all the definitions of genius that have ever been offered in writing. To do this is beyond our present purpose, which is, rather, to illustrate the various concepts that have been formulated and to take guidance from them in the consideration of children of great ability. It will perhaps be many years before it will be apparent whether the children studied herein are geniuses or not. Perhaps this can never be determined, as the word "genius" may eventually be found to have no meaning that can be agreed upon. All we know about the status of the subjects of the present study is that they test above 180 IQ (S-B) and are thus more than +10 PE removed from mediocrity in general intelligence. [1] It may be possible to arrive at some comparison between their characteristics and performances on the one hand, and the concepts of genius that have been offered on the other.

It would be a challenging project to find and discuss all the definitions of genius ever written. Our current goal, however, is to illustrate the different concepts that have been developed and to use them as guidance in considering highly capable children. It might take many years before we can determine whether the children studied here are geniuses or not. It’s possible this may never be decided, as the term "genius" might eventually be found to have no universally accepted meaning. All we know about the subjects of this study is that they have an IQ above 180 (S-B), placing them more than +10 PE above the average in general intelligence. [1] We may be able to compare their characteristics and performances on one hand, with the concepts of genius that have been proposed on the other.

CONCEPTS OF THE ANCIENTS

The concept of the genius is very ancient. Ovid (12), [2] referring to Caesar and his preparations to complete the conquest of the world, notes the manner in which a genius acts in advance of his years:

The idea of a genius is very old. Ovid (12), [2] talking about Caesar and his plans to conquer the world, points out how a genius operates ahead of their time:

Though he himself is but a boy, he wages a war unsuited to his boyish years. Oh, ye of little faith, vex not your souls about the age of the gods! Genius divine outpaces time, and brooks not the tedium of tardy growth. Hercules was still no more than a child when he crushed the serpent in his baby hands. Even in the cradle, he proved himself a worthy son of Jove.

Though he is just a boy, he fights a battle that’s not meant for his young age. Oh, you of little faith, don’t trouble your hearts about how old the gods are! Divine genius surpasses time and doesn’t put up with the boredom of slow growth. Hercules was still just a child when he defeated the serpent with his tiny hands. Even in the cradle, he showed he was a worthy son of Jove.

The Greeks called that person's "daemon" which directed and inspired his creative work. Dictionaries refer to the Roman concept of genius as "a spirit presiding over the destiny of a person or a place; a familiar spirit or a tutelary." The genie was one of the powerful nature demons of Arabian and Mohammedan lore, believed to interfere in human affairs and to be sometimes subject to magic control.

The Greeks referred to that person's "daemon," which guided and inspired their creative work. Dictionaries describe the Roman idea of genius as "a spirit overseeing the fate of a person or place; a familiar spirit or guardian." The genie was one of the strong nature spirits in Arabian and Islamic folklore, believed to meddle in human matters and sometimes to be under magical control.

Thinkers in any and every field, no matter how remote from that of psychology, have confidently discussed the nature of genius. Philosophers, poets, litterateurs, physicians, physiologists, psychiatrists, anthropometrists, lexicographars, encyclopedists— all have offered definitions, each according to his light. It has been deemed a subject on which anyone might legitimately express an opinion. The result is, as might be expected, an interesting miscellany of contradictions.

Thinkers in every field, no matter how unrelated to psychology, have confidently talked about what genius is. Philosophers, poets, writers, doctors, physiologists, psychiatrists, anthropometrists, lexicographers, encyclopedists—everyone has shared their definitions, each based on their perspective. It’s seen as a topic where anyone can rightfully share their thoughts. The result, as you might expect, is an intriguing mix of contradictions.

DICTIONARY DEFINITIONS

By derivation the word "genius" means to beget or to bring forth, coming from genere, gignere. Samuel Johnson's Dictionary—from which Galton took his point of departure in choosing the word "genius" for the title of his work on ability—defines a genius as "A man endowed with superior faculties."

By definition, the word "genius" means to create or bring forth, coming from genere, gignere. Samuel Johnson's Dictionary—which Galton referenced when choosing the word "genius" for the title of his work on ability—defines a genius as "A person with superior abilities."

Funk and Wagnall's Dictionary offers the following definition: "Very extraordinary gifts or native powers, especially as displayed in original creation, discovery, expression, or achievement."

Funk and Wagnall's Dictionary offers the following definition: "Very extraordinary talents or natural abilities, especially as shown in original creation, discovery, expression, or achievement."

Webster's New International Dictionary defines "genius" as "Extraordinary mental superiority; esp. unusual power of invention or origination of any kind; as, a man of genius."

Webster's New International Dictionary defines "genius" as "Extraordinary mental superiority; especially an unusual ability to invent or create of any kind; as, a person of genius."

The Dictionary of Psychology defines "genius" in part in terms of IQ, but at the same time denies the word any special meaning as a recognized scientific term: "Genius—a very superior mental ability, especially a superior power of invention or origination of any kind, or of execution of some special form, such as music, painting, or mathematics. . . . It has no special technical meaning, but has occasionally been defined as equivalent to an intelligence quotient (IQ) of 140 or above."

The Dictionary of Psychology defines "genius" partly in terms of IQ, but it also states that the word doesn't hold any specific meaning as a scientific term: "Genius—a very high level of mental ability, particularly an exceptional ability to invent or create something, or to execute a specific form, like music, painting, or mathematics. . . . It doesn't have any special technical definition, but it has sometimes been described as equivalent to an intelligence quotient (IQ) of 140 or higher."

Generally speaking, then, dictionaries define genius as a superior or superlative degree of intellectual capacity, and avoid claiming it for any concept of an added, different, or abnormal element in human faculty.

Generally speaking, dictionaries define genius as a higher level of intellectual ability and avoid suggesting that it involves any additional, different, or abnormal aspect of human skill.

CONCEPTS OF GENIUS

As a manifestation of abnormal psychology. A number of thinkers in fields allied to psychology have laid emphasis upon a supposed connection between genius and nervous instability or insanity. This idea is embodied in the statement by Pascal: "L'extrême esprit est voisin de l'extrême folie." Lamartine refers to "la maladie mentale qu'on appelle génie." Lombroso (10) is perhaps the most widely quoted among those who have held or who hold this point of view.

As a manifestation of abnormal psychology. Several thinkers in related fields have highlighted a supposed link between genius and nervous instability or insanity. This idea is captured in Pascal's statement: "Extreme intelligence is close to extreme madness." Lamartine refers to "the mental illness called genius." Lombroso (10) is likely the most frequently cited among those who have supported or currently support this perspective.

As constituting a different species. The idea has been expressed by thinkers other than professed psychologists—and at times by psychologists themselves—that men of genius are a separate species, partaking of qualities not shared in any degree by persons at large. This concept is at one with that which would regard the idiot and the imbecile as distinct in kind, not in degree only, from the mass of mankind. Genius would thus be not merely more of the same but a different sort altogether. Thus Hirsch (7) specifically declares:

As constituting a different species. The idea has been expressed by thinkers beyond just professional psychologists—and sometimes by psychologists themselves—that people with genius are a separate type, possessing qualities not found at all in the general population. This concept aligns with the belief that idiots and imbeciles are fundamentally different, not just to a lesser extent, from the majority of humanity. Genius would therefore be not just a greater version of what exists but an entirely different kind altogether. Thus, Hirsch (7) specifically states:

The genius differs in kind from the species, man. Genius can be defined only in terms of its own unique mental and temperamental processes, traits, qualities, and products. Genius is another psychobiological species, differing as much from man, in his mental and temperamental processes, as man differs from the ape.

The genius is different in kind from the human species. Genius can only be defined by its own distinct mental and emotional processes, characteristics, qualities, and creations. Genius represents another type of psychobiological species, differing just as much from humans in their mental and emotional processes as humans differ from apes.

As a hypertrophied and highly specialized aptitude for specific performance. The thought has been advanced that intellectual genius is a matter of specialization; that the mind of a genius will not, typically, work on all data with superior results, but that it is adapted only or primarily to certain kinds of intellectual performance. In other words, the genius is thought to lack general ability. A recent statement by Carrel (2) seems to express in part at least this theory:

As an exaggerated and highly specialized skill for specific performance. It's been suggested that intellectual genius is a form of specialization; that a genius's mind usually doesn't process all information with exceptional results, but is suited only or mainly for certain types of intellectual tasks. In other words, geniuses are believed to lack general ability. A recent comment from Carrel (2) seems to reflect this idea at least in part:

There is also a class of men who, although disharmonious as the criminal and the insane, are indispensable to modern society. They are the men of genius. They are characterized by a monstrous growth of some of their psychological activities. A great artist, a great scientist, a great philosopher, is rarely a great man. He is generally a man of common type, with one side over-developed.

There is also a group of men who, while as disharmonious as criminals and the insane, are essential to modern society. They are the men of genius. They are marked by an extreme enhancement of some of their psychological functions. A great artist, a great scientist, or a great philosopher is rarely a well-rounded individual. Usually, he is a typical person with one aspect significantly over-developed.

As a combination of traits. Galton (6) thought of genius as that which qualifies a person for eminence, and he believed that achieved eminence must be founded on a combination of no less than three essentials. He wrote:

As a combination of traits. Galton (6) viewed genius as the quality that enables someone to achieve greatness, and he believed that true greatness must be based on at least three essential components. He wrote:

By natural ability I mean those qualities of intellect and disposition which urge and qualify a man to perform acts that lead to reputation. I do not mean capacity without zeal, nor zeal without capacity, nor even a combination of both of them, without an adequate power of doing a great deal of very laborious work. But I mean a nature which, when left to itself, will, urged by an inherent stimulus, climb the path that leads to eminence, and has strength to reach the summit . . . one which, if hindered or thwarted, will fret and strive until the hindrance is overcome, and it is again free to follow its labour-loving instinct. It is almost a contradiction in terms to doubt that such men will generally become eminent.

By natural ability, I’m referring to the qualities of intellect and personality that drive and enable someone to carry out actions that lead to recognition. I’m not talking about talent without passion, or passion without talent, or even a mix of both, without a strong capacity for doing a lot of hard work. What I mean is a nature that, when left to its own devices, is motivated by an inner drive to rise to prominence and has the stamina to reach the top… one that, if held back or obstructed, will become restless and fight until the obstacle is removed and it can return to following its hardworking instincts. It’s almost contradictory to question whether such individuals will typically achieve greatness.

Again, Galton says:

Again, Galton states:

We have seen that a union of three separate qualities—intellect, zeal, and power of work—are necessary to raise men from the ranks.

We’ve observed that a combination of three distinct traits—intelligence, enthusiasm, and the ability to work hard—are essential for promoting individuals from the ranks.

Lehman (9) has recently expressed this same idea, as a result of a statistical study of the most productive years of intellectual workers:

Lehman (9) recently shared the same idea, based on a statistical study of the most productive years of knowledge workers:

Indeed, it is doubtful that genius is solely the fruit of any single trait. It is the belief of the writer that the fruits of genius are, on the contrary, a function of numerous integers, including both the personal traits of the individual worker, environmental conditions that are not too hostile, and the fortunate combination of both personal traits and external conditions.

Indeed, it's questionable whether genius comes from just one quality. The writer believes that the results of genius actually depend on many factors, including the personal characteristics of the individual, tolerable environmental conditions, and the lucky mix of both personal traits and external circumstances.

As quantitative. Galton (6) was the first to place the study of genius on the basis of quantitative statement, so that comparisons might be made and vertifications be effected. Galton formulated the theory that genius (great natural ability) is nothing more nor less than a very extreme degree in the distribution of a combination of traits—"intellect, zeal, and power of working"— which is shared by all in various "grades" or degrees. Reasoning thus, Galton applied for the first time in human thought the mathematical concepts of probablity to the definition of genius.

As quantitative. Galton (6) was the first to base the study of genius on quantitative terms, allowing for comparisons and verifications. Galton proposed that genius (great natural ability) is simply an extreme level in the distribution of a mix of traits—"intellect, zeal, and power of working"—that everyone has in different "grades" or degrees. By reasoning this way, Galton was the first to apply mathematical concepts of probability to the definition of genius in human thought.

Quetelet (13), drawing objects from congeries of known composition, had elaborated the form which the probabilities take of drawing a given combination. This form, with the law of deviation from the average governing it, is now, of course, a commonplace in psychological laboratories, so that it is hard to realize that when Galton made the mental leap from this curve to the abilities of men, no one had ever thought of human minds as "fitting" the curve drawn by Quetelet. Such a "fit" had already been thought of in connection with measurements of physique, and had been demonstrated for measurements of the shrimp (16) and for physical traits of persons. But that "natural ability" should be susceptible to the probability curve and "the curious theoretical law of deviation from an average" as length is among shrimps, or as circumference of the chest is among Scottish soldiers (as shown by Quetelet), was not conceived. With the modern methods of mental measurement it is easy enough to perceive the truth of this. But Galton was working in the dark, entirely without instruments of precision; and his table of frequency "for the classification of men according to their natural gifts" must be regarded as one of the most prescient statements in the history of social science.

Quetelet (13), using collections of known compositions, developed the way probabilities look when drawing a specific combination. This framework, along with the law of deviation from the average, is now standard in psychological labs, making it hard to imagine that when Galton made the intellectual leap from this curve to human abilities, no one had considered human minds as "fitting" the curve created by Quetelet. Such a "fit" had already been discussed in relation to physical measurements and had been demonstrated for shrimp measurements (16) and physical traits of individuals. However, the idea that "natural ability" could align with a probability curve and "the interesting theoretical law of deviation from an average," similar to the length of shrimp or chest circumference among Scottish soldiers (as shown by Quetelet), was not imagined. With today's mental measurement techniques, it's easy to recognize this truth. But Galton was working with limited knowledge and without accurate instruments; his frequency table "for the classification of men according to their natural gifts" should be seen as one of the most insightful contributions in the history of social science.

Working with the tables devised by Quetelet, Galton proposed the tabular "classification of men according to their natural gifts" shown [below].

Working with the tables created by Quetelet, Galton suggested the tabular "classification of men based on their natural abilities" shown [below].

CLASSIFICATION OF MEN ACCORDING TO THEIR NATURAL GIFTS
GRADES OF NATURAL NUMBERS OF MEN COMPRISED IN THE SEVERAL GRADES OF NATURAL ABILITY, WHETHER IN RESPECT ABILITY, SEPARATED TO THEIR GENERAL POWERS OR TO SPECIAL APTITUDES BY EQUAL INTERVALS

Below Above Proportionate; In Each Million In Total Male Population of the United Kingdom, Say Average Average viz., One in of the Same Age 15 Millions, of the Undermentioned Ages 20-30 30-40 40-50 50-60 60-70 70-80 a A 4 256,791 651,000 495,000 391,000 268,000 171,000 77,000 b B 6 161,279 409,000 312,000 246,000 168,000 107,000 48,000 c C 16 63,563 161,000 123,000 97,000 66,000 42,000 19,000 d D 64 15,696 39,800 30,300 23,900 16,400 10,400 4,700 e E 413 2,423 6,100 4,700 3,700 2,520 1,600 729 f F 4,300 233 590 450 355 243 155 70 g G 79,000 14 35 27 21 15 9 4 x

Below Above Proportionate; In Each Million In Total Male Population of the United Kingdom, Say Average Average viz., One in of the Same Age 15 Millions, of the Undermentioned Ages 20-30 30-40 40-50 50-60 60-70 70-80 a A 4 256,791 651,000 495,000 391,000 268,000 171,000 77,000 b B 6 161,279 409,000 312,000 246,000 168,000 107,000 48,000 c C 16 63,563 161,000 123,000 97,000 66,000 42,000 19,000 d D 64 15,696 39,800 30,300 23,900 16,400 10,400 4,700 e E 413 2,423 6,100 4,700 3,700 2,520 1,600 729 f F 4,300 233 590 450 355 243 155 70 g G 79,000 14 35 27 21 15 9 4 x

All grades All grades below g above G 1,000,000 1 3 2 2 2 0 0

All grades All grades below g above G 1,000,000 1 3 2 2 2 0 0

Interpreting this theoretical tabulation, Galton (6) wrote:

Interpreting this theoretical table, Galton (6) wrote:

It will be seen that more than half of each million is contained in the two mediocre classes a and A; the four mediocre classes a, b, A, B, contain more than four fifths, and the six mediocre classes more than nineteen twentieths of the entire population. Thus, the rarity of commanding ability and the vast abundance of mediocrity is no accident, but follows of necessity from the very nature of these things.

It will be clear that more than half of each million falls within the two average classes a and A; the four average classes a, b, A, B, make up more than four-fifths, and the six average classes account for over nineteen-twentieths of the entire population. Therefore, the scarcity of exceptional talent and the overwhelming prevalence of mediocrity is not coincidental, but arises necessarily from the very nature of these aspects.

On decscending the scale, we find by the time we have reached f that we are already among the idiots and imbeciles. We have seen that there are 400 idiots and imbeciles to any million of persons living in this country; but that 30 per cent of their number appear to be light cases, to whom the name of idiot is inappropriate. There will remain 280 true idiots and imbeciles to every million of our population. This ratio coincides very closely with the requirements of class f. No doubt a certain proportion of them are idiots owing to some fortuitous cause . . . but the proportion of accidental idiots cannot be very large.

On descending the scale, we find that by the time we reach f, we are already among the idiots and imbeciles. We’ve observed that there are 400 idiots and imbeciles for every million people living in this country; however, 30 percent of them seem to be mild cases, making the label of idiot not entirely fitting. This leaves us with 280 true idiots and imbeciles for every million in our population. This ratio is very close to what’s needed for class f. Surely, a certain number of them are idiots due to some random cause... but the proportion of accidental idiots can’t be very large.

Hence we arrive at the undeniable but unexpected conclusion that eminently gifted men are raised as much above mediocrity as idiots are depressed below it; a fact that is calculated to enlarge considerably our ideas of the enormous difference of intellectual gifts between man and man.

Thus, we reach the undeniable yet surprising conclusion that highly gifted people are elevated far above average, just as those lacking intelligence are brought down below it; a fact that significantly expands our understanding of the vast difference in intellectual abilities among individuals.

MISCELLANEOUS OBSERVATIONS TENDING TO DEFINE CHARACTERISTICS OF GENIUS

In addition to the formulation of the rather definite concepts of genius which have been discussed, there are to be found in the literature of this topic a large number of general observations ascribing certain characteristics to persons of genius. There are also many remarks as to the conditions of living, of education, of genetics, and so forth, which are alleged to foster or to hinder the development of genius. Many of these observations and remarks emanate from others than professed psychologists, some of the most interesting coming from litterateurs and philosophers.

In addition to the clear concepts of genius that we've talked about, there's a wealth of general observations in the literature on this topic that attribute certain traits to people considered geniuses. There are also many comments on the living conditions, education, genetics, and other factors that are said to promote or impede the development of genius. A lot of these observations and comments come from sources other than professional psychologists, with some of the most intriguing coming from writers and philosophers.

One of the most penetrating discussions of genius by a litterateur is that of Shaw (15) in his Preface to Saint Joan. Shaw regards Saint Joan as a young genius, and in introducing his readers to this point of view he says:

One of the most insightful discussions of genius by a writer is by Shaw (15) in his Preface to Saint Joan. Shaw sees Saint Joan as a young genius, and in presenting this perspective to his readers, he states:

Let us be clear about the meaning of the terms. A genius is a person who, seeing farther and probing deeper than other people, has a different set of ethical values from theirs, and has energy enough to give effect to this extra vision and its valuations in whatever manner best suits his or her specific talents.

Let’s be clear about what these terms mean. A genius is someone who, seeing further and understanding more deeply than others, has a different set of ethical values and has enough energy to put this unique perspective and its values into action in whatever way best fits their individual talents.

Here is brought out the tendency to heterodoxy which characterizes genius and is the source of much of its difficulty. Shaw dwells upon these difficulties in saying:

Here, the tendency toward unconventional thinking that defines genius is highlighted, along with the challenges it brings. Shaw focuses on these challenges by stating:

But it is not so easy for mental giants who neither hate nor intend to injure their fellows to realize that nevertheless their fellows hate mental giants and would like to destroy them, not only enviously because the juxtaposition of a superior wounds their vanity, but quite honestly because it frightens them. Fear will drive men to any extreme; and the fear inspired by a superior being is a mystery which cannot be reasoned away. Being immeasurable it is unbearable when there is no presumption or guarantee of its benevolence and moral responsibility; in other words, when it has official status.

But it’s not easy for intellectuals who neither hate nor mean to harm others to understand that their peers actually resent them and would want to get rid of them. This isn’t just out of jealousy, since having someone superior around stings their pride, but also because it genuinely scares them. Fear can drive people to do anything, and the fear that comes from someone superior is something that can't just be explained away. When this superiority is overwhelming, it becomes unbearable if there’s no assumption or assurance of goodwill and moral responsibility; in other words, when it is recognized as official.

This is the same trend of thought which Mill (11) follows in his Essay on Liberty, noting the originality that characterizes genius and the troubles that result from it, and insisting upon freedom for genius in the interests of the general welfare.

This is the same line of thinking that Mill (11) follows in his Essay on Liberty, highlighting the originality that defines genius and the issues that come with it, while stressing the importance of freedom for genius for the sake of the general good.

It would not be denied by anybody that originality is a valuable element in human affairs. There is always need of persons not only to discover new truths, and point out when what were once truths are true no longer, but also to commence new practices, and set the example of more enlightened conduct, and better taste and sense in human life. . . . It is true that this benefit is not capable of being rendered by everybody alike; there are but few persons in comparison with the whole of mankind, whose experiments, if adopted by others, would be likely to be any improvement on established practice. But these few are the salt of the earth; without them, human life would become a stagnant pool. . . . Persons of genius, it is true, are and are always likely to be, a small minority; but in order to have them, it is necessary to preserve the soil in which they grow. Genius can only breathe freely in an atmosphere of freedom. Persons of genius are, ex vi termini, more individual than any other people . . . less capable, consequently, of fitting themselves, without hurtful compression, into any of the small number of moulds which society provides in order to save its members the trouble of forming their own character. If from timidity they consent to be forced into one of these moulds, and to let that part of themselves which cannot expand under the pressure remain unexpanded, society will be little better for their genius. If they are of strong character, and break their fetters, they become a mark for the society which has not succeeded in reducing them to common-place, to point with solemn warning as "wild," "erratic," and the like; much as if one should complain of the Niagara River for not flowing smoothly between its banks like a Dutch canal.

No one can deny that originality is an important part of human life. We always need people to discover new truths and to highlight when things that were once true are no longer valid. We also need them to start new practices and set an example of more enlightened behavior, taste, and sense in our lives. It's true that not everyone can contribute in the same way; only a few people, compared to all of humanity, are likely to bring about meaningful improvements to established ways of doing things. But these few are the essential essence of society; without them, human life would stagnate. It is indeed true that talented individuals are and likely always will be a small minority, but to have them, we must maintain the environment in which they thrive. Genius can only flourish in a climate of freedom. Genius individuals, by their very nature, are more unique than others and, as a result, are less able to fit into the limited molds that society provides to spare its members the effort of developing their own character. If, out of fear, they allow themselves to be forced into one of these molds and suppress the parts of themselves that cannot grow under pressure, society will gain little from their talent. However, if they have a strong character and break free from their constraints, they become targets for a society that has failed to conform them to the ordinary, labeling them as "wild" or "erratic," much like complaining that the Niagara River doesn't flow gently between its banks like a Dutch canal.

Mill says further:

Mill adds:

I insist thus emphatically on the importance of genius, and the necessity of allowing it to unfold itself freely both in thought and in practice, being well aware that no one will deny the position in theory, but knowing also that almost everyone, in reality, is totally indifferent to it.

I strongly emphasize the importance of genius and the need to let it develop freely in both thought and practice. I'm fully aware that nobody would deny this in theory, but I also know that almost everyone is completely indifferent to it in reality.

Mill, indeed, had much to say about the conditions under which the exceptional individual contributes to social change and progress, which bears immediately upon the education of highly exceptional children.

Mill had a lot to say about the conditions that allow exceptional individuals to contribute to social change and progress, which directly relates to the education of highly exceptional children.

Bearing further upon the persecution to which genius is often subject as a penalty for nonconformity, Havelock Ellis (5) after studying a large number of British men of genius says:

Bearing further upon the persecution that genius often faces as a consequence of not fitting in, Havelock Ellis (5), after studying many exceptional British men, says:

It is practically impossible to estimate the amount of persecution to which this group of preëminent persons has been subjected, for it has shown itself in innumerable forms, and varies between a mere passive refusal to have anything to do with them or their work and the active infliction of physical torture and death. There is, however, at least one form of persecution, very definite in character, which it is easy to estimate, since the national biographers have probably in few cases passed over it. I refer to imprisonment. I find that at least 160, or over 16 per cent, of our 975 eminent men were imprisoned, once or oftener, for periods of varying length, while many others only escaped imprisonment by voluntary exile.

It's almost impossible to gauge the extent of persecution that this group of outstanding individuals has faced, as it has manifested in countless ways, ranging from a simple refusal to engage with them or their work to the severe infliction of physical pain and death. However, there is at least one specific type of persecution that's easy to quantify, as national biographers have likely documented it in most cases. I'm talking about imprisonment. I've found that at least 160, or over 16 percent, of our 975 notable figures were imprisoned at least once, sometimes for varying lengths of time, while many others avoided imprisonment by choosing to go into voluntary exile.

This is a conclusion reached by one investigating the condition of genius among what are probably the most liberal people in the world—the British, a nation of protestants.

This is a conclusion drawn by someone looking into the state of genius among what are likely the most open-minded people in the world—the British, a nation of Protestants.

Another condition of genius frequently alleged is that of personal isolation. Shaw makes Saint Joan say, "I was always alone." Schopenhauer (14) says: "It is often the case that a great mind prefers soliloquy to the dialogue he may have in the world." Hirsch (7) dwells at some length upon isolation:

Another condition of genius often mentioned is personal isolation. Shaw has Saint Joan say, "I was always alone." Schopenhauer (14) states: "It is often the case that a great mind prefers speaking to itself rather than engaging in dialogue with the outside world." Hirsch (7) elaborates on isolation at some length:

The genius is constantly forced to solitude, for he early learns from experience that his kind can expect no reciprocation of their generous feelings. . . . Solitude can best be defined as the state in which friends are lacking or absent, rather than as the opposite of sociability. . . . Solitude is but a refuge of genius, not its goal. Time after time one detects, from the lives or writings of genius, that solitude is not its destiny but only a retreat; not the normal fruition of its being, but an empty harbor sheltering it from the tortures, griefs, and calumnies of the world. . . . It is a grievous error to credit the genius with an innate inclination to shun men. But in his youth he learns by experience that solitude is preferable to suffocation, stupefaction, or surrender.

The genius is often pushed into solitude because they quickly learn that their generosity won't be returned. Solitude is best understood as a state where friends are missing, rather than just being the opposite of social interaction. Solitude is merely a safe haven for genius, not its ultimate aim. Time and again, we see in the lives or works of geniuses that solitude isn’t their fate but just a retreat; it’s not the normal outcome of their existence, but rather an empty harbor that protects them from the pains, sorrows, and slanders of the world. It’s a serious mistake to think that genius inherently prefers to avoid people. Instead, in their youth, they find through experience that solitude is better than feeling stifled, dull, or giving up.

Alger (1) sees isolation as a necessary corollary of the insistence upon perfection and accuracy which characterizes genius:

Alger (1) views isolation as an essential result of the demand for perfection and precision that defines genius:

A passion for perfection will make its subject solitary as nothing else can. At every step he leaves a group behind. And when, at last, he reaches the goal, alas, where are his early comrades?

A passion for perfection will isolate its subject like nothing else can. With every step, he leaves a group behind. And when, at last, he reaches the goal, sadly, where are his early companions?

These references to the early experience of the genius in meeting the uncordial response of the world as constituted, with its resultant tendency to isolation, connect themselves with an account found in the Apocryphal New Testament, in a portion called the Hebrew Gospels.

These references to the early experiences of the genius in dealing with the unfriendly reactions of the world as it is, along with the resulting tendency toward isolation, relate to a story found in the Apocryphal New Testament, in a section called the Hebrew Gospels.

And Joseph, seeing that the child was vigorous in mind and body, again resolved that he should not remain ignorant of the letters, and took him away, and handed him over to another teacher. And the teacher said to Joseph: I shall teach him the Greek letters, and then Hebrew. He wrote out the alphabet and began to teaching him in an imperious tone, saying: Say Alpha. And he gave him his attention for a long time and he made no answer, but was silent. And he said to him: If thou art really a teacher, tell me the power of the Alpha and I will tell thee the power of the Beta. And the teacher was enraged at this, and struck him.

And Joseph, seeing that the child was strong in both mind and body, decided again that he shouldn't remain unlearned in writing, so he took him away and placed him with another teacher. The teacher said to Joseph: I will teach him the Greek letters first, then Hebrew. He wrote out the alphabet and began teaching him in a commanding tone, saying: Say Alpha. He focused on him for a long time, but the child remained silent and did not respond. The teacher then said: If you’re really a teacher, tell me the meaning of Alpha, and I’ll tell you the meaning of Beta. The teacher got angry at this and struck him.

SPECULATION AND COMMENT CONCERNING GENIUS

The ecology of genius has evoked speculation and comment.
Thus Churchill (3) says:

The ecology of genius has sparked speculation and discussion.
So, Churchill (3) says:

Mountain regions discourage the budding of genius because they are areas of isolation, confinement, remote from the great currents of men and ieas that move along river valleys. They are regions of much labor and little leisure, of poverty today and anxiety for the morrow, of toil-cramped hands and toil-dulled brains. In the fertile alluvial plains are wealth, leisure, contact with many minds, large urban centers where commodities and ideas are exchanged.

Mountain regions stifle creative potential because they are isolated areas, cut off from the main flows of people and ideas that travel through river valleys. They are places of hard work and little free time, where poverty is common today and worry about the future is constant, leading to tired hands and exhausted minds. In the fertile plains, there is wealth, leisure, interaction with diverse thoughts, and bustling cities where goods and ideas are shared.

The origins of genius have also engaged the attention of speculative thinkers. For instance, Dixon (4) and also Hirsch (7) offer the hypothesis that racial mixture is an antecedent of genius. Kretschmer (8) would by inference subscribe to this theory, since he holds that genetically genius results from the union of unlike elements, to which he refers as "bastardization":

The origins of genius have also caught the interest of thoughtful thinkers. For example, Dixon (4) and Hirsch (7) propose the idea that racial mixing is a precursor to genius. Kretschmer (8) would likely agree with this theory, as he believes that genetically, genius comes from the combination of different elements, which he calls "bastardization":

The investigation of the family history of highly talented individuals demonstrates very clearly the effect of biological "bastardization," and shows why it may lead to the production of genius. . . . It results in a complicated psychological structure, in which the components of two strongly opposing germs remain in polar tension throughout life. . . . This polar tension acts as an effective and dynamic factor and produces in the genius the labile equlibrium, the effective super-pressure, that continuous, restless impulsiveness, which carries him far beyond placid, traditional practice and the simple satisfaction of life. On the other hand, in regard to his intellectual abilities, the polar tension creates in the genius his wide mental horizon, the diverse and complicated wealth of his talent, the all-embracing personality.

The study of the family backgrounds of highly talented people clearly shows the impact of biological "mixing" and explains how it can lead to the emergence of genius. It results in a complex psychological makeup, where the elements of two opposing influences remain in constant tension throughout life. This tension acts as a powerful and dynamic force, creating in the genius a delicate balance, an intense drive, and a continuous restlessness that pushes them far beyond calm, conventional practices and the simple enjoyment of life. On the flip side, this tension also contributes to the genius's broad intellectual scope, the rich and varied depth of their talent, and their all-encompassing personality.

Kretschmer also allies himself with those who hold the concept of genius as closely related to insanity, quoting selected cases in proof:

Kretschmer also aligns himself with those who believe that genius is closely linked to insanity, citing specific cases as proof:

"Bastardization" produces internal contrasts and conflicts, affects tensions, highly strung and uncompensated passions, and a spiritual lability. It consequently creates a predisposition to genius . . . but also [[points]] to psycho-pathological complications. Thus the research on "bastardization" becomes closely interwoven with the old, familiar questions, leading us back to the problem: "Genius and Insanity."

"Bastardization" creates internal contrasts and conflicts, affects tensions, highly strung and unbalanced emotions, and a spiritual instability. It therefore leads to a tendency toward genius... but also highlights potential psychological complications. Hence, the study of "bastardization" becomes closely connected with the age-old questions, bringing us back to the issue: "Genius and Insanity."

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. ALGER, WILLIAM. The Genius of Solitude, page 144.

1. ALGER, WILLIAM. The Genius of Solitude, page 144.

2. CARREL, ALEXIS. Man the Unknown. See pages 140-141. Harper & Brothers, New York; 1935.

2. CARREL, ALEXIS. Man the Unknown. See pages 140-141. Harper & Brothers, New York; 1935.

3. CHURCHILL, ELLEN SEMPLE. The Influence of Geographic Environment on the Basis of Ratzel's System of Anthropogeography. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1909.

3. CHURCHILL, ELLEN SEMPLE. The Influence of Geographic Environment on the Basis of Ratzel's System of Anthropogeography. Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1909.

4. DIXON, ROLAND B. The Racial History of Man. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1923.

4. DIXON, ROLAND B. The Racial History of Man. Charles Scribner's Sons, New York; 1923.

5. ELLIS, HAVELOCK. A Study of British Genius. Constable, London; 1927.

5. ELLIS, HAVELOCK. A Study of British Genius. Constable, London; 1927.

6. GALTON, FRANCIS. Hereditary Genius. The Macmillan Company, London; 1914.

6. GALTON, FRANCIS. Hereditary Genius. The Macmillan Company, London; 1914.

7. HIRSCH, N. D. M. Genius and Creative Intelligence. Sci-Art Publisher, Cambridge, Massachusetts; 1931.

7. HIRSCH, N. D. M. Genius and Creative Intelligence. Sci-Art Publisher, Cambridge, Massachusetts; 1931.

8. KRETSCHMER, E. The Psychology of Men of Genius. Translated by R. B. Cattell. Harcourt, Brace & Co., Inc., New York; 1931.

8. KRETSCHMER, E. The Psychology of Men of Genius. Translated by R. B. Cattell. Harcourt, Brace & Co., Inc., New York; 1931.

9. LEHMAN, HARVEY C. "The Creative Years in Science and Literature." Scientific Monthly (August, 1936).

9. LEHMAN, HARVEY C. "The Creative Years in Science and Literature." Scientific Monthly (August, 1936).

10. LOMBROSO, C. The Man of Genius. Scott, London; 1891.

10. LOMBROSO, C. The Man of Genius. Scott, London; 1891.

11. MILL, JOHN STUART. Essay on Liberty. See page 76 ff. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926 Ed.

11. MILL, JOHN STUART. Essay on Liberty. See page 76 and following. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926 Ed.

12. OVIDIUS NASO, PUBLIUS. Ars Amatoria (The Love Books of Ovid). Translated by J. Lewis May. Privately printed for the Rarity Press, New York; 1930.

12. OVIDIUS NASO, PUBLIUS. Ars Amatoria (The Love Books of Ovid). Translated by J. Lewis May. Privately printed for the Rarity Press, New York; 1930.

13. QUETELET, M. Letters on Probability. Translated by Downes. Layton & Co., London; 1849.

13. QUETELET, M. Letters on Probability. Translated by Downes. Layton & Co., London; 1849.

14. SCHOPENHAUER, ARTHUR. "Essay on Genius," in The Art of Literature, Essays of Arthur Schopenhauer. Willey Book Company, New York.

14. SCHOPENHAUER, ARTHUR. "Essay on Genius," in The Art of Literature, Essays of Arthur Schopenhauer. Willey Book Company, New York.

15. SHAW, GEORGE BERNARD. Saint Joan. Dodd, Mead, & Co., Inc., New York; 1924, 1936.

15. SHAW, GEORGE BERNARD. Saint Joan. Dodd, Mead, & Co., Inc., New York; 1924, 1936.

16. WELDON, W. F. R. "Certain Correlated Variations in Crangdon Vulgaris," Proceedings of The Royal Society, Vol. 51, page 2 (1892).

16. WELDON, W. F. R. "Certain Correlated Variations in Crangdon Vulgaris," Proceedings of The Royal Society, Vol. 51, page 2 (1892).

[1] See endnote [1] in Preface.

[1] See endnote [1] in Preface.

[2] Numbers in parentheses refer to correspondingly numbered references in the Bibliography at the end of each chapter.

[2] Numbers in parentheses refer to the matching references in the Bibliography at the end of each chapter.

CHAPTER TWO EARLY SCIENTIFIC STUDY OF EMINENT ADULTS [1]

Because, strictly speaking, the present study is limited in its interest and data to childhood, no attempt will be made to review in detail the somewhat numerous studies of exceptional adults.

Because this study focuses specifically on childhood, there will be no detailed review of the many studies regarding exceptional adults.

ORIGIN OF EMINENT ADULTS

Such studies as those undertaken by Galton (11, 12), De Candolle (9), Ellis (10), Odin (17), and Cattell (4, 5) show that those who, as adults, become eminent in intellectual work, are in disproportionately great numbers the children of the "upper" (nobler or professional) classes; and that they are usually born either in cities or on large country estates (in France, in the chateaux). Very few eminent adults have originated in the families of laborers, and relatively few have been born in agricultural districts, in countries long settled. Beyond these facts of origin, the investigators of eminence in adults have not given much information about their subjects of inquiry in respect to childhood.

Studies conducted by Galton (11, 12), De Candolle (9), Ellis (10), Odin (17), and Cattell (4, 5) show that many adults who achieve great success in intellectual fields often come from the "upper" (noble or professional) classes. These individuals are typically born in cities or on large country estates (like châteaux in France). There are very few successful adults who come from families of laborers, and relatively few have been born in agricultural areas in long-established countries. Aside from these points about their origins, researchers studying adult eminence have not provided much information about their subjects' childhoods.

YODER'S STUDY

We shall begin our detailed reference to previous observations with Yoder's study, published in 1898. Yoder (25) made a systematic attempt to gather data about the boyhood of very eminent men. He thus tracked down certain facts about fifty great persons concerning whom he could find data bearing on their childhood. From these he was able to make the following generalizations:

We will start our detailed reference to earlier observations with Yoder's study, published in 1898. Yoder (25) systematically gathered information about the childhoods of very prominent men. He collected certain facts about fifty notable individuals for whom he could find data concerning their early years. From this, he was able to make the following generalizations:

1. The child who will become a great man may be born at any time, over a very wide range of the productive period in the lives of parents. The mothers of the fifty great persons studied ranged in age from 18 to 44 years, when the great man was born, with a median of 29.8 years. The fathers ranged in age from 23 to 60 years, with a median of 37.7 years.

1. The child who will become a great person can be born at any time, across a wide age range during their parents' productive years. The mothers of the fifty notable individuals studied were between 18 and 44 years old when their child was born, with an average age of 29.8 years. The fathers were aged between 23 and 60 years, with an average age of 37.7 years.

2. The average number of siblings of these persons was 5+, not including half brothers and sisters.

2. The average number of siblings for these individuals was over 5, not counting half-brothers and half-sisters.

3. In families of more than one child, there was found to be a strong tendency (chances of nearly 2 to 1) for the great man to be in the elder half of the siblings.

3. In families with more than one child, there was a strong tendency (almost 2 to 1 odds) for the great person to be in the older half of the siblings.

4. Of those listed, 17 were only sons, either by order of birth or by death of other sons born. (This is not to say that they were only children.)

4. Of those listed, 17 were the only sons, either by birth order or because other sons had died. (This doesn't mean they were only children.)

5. There was found no evidence that the great were sickly or physically weak in childhood, to a more marked extent than average.

5. No evidence was found that the wealthy were sickly or physically weak as children, to a greater degree than average.

6. There appeared a tendency to great height among them than among persons in general, "though the tendency is not very marked."

6. They seemed to be taller on average than most people, "although the difference isn't very noticeable."

7. Play interests were keen among these children, though the play was often of an unusual kind. "Solitary play" is repeatedly described. Of Emerson, his biographer says: "I don't think he ever engaged in boys' plays, not because of any physical disability, but simply because from earliest years he dwelt in a higher sphere." Others are said to have been "disinclined to general intercourse." Instead of joining in the usual childish games, Newton preferred to play with his machines, Darwin with his collections, Shelley to read, Stevenson to make clay engines, and Edison to mix his chemicals. Of Byron it was written: "The love of solitude and of meditation is already traceable in the child. He loves to wander at night among the dark and solitary cloisters of the abbey." To quote Yoder: "Solitude seems to have played a rather striking role in the lives of these great men. Either by nature or by opportunity, they have stayed a great deal alone."

7. The children had a strong interest in play, but it was often unconventional. "Solitary play" is frequently mentioned. Emerson's biographer states, "I don't think he ever participated in typical boys' games, not due to any physical limitations, but simply because, from a young age, he lived in a higher realm." Others were described as "reluctant to engage in general socialization." Instead of partaking in regular childhood games, Newton preferred to work with his machines, Darwin enjoyed his collections, Shelley liked to read, Stevenson created clay engines, and Edison mixed chemicals. Regarding Byron, it was noted: "The love of solitude and reflection is already noticeable in the child. He enjoys wandering through the dark, empty corridors of the abbey at night." To quote Yoder: "Solitude seems to have played a significant role in the lives of these great individuals. Whether by nature or circumstance, they spent a lot of time alone."

Nevertheless, many of the fifty persons studied by Yoder enjoyed physical activity. Washington loved outdoor sports, Schiller was a leader in athletics, Byron was an enthusiastic swimmer and rider, and Lincoln was the champion wrestler and woodcutter of his neighborhood.

Nevertheless, many of the fifty people studied by Yoder enjoyed physical activity. Washington loved outdoor sports, Schiller was a leader in athletics, Byron was an enthusiastic swimmer and rider, and Lincoln was the champion wrestler and woodcutter in his neighborhood.

8. The popular idea that great men owe their success to their mothers' influence upon their education does not receive verification from a study of these cases. The mother's place seems very often to have been filled by some other person, frequently an aunt, either because the mother had died, or because there were many other children to care for. "The role of the aunt stands out prominently."

8. The common belief that successful men credit their achievements to their mothers' influence on their education is not supported by these cases. Often, the role of the mother seems to be taken on by someone else, frequently an aunt, either because the mother had passed away or because there were too many other children to look after. "The role of the aunt stands out prominently."

9. These great persons were, in the decided majority of cases, derived from well-to-do families. Most of them were privately educated, by tutors or in private schools. Very few were "self made."

9. Most of these great individuals came from well-off families. Most received private education, either through tutors or in private schools. Very few were "self-made."

TERMAN'S INFERENCES FROM BIOGRAPHY

Terman (20) has effected an interesting advance over Yoder's method, in the interpretation of evidence from the biography of adults. [2] By analyzing data in the biography of Francis Galton, and by relating these data to modern knowledge of mental tests, Terman derives that the IQ of Francis Galton in childhood must have been not far from 200.

Terman (20) has made an interesting improvement over Yoder's method in interpreting evidence from adult biographies. [2] By analyzing the data from Francis Galton's biography and connecting it to current knowledge about mental tests, Terman concludes that Francis Galton's IQ in childhood must have been around 200.

As Terman has elsewhere pointed out, these attempts to study genius in childhood by inference from the biography of adults are very unsatisfactory. In the first place, only those whose potentialities have been realized are included in such study. Since factors other than innate intellectual power act also as determinants of eminence, we cannot be sure whether equal capacity for selective thinking may have existed in persons who died before the age of achievement, who were younger sons, who were girls, or who were the children of the poor. Moreover, such evidence as can be gleaned concerning those who have achieved eminence is comparatively unsystematic and unreliable as regards childhood.

As Terman has noted elsewhere, trying to study childhood genius by looking at the biographies of adults is quite unsatisfactory. First of all, this approach only includes those whose potential has been realized. Since factors beyond just innate intelligence also influence success, we can't be sure if equal abilities for selective thinking existed in people who died before reaching their achievements, who were younger sons, who were girls, or who came from poor families. Additionally, the evidence we can gather about those who have achieved greatness is relatively disorganized and unreliable when it comes to childhood.

Most clearly related to our present study are the previously reported observations of children made directly, during childhood, by trained investigators. The modern development of mental tests has now enabled psychologists to identify young children who deviate from average in the direction of superiority as regards selective thinking, and to follow their development for some years. Eventually, therefore, it will be known how to recognize those children who can become "great," and whether extreme deviation in mental tests is a basis of prophecy.

Most clearly connected to our current study are the earlier observations of children made firsthand, during their childhood, by trained researchers. The recent advancement of mental tests has allowed psychologists to identify young children who excel in selective thinking compared to the average and to track their development over several years. Eventually, we will know how to recognize those children who can become "great," and whether significant deviations in mental tests can predict future success.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. BINET, A. _Psychologie des grandes calculateurs et joieurs d'échecs. Hachette, Paris; 1894.

1. BINET, A. _Psychology of Great Calculators and Chess Players. Hachette, Paris; 1894.

2. BRIMHALL, D. "Family Resemblances among American Men of Science," American Naturalist, Vol. 56 (1922) and Vol. 57 (1923).

2. BRIMHALL, D. "Family Resemblances among American Men of Science," American Naturalist, Vol. 56 (1922) and Vol. 57 (1923).

3. CASTLE, C. S. "Statistical Study of Eminent Women." Archives of Psychology, Vol. IV, No. 27 (1913).

3. CASTLE, C. S. "Statistical Study of Eminent Women." Archives of Psychology, Vol. IV, No. 27 (1913).

4. CATTELL, J. McK. "A Statistical Study of Eminent Men." Popular Science Monthly (1903).

4. CATTELL, J. McK. "A Statistical Study of Eminent Men." Popular Science Monthly (1903).

5. ——— "Families of American Men of Science." Popular Science Monthly, Vol. 86, pages 504-515 (1915).

5. ——— "Families of American Men of Science." Popular Science Monthly, Vol. 86, pages 504-515 (1915).

6. CLARK, E. L. American Men of Letters: Their Nature and Nurture. Columbia University Press, New York; 1916.

6. CLARK, E. L. American Men of Letters: Their Nature and Nurture. Columbia University Press, New York; 1916.

7. COX, C. M. The Early Mental Traits of Three Hundred Geniuses. Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. 2. Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1926.

7. COX, C. M. The Early Mental Traits of Three Hundred Geniuses. Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. 2. Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1926.

8. DAVIES, G. R. "A Statistical Study of the Influence of the Environment." Quarterly Journal of the University of North Dakota (1914).

8. DAVIES, G. R. "A Statistical Study of the Influence of the Environment." Quarterly Journal of the University of North Dakota (1914).

9. DE CANDOLLE, A. Histoire des Sciences et des Savants depuis Deux Siècles. Geneva, Switzerland; 1873.

9. DE CANDOLLE, A. History of Sciences and Scholars over the Last Two Centuries. Geneva, Switzerland; 1873.

10. ELLIS, HAVELOCK. A Study of British Genius. Hirst and Blackett, London; 1904.

10. ELLIS, HAVELOCK. A Study of British Genius. Hirst and Blackett, London; 1904.

11. GALTON, FRANCIS. English Men of Science. The Macmillan Company, London; 1874.

11. GALTON, FRANCIS. English Men of Science. The Macmillan Company, London; 1874.

12. ——— Hereditary Genius. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914. (Original edition, London; 1869.)

12. ——— Hereditary Genius. The Macmillan Company, New York, 1914. (Original edition, London; 1869.)

13. LEHMAN, HARVEY C. "The Creative Years in Science and Literature." Scientific Monthly, Vol. XLIII, pages 151-162 (1936).

13. LEHMAN, HARVEY C. "The Creative Years in Science and Literature." Scientific Monthly, Vol. XLIII, pages 151-162 (1936).

14. LOMBROSO, C. The Man of Genius. Scott, London; 1895.

14. LOMBROSO, C. The Man of Genius. Scott, London; 1895.

15. MIDDLETON, W. C. "The Propensity of Genius to Solitude." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 30, pages 325-332 (1935).

15. MIDDLETON, W. C. "The Tendency of Genius to Solitude." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 30, pages 325-332 (1935).

16. MITCHELL, F. D. "Mathematical Prodigies." American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 18, pages 61-143 (1907).

16. MITCHELL, F. D. "Math Whizzes." American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 18, pages 61-143 (1907).

17. ODIN, A. Genèse des Grands Hommes des Lettres Français Modernes. Paris et Lausanne; 1895.

17. ODIN, A. Genesis of the Great Modern French Writers. Paris and Lausanne; 1895.

18. RASKIN, E. "Comparison of Scientific and Literary Ability: A Biographical Study of Eminent Scientists and Men of Letters of the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 31, pages 20-35 (1935).

18. RASKIN, E. "Comparison of Scientific and Literary Ability: A Biographical Study of Eminent Scientists and Men of Letters of the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. 31, pages 20-35 (1935).

19. SCHUSTER, E. "The Promise of Youth and the Performance of Manhood." Eugenics Laboratory Memoirs, Vol. 3, pages 16 ff. London; 1907.

19. SCHUSTER, E. "The Promise of Youth and the Performance of Manhood." Eugenics Laboratory Memoirs, Vol. 3, pages 16 ff. London; 1907.

20. TERMAN, LEWIS M. "The IQ of Francis Galton in Childhood." American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 28, pages 209-215 (1917).

20. TERMAN, LEWIS M. "The IQ of Francis Galton in Childhood." American Journal of Psychology, Vol. 28, pages 209-215 (1917).

21. VISHER, S. S. "A Study of the Type of Place of Birth and of the Occupation of Father of Subjects of Sketches in Who's Who in America." American Journal of Sociology, 1925.

21. VISHER, S. S. "A Study of the Type of Place of Birth and the Occupation of the Fathers of Individuals Featured in Who's Who in America." American Journal of Sociology, 1925.

22. ——— "The Comparative Rank of the American States." American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 36, pages 735-757 (March, 1931).

22. ——— "The Comparative Rank of the American States." American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 36, pages 735-757 (March, 1931).

23. WHITE, R. K. "Note on the Psycho-pathology of Genius." Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 1, pages 311-315 (1930).

23. WHITE, R. K. "Note on the Psychopathology of Genius." Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 1, pages 311-315 (1930).

24. ——— "The Versatility of Genius." Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 2, pages 460-489 (1931).

24. ——— "The Versatility of Genius." Journal of Social Psychology, Vol. 2, pages 460-489 (1931).

25. YODER, G. E. "A Study of the Boyhood of Great Men." Pedagogical Seminary, Vol. 3, pages 134-156 (1894).

25. YODER, G. E. "A Study of the Boyhood of Great Men." Pedagogical Seminary, Vol. 3, pages 134-156 (1894).

[1] EDITORIAL NOTE. No revision of this chapter has been found among the author's papers. In the earlier manuscript reporting but five cases, there was a brief section entitled "Inferences from the Study of Adults," and in the incompletely revised manuscript a list of references is given for this chapter which had not yet been written. The earlier sections and the revised bibliography are, therefore, all that is available for this chapter. The bibliography will be sufficient to guide any reader who may be further interested in the details of the scientific study of adults.

[1] EDITORIAL NOTE. No updated version of this chapter has been found among the author's papers. The earlier manuscript reported only five cases and included a brief section called "Inferences from the Study of Adults." In the partially revised manuscript, there is a list of references for this chapter, which had not been completed yet. Therefore, the earlier sections and the revised bibliography are all that is available for this chapter. The bibliography is enough to help any reader who wants to learn more about the details of the scientific study of adults.

[2] EDITORIAL NOTE. Had these pages been written at a later date, or revised by the author, of course the more recent work of C. M. Cox (7), inspired by Terman, would have been considered.

[2] EDITORIAL NOTE. If these pages had been written later or revised by the author, of course, the more recent work of C. M. Cox (7), influenced by Terman, would have been taken into account.

CHAPTER THREE PUBLISHED REPORTS ON TESTED CHILDREN

Galton and those who built directly upon his pioneer thought about ability were limited to the study of those who had passed the tests of life itself, the study of the old and the dead, upon whom developing theories and processes of education have no bearing. Today one of the principal reasons for obtaining knowledge concerning able persons is that they and others like them may be properly educated for the social functions which they alone can perform. Inferences from study of eminent adults are, therefore, of negligible importance compared to the identification and education of today's gifted children.

Galton and those who directly followed his groundbreaking ideas about ability focused on studying people who had already lived through life's challenges, specifically the old and the deceased, for whom new education theories and methods don't apply. Nowadays, one of the main reasons to learn about talented individuals is so they and others like them can be properly educated for the unique roles they are capable of fulfilling in society. Consequently, deriving conclusions from studying accomplished adults is far less significant than identifying and educating today's gifted children.

MODERN APPROACH TO THE STUDY OF ABILITY

In 1905 Binet and Simon (3), announcing their scale for the measurement of intelligence in children, rendered it possible to know at the beginning of a human being's existence where—within narrow limits of error—he or she, in comparison with all others, grades in caliber of general intelligence. This work, relating itself to work done also by others—notably Spearman (21) and Thorndike (28, 30)—created a new epoch in the study of ability and inaugurated the so-called modern, or present-day, approach to the subject.

In 1905, Binet and Simon (3) introduced their scale for measuring intelligence in children, making it possible to understand, early in a person's life, where they rank in terms of general intelligence compared to others, with a small margin of error. This work, which also connected to the research of others—especially Spearman (21) and Thorndike (28, 30)—marked a new era in the study of ability and started what is now known as the modern approach to the topic.

BINET'S METHOD

No extended discussion of what "general intelligence" is will be undertaken in these pages, as it would not be germane to the purposes of this monograph. It will be sufficient to refer to the concept which Binet had in mind in standardizing his scale (4): "It seems to us that there is a fundamental faculty, the alteration or the lack of which is of the utmost importance for practical life." It is this "fundamental faculty" which Binet named "judgment" that is the variable upon which rests the extreme position of the children who are to be studied herein.

No detailed discussion of what "general intelligence" is will be done in these pages, as it wouldn't relate to the aims of this monograph. It will be enough to refer to the concept that Binet had in mind when he standardized his scale (4): "It seems to us that there is a fundamental ability, the change or absence of which is extremely important for practical life." It is this "fundamental ability," which Binet called "judgment," that is the variable affecting the extreme cases of the children who will be studied here.

The quantitative methods which make possible the study of the status of these children when they have reached adulthood are those developed in recent years by Thorndike (30) and his students. As the children identified years ago by Binet's method grew to adulthood, there were developed in the various laboratories of Columbia University methods of measuring the intelligence of superior adults, based on the fundamental principles which are the same for mental measurement at all periods of development. Methods have thus been made available for making quantitative statements of the status of these individuals both during development and at maturity.

The quantitative methods that allow us to study the status of these children when they become adults have been developed in recent years by Thorndike (30) and his students. As the children identified years ago using Binet's method grew up, various laboratories at Columbia University created ways to measure the intelligence of gifted adults, based on fundamental principles that apply to mental measurement at all stages of development. These methods now provide us with tools to make quantitative assessments of these individuals both during their development and at maturity.

THE RANGE OF INTELLECT ABOVE 180 IQ

It is pertinent to inquire what are the limits of variation in terms of standard use in respect to human intelligence. How far superior to the average person are the most highly intelligent individuals currently produced? Galton's (9) X grade of man was defined in terms of incidence as "one in a million." But this X man was not a product of one variable. Galton's X man resulted from an intellect in combination with "zeal and power of working." The incidence of this combination of traits would probably be less than the incidence of intellect alone in degree sufficient for X.

It’s important to ask what the limits of variation are regarding standard use when it comes to human intelligence. How much smarter are the most highly intelligent individuals compared to the average person today? Galton's (9) X grade of man was identified as "one in a million." However, this X man wasn’t created by just one factor. Galton's X man emerged from an intellect along with "zeal and power of working." The occurrence of this combination of qualities would likely be less common than the occurrence of intellect alone to a degree sufficient for X.

Our purpose in this chapter will be to consider investigations, made by direct methods, of the origin and development of children of a type extremely rare in occurrence, incidence being based on one variable only; i.e., intelligence measured in terms of IQ (S-B). For this purpose the line might be drawn at any point farther than +7 PE or +8 PE from the mean. A choice of 180 IQ (S-B) as a minimum insures a degree of plus deviation very rarely found even in metropolitan cities and their suburbs, as is clear from the reports of mental surveys conducted during the present century. The choice of 180 IQ (S-B), instead of 179 or 181 or some other amount of IQ in the extreme upper range, is obviously arbitrary and is adopted merely for the purpose of defining a point at and above which there are very few children who score.

Our goal in this chapter is to examine investigations done through direct methods regarding the origin and development of children who are extremely rare, with occurrence based on just one variable: intelligence measured by IQ (S-B). For this purpose, we can set the cutoff at any point beyond +7 PE or +8 PE from the average. Choosing an IQ of 180 (S-B) as the minimum ensures a level of plus deviation that is very rarely encountered, even in urban areas and their suburbs, as highlighted by mental surveys conducted in this century. Selecting an IQ of 180 (S-B) instead of 179 or 181 or another value in the extreme upper range is clearly arbitrary and is made purely to establish a point at which very few children achieve that score.

Frequency of occurrence. Just how often does a child testing above 180 IQ (S-B) appear in the juvenile population of the United States? We cannot tell exactly until we know more about the spread of the distribution of IQ (S-B). In terms of PE (1 PE = ±8 IQ), according to Terman's original findings (24) we should come upon a deviate of +10 PE only once in more than a million times, provided the distribution of IQ corresponds exactly or even rather closely to Quetelet's (17) curve of probability as respects spread; for on this curve cases above or below ±5 PE approach zero in frequency.

Frequency of occurrence. How often does a child with an IQ over 180 (S-B) show up in the youth population of the United States? We can’t give an exact answer until we learn more about the distribution of IQ (S-B). Based on Terman's original findings (24), we should encounter someone with a deviation of +10 PE (where 1 PE = ±8 IQ) only once in more than a million instances, assuming that the distribution of IQ closely matches Quetelet’s (17) probability curve regarding spread; because on this curve, cases above or below ±5 PE become extremely rare.

It is certain, however, even from existing data, that the distribution of IQ extends for at least ±10 PE (even assuming that wider data will define 1 PE as ±10 instead of ±8 as found by Terman. It is probable that children who test above 180 IQ are actually present in our juvenile population in greater frequency than at the rate of one in a million. This does not mean that intellect when finally measured in true units may not conform in variability to the mathematics of chance; it means only in terms of IQ (in terms of ratio and not of absolute units) the conformity is probably not exact, as respects the law of deviation.

It is clear, however, even from current data, that the distribution of IQ spans at least ±10 PE (even if future data defines 1 PE as ±10 instead of ±8 as Terman found). It's likely that children who score above 180 IQ actually exist in our youth population more often than the rate of one in a million. This doesn't mean that intellect, when measured in true units, won't follow the variability of chance; it just means that in terms of IQ (based on ratio rather than absolute units), the conformity probably isn't exact regarding the law of deviation.

There may be one, or two, or three, or more children among every million born in the United States under present conditions who test at or above 180 IQ (S-B). In any case, however, they are extremely rare, and the study of their origin and development is of correspondingly great interest. In the course of discovering about 1000 children testing at or above 140 IQ (S-B) in the state of California, Terman (26) found 15 who tested at or above 180 IQ (S-B). Children who test at and above 140 IQ (S-B) are as 1 in 250 of children in large California cities and environs. Thus 140 IQ (S-B) defines a frequency of about 4 in 1000 of urban juvenile population in California. About 1.5 per cent, therefore, of those children who are as 4 in 1000 reach the status of which we are here treating; i.e., 180 IQ (S-B). [1] Nor can we take the children of California urban districts as a true sample of the population of the United States at large, since there is reason to believe that among urban children there is an uncommon proportion of intelligent individuals (8). Also it should be conceded that California has a total population that is above the average of the United States in general as regards mental ability (37). In any case, it may be guessed with some degree of approximation to fact how very few there are among American children who test at or above 180 IQ (S-B).

There may be one, two, three, or more children out of every million born in the United States today who score at or above a 180 IQ (S-B). Regardless, they are extremely rare, and understanding their origins and development is highly interesting. While discovering around 1,000 children with an IQ of 140 or higher (S-B) in California, Terman (26) identified 15 children who scored 180 or above. Children with an IQ of 140 or higher (S-B) make up about 1 in 250 among kids in larger California cities and surrounding areas. Therefore, an IQ of 140 (S-B) represents approximately 4 in 1,000 of the urban juvenile population in California. Thus, about 1.5 percent of those children who are in the group of 4 in 1,000 achieve the status we are discussing here, which is an IQ of 180 (S-B). [1] We also can't consider children from California's urban areas as a true representation of the larger U.S. population, as there's reason to believe that urban children tend to have a higher proportion of intelligent individuals (8). Additionally, it's worth noting that California's overall population has a higher average in terms of mental ability compared to the rest of the United States (37). In any case, we can roughly estimate just how few American children score at or above 180 IQ (S-B).

CHILDREN OBSERVED BEFORE THE ERA OF BINET

Scattered observations of children estimated by more or less competent persons as very unusual are to be found dating from quite early years. In this period the literature of child psychology was still in the state of narrative. The earliest of these narrations bears the date of 1726 (1) and concerns the child Heineken.

Scattered observations of children, assessed by various degrees of knowledgeable individuals as quite unusual, have been recorded since early years. During this time, the literature on child psychology was primarily narrative in form. The earliest of these accounts dates back to 1726 (1) and is about the child Heineken.

Christian Heinrich Heineken. Born February 6, 1721, the "Little Heineken," of Lübeck, was the son of an artist. When the child was 10 months old, his elders first noticed that he was looking with sustained attention at the figures wrought in gold on a grotesque that decorated the walls of his room and that were also on a white stove that stood therein.

Christian Heinrich Heineken. Born February 6, 1721, "Little Heineken" from Lübeck, was the son of an artist. When he was 10 months old, his family first noticed that he was intently observing the gold figures on a grotesque that adorned the walls of his room, as well as on a white stove that was in there.

Den 3 Dezember 1721 bemerkte man zuerst, dass das kind diese Figuren hin und her, eine Zeitlang ohne Unterlass ansah und seine Äugelchen auf eine derselben gleichsam anklebte. Man sagte ihm daher die Namen dieser Figuren, das sei eine Katze, das ein Turm, ein Schäfchen, ein Berg. Den andern Tag, den 4 Dezember, fragte man es wieder, wo die Katze, der Berg, das Schäfchen wäre und siehe da, das Kind deutete mit seinen kleinen Fingerchen hin und traf immer das rechte Bild, das man ihm genannt hatte. Noch mehr, nun gab es sich Mühe, die ihm vorgesagten Wörter: Katze, Berg, Turm selbst nachzusprechen: es sah daher mit unverwandten Blicken dem Redendend nach dem Munde, gab auf die Bewegung der Lippen und der Zunge desselben beständig acht, lallte das Wort nach und wiederholte dies so oft, bis es endlich eine Silbe nach der andern herauspresste. [a]

Am 3. Dezember 1721 bemerkte man zum ersten Mal, dass das Kind diese Figuren hin und her betrachtete, eine Zeit lang ohne Unterlass, und seine kleinen Augen auf eine davon förmlich klebten. Man nannte ihm daher die Namen dieser Figuren: das ist eine Katze, das ist ein Turm, ein Schäfchen, ein Berg. Am nächsten Tag, dem 4. Dezember, fragte man es erneut, wo die Katze, der Berg, das Schäfchen sei, und siehe da, das Kind zeigte mit seinen kleinen Fingern auf und traf immer das richtige Bild, das man ihm genannt hatte. Noch mehr, es bemühte sich nun, die Wörter, die ihm vorgesagt wurden: Katze, Berg, Turm selbst nachzusprechen: es sah also mit ungeteiltem Blick dem Redenden nach dem Mund, achtete ständig auf die Bewegung der Lippen und der Zunge, lallte das Wort nach und wiederholte dies so oft, bis es schließlich eine Silbe nach der anderen herauspresste. [a]

By the time this child was 14 months old he had learned all the stories in the New Testament. At this age he was still not weaned from the breast of his nurse, and had an antipathy to other foods. In order to get him accustomed to other forms of food, the family took him to sit with them at meals, but instead of eating "he did nothing but learn." When he saw the various appurtenances he asked persistently how the dishes were named, where they came from, what else could be made from the things, and did not rest until he had discussed every piece of information.

By the time this child was 14 months old, he had memorized all the stories in the New Testament. At this age, he was still nursing and refused to eat other foods. To help him get used to different types of food, the family brought him to sit with them during meals, but instead of eating, "he did nothing but learn." When he saw the different utensils, he kept asking how each dish was called, where they came from, what else could be made from those items, and didn’t stop until he had discussed every detail.

In this mode of life the child remained always happy and in good humor. He was lovable. Only when at times he was refused answers to his questions, because it was feared that he might be injured by too many remembrances, the child was "sorely grieved." The extent of his learning in the fourth year of life was as follows:

In this way of life, the child was always happy and in a good mood. He was lovable. Only when he occasionally didn’t get answers to his questions—because it was feared that he might be hurt by too many memories—was the child "very upset." What he learned by the age of four was as follows:

   Es konnte gedruckte und geschriebene Sachen lateinisch und
   deutsch lesen.

Es konnte gedruckte und geschriebene Dinge auf Latein und
   Deutsch lesen.

   Schreiben konnte es noch nicht, seine Fingerchen waren zu
   schwach dazu.

Schreiben konnte es noch nicht, seine Finger waren zu
   schwach dafür.

   Das Einmaleins konnte es in und ausser der Ordnung hersagen.
   Auch numerieren, subtrahieren, addieren und multiplizieren
   vermochte es.

Das Einmaleins konnte es in und außer der Ordnung aufsagen.
   Auch nummerieren, subtrahieren, addieren und multiplizieren
   vermochte es.

   In Französischen kam es soweit, dass es ganze Historien in
   dieser Sprache erzählen konnte.

In French, it reached a point where entire histories could be told in this language.

   In Latein lernte es über 1500 gute Sprüche aus lateinischen
   Autoren.

In Latin, it learned over 1500 good sayings from Latin
authors.

   Plattdeutsch hatte das Kind von seiner Amme, von der es nicht
   lassen wollte, gelernt.

Plattdeutsch had been learned by the child from its nurse, whom it didn't want to leave.

   In der Geographie fuhr es fort, das Merkwürdigste eines jeden
   auf der Landkarte steheneden Ortes zu fassen. [b]

In geography, it continued to capture the most remarkable aspects of every
place shown on the map. [b]

On a journey across the sea to Copenhagen, undertaken for the boy's health, a storm arose and the passengers were badly frightened, all but the child, who said, smiling "Qui nescit orare, discate navigare." When subsequently the ship came safely to anchor, he remarked, "Anchora navis sistitur; deserit ille suos nunquam, qui cuncta gubernat."

On a trip across the sea to Copenhagen, meant for the boy's health, a storm hit and the passengers were really scared, except for the child, who smiled and said, "He who does not know how to pray should learn how to sail." When the ship finally docked safely, he commented, "The ship's anchor is set; he who governs everything never abandons his own."

When the boy was brought before the Danish king, he said of the diamond order that the king gave him to hold, "C'est l'Ordre d'Elephant, garni de diamant." And gazing at the diamonds, he added, "Les bijoux sont precieux, mais la vie du Roi est plus precieuse."

When the boy was brought before the Danish king, he said about the diamond order that the king gave him to hold, "It's the Order of the Elephant, adorned with diamonds." And looking at the diamonds, he added, "The jewels are precious, but the life of the King is more precious."

The "little Heineken" died at the age of 4 years 4 months, in accordance with the popular superstition that early death awaits the highly intelligent child, "a wonder for all time."

The "little Heineken" passed away at the age of 4 years and 4 months, in line with the common belief that early death comes for exceptionally smart children, "a wonder for all time."

Karl Witte. The father of Karl Witte (35) has furnished a somewhat elaborate account of his son's development, from which we learn that the young Karl could read fluently before his fourth birthday. He learned to write soon thereafter. At the age of 7 years 10 months a public demonstration of his ability to read was given, covering Italian, French, Greek, and Latin. He passed tests of preparedness to matriculate at the University of Leipsic [Leipzig] when he was 9 years old. In the field of mathematics he pursued analytical geometry at 11 and calculus at 12 years of age. At 14 he achieved the degree of Doctor of Philosophy, and was awarded the degree of Doctor of Laws at 16. At 23 he became full professor of jurisprudence at the University of Breslau. He was then called to Halle, and continued there for the remainder of his life, teaching and writing. At the age of 83, still vigorously engaged in mental tasks, he died, thus outliving the melancholy promise of early death which had often been prophesied to his father.

Karl Witte. The father of Karl Witte (35) provided a detailed account of his son's development, from which we learn that young Karl could read fluently before he turned four. He learned to write soon after that. By the age of 7 years and 10 months, he publicly demonstrated his reading skills in Italian, French, Greek, and Latin. He passed the entrance exams to enroll at the University of Leipzig when he was just 9 years old. In mathematics, he studied analytical geometry at 11 and calculus at 12. At 14, he earned a Doctor of Philosophy degree, and by 16, he was awarded a Doctor of Laws degree. At 23, he became a full professor of jurisprudence at the University of Breslau. He was later invited to Halle, where he taught and wrote for the rest of his life. At 83, still actively engaging in intellectual work, he passed away, thus outliving the gloomy predictions of an early death that had often been predicted for his father.

Pastor Witte, who directed his son's education, did not claim for him extraordinary intelligence. "Any man normally well endowed can become a great man if properly educated," he wrote (35). His special method of educating the boy seems to have been simply to afford him companionship. He describes the child as strong, healthy, and playful, without vanity or conceit. From the total record one must conclude that Karl Witte's intelligence quotient in childhood was in excess of 180, comparing his history with those studied in this monograph. His performances in childhood compare favorably with those of the children we have known with IQ (S-B) in the range above 185.

Pastor Witte, who oversaw his son's education, didn't claim that he was exceptionally smart. "Any normally gifted person can become a great individual with the right education," he wrote (35). His unique approach to teaching the boy seemed to be simply providing him with companionship. He describes the child as strong, healthy, and playful, without any vanity or arrogance. From the overall record, one can conclude that Karl Witte's intelligence quotient as a child exceeded 180, especially when comparing his history to those examined in this monograph. His achievements in childhood are quite impressive when compared to those of children we've known with an IQ (S-B) over 185.

Otto Pöhler. IN 1910 Berkhan (2) recorded the performance of Otto Pöhler, "the early reading child of Braunschweig," the son of a master butcher (erstes und einziges Kind der Sclachtermeisters), born August 20, 1892. This child learned to walk and talk and his teeth erupted "at the right time." At the age of 1 year 3 months, when his grandmother led him forth on short neighborhood walks, she would read to him from signs on the streets. And at this period she wrote for him his name, "Otto." Soon he could recognize the word "Otto," when he saw it in the newspaper. Then the grandmother explained to him the alphabet, and read him single words. When Otto was taken to Dr. Berkhan, he was 1 year 9 months old, and he could read incidental matter, such as "April 27," written in Latin across the calendar in Dr. Berkhan's office.

Otto Pöhler. In 1910, Berkhan (2) documented the achievements of Otto Pöhler, "the early reading child of Braunschweig," who was the son of a master butcher, born on August 20, 1892. This child learned to walk and talk, and his teeth came in "at the right time." At the age of 1 year and 3 months, when his grandmother took him on short walks around the neighborhood, she would read to him from signs they passed. During this period, she wrote his name, "Otto," for him. Soon, he began to recognize the word "Otto" when he spotted it in the newspaper. Then his grandmother taught him the alphabet and read him individual words. When Otto visited Dr. Berkhan, he was 1 year and 9 months old, and he could read incidental information, like "April 27," written in Latin on the calendar in Dr. Berkhan's office.

Otto Pöhler, geborn den 20 August 1892 zu Braunschweig, erstes und einziges Kind des Schlachtermeisters, bekam zu rechter zeit Zähne und lernte zu rechter Zeit laufen und sprechen. Als er 5/4 Jahre alt war, führte ihn die Grossmutter vor die Tür und in die nächsten Strassen und nannte ihm dabei die Namen, welche auf den Haus- und Strassenschildern standen, auch hatten ihm Angehörigen mehrfach seinen Vornamen Otto aufgeschrieben. Als das Kind nun eine Zeitung in die Hände bekam, zeigte es den mehrfach in derselben gedruckten Namen Otto. Von da ab erklärte ihm die Grossmutter die Buchstaben und las ihm einzelne Worte vor; dabei ergab sich, dass das Kind ein ungeheures Gedächtnis für Buchstaben, Worte, und Zahlen hatte.

Otto Pöhler, born on August 20, 1892, in Braunschweig, the first and only child of the master butcher, got his teeth in at the right time and learned to walk and talk at the right time. When he was 5 and a quarter years old, his grandmother took him outside and into the nearby streets, naming the places as they passed the house and street signs. Relatives had also written down his first name, Otto, several times for him. One day, when he got hold of a newspaper, he pointed out the name Otto printed multiple times in it. From then on, his grandmother taught him the letters and read individual words to him; it turned out that the child had an incredible memory for letters, words, and numbers.

Als mir der kleine Otto zugeführt wurde, war er wie ich vorhin anführte 1 3/4 Jahre alt. Er tat sehr vertraut, kletterte sofort mehrfach auf meine Kniee, zeigte sich überhaupt sehr beweglich und unruhig. Als er einen neben dem Schreibtisch hängenden Wandkalender erblickte, las er unaufgefordert laut die auf demselben lateinisch gross gedruckte Anzeige: April 27 = "April zwei sieben. . . ."

Als mir der kleine Otto gebracht wurde, war er, wie ich vorher erwähnte, 1 Jahr und 3/4 alt. Er war sehr vertraut, kletterte sofort mehrmals auf meine Knie und war insgesamt sehr lebhaft und unruhig. Als er einen Wandkalender neben dem Schreibtisch sah, las er ohne Aufforderung laut die auf dem Kalender in großen lateinischen Buchstaben gedruckte Anzeige: April 27 = "April zwei sieben. . . ."

Im Oktober, 1894, stellte ich den jungen Otto im Alter von 2 Jahren und 2 Monaten dem ärztlichen Landesverein vor. Als derselbe nach Beendigung meines über ihn gehaltenen Vortrags in den Sitzungssaal geführt wurde, zog einer der Ärzte den Börnerschen Medizinal-Kalender hervor mit der Aufforderung, die lateinische Aufschrift zu lesen. Er las fliessend: "Re—ichs Medizinal-Kalender. Begründet von Dĕr Pa—ul Börnēr. Eins acht neun vier." [c]

Im Oktober 1894 stellte ich den jungen Otto, der 2 Jahre und 2 Monate alt war, dem ärztlichen Landesverein vor. Nachdem ich meinen Vortrag über ihn beendet hatte, wurde er in den Sitzungssaal gebracht, wo einer der Ärzte den Börnerschen Medizinal-Kalender hervorholte und mich aufforderte, die lateinische Aufschrift zu lesen. Er las flüssig: "Re—ichs Medizinal-Kalender. Begründet von Dĕr Pa—ul Börnēr. Eins acht neun vier." [c]

When Otto was 4 years old, Stumpf reported concerning him in the Vossiche Zeitung, of January 10, 1897, describing him as "not strongly yet not poorly developed, physically." The back of the skull was said to be conspicuous; the face, delicate; and the eyes, "wise and alive, taking on a remarkably concentrated expression in thinking." The general impression was that made by a merry, unspoiled youngster, seeing the world. His great passion was still for reading, and the most important things in the world to him were history, biography, and geography.

When Otto was 4 years old, Stumpf reported about him in the Vossiche Zeitung, on January 10, 1897, describing him as "not strongly yet not poorly developed, physically." The back of his skull was noticeable; his face was delicate; and his eyes were "wise and alive, taking on a remarkably concentrated expression when thinking." The overall impression was of a cheerful, unspoiled kid, exploring the world. His biggest passion was still reading, and the most important topics to him were history, biography, and geography.

Er ist körperlich nicht stark, aber auch nicht schlecht entwickelt. Auf den ersten Blick fällt der lange Schädel und der starke Hinterkopf auf. In dem zierlichen Gesicht fesseln kluge, lebhafte Augen, die beim Nachsinnen einen merkwürdig ernsten konzentrierten Ausdruck annehmen. . . . Im ganzen macht er keineswegs den Eindruck eines ungesunden, abgematteten, sondern eines noch ganz frisch und lustig in die Welt schauenden Jungen. . . .

Er ist körperlich nicht stark, aber auch nicht schlecht entwickelt. Auf den ersten Blick fällt der lange Schädel und der starke Hinterkopf auf. In dem zierlichen Gesicht fesseln kluge, lebhafte Augen, die beim Nachdenken einen merkwürdig ernsten, konzentrierten Ausdruck annehmen. . . . Insgesamt macht er keineswegs den Eindruck eines ungesunden, abgematteten, sondern eines noch ganz frischen und fröhlich in die Welt schauenden Jungen. . . .

Seine grösste Leidenschaft ist noch immer das Lesen, und das Wichtigste in der Welt sind ihm historische, biographische und geographische Daten. Er kennt die Geburts- und Todesjahre vieler deutscher Kaiser, auch vieler Feldherren, Dichter, Philosophen, zumeist sogar auch Geburtstag und Geburtsort; ferner die Hauptstädte der meisten Staaten, die Flüsse, an denen sie liegen u. dergl. Er weiss Bescheid vom Anfang und Ende des dreissigjährigen und des siebenjährigen Krieges, von den Hauptschlachten dieser und anderer Kriege. Das alles hat er sich nach Aussage der Mutter ohne fremdes Zutun durch das emsige Studium eines "patriotischen Kalenders" und ähnlicher im Hause vorfindlicher Literatur, auch durch Entzifferung von Denkmalsinschriften in den Städten (wofür er besondere Leidenschaft hat) angeeignet. Als ihm auf zwei verschiedenen Blättern nacheinander 2 zwölfstellige Zahlen gezeigt wurden, die sich nur durch eine der mittleren Ziffern unterschieden, las er sie sogleich als Milliarden und konnte dann, ohne die Blätter wieder anzusehen, mit Sicherheit angeben, worin der Unterschied lag. [d]

Seine größte Leidenschaft ist immer noch das Lesen, und das Wichtigste in der Welt für ihn sind historische, biografische und geografische Daten. Er kennt die Geburt- und Todesjahre vieler deutscher Kaiser, auch viele Feldherren, Dichter und Philosophen, meist sogar Geburtstag und Geburtsort; außerdem die Hauptstädte der meisten Staaten, die Flüsse, an denen sie liegen, usw. Er hat das Wissen über den Anfang und das Ende des dreißigjährigen und des siebenjährigen Krieges, über die entscheidenden Schlachten dieser und anderer Kriege. Das alles hat er laut seiner Mutter ohne Hilfe von außen durch das eifrige Studieren eines "patriotischen Kalenders" und ähnlicher Literatur, die im Haus zu finden war, sowie durch das Entziffern von Inschriften auf Denkmälern in den Städten (wobei er eine besondere Leidenschaft hat) erlernt. Als ihm auf zwei verschiedenen Blättern nacheinander zwei zwölfstellige Zahlen gezeigt wurden, die sich nur durch eine der mittleren Ziffern unterschieden, las er sie sofort als Milliarden und konnte dann, ohne die Blätter erneut anzusehen, mit Sicherheit angeben, worin der Unterschied lag.

Stumpf further said:

Stumpf added:

. . . Dr. Placzek u.a. die den Knaben früher beobachteten, den bestimmten Eindruck gewannen eines besonders geweckten, rasch und scharf denkenden und zugleich eines gutartigen, durchaus liebenswürdigen Kindes. An den Eltern und zumal an der Mutter hängt er mit der grössten Zärtlichkeit. [e]

. . . Dr. Placzek and others who observed the boy earlier gained the distinct impression of a particularly alert, quick-thinking, and sharply intelligent child, who was also kind-hearted and truly lovable. He is deeply attached to his parents, especially to his mother, with the greatest tenderness. [e]

When Berkhan saw Pöhler in July, 1907, the boy was an Obersekundaner in a gymnasium [f]. In April, 1909, aged 16 years 8 months, he appeared as an intelligent, wonderfully retentive, cultured young man, who oriented himself easily and who, although favored over and above his contemporaries, had kept a modest and lovable nature.

When Berkhan saw Pöhler in July 1907, the boy was a junior in a high school. In April 1909, at 16 years and 8 months old, he came across as an intelligent, highly observant, educated young man who adapted easily and, despite his advantages over his peers, maintained a humble and endearing personality.

Jetzt, fast 17 Jahre alt, ist er ein intelligenter, mit einem bewunderungswerten Gedächtnis ausgestatteter, kenntnisreicher, sich auffallend leicht orientierender junger Mann, der, obgleich in seiner Weise vor der Mitwelt bevorzugt, sich ein bescheidenes, liebenswürdiges Wesen bewahrt hat. [g]

Jetzt, fast 17 Jahre alt, ist er ein intelligenter, mit einem bewundernswerten Gedächtnis ausgestatteter, kenntnisreicher, sich auffallend leicht orientierender junger Mann, der, obgleich in seiner Weise vor der Mitwelt bevorzugt, sich ein bescheidenes, liebenswürdiges Wesen bewahrt hat. [g]

Pöhler's plan, when seen on this final occasion, April, 1909, was to go at Easter, 1910, to the university, to become a student of German history.

Pöhler's plan, when viewed on this final occasion in April 1909, was to go to the university for Easter 1910 to study German history.

Other cases. General discussions of mental gifts in children which bear interestingly upon the subject here under discussion but fail to present any specific instances of individuals who exemplify extreme status, are those by Dolbear (7) and by Hartlaub (12), and the lectures given in 1930 before the Hungarian Society for Child Research and Practical Psychology (31). Among the cases cited by Waddle (33) there are none that belong to our study. In the research of Cox (6), the following eminent persons were rated as having been in childhood at or above 180 IQ (S-B): John Stuart Mill, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Blaise Pascal, Thomas Babington Macauly, and Hugo de Groot (Grotius). We would, however, venture to guess, from what we have observed over a long period of the work of persons who in childhood tested from 135 to 200 IQ (S-B), that a large number of the persons included in Cox's study would have tested in childhood at or above 180 IQ (S-B); and that the reasons why they failed of such rating as studied by Cox were two: (1) the data of childhood requisite for the valid rating were lacking; (2) the raters were not sufficiently familiar with what is required in terms of IQ to make possible the evaluation of those studies, because only a few children testing so high could have been seen by any rater, and nothing was as yet known of the performance of tested children at any stage of maturity. Many of the persons studied by the methods of Cox were rated at 140, 150, 155 IQ (S-B), whose performances in early maturity were far in excess of what can be expected of persons who represent nothing better than what the upper quarter of American college students can do (6). It is only when children test at least as high as 170 IQ (S-B) that they render performance in early maturity that suggests anything like the achievements of the persons studied by Cox.

Other cases. General discussions about the mental abilities of children that are relevant to our topic but don’t provide specific examples of individuals who represent extreme levels include those by Dolbear (7) and Hartlaub (12), as well as the lectures presented in 1930 to the Hungarian Society for Child Research and Practical Psychology (31). Among the examples mentioned by Waddle (33), none pertain to our study. In the research conducted by Cox (6), the following notable individuals were identified as having had an IQ of 180 or above (S-B) in childhood: John Stuart Mill, Johann Wolfgang Goethe, Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz, Blaise Pascal, Thomas Babington Macaulay, and Hugo de Groot (Grotius). However, we would guess, based on our long-term observations of individuals who tested between 135 and 200 IQ (S-B) as children, that many people in Cox's study likely tested at or above 180 IQ (S-B) in their youth; and that the reasons they didn’t achieve such ratings as analyzed by Cox were twofold: (1) the childhood data necessary for valid assessments was missing; (2) the evaluators were not adequately informed about what is required in terms of IQ to accurately evaluate those studies, since only a few children with such high scores could have been observed by any evaluator, and at that time, little was known about the performance of tested children at various maturity levels. Many individuals analyzed by Cox’s methods were assigned ratings of 140, 150, or 155 IQ (S-B), with performances in early adulthood far exceeding what would typically be expected from individuals who only represent the upper quarter of American college students (6). Children must score at least 170 IQ (S-B) to demonstrate early maturity performances that suggest anything comparable to the achievements of those studied by Cox.

CHILDREN WHO TEST ABOVE 180 IQ BY BINET-SIMON TESTS

After the publication of the Binet-Simon tests (3), a few cases of children testing very high by means of them were reported in the literature which resulted from the tests before they were revised by Terman (24). At that time, which was previous to the appearance of the Stanford-Binet tests, the IQ was not used in expressing mental status, but we are able to calculate what this was from the data of Mental Age. These early cases, definitely measured, are as follows:

After the Binet-Simon tests were published (3), a few instances of children scoring exceptionally high on them were documented in the literature, based on tests done before Terman revised them (24). Back then, before the Stanford-Binet tests came out, IQ wasn’t used to express mental status, but we can deduce what it would have been from the Mental Age data. The following are the definitively measured early cases:

Bush's daughter, B. In 1914 Bush (5) reported upon the mental examination of his daughter, B, who at the age of 3 years 6 months tested at 6 years by the Binet tests of 1911. Her IQ would thus be proved at about 185, calculated from her father's detailed record of responses. This report was rendered primarily to show that the Binet tests were too easy, as no child could possibly be really so advanced mentally as was B. "B's state is in no wise extra-normal, or beyond what it should be. She represents the norm."

Bush's daughter, B. In 1914, Bush (5) reported on the mental evaluation of his daughter, B, who, at 3 years and 6 months old, tested at a level of 6 years according to the Binet tests from 1911. Her IQ was therefore estimated to be around 185, based on her father's detailed record of her responses. This report was mainly meant to demonstrate that the Binet tests were too simplistic, as no child could realistically be as advanced mentally as B. "B's condition is in no way extraordinary or beyond what it should be. She represents the average."

Additional data concerning B are that she "is of a happy disposition . . . strong and well of body," and that her parents are both teachers. This record clearly reveals a child of surpassing intelligence, contrary to the father's belief that "she represents the norm."

Additional data about B are that she "is of a happy disposition . . . strong and well of body," and that her parents are both teachers. This record clearly shows a child of exceptional intelligence, unlike the father's belief that "she represents the norm."

Elizabeth, recorded by Langenbeck. In 1915 Langenbeck (15) contributed observations of a 5-year-old girl, Elizabeth, who tested at a mental level of about 11 years by the Binet-Simon tests of 1911, administered in the Psychological Laboratory at John Hopkins University. This would yield an IQ of about 220 (assuming the tests of 1911 to be approximately comparable with Stanford-Binet in power to distribute intellect).

Elizabeth, recorded by Langenbeck. In 1915, Langenbeck (15) shared observations of a 5-year-old girl named Elizabeth, who had a mental age of around 11 years according to the Binet-Simon tests from 1911, administered at the Psychological Laboratory at Johns Hopkins University. This would give her an IQ of roughly 220 (assuming the 1911 tests are somewhat comparable in their ability to measure intelligence to the Stanford-Binet).

Elizabeth is described as an only child. At 16 months she had a speaking vocabulary of 229 words, some English and some German, as she had a German nurse. At 5 years of age she had a speaking vocabulary of 6837 words, which are inscribed in the record. The observer writes of her as follows:

Elizabeth is said to be an only child. At 16 months, she had a vocabulary of 229 words, some in English and some in German, thanks to her German nurse. By age 5, her vocabulary had grown to 6,837 words, which are noted in the records. The observer describes her as follows:

Her quickness of thought and readiness with an instant and convincing answer were typified one dusty, blustering day when we were out walking. A cloud of dust enveloped us, to her great indignation, and being a very vehement character she exclaimed, "I should like to kill the dust!" In answer to my reproof, "Do not be so foolish. How can anyone kill the dust?" she replied, "Very easily—pour a little water on it." This was at the age of 4 years. . . . She is highly imaginative, and lives largely in a dream world of her own creation. Her games are nearly all pretense that she is someone else, and that she is surrounded by companions, sometimes purely fictitious, though often characters out of books that have been read to her. . . . When being read to, she asks the meaning of every unfamiliar word, and rarely forgets it, using it thereafter in its proper place. . . . Many of her forebears have been distinguished men and women, and on both sides her family have been people of more than average capacity and cultivation. . . . From an early age she has shown unusual muscular coördination, using her fingers daintily and with precision. From her eighth month she used a paper and pencil, drawing recognizable figures. At 4 years she could illustrate a little story composed by herself. . . . The source of much of her knowledge is a mystery to her parents, and can only be explained by her keen observation and retentive memory, as well as by a power of comprehension much beyond her years. However absorbed she may appear to be in her play, talking vigorously to herself and to imaginary companions all the time, she nevertheless hears everything that is said in her presence, though months will often pass before she alludes to it. . . . She taught herself her letters from street signs and books, and could print them all before she was three, and during the next few months would write letters of several pages, of her own composition, having the words, of course, spelled for her. . . . She has an accurate ear and could sing a tune correctly before her second birthday, and dances in excellent time. . . . Every new thought or impression is at once associated with some previous idea. Hence, doubtless, her marvelous memory. For example, in a country walk she noticed a typical Virginia snake fence, having never seen one before. After a single moment's hesitation she said, "You see that M or W fence?" . . . At the age of five years she had coined twenty-three words— e.g., laten, to make late; neaten, to make neat; plak, to pretend; up-jar, pitcher.

Her quick thinking and ability to come up with an instant and convincing answer were highlighted one dusty, windy day when we were out walking. A cloud of dust surrounded us, which infuriated her, and being quite passionate, she exclaimed, "I want to kill the dust!" When I scolded her, saying, "Don't be silly. How can anyone kill dust?" she responded, "Very easily—just pour a little water on it." This was when she was 4 years old... She's very imaginative and often lives in a dream world of her own creation. Her games mostly involve pretending to be someone else and having companions, sometimes imaginary, but often characters from books that have been read to her... When being read to, she asks the meaning of every unfamiliar word, and she rarely forgets it, using it correctly afterward... Many of her ancestors have been notable men and women, and on both sides, her family has had people of above-average intelligence and education... From an early age, she has shown exceptional motor skills, using her fingers delicately and accurately. By her eighth month, she used paper and pencil, drawing recognizable figures. At 4 years old, she could illustrate a little story she wrote herself... The source of much of her knowledge is a mystery to her parents, which can only be explained by her sharp observation and strong memory, as well as a level of understanding well beyond her age. Even though she seems deeply absorbed in her play, vigorously talking to herself and to imaginary friends, she still hears everything said in her presence, though often months will go by before she references it... She taught herself her letters from street signs and books and could print them all before she turned three. In the following months, she wrote letters of several pages, composed by her, with the words spelled for her, of course... She has an accurate ear and could sing a tune correctly before her second birthday, and she dances in perfect rhythm... Every new thought or impression is immediately linked to some previous idea, explaining her incredible memory. For example, on a country walk, she spotted a typical Virginia snake fence that she had never seen before. After just a moment's pause, she said, "Look at that M or W fence?" ... By the age of five, she had invented twenty-three words—such as laten, to make late; neaten, to make neat; plak, to pretend; up-jar, pitcher.

Rusk's case, from Scotland. In 1917 Rusk (19) published an account of a Scottish boy whose IQ, calculated from Rusk's detailed record, was 166 on first test and about 200 on second test given two and a half years later, the Binet-Simon tests of 1911 being used. This child was the son of a widow in Dundee, who lived and supported her two sons by letting rooms to lodgers. The young brother of this boy was not judged to be remarkably intelligent, but no test was given to substantiate this impression. Details of family history are not recorded.

Rusk's case, from Scotland. In 1917, Rusk (19) published a report about a Scottish boy whose IQ was measured at 166 on the first test and around 200 on the second test conducted two and a half years later, using the Binet-Simon tests from 1911. This child was the son of a widow in Dundee, who supported her two sons by renting out rooms to lodgers. The younger brother of this boy was not considered particularly intelligent, but no test was administered to confirm this impression. Details about the family's history are not documented.

The boy was brought to attention at the age of 5 years by his teachers, who noted particularly his aptitude for mathematics. The mother was unaware of her son's extraordinary intelligence, but she had noticed that he spent a considerable amount of time on the floor, counting. He would count such objects as cigarette coupons begged from lodgers. Also the mother observed that he "had learned before going to school, or being taught to read, to recognize certain words."

The boy caught the attention of his teachers at the age of 5, who especially noted his talent for math. His mother didn’t realize her son was exceptionally intelligent, but she did see that he spent a lot of time on the floor counting. He would count things like cigarette coupons he’d gotten from lodgers. She also noticed that he "had learned to recognize certain words before going to school or being taught to read."

CHILDREN WHO TEST ABOVE 180 IQ BY STANFORD-BINET TESTS

Beatrice. Terman and Fenton (25) first described Beatrice in 1921 under her own name. In 1930 Terman (27) again described this child, under the name of Beatrice (evidently being then convinced that pseudonyms are to be preferred in designating children studied), adding data about development.

Beatrice. Terman and Fenton (25) first identified Beatrice in 1921 under her own name. In 1930, Terman (27) described this child again, still using the name Beatrice (clearly believing that pseudonyms are better for naming children studied), adding information about her development.

The child's four grandparents were respectively of Swedish, German-French, English, and Scottish descent. "The mother is a woman of more than average intelligence, and of considerable musical ability. The father's line of ancestry includes several notables, among them a Lord Mayor of London. The father is a physician, and the author of the Ford Stitch, favorably mentioned in standard texts on surgery. Betty [Beatrice] has no sisters or brothers."

The child's four grandparents were of Swedish, German-French, English, and Scottish descent. "The mother is an above-average intelligent woman with significant musical talent. The father's ancestry includes several notable figures, including a Lord Mayor of London. The father is a doctor and the author of the Ford Stitch, which is positively referenced in standard surgery texts. Betty [Beatrice] has no siblings."

Beatrice was born in San Francisco, January 21, 1912, and was first tested six weeks before her eighth birthday, by Stanford-Binet, yielding then a mental age of 14 years 10 months and an IQ of 188. Her speaking vocabulary was at that time 13,000 words. A variety of mental tests gave nearly the same composite result as that achieved by Stanford-Binet. At the time of testing, the child had never attended school but had been given a little private instruction at home. Her scores on standard tests of scholastic knowledge ranged, nevertheless, from fifth-grade norms (in the four fundamental processes in arithmetic) to second year of college (in tests of poetic appreciation). Her median score in eight scholastic tests was about eighth grade (where the median birthday age of pupils is about 14 years, and where pupils have been in school on an average of eight years).

Beatrice was born in San Francisco on January 21, 1912, and was first tested six weeks before her eighth birthday by Stanford-Binet, which then indicated a mental age of 14 years and 10 months, giving her an IQ of 188. At that time, her speaking vocabulary was 13,000 words. A variety of mental tests produced nearly the same overall result as that achieved by Stanford-Binet. At the time of testing, she had never attended school but had received some private instruction at home. Her scores on standard tests of academic knowledge varied, ranging from fifth-grade levels (in the four basic arithmetic processes) to a sophomore level in college (in tests of poetic appreciation). Her median score across eight academic tests was about eighth grade (where the average age of students is around 14 years, and where students typically have been in school for about eight years).

Ratings for traits of character and for physique gave this child a score much above average in both respects. She weighed 11 pounds and 15 ounces at birth, and at the age of 8 years 2 months corresponded to the standard for 9 years 6 months in weight and for 10 years 6 months in stature. Her hand grip at this time was equal to that of the average 10-year-old. She began to walk at 7 months of age, which is the earliest age of walking recorded for any of the children so far studied, including those who are the special subjects of this monograph. At 19 months she talked clearly and knew the alphabet; and at the age of 4 years 6 months she was discovered reading Heidi, a book of about fourth-grade degree of difficulty. Her parents did not know that she could read, and they have no idea when or how she learned. By her eighth birthday Beatrice had read approximately seven hundred books, many of them twice. At that age it was one of her favorite pastimes to write stories or poems and to illustrate them with original drawings. Her health was said by her parents to be excellent. The measurements given show her to be large and strong for her age.

Ratings for character traits and physical attributes gave this child scores well above average in both areas. She weighed 11 pounds and 15 ounces at birth, and by the time she was 8 years and 2 months old, she measured up to the standard for a 9-year and 6-month-old in weight and a 10-year and 6-month-old in height. Her grip strength at this age was comparable to that of an average 10-year-old. She started walking at 7 months old, which is the earliest walking age recorded for any of the children studied so far, including those specifically covered in this monograph. By 19 months, she spoke clearly and knew the alphabet; and at 4 years and 6 months, she was found reading Heidi, a book at about a fourth-grade reading level. Her parents were unaware that she could read, and they have no idea when or how she learned. By her eighth birthday, Beatrice had read around seven hundred books, many of them twice. At that age, one of her favorite activities was writing stories or poems and illustrating them with her own drawings. Her parents reported that her health was excellent. The measurements indicate she is large and strong for her age.

Beatrice was not entered at school until she was 11 years old, but studied at home under her mother's guidance. There was little formal instruction—as a rule there was arithmetic, from ten to twenty minutes daily. At 11 years of age Beatrice entered the ninth grade of a private school for girls, which she attended for two years. She entered the university when she was 14 years 8 months old, and graduated at 17. In college Beatrice earned A and B grades in English and languages and C's in science. She fell barely short of Phi Beta Kappa Election. Throughout her life she has had few playmates and few intimate friends. Her desire is for a literary career.

Beatrice didn’t start school until she was 11, but she studied at home with her mother’s help. There was little formal teaching—typically, she had about ten to twenty minutes of math each day. When she turned 11, Beatrice joined the ninth grade at a private girls' school, which she attended for two years. She entered university at 14 years and 8 months old and graduated at 17. In college, Beatrice earned A and B grades in English and languages, with C's in science. She just missed out on Phi Beta Kappa honors. Throughout her life, she has had few playmates and close friends. Her goal is to have a literary career.

Root's case, VIII A. In 1921 Root (18) described a boy who at the age of 8 years 0 months scored at a Mental Age of 16 years 0 months, with an IQ (S-B) of 200. Other tests agreed in placing this boy near an average adult level in processes of thought. The stature of the child at this time was 4 feet, and the weight 59 pounds.

Root's case, VIII A. In 1921, Root (18) described a boy who, at 8 years old, had a Mental Age of 16 years, with an IQ (S-B) of 200. Other tests confirmed that this boy was at or near the average adult level in thinking processes. At that time, the child's height was 4 feet, and he weighed 59 pounds.

The ancestry in the case is predominantly English. Father and mother both graduated from high school. The father was a railroad engineer. Two maternal aunts held prominent places in the public schools. The family had "all comforts but few luxuries." "The aunt who has guided the [[boy's]] education seems a rare combination; her educational ideas are a happy union of radical, common sense, and practical factors." "Nervous temperament" is judged by Root to be characteristic of the family on the mother's side.

The family's background is mainly English. Both the father and mother graduated from high school. The father worked as a railroad engineer. Two maternal aunts had significant roles in the public school system. The family enjoyed "all the comforts but few luxuries." "The aunt who guided the [[boy's]] education appears to be a unique blend; her educational beliefs are a successful mix of radical ideas, common sense, and practical elements." "Nervous temperament" is considered a trait of the family on the mother's side, according to Root.

This boy was an only child. His mother stated that he had never been ill, but it is to be considered that she was a Christian Scientist. He was educated at home until he was 7 years 6 months old, learning reading and arithmetical processes through multiplication. He had read the Young Folks' Cyclopaedia of Common Things "over and over." His chief interests were at this time games and reading and, to a lesser degree, animals and flowers.

This boy was an only child. His mother said he had never been sick, but it's worth noting that she was a Christian Scientist. He was homeschooled until he was 7 and a half, learning to read and doing multiplication. He had read the Young Folks' Cyclopaedia of Common Things "many times." His main interests at that time were games and reading, and to a lesser extent, animals and flowers.

The following is a letter from his aunt, describing his home education:

The following is a letter from his aunt, describing his home education:

At the age of three he learned his letters untaught by anyone apparently, and was spelling words. It was felt that this would interfere with his learning to read later on, so he was taught to read by the phonic method. This was done with no more time and personal attention than any first-grade teacher, with ordinary numbers of pupils, could give to each one, provided she were generously supplied with different books, and not limited to one or two sets—state series or otherwise. A few months after his fourth birthday he was reading with independence and an almost perfect power to recognize new words. His only noticed failures were such foreign words as "Chevrolet" seen on billboards, and unusual words like "aisle," used without context, which he pronounced "alicie." His ease in reading was, of course, made possible, or at least greatly facilitated, by the fact that an effort had always been made to use an extended vocabulary in talking to him. Even at two, he would surprise acquaintances and strangers with expressions which meant no greater effort to him than a child's baby-talk; such as, "Oh, the spider has attached his web to the board."

At the age of three, he learned his letters without anyone teaching him and started spelling words. People worried this might interfere with his future reading skills, so he was taught to read using the phonics method. This was done with about the same amount of time and attention that any first-grade teacher could give to a typical number of students, assuming she had access to a variety of books rather than just one or two sets, whether state series or otherwise. A few months after his fourth birthday, he was reading independently and could recognize new words almost perfectly. The only times he struggled were with foreign words like "Chevrolet" on billboards and unusual words like "aisle," which he pronounced "alicie" when used out of context. His reading ability was definitely aided by the consistent effort to use a rich vocabulary when speaking to him. Even at two, he would astonish people, both familiar and unfamiliar, with phrases that required no more effort for him than typical child talk; for example, "Oh, the spider has attached his web to the board."

This ability to read opened a new world, for he read car-signs, billboards, newspapers, magazines, and books. His books and magazines were carefully selected. His access to newspapers, especially the funny sheets, had the most questionable results. But The Child's Garden of Verses and others proved a veritable dream world—as real as the everyday one. He once asked his mother, "Does Robert Louis Stevenson know when I'm naughty?" At another time he wrote a letter to some of the characters in another book. At the age of six he read Swiss Family Robinson and Champlin's Cyclopedia of Common Things—the two books which have been and still are his favorites. Other books which he read before entering school at seven years were: Overall Boys, Brownie Book, Kipling's Just-So Stories (read over and over for two or three years), Swift's Gulliver's Travels, Kingsley's Heroes, Aesop's Fables, Tolstoy's Stories for Children, Grimm's Fairy Tales, Arabian Nights, Barrie's Peter Pan and Peter and Wendy.

This ability to read opened up a new world for him; he read road signs, billboards, newspapers, magazines, and books. His books and magazines were carefully chosen. His access to newspapers, especially the funny comics, had some questionable effects. But The Child's Garden of Verses and others created a true dream world—just as real as the everyday one. He once asked his mom, "Does Robert Louis Stevenson know when I'm being naughty?" Another time, he wrote a letter to some characters in a different book. By age six, he read Swiss Family Robinson and Champlin's Cyclopedia of Common Things—the two books that have always been and still are his favorites. Other books he read before starting school at age seven included: Overall Boys, Brownie Book, Kipling's Just-So Stories (which he read repeatedly for two or three years), Swift's Gulliver's Travels, Kingsley's Heroes, Aesop's Fables, Tolstoy's Stories for Children, Grimm's Fairy Tales, Arabian Nights, Barrie's Peter Pan, and Peter and Wendy.

He entered school at seven and a half years and was put in the B1 (beginner's) class. In the two days he was kept there, he developed a distinct aversion to school since nobody discovered he could do anything and the class confinement and need for sitting still (coupled with the fact that he did not find the toilet for over a week) made school most disagreeable to him. On the third day a member of the family intervened and the teacher very reluctantly allowed him to enter the second grade. She insisted that he could not do the work, as he did not know his sounds. Of course he did "know his sounds," but perhaps he refused to do such baby-work, although he never expressed his unwillingness at home, and seemed quite afraid of displeasing his teacher. In the second grade he was forced to sit for 20 to 25 minutes, studying a reading book, which he could have read through in that time. At home he was told to take some work to school, but the teacher refused to let him read in school, even the Cyclopedia of Common Things. At the end of a week and a half he was in absolute rebellion and was taken out of school.

He started school at seven and a half years old and was placed in the B1 (beginner's) class. During the two days he was kept there, he developed a strong dislike for school since no one recognized that he could do anything. Being confined to the classroom and needing to sit still (along with not finding the toilet for over a week) made school very unpleasant for him. On the third day, a family member stepped in, and the teacher reluctantly let him move up to second grade. She insisted that he couldn't handle the work because he didn't know his sounds. Of course, he did "know his sounds," but maybe he refused to do such simple work, although he never showed any unwillingness at home and seemed quite afraid of disappointing his teacher. In second grade, he had to sit for 20 to 25 minutes studying a reading book that he could have finished in that time. At home, he was told to bring some work to school, but the teacher wouldn't allow him to read there, not even the Cyclopedia of Common Things. After a week and a half, he was in complete rebellion and was pulled out of school.

The family then took this child to a teacher of fourth grade, who was personally acquainted with him, and asked her to examine him for proper placement. This resulted in a more appropriate adjustment. By February of his first year in school he had reached Grade 5A in school placement, and had had thirteen different teachers, including those for special subjects such as music, nature study, and the like. His initial aversion to school lessened, but he found no positive joy in attending. Root describes the temperament of the boy as "somewhat irascible." This case illustrates in extreme degree the maladjustment to school which is characteristic of children testing above 180 IQ (S-B).

The family then took the child to a fourth-grade teacher who knew him personally and asked her to assess him for the right placement. This led to a better adjustment. By February of his first school year, he had moved up to Grade 5A and had thirteen different teachers, including those for special subjects like music and nature study. His initial dislike of school faded, but he didn’t find any real happiness in attending. Root describes the boy’s temperament as "somewhat irritable." This case shows the extreme maladjustment to school that is common among children testing above a 180 IQ (S-B).

Twins A and B. In 1922 Gesell (10) reported the case of twin girls, both of IQ 183 (S-B). Gesell was interested but incidentally in the IQ ratings of these girls, his main interest centering in the condition of twinning. Measurements were taken with a view to comparing twins, and therefore many details that would be of interest for our present purpose—for instance, those of family history—are omitted from the report.

Twins A and B. In 1922, Gesell (10) reported on a case of twin girls, both with an IQ of 183 (S-B). Gesell was interested, but mainly in the condition of twinning, rather than the IQ scores of these girls. Measurements were taken to compare twins, so many details that would be relevant for our current purposes—such as family history—are left out of the report.

A and B were born by Caesarean section, somewhat prematurely, weighing 4.3 pounds and 5.3 pounds, respectively. Notwithstanding their premature birth, in six months A was able to rise spontaneously to a sitting posture in her mother's lap, and very soon thereafter B did likewise. At 11 months both had begun to walk, and to talk in sentences. At the age of 3 years they began the study of French, and in less than a year from that time they were reading elementary English, French, and Esperanto. At the age of 4 they could distinguish parts of speech. They entered the third grade in school at the age of 6 years, and at the time of report they had achieved the seventh grade and were engaged in junior high school work at the age of 9 years.

A and B were born via C-section, a bit early, weighing 4.3 pounds and 5.3 pounds, respectively. Despite being born prematurely, A was able to sit up on her own in her mom's lap within six months, and B soon followed. By 11 months, both had started walking and could speak in sentences. At 3 years old, they began learning French, and less than a year later, they were reading basic English, French, and Esperanto. By age 4, they could identify parts of speech. They entered third grade at 6 years old, and by the time of this report, they had reached seventh grade and were working on junior high school material at 9 years old.

They are not prigs: they are attractive, animated, sociable children, with a bubbling sense of humor. They are popular with their playmates. They can take charge of a gymnasium class in which most of the members are two to four years their seniors, and preserve excellent attention and discipline. They speak mature but not pedantic English, and they speak French with the fluency of a native. They have read the Book of Knowledge in its entirety in French; and a year ago embarked on Russian. They play duets on the piano, but not with rare distinction. They swim; they ride horseback; they write jingles; and they read by the hour. Their school work does not tax them; they do not worry about it; and they are far from fastidious in regard to the form of their written work.

They aren't prudes: they're charming, lively, social kids, with a fun sense of humor. They're popular with their friends. They can lead a gym class where most of the kids are two to four years older than them and still keep everyone's attention and discipline. They speak mature but not stuffy English, and they speak French like a native. They've read the Book of Knowledge in full in French; and a year ago, they started learning Russian. They play piano duets, but not exceptionally well. They swim, ride horses, write jingles, and read for hours. Their schoolwork doesn’t stress them out; they don’t worry about it, and they aren’t picky about the presentation of their written work.

A complete family chart of the twin sisters, A and B, would show evidence of superior endowment in the immediate ancestry on both the maternal sides. Scientific and linguistic ability of high order and physical energy are some of the traits which are found in the two immediate generations. The trait of twinning likewise has a hereditary basis in this instance, for the mother also bore two boys, twins who died in infancy.

A complete family chart of the twin sisters, A and B, would show evidence of strong genetic advantages in their immediate ancestry on both the maternal sides. High-level scientific and linguistic skills, along with physical energy, are some of the traits seen in the two immediate generations. The trait of twinning also appears to have a hereditary basis here, as their mother also had two boys, twins who died in infancy.

Measurements of physique show A and B to be slightly smaller than children of their age in good private schools, but very well nourished. The children have no living brothers or sisters.

Measurements of physique show A and B to be slightly smaller than children their age in good private schools, but they are very well-nourished. The children have no living brothers or sisters.

Elizabeth, reported by Hirt. Elizabeth was reported from the public schools of Erie, Pennsylvania, in 1922, by Hirt (13). She was born January 16, 1914, and was tested June 14, 1921, aged 7 years 5 months. Her Mental Age was found to be 14 years, 0 months, yielding an IQ of 189 (S-B).

Elizabeth, reported by Hirt. Elizabeth was reported from the public schools of Erie, Pennsylvania, in 1922, by Hirt (13). She was born on January 16, 1914, and was tested on June 14, 1921, at the age of 7 years and 5 months. Her Mental Age was found to be 14 years, 0 months, resulting in an IQ of 189 (S-B).

Elizabeth's mother was a member of a large family of children brought from Germany to America by their parents. The father (Elizabeth's maternal grandfather) died soon after their arrival in America, and the mother (Elizabeth's maternal grandmother) worked hard to keep her family together and to give them all an elementary school education. Elizabeth's father is of Pennsylvania German descent. He has a high school education, and attended a business college. His occupation in 1922 was that of a postal mail clerk.

Elizabeth's mother was part of a big family of kids who were brought from Germany to America by their parents. Elizabeth's grandfather passed away shortly after they arrived in America, and her grandmother worked tirelessly to keep the family together and provide them all with a basic education. Elizabeth's father is of Pennsylvania German descent. He completed high school and went to business college. In 1922, he worked as a postal mail clerk.

This child weighed 10 pounds at birth, 22 pounds at 6 months, 28 1/2 pounds at 12 months, and at the age of 7 years 5 months she weighed 61 pounds and was 51 inches tall. Superior size was thus consistently maintained from birth to the time of first report, in 1921. Two teeth erupted before she was 5 months old. She was not quite a year old when she began to repeat words. He first sentence was, "Open the door, Daddy," uttered at the age of 17 months. The parents remembered this sentence as a sudden transition from one-word communications into sentence structure.

This child weighed 10 pounds at birth, 22 pounds at 6 months, 28.5 pounds at 12 months, and at 7 years and 5 months she weighed 61 pounds and was 51 inches tall. She consistently showed superior size from birth to the first report in 1921. Two teeth came in before she was 5 months old. She was just under a year old when she started to repeat words. Her first sentence was, "Open the door, Daddy," spoken at 17 months. The parents remembered this moment as a sudden shift from one-word communication to full sentences.

The only illness Elizabeth had ever had until she was 7 years 4 months old was mumps, which came on at that age.

The only illness Elizabeth had ever experienced until she was 7 years and 4 months old was mumps, which she got at that age.

Hirt's report continues as follows:

Hirt's report goes on:

Among Elizabeth's first toys was a set of cubical blocks with letters and numbers on four sides. One of the baby's favorite amusements was to hold up a block and point to one side after the other for her entertainer to tell what was on the side of the block indicated. Gradually the game changed, and the baby held up the block and pointed to the picture called for by the entertainer. At the age of 15 months she made no mistakes in finding the animals called for, and very soon afterwards she could find the letters in the same way.

Among Elizabeth's first toys was a set of cube-shaped blocks with letters and numbers on four sides. One of her favorite games was to hold up a block and point to each side while asking her caregiver to identify what was on that side. Gradually, the game evolved, and Elizabeth started to hold up a block and point to the picture her caregiver requested. By the time she was 15 months old, she could identify the animals perfectly, and not long after that, she could also find the letters in the same way.

One of her first books was The Story of the Naughty Piggies. The child seemed never to tire of hearing the story read, and by the time she was two and a half years old, when she sat in the lap of the reader, she could turn the page at just the right place in the story. About that time the two leaves in the center of the book loosened and dropped out. The German grandma made a mistake in sewing them in, putting the second first. Elizabeth quickly discovered the mistake and was very unhappy about it. She followed her grandmother about, asking her to fix it. The grandmother could not understand what the child meant, and finally appealed to the child's mother, who discovered what was wrong. Elizabeth was not yet three years old, and they could not believe that the child detected the difference between these two pages of the book. But after the grandmother ripped out the stitches and replaced the leaves in their proper sequence, the little girl showed unmistakable satisfaction and content.

One of her first books was The Story of the Naughty Piggies. The child never seemed to get tired of having the story read to her, and by the time she was two and a half years old, when she sat in the reader's lap, she was able to turn the page at just the right moment in the story. Around that time, the two pages in the center of the book became loose and fell out. The German grandma made a mistake while sewing them in, putting the second one first. Elizabeth quickly noticed the mistake and was very upset about it. She followed her grandmother around, asking her to fix it. The grandmother couldn’t understand what the child meant and eventually turned to the child's mother, who figured out what was wrong. Elizabeth was not yet three years old, and they couldn't believe that the child recognized the difference between those two pages of the book. But after the grandmother took out the stitches and put the pages back in the right order, the little girl showed clear satisfaction and happiness.

At three and a half years of age, Elizabeth was spelling everything she saw printed and asking what the letters spelled, and she could recognize many words. At four years, she read the advertisements in the streetcars, as well as everything in all the books she possessed. During all this time there was no attempt on the part of the parents to make their daughter precocious. They were pleased with her readiness to learn, but they did not look upon her as an unusual child.

At three and a half years old, Elizabeth could spell everything she saw in print and would ask what the letters meant, and she could recognize many words. By four, she was reading the ads on the streetcars, as well as everything in her books. Throughout this time, her parents didn’t try to push her to be advanced for her age. They were happy with her eagerness to learn, but they didn’t see her as an extraordinary child.

In September, 1920, Elizabeth was enrolled in the first grade, in the public schools of Erie, Pennsylvania. She was then 6 years, 8 months old. On her second day in school her teacher discovered that should could read anything that was placed before her. The principal put her in the second grade until she had time to investigate her case. She spent forty-two days in the second grade, during which time the principal observed her closely, and decided to place her in the fourth grade.

In September 1920, Elizabeth started first grade at the public schools in Erie, Pennsylvania. She was 6 years and 8 months old at the time. On her second day of school, her teacher found out that she could read anything that was put in front of her. The principal moved her to second grade while he took the time to look into her situation. She spent forty-two days in second grade, during which the principal watched her closely and decided to promote her to fourth grade.

Elizabeth had no trouble in completing that grade in the remainder of the school year, the principal giving her some special help in spelling and arithmetic. . . . Elizabeth is not a skillful writer, as far as penmanship goes, but she seldom makes a mistake in either spelling or punctuation, and the content of her letters and compositions is superior, even for the advanced grade in which she is now working. . . . Intellectually speaking, this child takes everything to which she is exposed, and she is not satisfied unless she understands the subject fully. Unfamiliar words or terms bring from her the question, "Just what does that mean?" She has a cheery disposition, and laughs often and heartily. She is contented in any environment, because her imagination makes it as she wishes it. . . . When she is reading or studying, she becomes so engrossed that it is hard to attract her attention to anything outside her book. . . . She is slow in her written work, and she is slow and rather awkward in some of her motor coördinations.

Elizabeth had no trouble finishing that grade in the rest of the school year, with the principal giving her some extra help in spelling and math. . . . Elizabeth isn't a great writer when it comes to penmanship, but she rarely makes mistakes in spelling or punctuation, and the content of her letters and essays is excellent, even for the advanced grade she’s currently in. . . . Intellectually, this child absorbs everything she encounters, and she doesn't feel satisfied unless she completely understands the topic. Unfamiliar words or terms prompt her to ask, "What does that mean?" She has a cheerful personality and laughs often and deeply. She feels comfortable in any setting because her imagination shapes it as she wants. . . . When she reads or studies, she gets so absorbed that it's difficult to get her attention away from her book. . . . She is slow in her writing and a bit awkward in some of her motor skills.

After less than a month in the fifth grade, in September, 1921 (age 7 years 8 months), Elizabeth was promoted to the sixth grade, where she is doing superior work. In the examinations at the end of the last semester she ranked about the middle of the class, due to the fact that she is still slow in her written work. But in comprehension she easily leads the class.

After less than a month in fifth grade, in September 1921 (age 7 years 8 months), Elizabeth was moved up to sixth grade, where she is excelling. In the exams at the end of last semester, she ranked about in the middle of her class because she's still a bit slow with her written work. However, in understanding the material, she easily outperforms her classmates.

Thus far nothing has been done for this exceptional child except to move her along from grade to grade five times as rapidly as the average child can go. When we see her at times very evidently bored while a teacher is trying to make a subject clear to pupils of average ability, we wonder what would have happened if Elizabeth were now in the second or third grade where most eight-year-old children are found.

So far, nothing has been done for this exceptional child except to promote her from grade to grade five times faster than the average child. When we see her looking very bored while a teacher is trying to explain a subject to students of average ability, we wonder what would have happened if Elizabeth were now in the second or third grade, where most eight-year-old kids are.

In 1925 Hirt again reported upon the child, Elizabeth, as follows:

In 1925, Hirt reported again on the child, Elizabeth, as follows:

By February, 1923, she had completed the work of the six elementary grades, and she was promoted to the junior high school. Now, at the end of her fifth year in school, she is ready for the second semester's work in the ninth grade. . . . After her promotion to the junior high school, some of her teachers complained that she was lazy; others said that she was very inattentive; and all declared that she was "very silly." The school psychologist had a conference with these teachers, and it was decided that Elizabeth should be given a heavier schedule, and Latin was added to her program. She has been enthusiastic over this subject from the very first. . . . During the past year there has been a steady improvement in Elizabeth's attitude toward her school work as well as in her behavior in general. Though some of her teachers still consider her "silly," they all recognize her unusual mental ability. While they give her B and C grades in most of her subjects, they realize that she could easily do A work in every subject if she cared to. They say that she wastes much time, though her mind seems always to be busy. Her mother says that when she is at home "she writes, and writes, and writes, covering reams of paper." Elizabeth has told her mother that she is writing a book and a play.

By February 1923, she had finished the coursework for the six elementary grades, and she was moved up to junior high school. Now, at the end of her fifth year in school, she is ready for the second semester of ninth grade. After her promotion to junior high, some of her teachers complained that she was lazy; others mentioned that she was very inattentive; and they all agreed that she was "very silly." The school psychologist met with these teachers, and it was decided that Elizabeth should have a heavier course load, so Latin was added to her schedule. She has been excited about this subject from the very beginning. Over the past year, there has been a consistent improvement in Elizabeth's attitude toward her schoolwork as well as in her overall behavior. Though some of her teachers still consider her "silly," they all acknowledge her exceptional mental ability. While they give her B and C grades in most of her subjects, they understand that she could easily achieve As in every subject if she put in the effort. They say she wastes a lot of time, although her mind always seems to be occupied. Her mother says that when she’s at home, "she writes, and writes, and writes, covering reams of paper." Elizabeth has told her mother that she is writing a book and a play.

In the spring of 1925, when a friend asked Elizabeth where she was going to spend her summer vacation, the child replied, "Why, I expect to take a trip around the world." Then seeing the surprise in her friend's face, she explained, "Of course, it is not probable that I shall go far from our porch swing, but I find the swing a very satisfactory conveyance; it is perfectly safe, and it always takes me exactly where I want to go."

In the spring of 1925, when a friend asked Elizabeth where she was planning to spend her summer vacation, the girl replied, "Well, I plan to take a trip around the world." Then, noticing the surprise on her friend's face, she added, "Of course, it's unlikely that I'll go far from our porch swing, but I find the swing a really great way to travel; it's completely safe, and it always takes me exactly where I want to go."

When Elizabeth entered the tenth grade, in senior high school, in 1926, she was 12 years 8 months old. Her social behavior was at about the level for this age, and her teachers were coldly critical, unable or unwilling to reconcile her conduct with her physical size and intellectual maturity. She made very few friends. She was graduated from high school in June, 1929, with the reputation of being lazy. She excelled in the languages, but her work in other subjects was mediocre.

When Elizabeth started tenth grade in high school in 1926, she was 12 years and 8 months old. Her social skills were typical for her age, but her teachers were harshly critical, either unable or unwilling to see her behavior in light of her size and intellectual maturity. She had very few friends. She graduated from high school in June 1929 with a reputation for being lazy. She was good at languages, but her performance in other subjects was average.

After she was graduated from high school, funds were not available for Elizabeth to attend college away from home or to pay tuition. Consequently, because she must live at home she enrolled in a State Teachers College, though she had no desire to become a teacher. She was 15 years 8 months old at this time, and her work was very uneven in excellence. When the time arrived for practice teaching, she was assigned to teach high school pupils of about her own age, and failed in this branch of the work, so that she was not graduated. She received, however, an honorable discharge from the college. During these years, 1929-1933, her situation was further complicated by the passing of a state law prohibiting students below 17 years of age from attending the State Teachers College. As Elizabeth was then still below the age specified in the new law, she was forced to withdraw and wait for time to pass, resuming her studies as soon as she fell within the law.

After graduating from high school, Elizabeth didn't have the funds to attend college away from home or pay for tuition. As a result, since she had to live at home, she enrolled in a State Teachers College, even though she had no interest in becoming a teacher. At this time, she was 15 years and 8 months old, and her performance was quite inconsistent. When it came time for her practice teaching, she was assigned to teach high school students around her age and struggled in this part of the program, so she didn't graduate. However, she did receive an honorable discharge from the college. During these years, from 1929 to 1933, her situation became more complicated by a state law that prevented students under 17 from attending the State Teachers College. Since Elizabeth was still below the age required by the new law, she had to withdraw and wait until she was old enough to resume her studies.

When Elizabeth was discharged from the Teachers College, interested friends made attempts to secure for her a subsistence and tuition scholarship at some good liberal arts college, but no such opportunities were found. One college otherwise interested in granting a tuition scholarship now found her "too old," she being then aged 19 years.

When Elizabeth graduated from Teachers College, friends who were interested tried to get her a living and tuition scholarship at a good liberal arts college, but they couldn't find any opportunities. One college that was otherwise willing to offer a tuition scholarship now considered her "too old," as she was 19 years old at the time.

The scholastic history of Elizabeth is too long to be told here in greater detail. It affords an instructive and tragic example of the blindness of current educational practice in dealing with children who test in the highest ranges of intellect. At 22 years of age Elizabeth lives at home, without suitable occupation, writing poetry and helping with the tasks of the household. Her education as conducted has not provided her with any recognized equipment for enter for entering into the intellectual life of her world, although she possesses one of the best intellects of her generation.

The educational journey of Elizabeth is too lengthy to detail here. It serves as a poignant example of how current educational practices often fail to address the needs of highly intelligent children. At 22, Elizabeth lives at home without a suitable job, writing poetry and assisting with household chores. Her education hasn’t given her any recognized skills to engage in the intellectual life of her community, despite her being one of the brightest minds of her generation.

The case of J. M. The history of J. M., a 10-year-old girl of IQ 190 (S-B), was presented by Washburne (34) in 1924. This girl was a pupil in the public schools of Winnetka, Illinois, where the plan of individualized instruction is followed, with individual subject promotions.

The case of J. M. The history of J. M., a 10-year-old girl with an IQ of 190 (S-B), was presented by Washburne (34) in 1924. She was a student in the public schools of Winnetka, Illinois, where they followed a system of personalized instruction, allowing for individual subject promotions.

At the age of 10 years 6 months, J. M. was 54.5 inches tall and weighed 88.5 pounds. This is decidedly in excess of the standards for average children, as regards size. She was doing work of good quality in the eighth grade, and could have been in high school had not the school authorities checked her progress in the seventh grade by giving her a large amount of extra work to do. Her school record shows that she entered the public schools of Chicago in the first grade, in September, 1919. The teacher of first grade immediately discovered that she knew too much for that grade and brought about her placement in the second grade. There she remained until the following April, when her family moved to Winnetka.

At 10 years and 6 months old, J. M. was 54.5 inches tall and weighed 88.5 pounds. This is definitely above the average size standards for kids. She was performing well in the eighth grade and could have been in high school if the school authorities hadn't slowed her progress in the seventh grade by assigning her a lot of extra work. Her school records indicate that she started at the public schools in Chicago in first grade in September 1919. The first-grade teacher quickly noticed that she was more knowledgeable than her peers and arranged for her to move up to second grade. She stayed there until the following April, when her family relocated to Winnetka.

In Winnetka, J. M. entered the second grade and was promoted in June. Her reading, tested by the Monroe and Gray tests, was up to fifth-grade standard when she reached third grade, and had reached the sixth-grade standard by December, 1920. Her progress in other school subjects was such that in September, 1921, she entered the fifth grade. Her rapid progress was halted somewhat, as she "was carrying a double language course, finishing the fourth grade and beginning fifth-grade work simultaneously." When in May, 1922, she began the sixth-grade work, she completed it in two weeks. "June, 1922, found her, therefore, doing advanced sixth-grade reading, through with sixth grade spelling, almost through with sixth-grade arithmetic, and promoted to the seventh grade in language. She was then nine years old." In the course of this progress, the grade standard in penmanship was last to be achieved. The perplexities which now arose in connection with this child's education are set forth as follows, by Washburne:

In Winnetka, J. M. started second grade and advanced in June. Her reading, assessed by the Monroe and Gray tests, was at a fifth-grade level by the time she reached third grade, and by December 1920, it had reached the sixth-grade standard. Her progress in other subjects was so impressive that by September 1921, she entered the fifth grade. However, her rapid advancement was somewhat slowed down because she "was taking a double language course, finishing fourth grade while starting fifth-grade work at the same time." By May 1922, when she began sixth-grade work, she completed it in two weeks. "June 1922 found her, therefore, doing advanced sixth-grade reading, finished with sixth-grade spelling, almost done with sixth-grade arithmetic, and promoted to seventh grade in language. She was then nine years old." Throughout this progress, achieving the grade standard in penmanship took the longest. The challenges that arose regarding this child's education are detailed as follows, by Washburne:

In spite of the fact that she was so clearly ready for seventh-grade work in the fall of 1922, we hesitated about having her come from the lower grade school to our junior high school. She was smaller and younger than any of the children in the junior high, and we felt that she was already so far advanced that still more progress was perhaps undesirable. But she had formed a warm attachment for two girls a year or so older than herself, both possessed of high IQ's, and she felt that there would be nothing for her to do in the sixth grade if we held her back. This was so obviously true that we admitted her to the junior high school with an agreement that she would remain there until she was twelve years old.

Even though she was clearly ready for seventh-grade work in the fall of 1922, we were hesitant about moving her from the lower grade school to our junior high school. She was smaller and younger than any of the kids in junior high, and we worried that she was already so advanced that further progress might not be beneficial. However, she had formed a close bond with two girls who were about a year older, both of whom had high IQs, and she believed that if we held her back, there would be nothing for her to do in the sixth grade. This was so obviously the case that we decided to admit her to junior high with the agreement that she would stay there until she turned twelve.

We felt that while she doubtless could do the work of the junior high school within a year, or at the most in a year and a half, since our junior high contains only the seventh and eighth grades, she ought not to go to the senior high school too young. We agreed to give her a widely enriched curriculum of electives and special courses, to keep her active and happy for three years. But it didn't work!

We felt that although she could definitely complete the junior high school curriculum within a year, or at most a year and a half, since our junior high only includes the seventh and eighth grades, she shouldn’t start at the senior high school too early. We agreed to provide her with a broad range of electives and special courses to keep her engaged and happy for three years. But it didn’t work!

When she found that no effort on her part would get her through any sooner, she stopped making effort. The end of the first year (June, 1923) found her with seventh-grade cooking, seventh-grade art, and seventh-grade pottery, all incomplete. She had taken up general science toward the end of the year, and of course had not finished it either. She had, on the other hand, completed all of the seventh-grade English and arithmetic, including some advanced work; had done exceptionally well in French. In dramatics she first had a know-it-all attitude, owing to her mother's success in amateur theatricals, but later did very good work. In social studies she had been inclined to superficiality, trusting to her quick grasp on a single reading of the material (Rugg's Social Science Pamphlets) and doing little real thinking. But she was interested, and finished the course within the year.

When she realized that no amount of effort on her part would get her through any faster, she stopped trying. By the end of the first year (June 1923), she was left with incomplete seventh-grade cooking, seventh-grade art, and seventh-grade pottery. She had started general science toward the end of the year and, of course, hadn't finished that either. On the bright side, she had completed all her seventh-grade English and math, including some advanced work, and had done exceptionally well in French. In dramatics, she initially had a know-it-all attitude because of her mother's success in amateur theater, but eventually, she did very well. In social studies, she tended to be superficial, relying on her ability to quickly grasp a single reading of the material (Rugg's Social Science Pamphlets) and not doing much deep thinking. However, she was interested and completed the course within the year.

The general feeling of the teachers, and of J. M. herself . . . was that she had "loafed on the job" a good deal, had been over-confident, and had "let down" generally when the stimulus of rapid advancement was taken away. This gives us some inkling as to what would have happened to her in a regular school system, where the class lockstep is the rule. This year J. M. is taking a straight eighth-grade course with one elective, and is tying up the loose ends left undone at the end of last year.

The overall impression from the teachers, and from J. M. herself, was that she had "slacked off" quite a bit, had been overly confident, and had "dropped the ball" generally when the drive of quick progress was removed. This gives us some idea of what might have happened to her in a regular school system, where everyone moves at the same pace. This year, J. M. is taking a straightforward eighth-grade course with one elective, and is finishing up the loose ends left unresolved at the end of last year.

. . . The child's strong desire to move forward with the children who are now her friends, and the undesirable effect on her of our last year's experiment in holding her back regardless of her effort or ability to go forward, have resulted in our decision to let her graduate this coming June.

. . . The child's strong desire to move forward with the friends she has now, along with the negative impact on her from our decision last year to hold her back despite her efforts and abilities, has led us to decide to let her graduate this coming June.

Her parents, however, have requested that we keep her in our junior high school for a postgraduate year, because they feel that the influence of this school is needed by J. M. We shall, therefore, try to provide a special course for her next fall. If we found out that it does not work out successfully, we will enter her in the senior high school in February, 1925. If, on the other hand, we find that we can give her the sort of education that will be helpful to her in our junior high school and that she responds rightly, we shall hold her here until June, letting her enter the senior high school at the age of twelve and one half years.

Her parents, however, have asked us to keep her in our junior high school for an additional year, because they believe she needs the support of this school. So, we will try to create a special program for her next fall. If it doesn’t work out, we’ll enroll her in senior high school in February 1925. On the other hand, if we see that we can provide her with a beneficial education in our junior high school and she responds positively, we’ll keep her here until June, allowing her to start senior high school at twelve and a half years old.

Interpreting and summarizing our experience with J. M.: Our system of individual instruction has permitted her to make full use of her intellectual ability. When we tried to depart from it to prevent her progress from becoming too rapid, she showed a lack of interest and in some parts of her school work she did not work up to capacity, and even became to a slight extent a discipline problem. Given, however, an incentive to first-class work and the training in social behavior which we are trying to give in our junior high school, J. M. developed successfully and well. On the whole, our system has enabled us to deal with her flexibly and as an individual. It has prevented us from prolonging our mistakes. Probably no system, or uniform plan, can be made to fit children of such exceptional mental endowments. The most we can hope for is a flexibility which will enable us to deal with such children as individuals, feeling our way as we go along.

Interpreting and summarizing our experience with J. M.: Our system of individual instruction has allowed her to fully utilize her intellectual capabilities. When we attempted to change our approach to slow her progress, she became disinterested, and in some areas of her schoolwork, she didn’t perform to her full potential and even developed some minor behavior issues. However, when given incentives for high-quality work and the social skills training we aim to provide in our junior high school, J. M. thrived and improved significantly. Overall, our system has enabled us to work with her flexibly and as an individual. It has helped us avoid prolonging our mistakes. It’s likely that no single system or uniform plan can accommodate children with such exceptional mental abilities. Our best option is to maintain a flexible approach that allows us to engage with these children as individuals, navigating the process as we progress.

As for family background, J. M. originates from ancestors of very superior intelligence. Her parents were both tested by means of Army Alpha and both scored far above the generality of adults. Her father was educated as an electrical engineer but subsequently went into investment banking. J. M.'s paternal grandfather was an architect, trained in Manchester School of Science. He also attended the University of Edinburgh. The paternal great-grandfather was an architect and shipbuilder, expert in laying out factories, and he was descended from a line of builders. The paternal grandmother was an English woman, educated by her aunt, "who had advanced ideas on what a girl should study." The father of this grandmother was a dealer in building materials.

As for family background, J. M. comes from a lineage of highly intelligent ancestors. Her parents were both tested using the Army Alpha and scored well above the average adult. Her father studied electrical engineering but later switched to investment banking. J. M.'s paternal grandfather was an architect, trained at the Manchester School of Science, and also attended the University of Edinburgh. The paternal great-grandfather was an architect and shipbuilder, skilled in designing factories, and came from a family of builders. The paternal grandmother was English and was educated by her aunt, "who had progressive ideas on what a girl should study." This grandmother’s father was a dealer in building materials.

On the maternal side, J. M.'s grandfather was first a teacher, then a merchant, who became very wealthy, and a mayor of a Southern town for eighteen years. The line of his descent was through Southern planters. The maternal grandmother was the daughter of a college professor, who in turn was the son of a physician and surgeon, coming from a long line of physicians. The mother of the maternal grandmother was descended from wealthy farmers. It is of some interest that for three generations at least, J. M. and her immediate progenitors were born when the parents were thirty years or older, in some cases being more than sixty years old.

On the maternal side, J. M.'s grandfather was initially a teacher, then a businessman, who became quite wealthy and served as mayor of a Southern town for eighteen years. His ancestry traced back to Southern planters. The maternal grandmother was the daughter of a college professor, who was himself the son of a physician and surgeon, coming from a long line of doctors. The mother of the maternal grandmother descended from affluent farmers. It's interesting to note that for at least three generations, J. M. and her immediate ancestors were born when their parents were thirty or older, with some being over sixty at the time of their birth.

The case of E. B. This child was described in 1924, by Stedman (22), as having "the highest IQ yet reported." Exception was taken some years ago by the present writer to this description, on the ground that the test by which E. B. registered an IQ of 214 was not first given to the child. She had been tested previously by Stanford-Binet, at the age of 5 years 9 months, earning an IQ of 175. When tested in the Psychological Department of the Los Angeles city schools at the age of 8 years 11 months, E. B. made the record of a superior adult, earning an IQ of 214 (S-B). The record is thus ambiguous, and will be included here only because we cannot say how much allowance should be made for "test wisdom" on second test. However, subsequent history points to 175 IQ as the more probably correct status for this child, since when she was tested at the age of 21 years 1 month, by Lorge and Hollingworth (16), using CAVD, Levels M, N, O, P, and Q, and other tests of cultural and specifically scientific knowledge, the result placed her among individuals who in childhood had tested between 170 and 180 IQ (S-B).

The case of E. B. This child was described in 1924 by Stedman (22) as having "the highest IQ yet reported." A few years ago, I raised concerns about this description, arguing that the test where E. B. scored an IQ of 214 wasn't the first one given to her. She had previously been tested with the Stanford-Binet at the age of 5 years and 9 months, where she earned an IQ of 175. When tested again in the Psychological Department of the Los Angeles city schools at the age of 8 years and 11 months, E. B. achieved a score that was equivalent to a highly intelligent adult, earning an IQ of 214 (S-B). This record is somewhat unclear, and I’m including it here only because it’s hard to determine how much "test wisdom" may have influenced the second test. However, her later assessments suggest that a 175 IQ is likely a more accurate reflection of her abilities. When she was tested at 21 years and 1 month by Lorge and Hollingworth (16), using CAVD, Levels M, N, O, P, and Q, along with other tests measuring cultural and specific scientific knowledge, she scored among individuals who had tested between 170 and 180 IQ in childhood (S-B).

E. B. was born on September 21, 1913. When 4 years 6 months old she was placed in a convent school on account of her mother's departure for France. She was not enrolled as a pupil but was allowed to sit with the high first grade when she wished, because her chum sat there. In four months, at the close of the school year, it was discovered that she could read any page in the reader which had been used as a text, and any page in the public school first reader, which she had never seen before. Accordingly, though not yet 5 years old, she was "promoted" to the second grade.

E. B. was born on September 21, 1913. At 4 years and 6 months old, she was placed in a convent school because her mother went to France. She wasn't officially enrolled as a student but was allowed to sit in on the high first grade whenever she wanted, since her friend was there. Four months later, at the end of the school year, it was discovered that she could read any page in the reader that had been used as a textbook, as well as any page in the public school first reader, which she had never seen before. As a result, even though she was not yet 5 years old, she was "promoted" to the second grade.

At the close of the next school year she was promoted to the fourth grade, aged 5 years 9 months. Before E.B. was 6 years old she had read practically every book listed by the public library at Des Moines for children of the first six grades. At the age of 9 years 4 months she was doing eighth-grade and post-eighth grade work. Her favorite books at the age of 9 years include Barrie's The Little Minister, Sentimental Tommy and Tommy and Grizel; Hugo's Les Misérables; Dickens's Oliver Twist, Our Mutual Friend, and David Copperfield; Eliot's Silas Marner and Mill on the Floss; Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress; Hutchinson's If Winter Comes and This Freedom. . . . Until she entered the opportunity room, E. B. never had a child companion, and was unpopular with children. She was friendly but shy, and was unable to comply with the play standards of other children. In the opportunity room she made better social adjustments. She is cheerful, affectionate, and considerate to the point of self-denial. She obeys implicitly, but is forgetful in the commission of small duties, perhaps because engrossed with more interesting matters. She thinks along economic and political lines, and can hold her own even with many adults in conversing on these subjects. . . . Health is excellent. She has had the usual children's diseases, but has recuperated very quickly. . . . E. B. is of French, English, and Scotch descent. The father finished high school at 13, and was an A and B student at the University, taking gold medals for original composition. He is a writer and an editor. . . . The paternal grandfather is a lawyer, teacher, and author. The paternal grandmother has mathematical ability. E. B.'s mother entered school at 8 years, and completed high school at 15. She then entered business college, and completed the course in less than three months. She then entered college, working her way through with consistently A records. She was editor of a national magazine at 25, and at the time of investigation was an editorial writer on Screenland. . . . The maternal grandfather's history is unknown. It is thought that he was average; but the maternal great-grandfather was probably superior. At 21 he could neither read nor write, but just at this time a public school was established near his home. He entered, and finished the course for the entire eight grades in sixteen months. . . . E. B.'s mother states that E. B. first spoke words with meaning at 7 or 8 months of age, and that she walked at 10 months. When she was 3 years old her parents discovered that she knew the alphabet, which she seems to have learned by asking questions about printed signs. She has had very little formal instruction at home, for her mother has been active in newspaper work most of the time, usually working at night.

At the end of the next school year, she was promoted to fourth grade at 5 years and 9 months old. Before E.B. turned 6, she had read almost every book listed for kids in the first six grades by the public library in Des Moines. By the time she was 9 years and 4 months, she was doing eighth-grade and post-eighth-grade work. Her favorite books at 9 years old included Barrie’s The Little Minister, Sentimental Tommy, and Tommy and Grizel; Hugo’s Les Misérables; Dickens’s Oliver Twist, Our Mutual Friend, and David Copperfield; Eliot’s Silas Marner and The Mill on the Floss; Bunyan’s Pilgrim’s Progress; Hutchinson’s If Winter Comes and This Freedom. Until she joined the opportunity room, E.B. had never had a child friend and was not popular with other kids. She was friendly but shy and struggled to meet the play standards of her peers. In the opportunity room, she made better social connections. She is cheerful, affectionate, and extremely considerate to the point of self-denial. She follows instructions without question but often forgets small tasks, perhaps because she's focused on more interesting things. She thinks about economic and political issues and can hold her own in conversations on these topics, even with many adults. . . . She is in excellent health. She’s had the typical childhood illnesses but recovered very quickly. . . . E.B. has French, English, and Scottish ancestry. Her father finished high school at 13 and was an A and B student at university, earning gold medals for original writing. He is a writer and editor. . . . Her paternal grandfather is a lawyer, teacher, and author. Her paternal grandmother is mathematically talented. E.B.'s mother started school at 8 and finished high school at 15. She then attended business college, completing the course in under three months. After that, she went to college, working her way through with consistent A grades. She was the editor of a national magazine by 25 and was at that time an editorial writer for Screenland. . . . The history of E.B.'s maternal grandfather is unknown. It is believed he was average, but her maternal great-grandfather was likely exceptional. At 21, he couldn’t read or write, but around that time, a public school opened near his home. He enrolled and completed all eight grades in 16 months. . . . E.B.'s mother says that E.B. first spoke meaningful words at 7 or 8 months and walked at 10 months. When she was 3, her parents realized she knew the alphabet, which she seems to have picked up by asking questions about printed signs. She has had very little formal instruction at home since her mother has been active in newspaper work most of the time, usually working at night.

E. B. entered college in a large city at 12 years 0 months of age. The girls in this college are very highly selected for intellect, and E. B. did not do outstanding work among them. She encountered many difficulties, but graduated at the age of 16 years 9 months with a creditable rating. At the age of 20 years she married, holding also at that age a very responsible post in charge of cash for the metropolitan branch of one of the largest manufacturing and distributing companies in the United States. It is her aim to become a writer.

E. B. started college in a big city at 12 years old. The girls at this college are really impressive in terms of intelligence, and E. B. didn’t stand out among them. She faced many challenges but graduated at 16 years and 9 months with a respectable rating. At 20, she got married while also holding a very responsible position managing cash for the metropolitan branch of one of the largest manufacturing and distributing companies in the U.S. Her goal is to become a writer.

Verda. In 1925 Terman (26) reported two children not elsewhere described, with IQ's above 180 (S-B), Verda and Madeline [below], both discovered during the census of the gifted taken in California.

Verda. In 1925, Terman (26) reported on two children who were not mentioned elsewhere, with IQs over 180 (S-B): Verda and Madeline [below], both identified during the gifted census conducted in California.

The occupational level among Verda's male ancestors has been largely in the professions and in business. Her father is a successful life insurance salesman, and shows musical, mechanical, and literary ability. He is of Scotch-Irish extraction. Her mother is of French and English ancestry, a descendant in direct line from Governor Bradford, of colonial New England, and is related to many notables. Verda has no brothers or sisters.

The job level among Verda's male ancestors has mostly been in professions and business. Her father is a successful life insurance salesman and has musical, mechanical, and literary talents. He has Scottish-Irish roots. Her mother is of French and English descent, directly descended from Governor Bradford of colonial New England, and is connected to many notable figures. Verda has no siblings.

The child's first words were articulated at 7 months, and she talked in sentences at 15 months. She hummed a tune at 17 months' could name all the primary colors at 22 months; could count to 13 at 25 months. Her first poem (said in rhyme and meter) was composed at the age of 2 years 9 months. This was recorded by her mother. She did not herself put on paper her literary compositions until the age of 5 years, when she learned to print. After this the stories she composed were no longer recorded by her mother. Soon after she was 4 years old she brought a book to her parents and read to them. Up to that time she had had no formal instruction in reading but she had been read to.

The child spoke her first words at 7 months and formed sentences by 15 months. She hummed a tune at 17 months, named all the primary colors by 22 months, and could count to 13 by 25 months. Her first poem (in rhyme and meter) was created when she was 2 years and 9 months old, which her mother recorded. She didn’t write down her literary works until she was 5 years old, when she learned to print. After that, her stories were no longer written down by her mother. Shortly after turning 4, she brought a book to her parents and read to them. Up until that point, she hadn’t had any formal reading instruction, but she had been read to.

Verda did not enter school until she was 8 years 7 months old, beginning in the high fourth grade.

Verda didn't start school until she was 8 years and 7 months old, starting in fourth grade.

Her IQ was first determined at the age of 11 years 1 month by an incomplete test, made as a demonstration before by an incomplete test, made as a demonstration before a group of teachers in the limited time of fifty minutes, and was calculated at 175. When at age 11 years 7 months she was fully tested in a standard situation, she passed every test provided on Stanford-Binet, proving at an IQ ("corrected" [2]) of 186. Through four years of high school she received an "A" grade in every academic subject, with the exception of one semester of French and one of biology, in which the grade was "B." She was graduated from high school at age of 16 years 9 months.

Her IQ was first assessed at the age of 11 years and 1 month through an incomplete test conducted as a demonstration in front of a group of teachers within a limited time of fifty minutes, and it was calculated to be 175. When she was 11 years and 7 months old, she underwent a full standard assessment and excelled in every test on the Stanford-Binet, resulting in a corrected IQ of 186. Throughout her four years of high school, she earned an "A" in every academic subject except for one semester each of French and biology, in which she received a "B." She graduated from high school at the age of 16 years and 9 months.

According to her own testimony, Verda's usual amount of study during her senior year was only six hours a week outside of school hours. "She is fond of parties and dances, and is very active in student life, particulary through her literary contributions. She rates herself as rather disliking study. She would rather read, play the piano, compose music, stories, or plays, or spend time with her friends." (In 1926 she won a gold medal in a piano-playing contest.) She has shown a wide margin of energy and ability over and above what is necessary for a "straight A" record in high school.

According to her own account, Verda studied only six hours a week during her senior year outside of school. "She loves parties and dances and is very involved in student life, especially through her writing. She considers herself to dislike studying. She prefers to read, play the piano, compose music, stories, or plays, or hang out with her friends." (In 1926, she won a gold medal in a piano competition.) She has demonstrated a significant amount of energy and talent beyond what is needed to maintain a "straight A" record in high school.

There is much more in the description of this child that is interesting, but the case cannot here be quoted in full.

There’s a lot more in the description of this child that’s interesting, but I can’t share the full case here.

Madeline. At the age of 6 years 7 months Madeline yielded an IQ of 192 (S-B). She was then in the third grade, but her scores on Stanford Achievement Tests corresponded to fifth- and sixth-grade norms. At 7 years of age, her parents' chief concern in regard to her was to prevent her from reading too much.

Madeline. At 6 years and 7 months, Madeline had an IQ of 192 (S-B). She was in the third grade, but her scores on the Stanford Achievement Tests matched those of fifth- and sixth-graders. At 7 years old, her parents' main worry about her was to keep her from reading too much.

At 7 months of age Madeline was able to distinguish all the pictures on the walls of her home when they were named to her. She could identify the pictures of six American poets when she was a little over a year old. She knew the common flowers by name before the age of 3. Her mother reported that "reading seemed to be born in her." She could count to 100 at 3 years, played parchesi at 4 years, and "carried the powers of 2 mentally to the 20th, as a Sunday afternoon pastime before the age of 6." At 7 years of age she was writing poetry with religious thought expressed.

At 7 months old, Madeline could recognize all the pictures on the walls of her home when they were named for her. By just over a year old, she could identify the pictures of six American poets. She knew the names of common flowers before she turned 3. Her mother said that "reading seemed to be natural for her." She could count to 100 by age 3, played Parcheesi at 4, and could do powers of 2 mentally up to the 20th as a Sunday afternoon activity before she was 6. By age 7, she was writing poetry that expressed religious thoughts.

Entering school in the first grade at the age of 4 years 11 months, Madeline was held in the ordinary course on account of her age and in order to improve in handwork, in which she seemed deficient. She was listless and bored at school, and developed habits of procrastination and time-wasting. In high school, however, she began to take an interest in the work offered, and at the time of report she was finishing the ninth grade with "A" ratings in all except an occasional course which she regarded as uninteresting or meaningless.

Entering school in the first grade at age 4 years and 11 months, Madeline was held back as expected due to her age and to help her improve in handwork, where she seemed to struggle. She felt uninterested and bored at school, developing habits of procrastination and wasting time. However, in high school, she started to engage with the material offered, and by the time of her report, she was completing the ninth grade with "A" grades in all subjects except for an occasional class she found uninteresting or pointless.

Often when she is sent out to the back yard at night to dispose of kitchen refuse, she fails to return until her mother goes in search of her. Her mother always finds her studying the heavens. Madeline has recently developed a strong interest in astronomy, has devoured several books on the subject, and is planning to become an astronomer.

Often when she is sent out to the backyard at night to throw away kitchen scraps, she doesn’t come back until her mother goes to look for her. Her mother always finds her gazing at the stars. Madeline has recently become really interested in astronomy, has read several books on the topic, and is planning to become an astronomer.

The health of this child has always been good. She has had the usual children's diseases, and contracts colds, but has never been seriously ill.

The health of this child has always been good. She has had the typical childhood illnesses and catches colds, but has never been seriously ill.

Madeline's ancestry is very superior. On the paternal side, the grandfather was of English-Irish descent; the grandmother, of Scottish-French descent. Teaching and preaching have been the usual occupations. On the maternal side, the grandfather was of German-Dutch descent; the grandmother, of English descent. The child's parents are both university graduates, and they have done graduate work. She has two younger sisters, of 167 and 162 IQ (S-B), respectively. The family is in very moderate financial circumstances, having taken responsibility in the care of relatives.

Madeline comes from a very distinguished background. On her father's side, her grandfather was of English-Irish heritage, and her grandmother had Scottish-French roots. Teaching and preaching have typically been their professions. On her mother's side, her grandfather was of German-Dutch descent, while her grandmother was of English descent. Both of Madeline's parents are university graduates and have pursued advanced degrees. She has two younger sisters, with IQs of 167 and 162 (S-B), respectively. The family is of modest financial means, having taken on the responsibility of caring for relatives.

Rosemarie. In 1928, Schorn (20) reported upon a girl aged 4 years 6 months, who tested at 8 years Mental Age in the Psychologisches Institut at Würzberg. This report gives her an IQ of 184. She was brought to attention because she could read fluently at the age of 3 years 6 months, without having been schooled.

Rosemarie. In 1928, Schorn (20) reported on a girl who was 4 years and 6 months old, but tested at a mental age of 8 years at the Psychologisches Institut in Würzburg. This report indicates her IQ was 184. She drew attention because she could read fluently by the age of 3 years and 6 months, without any formal schooling.

The case of this child illustrates some of the points of misunderstanding of such children by those who have not seen several like them. Because she could not perform motor tasks in advance of her years, it was concluded that she "was not generally bright."

The situation with this child highlights some misunderstandings about kids like her among those who haven't encountered many others in similar situations. Since she couldn't complete physical tasks that were typical for her age, it was assumed that she "wasn't very intelligent."

The case of K. In 1934 Goldberg (11) described the case of K, a boy who achieved an IQ of 196 (S-B) when tested at the age of 6 years 7 months.

The case of K. In 1934, Goldberg (11) described the case of K, a boy who scored an IQ of 196 (S-B) when tested at 6 years and 7 months old.

K was born June 25, 1927, in New York City, of Jewish parents, and is an only child. The parents state from memory that K started to walk at 14 months of age, and could talk rather fluently at the age of 1 year 6 months. Dentition began at 8 months of age. His health has been very good, and he has had no serious illnesses.

K was born on June 25, 1927, in New York City to Jewish parents and is an only child. His parents recall that K started walking at 14 months and was able to speak quite fluently by 1 year and 6 months. He began teething at 8 months. His health has been very good, and he hasn’t experienced any serious illnesses.

When K was 20 months old, he knew his alphabet and within a short while after that he was able to recite it backwards. At about the same time he had a set of blocks, which offered him additional opportunity for developing a well-nigh astounding feat. He could by looking at one of the figures on a given block call off from memory the other five objects on the remaining sides. This he was able to do for almost the entire set. At about 2 years of age K knew his own name and address and what is more significant the addresses and telephone numbers of the entire family, numbering about a dozen.

When K was 20 months old, he knew his alphabet, and shortly after that, he could recite it backwards. Around the same time, he had a set of blocks that provided him with more chances to develop an impressive skill. By looking at one of the pictures on a block, he could name from memory the other five objects on the remaining sides. He was able to do this for almost the entire set. By the time he was 2 years old, K knew his own name and address, and even more impressively, he knew the addresses and phone numbers of the whole family, which included about a dozen people.

By studying a calendar he learned to tell on what particular day a certain date would fall. For example, if he were asked on what day of the week July 16 would fall he would indicate Thursday. . . .

By looking at a calendar, he figured out what day of the week any given date would be. For example, if someone asked him what day of the week July 16 would be, he would say it falls on a Thursday. . . .

K began to read at about 4 years of age. He was given no formal training in the beginning mechanics of reading. The only assistance he received was a suggestion that he "pronounce words by syllables." At this time he was already reading simple words easily.

K started reading at around 4 years old. He didn't have any formal training in the basic mechanics of reading. The only help he got was a tip to "break words into syllables." By this point, he was already able to read simple words with ease.

K is of Jewish origin. Mr. K at the time of K's birth was 32 years of age, and Mrs. K was 35. Neither K's mother nor his father has had the benefit of college training. They are for the most part self-educated. Mr. K is a proprietor of a small retail business.

K is of Jewish descent. At the time of K's birth, Mr. K was 32 years old, and Mrs. K was 35. Neither K's mother nor father had the opportunity to attend college. They are mostly self-taught. Mr. K owns a small retail business.

At the age of 6 years 7 months K's height with shoes was 47.3 inches, and his weight was 52 pounds. He is well nourished, and his physical condition was found negative for all unfavorable indications. When asked for the year, in the test at year IX (S-B), K said, "It is 1934, but if you believe in the Jewish calendar, it is 5694."

At 6 years and 7 months old, K's height with shoes was 47.3 inches, and he weighed 52 pounds. He is well-nourished, and his physical condition showed no negative signs. When asked for the year in the test at year IX (S-B), K said, "It's 1934, but if you go by the Jewish calendar, it's 5694."

The case of B. Witty and Jenkins (36) have reported the case of B, a gifted Negro girl, who was tested at the age of 9 years 4 months, earning an IQ of 200 (S-B), "corrected" score, and of 187, "uncorrected" score. [3] At the time of testing, B was in the low fifth grade at school, her mental age being 17 years 5 months at least ("uncorrected" score). She had received but one double promotion though others were offered by the school, because B's mother is afraid that the child will get too far from her age group.

The case of B. Witty and Jenkins (36) reported the case of B, a talented Black girl, who was tested at the age of 9 years and 4 months, earning an IQ of 200 (S-B), "corrected" score, and 187, "uncorrected" score. [3] At the time of testing, B was in the low fifth grade at school, with a mental age of at least 17 years and 5 months ("uncorrected" score). She had only received one double promotion, despite others being offered by the school, because B's mother was worried that the child would become too distanced from her age group.

B was discovered by asking a teacher to nominate the "most intelligent" and "best student" among children in her class. B was nominated as "best student," while a girl four years older, whose IQ turned out to be below 100, was nominated as "most intelligent." This circumstance is illustrative of the lack of insight which necessarily exists in relation to such children where teachers have no special instruction in regard to them. The report continues:

B was found by asking a teacher to name the "most intelligent" and "best student" in her class. B was named the "best student," while a girl four years older, who had an IQ below 100, was chosen as the "most intelligent." This situation highlights the misunderstanding that often occurs regarding such children when teachers have no specialized training about them. The report continues:

The following items were secured from B's baby book, and from the mother's reports. B, an only child, was born November 18, 1924. The mother was then 27 years of age, and the father 31. B weighed 6 3/4 pounds at birth, 14 pounds at 3 months, and 17 1/2 pounds at 9 months. At 9 years and 5 months, B weighed 60 pounds and was 50 inches in height; this is normal for a child of her height and age (Baldwin-Wood norms).

The following information was taken from B's baby book and the mother's reports. B, an only child, was born on November 18, 1924. The mother was 27 years old at the time, and the father was 31. B weighed 6.75 pounds at birth, 14 pounds at 3 months, and 17.5 pounds at 9 months. At 9 years and 5 months, B weighed 60 pounds and was 50 inches tall; this is normal for a child of her height and age (Baldwin-Wood norms).

B walked a few steps at 8 months (under the excitement of running after a dog), but walked no more till she was 12 months old. She employed short sentences when she was about 16 months of age. Her mother reports that B expressed her thought in sentences, rather than in isolated words, almost from the beginning of language development; she excited considerable comment among friends by displaying an extensive vocabulary and by using nursery rhymes at age 2.

B took a few steps at 8 months (out of excitement from chasing a dog), but didn't walk again until she was 12 months old. She started using short sentences around 16 months. Her mother says that B communicated her thoughts in sentences, not just single words, almost from the start of her language development; she impressed friends with her large vocabulary and by using nursery rhymes when she was 2.

B was taught to read by her mother at age 4, by the "picture-story" method. (She knew the alphabet long before.) A few lessons only were given her and thereafter B read and has continued to read independently.

B's mother taught her to read using the "picture-story" method when she was 4, even though she already knew the alphabet. After just a few lessons, B learned to read on her own and has continued to read independently ever since.

B has had no serious illnesses or accidents; her health history appears normal and her physical condition at the present time is excellent. Furthermore, she seems unusually well balanced from the standpoint of mental hygiene. B exhibits regularity in habits, sleeps soundly, seldom reports dreams, displays no unusual fears, and adapts herself quickly and successfully to the demands of her child-group.

B has had no major illnesses or accidents; her health history looks normal and her current physical condition is excellent. Additionally, she seems remarkably well-balanced when it comes to mental health. B has regular habits, sleeps well, rarely mentions dreams, shows no unusual fears, and adjusts quickly and effectively to the needs of her group of kids.

B's parents appear distinctly above the average both in intelligence and in academic training. The mother finished a two-year normal course and taught for a number of years in a metropolitan school system. The father is an electrical engineer, a graduate of Case College of Applied Science; he has pursued graduate studies at Cornell University, and has done some college teaching. At present he is a practicing electrical engineer. . . . Her maternal great-grandfather (who is still active and robust at age 82) was private secretary to each of four executives of a large railroad system. . . . Her paternal grandfather was an inventor and manufacturer of polishes and waxes. . . .

B's parents stand out significantly in terms of intelligence and education. The mother completed a two-year teaching program and taught for several years in a big city school system. The father is an electrical engineer, a graduate of Case College of Applied Science, and has taken graduate courses at Cornell University, along with some college teaching experience. Currently, he is working as a practicing electrical engineer. . . . Her maternal great-grandfather (who is still active and healthy at 82) served as the private secretary to four executives of a major railroad company. . . . Her paternal grandfather was an inventor and manufacturer of polishes and waxes. . . .

The mother reports B to be of pure Negro stock. There is no record of any white ancestors on either the maternal or paternal side.

The mother reports that B is of pure Black descent. There are no records of any white ancestors on either the mother’s or father’s side.

B has not much ability or interest in music. Her favorite subject is science, and chemistry attracts her to the extent that she wishes to become a chemist.

B doesn't have much talent or interest in music. Her favorite subject is science, and she's so drawn to chemistry that she wants to become a chemist.

Child R. In 1936, Zorbaugh and Boardman (38) described a boy, R, of IQ 204 (S-B). They mention also three other children of IQ above 180, tested at New York University's Clinic for the Social Adjustment of the Gifted, but R is the only one described.

Child R. In 1936, Zorbaugh and Boardman (38) described a boy, R, with an IQ of 204 (S-B). They also mentioned three other children with IQs above 180, tested at New York University's Clinic for the Social Adjustment of the Gifted, but R is the only one detailed.

R was brought to the Clinic when he was 8 years old, and at that time he had on the Stanford-Binet an IQ of 204. His father, an engineer, is a well-known writer in the scientific field. His mother holds a doctor's degree in physical chemistry from a foreign university. Neither the father nor the mother has been tested, but they are both persons of very unusual mental ability. R's two younger brothers are also of very superior mentality. The family is of Jewish origin and both the father and the mother were born in a foreign country.

R was brought to the Clinic when he was 8 years old, and at that time he had an IQ of 204 on the Stanford-Binet scale. His father, an engineer, is a well-known writer in the science field. His mother has a doctorate in physical chemistry from a foreign university. Neither of his parents has been tested, but both have very unusual mental abilities. R's two younger brothers also have superior intellects. The family is of Jewish descent, and both parents were born in another country.

R, their first child, was born when the mother was thirty and the father was thirty-five. His early development was exceedingly precocious. His first tooth erupted at five months of age; he began to walk at nine months and was running at eleven months; he was talking in sentences at eleven months; he learned to read at four years of age, and was reading omnivorously before he entered school. When he entered school he had an unusual vocabulary, using such words as "casuistry" and "disproportionate." At the age of 2 he was modeling in clay, and at the age of 3 he began to design and make machines. He applied through his father to the United States Patent Office for two patents before he was 8 years old. At 8 years of age he had a large library in his home composed mostly of books of science, history, and biography, which he had catalogued himself, on the Dewey decimal system. At this age he was writing a book on electricity. Also at the age of 8 he had a small machine shop in which he was working on his machines. At the age of 6 he enjoyed discussing philosophy. At the age of 7 he would debate on the significance of religion in world development.

R, their first child, was born when his mother was thirty and his father was thirty-five. His early development was remarkably advanced. His first tooth came in at five months; he started walking at nine months and was running by eleven months; he was forming sentences by eleven months; he learned to read by four years old and was reading voraciously before starting school. When he entered school, he had an impressive vocabulary, using words like "casuistry" and "disproportionate." At age 2, he was molding clay, and by age 3, he began designing and building machines. He applied through his father to the United States Patent Office for two patents before turning 8. By age 8, he had a large home library mostly filled with books on science, history, and biography, which he had cataloged himself using the Dewey decimal system. At this age, he was also writing a book on electricity. Additionally, at 8, he had a small machine shop where he worked on his inventions. At 6, he enjoyed discussing philosophy, and by 7, he was debating the role of religion in world history.

The day he first came to the Clinic, Claudel's experiments on developing power by raising the colder water from the lower levels of the sea had just been reported in the scientific section of the New York Times. R explained the theory involved much more clearly than had the scientific writer of the Times.

The day he first arrived at the Clinic, Claudel's experiments on harnessing energy by bringing colder water up from the depths of the ocean had just been covered in the science section of the New York Times. R explained the theory much more clearly than the science writer from the Times.

R is well developed physically, above average in height, and considerably above average in weight, likes the outdoors, especially hiking and riding horseback. At the age of 9 he showed the first symptoms of the approach of puberty. R is well adjusted to his school and his playmates, plays on their soccer and baseball teams, is well liked, and is a leader in many of their activities.

R is physically well-developed, taller than average, and much heavier than average. He enjoys outdoor activities, especially hiking and horseback riding. At 9 years old, he began showing the first signs of puberty. R fits in well at school and with his friends, plays on their soccer and baseball teams, is well-liked, and often takes the lead in many of their activities.

Other cases. In addition to these children who have been somewhat fully described, a few others testing above 180 IQ (S-B) have been mentioned in the literature of gifted children or their records have appeared in tabulations. In 1923 Dvorak told of a boy of IQ 183 (S-B) who was examined at the University of Minnesota. This boy was conspicuously maladjusted at school. He "hated school," and did poor work there. He was 8 years 7 months old at the time of examination, and passed the tests at a mental level of 15 years 9 months. The educational authorities were unsympathetic and resistant to advice, but finally placed the child in the fifth grade, where both work and conduct improved greatly. This observer also mentions a boy of 189 IQ (S-B) who was tested at the same University.

Other cases. Besides the children who have been somewhat fully described, a few others with an IQ above 180 (S-B) have been mentioned in the literature on gifted children or their records have shown up in reports. In 1923, Dvorak talked about a boy with an IQ of 183 (S-B) who was tested at the University of Minnesota. This boy was clearly not adjusting well at school. He "hated school," and performed poorly there. He was 8 years and 7 months old at the time of testing and showed a mental level of 15 years and 9 months. The educational authorities were unsupportive and resistant to suggestions, but eventually moved the child to the fifth grade, where both his performance and behavior improved significantly. This observer also notes a boy with an IQ of 189 (S-B) who was tested at the same university.

Cyril Burt, writing of mental tests in the schools of London, cites an English boy of 190 IQ, but does not give a description of him. The value of these mere mentions is slight because there is no elaboration and no subsequent history of the cases which would be useful for purposes of generalizations.

Cyril Burt, discussing mental tests in London schools, mentions an English boy with an IQ of 190, but he doesn’t provide any description of him. The value of these brief mentions is limited because there’s no detail or follow-up history on the cases that would be helpful for making generalizations.

GENERALIZATIONS

The preceding [cases] describe in some detail 19 cases rating 180 IQ or better, if those be included (3 cases) that were reported before the Stanford Revision came into use. Although the reports are lacking in uniformity and vary in emphasis, it is possible to glean from them a few generalizations concerning origin and development among the gifted.

The previous [cases] outline in some detail 19 cases with an IQ of 180 or higher, including 3 cases that were reported before the Stanford Revision was implemented. While the reports lack consistency and differ in focus, it’s possible to draw a few general conclusions about the origins and development of gifted individuals from them.

Origin is extremely varied as regards racial stock. In describing
the 14 American children, German descent is mentioned 3 times,
French 3, Scottish 5, English 5, Swedish 1, Scotch-Irish 1,
Dutch 1, Jewish 1, Negro 1. There is one German child.

Origin is highly diverse in terms of racial background. In describing
the 14 American children, German descent is noted 3 times,
French 3, Scottish 5, English 5, Swedish 1, Scotch-Irish 1,
Dutch 1, Jewish 1, Black 1. There is one German child.

The occupational status of the fathers all fall in Class 1 or Class 2 of Taussig's rating—professional, clerical, or business proprietors. Social-economic status wherever mentioned is said to be moderate. None is stated to be very wealthy or very poor.

The fathers' job statuses all fall into Class 1 or Class 2 of Taussig's rating—professional, clerical, or business owners. Whenever social-economic status is referenced, it's described as moderate. None are reported to be very wealthy or very poor.

Age of parents at birth of the exceptional child covers a wide range.

The age of parents when they have an exceptional child varies greatly.

Development is decidedly ahead of schedule for the group in all respects. Reported age of walking (7 cases stated) ranges from 7 months to 14 months. Talking in sentences, in the 10 cases in which it is given, ranges from 8 months to 19 months. In 13 cases the age of reading is assigned, this being always 3.5 or 4 years.

Development is definitely ahead of schedule for the group in every way. The reported age for walking (7 cases noted) ranges from 7 months to 14 months. Speaking in sentences, in the 10 cases where it’s mentioned, ranges from 8 months to 19 months. In 13 cases where the age for reading is noted, it's consistently 3.5 or 4 years.

General health is, whenever mentioned, always reported as good, and except for the twins, born prematurely, physique is superior.

General health is always reported as good whenever mentioned, and aside from the twins, who were born prematurely, the physique is excellent.

In the array of 19 cases there are 12 girls and 7 boys, whereas of the 12 cases to be [later] reported [in] this study only 4 are girls. In the grand total there are 16 girls and 15 boys.

In the set of 19 cases, there are 12 girls and 7 boys. However, of the 12 cases that will be reported later in this study, only 4 are girls. Overall, there are 16 girls and 15 boys.

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[1] It is not absolutely clear from Terman's text whether the 15 children above 180 IQ (S-B) are to be thought of as representing the 643 children statistically treated in Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. I, or whether they rest upon the "nearly one thousand" as a base, who were located. [[In a personal communication Professor Terman writes that it was 15 out of 643.]]

[1] It's not completely clear from Terman's text whether the 15 children with an IQ above 180 (S-B) should be seen as representing the 643 children statistically analyzed in Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. I, or if they are based on the "nearly one thousand" who were found. [[In a personal communication, Professor Terman states that it was 15 out of 643.]]

[2] Correction is attempted according to a formula for records exceeding the top of S-B, but this formula has never been actually validated.

[2] Correction is tried using a method for records that go beyond the top of S-B, but this method has never been properly validated.

[3] See previous footnote.

See earlier footnote.

[a] "On December 3rd, 1721, someone first noticed that the child watched these figures here and there for a long time without stopping, and his little eyes at the same time stuck [upon them]. Someone said to him the names of these figures: that would be a cat, that a tower, a little sheep, a mountain. The following [lit. "other"] day, the 4th of December, someone asked him again, where the cat, the mountain, the little sheep were and [to] look there; the child indicated with his little tiny fingers there, and always hit upon the right picture, that they had named to him. Even more, now he gave effort himself to repeat the previously said words: cat, mountain, tower: hence, he saw with unrelated glances [likely, unrelated to the figures he was previously transfixed on] the speaking from the mouth [likely, of whoever named the objects], got the movement of the lips and the tongue [with] the same steady attending, slurred the word afterward and repeated this so often, until he finally pressed out one syllable after another.

"On December 3rd, 1721, someone first noticed that the child stared at these figures for a long time without stopping, his little eyes fixed on them. Someone told him the names of these figures: that one is a cat, that one is a tower, that one is a little sheep, that one is a mountain. The next day, December 4th, someone asked him again where the cat, the mountain, and the little sheep were and pointed them out; the child indicated with his tiny fingers and always pointed to the correct picture they had named. Even more, he made an effort to repeat the words he had heard before: cat, mountain, tower; thus, he watched the speaker’s lips and tongue with the same focused attention, mumbled the words afterward, and repeated this so often that he gradually formed one syllable after another."

[b] He [pronoun is literally "it," derived from neut. case noun "das Kind" i.e., "the child"] could read printed things in Latin and German.

[b] He [pronoun is literally "it," derived from neut. case noun "das Kind" i.e., "the child"] could read printed material in Latin and German.

He could not also write them; his little fingers were too weak to do so.

He couldn't write them either; his little fingers were too weak to manage it.

He could recite times tables both in and out of order. He could also count, subtract, add, and multiply.

He could recite multiplication tables in any order. He could also count, subtract, add, and multiply.

In French, he got so far, that he could recount entire histories in this language.

In French, he got to the point where he could tell entire stories in that language.

In Latin, he learned over 1,500 good sayings from Latin-language authors.

In Latin, he learned over 1,500 valuable quotes from Latin authors.

He learned Low German from his nurse, of whom he didn't want to let go.

He learned Low German from his caregiver, whom he didn't want to leave.

In geography, he continued to grasp the most curious things on each of the maps of existing places.

In geography, he kept noticing the most interesting features on all the maps of real places.

[c] Otto Pöhler, born the 20th of August, 1892 to Braunschweig, first and only child of a master butcher, got teeth at the correct time and learned to walk and speak at the right time. When he was five fourths of a year old, his grandmother led him outside the door and into the next streets and in the course of this named to him the names which were on the house and street signs, and also relatives wrote down him first name, Otto, multiple times. When the child then got a newspaper in his hands, he showed the same printed name, Otto. From then on, the grandmother explained to him the letters and read aloud to him single words; in the process, it resulted that the child had a prodigious memory for letters, words, and numbers.

[c] Otto Pöhler, born on August 20, 1892, in Braunschweig, was the first and only child of a master butcher. He got his teeth at the right time and learned to walk and talk when he should have. When he was five years old, his grandmother took him outside and into the nearby streets, explaining the names on the buildings and street signs. Relatives also wrote down his first name, Otto, multiple times. When he later held a newspaper, he recognized his name printed as Otto. From that point on, his grandmother taught him the letters and read single words to him, leading to a remarkable memory for letters, words, and numbers.

When the little Otto was brought to me, he was, as I previously cited, 1_3/4 years old. He was very conversant, climbed immediately multiple times onto my knees, showed himself, overall, very mobile and restless. When he caught sight of one of the hanging wall calendars next to the writing table, he read loudly, unprompted, the large-print, Latin display on the same (April 27): "April two-seven…"

When little Otto was brought to me, he was, as I mentioned before, 1 3/4 years old. He was very talkative, immediately climbed onto my lap multiple times, and was overall very active and restless. When he saw one of the hanging wall calendars next to the writing table, he read aloud, unprompted, the large-print Latin text on it (April 27): "April twenty-seven..."

In October, 1894, I brought the young Otto, at the age of 2 years and 2 months, before the physician's country club. When the end of my delivered lecture about him came, which was led in the boardroom, one of the doctors showed the Börner's Medicinal-Calendar, with the request to read the Latin inscription. He read fluently: "Imperial Medicinal-Calender. Founded by Pa-ul Börner. One, eight, nine, four."

In October 1894, I took young Otto, who was 2 years and 2 months old, to the physician's country club. At the end of my presentation about him in the boardroom, one of the doctors pointed out the Börner's Medicinal Calendar and asked me to read the Latin inscription. He read it smoothly: "Imperial Medicinal Calendar. Founded by Paul Börner. One, eight, nine, four."

[d] He is not physically strong, but also not badly developed. At first glance the long skull and the strong back of the head stand out. In the delicate face clever, expressive eyes are captivating, which, with pondering, take on at first a curiously serious, concentrated expression. In the whole, he does not at all make an impression of an unhealthy, jaded child, but rather of a boy with a completely fresh and merry view of the world.

[d] He isn’t physically strong, but he’s not poorly built either. At first glance, the long shape of his skull and the strong curve of his head stand out. In his delicate face, his clever, expressive eyes are captivating, and when he thinks, they take on a curiously serious, focused look. Overall, he doesn’t give the impression of an unhealthy, worn-out child, but rather that of a boy with a fresh and joyful outlook on the world.

His biggest passion is still always reading, and the most important thing in the world to him are historic, biographic, and geographic dates. He knows the birth and death years of many German Kaisers, also many generals, poets, philosophers, mostly also birthdays and places of birth; furthermore the capitals of most states, rivers on which they lie and the like. He knows decisions of the beginning and end of the Thirty Year's and Seven Year's Wars, of the main battles of these and other wars. From statements of the mother, everything he picked up on without outside help, through the diligent study of a "patriotic calendar" and similarly discoverable literature in the house, also through the deciphering of monument inscriptions in the cities (for which he especially has passion). When two different pages with two 12-digit numbers were shown to him in succession, [the numbers of] which differed by one of the middle digits, he read them as far as the billons and could then, without looking at the pages again, with certainty, specify wherein the difference lay.

His biggest passion is still reading, and the most important things in the world to him are historical, biographical, and geographical dates. He knows the birth and death years of many German emperors, as well as numerous generals, poets, and philosophers, including many birthdays and places of birth. He also knows the capitals of most countries, the rivers they’re located on, and similar facts. He understands the events that marked the beginning and end of the Thirty Years' and Seven Years' Wars, along with the key battles from those conflicts and others. He picked up all this information from his mother's statements, studying a "patriotic calendar," and other literature found in the house, as well as deciphering monument inscriptions in the cities, which he is especially passionate about. When shown two different pages with two 12-digit numbers that differed by one of the middle digits, he could read them all the way to the billions and, without looking back at the pages, confidently specify where the difference was.

[e] Dr. Placzek et al. who earlier observed the boy, the definitive impression prevailed of a specially aroused, rapid, and sharp-thinking and, at the same time, a benign, quite loveable child. With the parents and particularly with the mother he's involved with the greatest affection.

[e] Dr. Placzek and others who had previously examined the boy came away with a strong impression of him as a particularly alert, quick-thinking, and perceptive child, who was also kind and quite lovable. He shares a deep bond with his parents, especially with his mother, and shows them the greatest affection.

[f] An Obersekundaner is a pupil in seventh year of a German secondary school. "Gymnasium" here means secondary school.

[f] An Obersekundaner is a student in the seventh year of a German secondary school. "Gymnasium" in this context refers to secondary school.

[g] "Now, almost 17 years old, he is an intelligent, young man, equipped with an admirable memory, full of knowledge; a young man easily getting noticed, orienting, who, although in his way preferred before his contemporaries, has proven [to have] a humble, lovable nature."

[g] "Now, nearly 17 years old, he is a smart young man, with an impressive memory and a wealth of knowledge; a young man who easily stands out, understands his surroundings, and, although he prefers his own way over that of his peers, has shown to have a humble, likable personality."

PART II TWELVE CASES NEW TO LITERATURE CONCERNING TESTED CHILDREN

CHAPTER FOUR CHILD A

Child A is a boy, born June 18, 1914. He was brought by his parents to Teachers College, Columbia University, in the latter weeks of 1920, for mental tests. This was on the advice of the principal of the school A attended, for the boy was a school problem. He did not adjust himself readily to the work of the classroom in the second grade where he was at that time placed, at the age of 6 years 6 months. The school had found A ready for work beyond the second grade in reading and arithmetic, but because of his age and size it had decided to place him in second grade. The record made at that time and subsequently reads as follows:

Child A is a boy, born June 18, 1914. His parents brought him to Teachers College, Columbia University, in the later weeks of 1920 for some mental tests. This was on the advice of his school principal, as he was having difficulties at school. He struggled to adapt to the classroom work in the second grade, where he was placed at the age of 6 years and 6 months. The school had determined that he was ready for work beyond the second grade in reading and math, but due to his age and size, they decided to keep him in the second grade. The record from that time and afterward states the following:

FAMILY BACKGROUND

A is descended from German Jews on both sides of his family. His parents are not related by blood so far as can be known. He is of the third generation to be born in the United States.

A is descended from German Jews on both sides of his family. His parents are not related by blood to the best of anyone's knowledge. He is the third generation to be born in the United States.

The paternal grandfather is living [[1920]] and well, a tailor by trade. He is "very handy" in making helpful devices to use in his shop. The paternal grandmother is living [[1920]] and well, a competent housewife, who has evinced no noticeable intellectual interests.

The paternal grandfather is alive [[1920]] and well, working as a tailor. He is "very handy" at creating useful tools for his shop. The paternal grandmother is also alive [[1920]] and well, a capable housewife, who hasn't shown any significant intellectual interests.

No dependent or incompetent relatives of the father are known. It is usual for the progenitors in the paternal branch to die between the ages of 80 and 100 years. The paternal great-grandfathers of A died aged 86 and 89 years, respectively. The paternal great-grandmothers both died at 40 years. The paternal great-great-grandmothers died at 101 and 102 years, respectively. There have been no constitutional diseases in the ancestry.

No dependent or incapable relatives of the father are known. It’s typical for the ancestors in the paternal line to live between 80 and 100 years. A's paternal great-grandfathers both died at ages 86 and 89. The paternal great-grandmothers both passed away at 40. The paternal great-great-grandmothers lived to be 101 and 102 years old, respectively. There have been no hereditary diseases in the family.

A's father has but one sibling, A's paternal uncle, who is a successful dentist. He married a teacher, and has two young daughters, A's cousins. One of these, about 6 months older than A, has twice been tested by Stanford-Binet, her IQ's being 170 and, a year later, 161. At the age of 8 years, this girl had reached the fifth grade in public school. She now [[1920]] attends a special class organized for children of her age who test over 150 IQ. The other of these cousins was tested by Stanford-Binet on November 9, 1923, yielding an IQ of 129. These two girls are the only first cousins A has.

A's dad has just one sibling, A's paternal uncle, who is a successful dentist. He married a teacher and has two young daughters, A's cousins. One of these cousins, who is about 6 months older than A, has been tested twice by Stanford-Binet, with IQ scores of 170 and, a year later, 161. At age 8, she was already in fifth grade in public school. Now, she attends a special class for kids her age who have IQs over 150. The other cousin was tested by Stanford-Binet on November 9, 1923, with an IQ of 129. These two girls are A's only first cousins.

A's maternal grandfather is living [[1920]] and well. He is a cloth salesman, but he has always seemed dissatisfied with this vocation. He had to go to work at an early age. The maternal grandmother is living [[1920]] and well, a competent housewife, not especially interested in intellectual pursuits.

A's maternal grandfather is alive and doing well [[1920]]. He sells fabric, but he always seems unhappy with this job. He had to start working at a young age. The maternal grandmother is also alive and doing well [[1920]], a capable homemaker, not particularly interested in intellectual activities.

No dependent or mentally incompetent relatives of the mother are known. All are self-sustaining. There are no constitutional diseases in the maternal ancestry. It is usual for the progenitors on the maternal side to die between the ages of 60 and 70 years, but one of A's maternal great-grandmothers lived to the age of 90 years. A's mother has but one sibling, A's maternal uncle, a salesman, who is unmarried.

No dependent or mentally incompetent relatives of the mother are known. All are self-sufficient. There are no hereditary diseases in the maternal family. It's typical for the maternal ancestors to die between the ages of 60 and 70 years, but one of A's maternal great-grandmothers lived to be 90. A's mother has only one sibling, A's maternal uncle, who is a salesman and unmarried.

Father. A's father is a large, strong man, now following the profession of organization engineer. He is a high school graduate and a graduate of Webb Academy, holding a diploma from the latter as marine engineer and marine architect. He has invented and patented a complete combustion furnace, and has designed a set of torpedoes which were used in the Japanese-Russian war. During the war of 1914-1918, he participated in the development of a fleet destroyer, and designed a boat superior to previous models for transporting nitrocellulose. He made the original layout for one of the largest steel plants in the United States. His rating on Army Alpha is 180 points. His grip is 70 kg. in the right hand and 64 kg. in the left hand (Smedley's dynamometer). He was 29 years old when A was born.

Father. A's father is a big, strong guy who now works as an organizational engineer. He graduated from high school and Webb Academy, where he earned a diploma as a marine engineer and marine architect. He invented and patented a complete combustion furnace and designed a set of torpedoes used during the Japanese-Russian war. During the 1914-1918 war, he helped develop a fleet destroyer and designed a boat that was better than previous models for transporting nitrocellulose. He created the original layout for one of the largest steel plants in the United States. His Army Alpha score is 180 points. He has a grip strength of 70 kg in his right hand and 64 kg in his left hand (Smedley's dynamometer). He was 29 years old when A was born.

Mother. A's mother was graduated from high school at the age of 18 years. Before marriage she was in business, as an executive in charge of advertising for one of the largest drug concerns in this country. She has handled business affairs involving large sums for a tobacco company. She also did some newspaper work. Formerly she had excellent health, but she has not been entirely well since the birth of her children. She was 27 years old when A was born.

Mother. A's mother graduated from high school at 18. Before getting married, she worked as an executive in charge of advertising for one of the largest pharmaceutical companies in the country. She managed business affairs involving large amounts of money for a tobacco company. She also did some work for newspapers. She used to be in great health, but she hasn't been completely well since she had her children. She was 27 when A was born.

Noteworthy relatives. In the paternal branch these include cousins who founded the Banking House of Tuch, in London. The father's maternal grandfather (A's great-grandfather), a tailor, devised and patented a union suit, said to have been the first union suit. He also invented an improved buckle for adjusting men's vests in the back. It was said of him, "He was always trying to invent things."

Noteworthy relatives. On the father's side, this includes cousins who established the Tuch Banking House in London. The father’s maternal grandfather (A's great-grandfather), a tailor, created and patented a union suit, believed to be the first of its kind. He also came up with a better buckle for adjusting men’s vests in the back. People said of him, "He was always trying to invent things."

Noteworthy relatives of the mother include the founder of the
Lemaire Optical Goods firm. This firm has an international
reputation for fine lenses. A cousin of the mother is a judge.
Another relative was a leader of Jewish reform movements.

Notable relatives of the mother include the founder of the
Lemaire Optical Goods company. This company has a global
reputation for high-quality lenses. A cousin of the mother is a judge.
Another relative was a leader in Jewish reform movements.

Immediate family. A is the first-born child. He has one brother, three years younger than himself. This brother is large, strong, and handsome. His IQ on repeated tests, at intervals of a year, has stood at 145, 152, 145, 161. He too displays the special interest in mathematics which characterizes A. For instance, at the age of 5 years he set himself the project of counting all his footsteps until he had counted a million consecutive steps. This project he carried out, his parents submitting to the numerous inconveniences incident to it. The growth of this brother affords an interesting comparison with that of A, since we have here two children, both of extremely superior intelligence, of the same ancestry, and living under the same school and home conditions, one of whom is nevertheless as superior to the other—in terms of IQ—as that other is superior to the average child.

Immediate family. A is the oldest child. He has one younger brother, who is three years his junior. This brother is big, strong, and good-looking. His IQ has consistently tested at 145, 152, 145, and 161 over several years. He also shows a keen interest in math, just like A. For example, when he was 5, he set a goal to count all his footsteps until he reached a million steps. He completed this project, with his parents dealing with the many inconveniences it caused. The growth of this brother provides an interesting comparison to A, as both are highly intelligent children from the same background, living in the same school and home environment. Yet, one is significantly more advanced in IQ than the other, just as that other is ahead of the average child.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

The preschool history of A has been elicited from the parents and from the "baby book" kept by them. A was born at full term, and the birth was normal in all respects. He weighed 7 pounds 9 ounces, and was breast fed for the first several months of life. He began to articulate words at 10 months, and at 14 months could pick out letters on the typewriter at command. At 12 months he could say the alphabet forward, and at 16 months he could say it backward as well. His parents had no idea that he could reverse the alphabet until one day he announced that he was "tired of saying the letters forward" and guessed he would "say them backward." The concepts of "forward" and "backward" had thus been developed by the age of 16 months. At 12 months he began spontaneously to classify his blocks according to the shape of the letters on them, putting V A M W N together, Q P O G D together, and so forth. This love of classifying has remained one of his outstanding characteristics. As an infant, he would for hours thus amuse himself with his alphabet blocks.

The preschool history of A has been gathered from his parents and the "baby book" they kept. A was born full term, and the birth went smoothly. He weighed 7 pounds 9 ounces and was breastfed for the first few months of his life. He started saying words at 10 months, and by 14 months, he could identify letters on the typewriter when asked. At 12 months, he could recite the alphabet forward, and by 16 months, he could say it backward too. His parents had no idea he could do that until one day he mentioned he was "tired of saying the letters forward" and figured he would "say them backward." By 16 months, he had already grasped the concepts of "forward" and "backward." At 12 months, he began to sort his blocks by the shapes of the letters on them, grouping V, A, M, W, N together, Q, P, O, G, D together, and so on. This passion for sorting has stayed one of his key traits. As a baby, he would entertain himself for hours with his alphabet blocks.

When 18 months old he was able to carry out simple errands involving not more than three or four items. By the time A was 30 months old he could copy all the colored designs possible with his kindergarten blocks. Before the age of 3 years he enjoyed rhymes, and would amuse himself rhyming words together. From the time he was old enough to be taken out to walk, he would point out letters on billboards and signs with keen interest and delight, crying, "Oh, see D! There's J, Mother! There's K and O!" Also before the age of 3 years A objected to stories containing gross absurdities. For instance, he rejected the story of the gingham dog and the calico cat who "ate each other up." A pointed out that this could not be, "because one of their mouths would have to get eaten up before the other mouth, and no mouth would be left to eat that mouth up." He was irritated by this obvious lapse from logic and requested that the story be read to him no more.

When he was 18 months old, he could run simple errands with no more than three or four items. By the time A was 30 months old, he could recreate all the colored patterns using his kindergarten blocks. Before he turned 3, he loved rhymes and would entertain himself by making up rhyming words. From the time he was old enough to go for walks, he would eagerly point out letters on billboards and signs, exclaiming, "Oh, look at D! There's J, Mom! And there's K and O!" Also, before the age of 3, A did not like stories with ridiculous absurdities. For example, he rejected the tale of the gingham dog and the calico cat who "ate each other up." A pointed out that this couldn’t be true, "because one of their mouths would have to get eaten first, and then no mouth would be left to eat that mouth." He was annoyed by this clear lack of logic and asked that the story not be read to him again.

A learned to read for himself during the third year of life, and read fluently before he entered school.

A learned to read on his own during his third year of life and was reading fluently before he started school.

The photograph in Figure 1 [not included] shows one of A's amusements at the age of 10 months—balancing and rolling simultaneously a large ball between his hands and another between his feet as he lay on his back in his crib. This activity illustrates his power of motor coördination in infancy, and it is especially interesting in connection with the errors of judgment made by A's teachers to the effect that "A is below average in control of his body."

The photo in Figure 1 [not included] shows one of A's activities at 10 months old—balancing and rolling a large ball between his hands and another between his feet while lying on his back in his crib. This activity demonstrates his motor coordination skills in infancy, and it's particularly noteworthy in light of the mistakes made by A's teachers who claimed that "A is below average in body control."

FIG. 1. CHILD A AT THE AGE OF 10 MONTHS.
SCHOOL HISTORY

First year. A has always attended private schools. He started school at the age of 5 years, in Philadelphia. Here he was placed in the kindergarten, though the question was raised by teachers as to the greater advisability of placement in the first grade. After a few months in this school the family moved to New York, where A entered an excellent private school at the age of not quite 6 years. By this time he had developed many numerical processes by himself. On one occasion the mother went to speak to the teacher regarding the advisability of teaching such advanced processes to so young a child at school, and the teacher replied in great surprise that she had been on the point of asking the parents not to teach so young a child these matters.

First year. A has always gone to private schools. He started school at the age of 5 in Philadelphia. He was placed in kindergarten, although teachers questioned whether it would be better for him to be in first grade. After a few months at this school, the family moved to New York, where A joined a top private school at just under 6 years old. By then, he had taught himself many math skills. One time, his mother spoke to the teacher about whether it was wise to teach such advanced skills to a child so young, and the teacher expressed surprise, saying she was about to ask the parents not to teach those topics to a child of that age.

Second year. In the autumn of 1920, A entered a private school which he attended for several years. It was here that he was considered to be a school problem. It was recognized that he was ready scholastically for a grade much beyond his age and size. As a compromise he was placed in the second grade. Soon the teacher of the second grade advised that he be considered for the third grade, as he did not "fit" into second-grade work. Thereupon he was brought to Teachers College for educational guidance. The report stated that A stood far ahead of the other second-grade children in reading and arithmetic but that he was "poor in carrying out projects," and did not seem interested in the activities of the second grade.

Second year. In the fall of 1920, A started attending a private school where he would be enrolled for several years. It was here that he was seen as a challenge for the school. It became clear that he was academically ready for a grade much higher than his age and size. As a compromise, he was placed in the second grade. Soon, the second-grade teacher recommended that he be considered for the third grade because he didn’t "fit" in with the second-grade work. Consequently, he was taken to Teachers College for educational support. The report indicated that A was performing significantly better than the other second-graders in reading and math, but it noted that he was "poor in carrying out projects" and seemed uninterested in the second-grade activities.

After mental examination of A, revealing an intelligence level of 12 years 2 months, it was explained that there had never been worked out an established appropriate procedure for variants of such rare occurrence. The advice given was to place A in the third grade; for although his Mental Age was then more than 12 years (his physical age at this time was 6 years 6 months), many of the 8-year-olds in this school would approximate A's mental capacity, since the median IQ of the pupils there was about 120. A was accordingly placed in the third grade, where he had the good fortune to meet a teacher of extraordinary knowledge and ability. At the end of that year he was promoted to the fourth grade.

After a mental evaluation of A, which showed an intelligence level equivalent to 12 years and 2 months, it was noted that there had never been a standard procedure developed for such rare cases. The recommendation was to place A in the third grade; even though his mental age was over 12 years (his physical age at that time was 6 years and 6 months), many of the 8-year-olds in this school had similar mental abilities, given that the average IQ of the students there was around 120. A was subsequently placed in the third grade, where he was fortunate to have a teacher with exceptional knowledge and skills. By the end of that year, he was promoted to the fourth grade.

Third year. In the autumn of 1921 A was in the fourth grade, with the same teacher he had had in the third grade. Outside of school hours he took special work in sports and games with a group of young boys. At the end of that year he was promoted to the fifth grade, and placed in a special fifth-grade group which had been formed of the brightest children of this status in the school. During this time a special effort was made to develop A in social activities and to interest him in group projects, with the result that "he became much more a member of the group." Nevertheless, he still liked to "lie down on his back and look up at the ceiling," instead of joining common projects. "His mind often seems to be miles away."

Third year. In the fall of 1921, A was in the fourth grade, with the same teacher he had in third grade. Outside of school hours, he participated in special sports and games activities with a group of young boys. By the end of that year, he was promoted to the fifth grade and placed in a special fifth-grade group made up of the brightest students in the school. During this time, a concerted effort was made to involve A in social activities and group projects, leading him to become “much more a member of the group.” However, he still enjoyed “lying on his back and looking up at the ceiling,” rather than taking part in common projects. “His mind often seems to be miles away.”

Fourth year. In the autumn of 1922 A was in the fifth grade, composed of the special group referred to above, with classmates about two years older than himself, whose IQ's ranged above 140. At the end of that year he was promoted to the sixth grade, at age 9 years. He seemed happy and contented during his fourth year in school but displayed many characteristics which might well try the patience of any but a very wise teacher. The tendency to become absorbed in his own line of thought continued, giving an impression at times of indifference, absent-mindedness, and non-coöperation. Also, he was "slow to take advice." He decided, for instance, not to learn French, as he was "not interested in it." He persisted in this attitude until it was clearly explained to him that people who go to college must know French, whereupon he applied himself and learned the language. The relative difficulty in handwriting, shopwork, and other manual tasks which such a child experiences in comparison with older classmates is also a problem for the teacher.

Fourth year. In the fall of 1922, A was in the fifth grade, part of the special group mentioned earlier, with classmates about two years older than him, whose IQs were above 140. By the end of that year, he was promoted to the sixth grade at 9 years old. He seemed happy and satisfied during his fourth year in school but showed many traits that could test the patience of even the wisest teacher. His tendency to get lost in his own thoughts continued, which sometimes made him seem indifferent, absent-minded, and uncooperative. He was also "slow to take advice." For example, he decided not to learn French because he said he "wasn't interested." He stuck to this decision until it was clearly explained to him that anyone who goes to college needs to know French, after which he committed himself to learning the language. The relative difficulty he faced in handwriting, shop work, and other manual tasks compared to older classmates also posed challenges for the teacher.

Fifth Year. In the autumn of 1923 A entered the sixth grade. He was at this time 9 years old.

Fifth Year. In the fall of 1923, A started sixth grade. He was 9 years old at that time.

JUDGMENTS OF TEACHERS

Teachers' judgments of A show the usual disagreements and errors. His superior intelligence has been recognized to some extent by nearly all. One teacher, however, has felt his superiority to be merely for reading and arithmetic. Several teachers have judged A to be inferior in respect to manual dexterity and motor coördination, forgetting that their comparison was based always on older children, A's classmates. Only one teacher bore this fallacy of judgment in mind in reporting her estimates. For instance, one of the supervisors who had observed A, reported that he was below the average child of his age in penmanship. A was then 6 years old. This supervisor seemed not to recall that the average child of that age has no penmanship whatever. Direct quotation from teachers' estimates will best show how A has been appraised.

Teachers' opinions of A show the usual disagreements and mistakes. His higher intelligence is recognized to some degree by almost everyone. However, one teacher has felt that his superiority only applies to reading and math. Several teachers have judged A to be lacking in manual skills and motor coordination, overlooking the fact that their comparisons were always made with older children, A's classmates. Only one teacher remembered this error in judgment while sharing her evaluations. For example, one of the supervisors who observed A reported that he was below average for a child his age in penmanship. A was only 6 years old at the time. This supervisor seemed to forget that an average child at that age typically has no penmanship skills at all. Direct quotes from teachers' evaluations will best demonstrate how A has been assessed.

He was quite a desirable pupil, and we should have been glad to keep him. From the headmaster of the school A first entered.

He was a really desirable student, and we would have been happy to keep him. From the headmaster of the school A first entered.

Though ahead of the class in arithmetic and reading, he reasons like a child of 6. He has undeveloped judgment. From a teacher, in 1920.

Though he excels in math and reading, he thinks like a 6-year-old. His judgment is still developing. From a teacher, in 1920.

He seems to like the third grade, and the children like him. Intellectually he is able to carry the work of the grade, and while he is not yet very responsive in manual work, I think he can gain the muscular control he needs here as well as in a lower grade. He has made a splendid effort in the matter of penmanship. He is still very imperfectly adjusted to the school situation, but in time will find himself able to meet the requirements, I am sure. From a report of a classroom teacher, for February 1 to March 18, 1921.

He seems to enjoy third grade, and the kids like him. Intellectually, he's capable of handling the grade's work, and while he's not very engaged in hands-on activities yet, I believe he will develop the muscle control he needs here as well as in a lower grade. He has put in great effort with his handwriting. He is still struggling to adjust to the school environment, but I'm sure he will eventually meet the expectations. From a report of a classroom teacher, for February 1 to March 18, 1921.

Although A still has lapses of inattention during class lessons, in general he complies with class requirements and he has learned to use his free time without direction. His gain in penmanship has been marked. From report of a classroom teacher, for March 21 to May 27, 1921.

Although A still has occasional lapses in attention during lessons, he generally meets class requirements and has learned to use his free time independently. His improvement in penmanship has been significant. From report of a classroom teacher, for March 21 to May 27, 1921.

He is doing well, but needs handwork. From report of a special teacher, 1921.

He is doing well, but needs more hands-on practice. From report of a special teacher, 1921.

He is slow to take advice but has shown big improvement over last term. He seemed to go ahead suddenly. From report of a special teacher, 1921.

He is hesitant to accept advice but has made significant progress since last term. He appeared to advance suddenly. From report of a special teacher, 1921.

He has got little from the playground. Doesn't "get into the game," and is a trial to his mates. From report of a teacher in charge of playground, 1921.

He hasn’t gotten much from the playground. He doesn’t "get into the game," and he’s a hassle for his friends. From report of a teacher in charge of playground, 1921.

Manifests considerable musical ability. Lovely voice, and true to pitch. From report of a music teacher, 1921.

Shows significant musical talent. Has a beautiful voice and is accurate with pitch. From report of a music teacher, 1921.

A is making excellent progress both socially and in his work. Mr. W reports that his shopwork is good, considering his age, and that it is improving. Miss C says there is continued improvement in art. I find that his writing of figures is improving more than written English. He does not like to write, and is apt to neglect written homework. From report of a classroom teacher, for November 17, 1921, to January 31, 1922.

A is making great progress both socially and with his work. Mr. W says that his shopwork is good for his age and is getting better. Miss C mentions there is ongoing improvement in art. I've noticed that his number writing is improving more than his written English. He isn’t fond of writing and tends to overlook his written homework. From report of a classroom teacher, for November 17, 1921, to January 31, 1922.

A is the youngest child in his group (he is 7 and in the fourth grade, in which the average age is about 9). It is difficult to classify him in general terms as the first in scholastic standing, as he is with a group which numbers nine or ten superior children with IQ's running from 140 to 175; but in scholastic standing, with the exception of written work, he is among the best. If one compares his age with that of the others, his ability is of course most marked. Even in this group he is conspicuous for his accuracy and lucidity of statement and for the clear thinking this indicates.

A is the youngest kid in his group (he's 7 and in fourth grade, where the average age is about 9). It's hard to categorize him as the top student because he’s in a group of nine or ten kids who are all really smart, with IQs ranging from 140 to 175. However, aside from his written work, he’s right up there with the best of them. When you compare his age to the others, his abilities stand out even more. In this group, he’s noticeable for his accuracy, clear statements, and the logical thinking that shows.

One noticeable indication of his intelligence is his ability to criticize his own concepts; unless he understands every detail of a subject, he does not consider that he understands it.

One clear sign of his intelligence is his ability to critique his own ideas; if he doesn’t grasp every detail of a topic, he doesn’t think he truly understands it.

His ability in academic work seems well distributed, though strongest in mathematics. For this grade he is markedly low in art and industrial work; but he would be average in second grade, where his age would under ordinary circumstances place him. His artistic feeling is all for music and literature. He is moderately interested in drawing, but doesn't like modeling and does not want to draw unless it is for some special purpose, or because everybody else is doing so and it is the social thing to do. For example, he has made posters and designs for holiday cards, which, while very crude, had an idea to express and were suitable for their purpose. He enjoys shopwork and here does better technically than in other types of handwork. I think he is rather clumsy with his hands, even for his age, though not much below the average child. With his mental ability he can learn to do anything in which his interest is aroused.

His academic skills are pretty well-rounded, but he’s definitely strongest in math. In art and industrial work, he’s noticeably below average for his grade, but he would be typical for a second grader, which is where he would normally be based on his age. He has a strong appreciation for music and literature. He’s somewhat interested in drawing, but he doesn’t enjoy modeling, and he only wants to draw if it serves a specific purpose or if it’s something that everyone else is doing as part of the social scene. For example, he’s created posters and designs for holiday cards that, while quite basic, had an idea behind them and were fit for their purpose. He enjoys shop work and performs better technically in this area compared to other forms of hands-on activities. I think he’s a bit clumsy with his hands, even for his age, but he’s not significantly below the average child. With his intellectual capability, he can learn to do anything that captures his interest.

This ability to attack any sort of problem is shown in his physical work. He makes an excellent effort and comprehends what is to be done, but in bodily coördination, in muscular strength, and in rhythmic response he would rank in the lower half of a second grade. From a specially requested report of a classroom teacher, June 20, 1922.

This ability to tackle any kind of problem is evident in his physical work. He puts in a great effort and understands what needs to be done, but in terms of coordination, muscular strength, and rhythm, he would fall in the lower half of a second-grade level. From a specially requested report of a classroom teacher, June 20, 1922.

In short, I am fully convinced that A requires most of all training which will develop a proper harmony and rhythm between mind and body. From the report of the instructor in the special boys' group, to which A belonged, outside of school, April 19, 1922.

In short, I am completely convinced that A needs the most training to create a proper balance and rhythm between mind and body. From the report of the instructor in the special boys' group, to which A belonged, outside of school, April 19, 1922.

A's teachers seem to hold the universal opinion that he is not doing well in his work unless prodded or specially urged. It was to be expected that the handwork, such as art and shopwork, would be hard for him, but he seems to do poor work and at the same time to be entirely satisfied with it, his teachers say. Miss B finds he is not an observer of nature, but rather inclined to tell what he has read in books.

A's teachers all agree that he doesn't perform well in his work unless he’s pushed or motivated. It was expected that hands-on tasks, like art and shop work, would be challenging for him, but he appears to produce subpar work while being completely content with it, according to his teachers. Miss B notes that he isn't much of an observer of nature; instead, he tends to describe what he's read in books.

However, on the academic side, in French and the regular classroom studies, he seems to require the same prodding. His sleepiness and inattention are quite marked at times. When aroused, I find him capable of good thinking, and excellent memory work. I have been afraid to overstimulate him, but in order to accomplish the work of the fifth grade creditably we must develop in him more of a feeling of responsibility on his own account. His immaturity shows rather clearly in some of these respects. Of course his work is more than passing, because of the fine coöperation at home and his own vigorous response when sufficiently urged. From a report of a classroom teacher, for September 18, 1922, to January 31, 1923.

However, on the academic side, in French and regular classroom studies, he seems to need the same encouragement. His sleepiness and lack of attention are quite noticeable at times. When motivated, I find him capable of good thinking and excellent memory work. I've been hesitant to push him too hard, but to successfully complete the work of fifth grade, we need to help him develop a stronger sense of responsibility for himself. His immaturity is evident in some of these areas. Of course, his work is more than satisfactory, thanks to the great support at home and his own active participation when adequately encouraged. From a report of a classroom teacher, for September 18, 1922, to January 31, 1923.

It is still a problem to get A to make contributions to the work of the class. His mind works along lines of special interest at the time. Although urged by the parents to push A a little harder, I have hesitated to do much urging. One fears to stimulate unduly. And yet I find that A is learning in many ways all the time. There are still, of course, some definite needs.

It's still a challenge to get A to contribute to the class work. A's mind tends to focus on specific interests in the moment. Even though the parents have encouraged me to push A a bit more, I've been cautious about doing too much pushing. There's always a concern about over-stimulation. However, I notice that A is learning in various ways all the time. There are still some clear needs, of course.

Mr. P reports no marked improvement on the physical side. However, on the side of participation in the sports of the group, I find a great improvement in A. He appears to be enjoying himself during a ball game, and even catches a ball occasionally.

Mr. P reports no noticeable improvement physically. However, when it comes to participating in group sports, I've noticed significant progress in A. He seems to be having a great time during the ball games and even catches the ball sometimes.

Miss B says she hopes that A will have some real country and nature during the summer. He needs a chance to roam and think and observe for himself rather than to learn facts from books or other people.

Miss B says she hopes that A will experience some real countryside and nature over the summer. He needs the opportunity to explore, reflect, and observe on his own, rather than just absorbing facts from books or other people.

In the French class his interest and attitude have improved. From report of a classroom teacher, for February 1 to June 15, 1923, on the occasion of A's promotion to the sixth grade.

In French class, his interest and attitude have gotten better. From report of a classroom teacher, for February 1 to June 15, 1923, on the occasion of A's promotion to the sixth grade.

These remarks from teachers bring clearly to notice some of the difficulties in adjustment to school procedure when a child has a 12-year-old capacity for thinking and the body of a 7- or 8-year-old, combined with the life of a 6-year-old. Motor control is, of course, far behind abstract thinking; writing is slow and feeble, while reading is rapid and fluent; shopwork is poor but arithmetic is excellent; he can surpass 8- and 9-year-olds—even those of superior intelligence—in the classroom, but in playing with them he cannot catch a ball and is always the last to be selected when sides "choose up," because he is a handicap in any playground competitions.

These comments from teachers highlight some of the challenges a child faces in adjusting to school when they have the cognitive ability of a 12-year-old but the physical abilities of a 7- or 8-year-old, along with the social development of a 6-year-old. Their motor skills lag significantly behind their abstract thinking; writing is slow and weak, while reading is quick and fluent. Their shop skills are lacking, but they excel in math. They can outperform 8- and 9-year-olds—even those who are more intelligent—in the classroom, but when it comes to playing with them, they struggle to catch a ball and are always the last to be picked for teams because they are a disadvantage in any playground activities.

From these remarks and estimates it is also easy to see how such a child may provoke adverse comments from teachers, may be found unsuited to school organization, and eventually even be reputed stupid or "foolish." Fortunately for A, most of his teachers have had unusual training and have been rigidly selected, besides, for insight and personality. If you have read Edison's biography, you will recall that under teachers less highly selected young Thomas "did not get on in school," was regarded as "foolish," and eventually was removed from school by his mother, who educated him at home, she herself being a teacher.

From these observations and assessments, it's clear how a child like this can attract negative comments from teachers, may struggle to fit into the school environment, and can even be seen as slow or "foolish." Fortunately for A, most of his teachers have received exceptional training and were carefully chosen for their insight and personality. If you've read Edison's biography, you'll remember that under less well-qualified teachers, young Thomas "did not do well in school," was seen as "foolish," and was eventually taken out of school by his mother, who taught him at home, as she was a teacher herself.

These difficulties of discrepancy between mental development and physical development are seen to be greatest in the earliest years of childhood. The judgments show that as A grew from his sixth birthday to his ninth birthday, he became less and less conspicuous in his poor penmanship and in his inaptitude at games.

These challenges of mismatch between mental growth and physical growth are most noticeable during the early years of childhood. The observations indicate that as A transitioned from his sixth to his ninth birthday, he became less and less noticeable for his poor handwriting and his lack of skill in games.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

General intelligence tests of A have been made as follows:

General intelligence tests of A have been conducted as follows:

      DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD-BINET ARMY ALPHA
                     AGE OF A MA IQ POINTS
                                    A Norm A Norm A Norm
   Dec. 30, 1920 6-6 12-2 6-6 187 100 (Not given)
   Jan. 2, 1922 7-6 14-4 7-6 191 100 76 0 (Form 5)
   Apr. 22, 1922 [1] 7-10 14-8 7-10 187 100 (Not given)
   Feb. 22, 1923 8-8 (Not given) 95 0 (Form 7) [2]

DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD-BINET ARMY ALPHA
                     AGE OF A MA IQ POINTS
                                    A Norm A Norm A Norm
   Dec. 30, 1920 6-6 12-2 6-6 187 100 (Not given)
   Jan. 2, 1922 7-6 14-4 7-6 191 100 76 0 (Form 5)
   Apr. 22, 1922 [1] 7-10 14-8 7-10 187 100 (Not given)
   Feb. 22, 1923 8-8 (Not given) 95 0 (Form 7) [2]

Mechanical skill. On January, 2, 1922 (aged 7 years 6 months), A was given the Stenquist Assembling Tests of General Mechanical Ability and he made a score of 7 points only. He could tell what mechanisms were to be constructed from the materials in five out of the ten instances, but he was not "handy" enough to put them together. (The test depends very much upon size and strength of hands and upon the degree to which motor coördination is developed. Young children, therefore, of whatever degree of intelligence, are unable to succeed in it).

Mechanical skill. On January 2, 1922 (at age 7 years and 6 months), A was given the Stenquist Assembling Tests of General Mechanical Ability and scored only 7 points. He could identify what mechanisms should be built from the materials in five out of ten instances, but he lacked the dexterity to assemble them. (The test relies heavily on the size and strength of hands and the level of motor coordination developed. Thus, young children, regardless of their intelligence level, struggle to succeed in it).

Musical sensitivity. On February 22, 1923, Seashore's Tests of Musical Sensitivity yielded results as follows, using the figures for eighth-grade children for comparison, because of A's Mental Age:

Musical sensitivity. On February 22, 1923, Seashore's Tests of Musical Sensitivity produced results as follows, using the figures for eighth-grade children for comparison, due to A's mental age:

   TEST PERCENTILE (EIGHTH GRADE) PERCENTILE (ADULTS)
                            A A'S FATHER
   Consonance Below 27th 36th
   Pitch 91st 81st
   Intensity 41st 26th
   Time Below 17th 78th
   Tonal memory 70th 9th

TEST PERCENTILE (EIGHTH GRADE) PERCENTILE (ADULTS)
                            A A'S DAD
   Consonance Below 27th 36th
   Pitch 91st 81st
   Intensity 41st 26th
   Time Below 17th 78th
   Tonal memory 70th 9th

Design. On January 2, 1922, the examiner made the following note in reference to A's performance with Milton Bradley color cubes (with which he always asks to play when he comes to the laboratory):

Design. On January 2, 1922, the examiner noted the following regarding A's performance with Milton Bradley color cubes (which he always wants to play with when he comes to the lab):

The child can construct the most complicated designs with Milton Bradley's color cubes in less than three minutes each, from memory—the design being exposed to vision and studied for one minute. Three colors are involved—red, blue, yellow, and white.

The child can create the most complex designs with Milton Bradley's color cubes in under three minutes each, just from memory—the design being shown and examined for one minute. Three colors are used—red, blue, yellow, and white.

TRAITS OF CHARACTER

A has not been rated by any scale for traits of character as, for instance, were the children reported by Terman. There are at hand only statements by persons who know A. The parents both say that A has no troublesome traits of character except "a tendency to fail to take his own part in a fight." If a child strikes him, he often does not strike back but simply does nothing. His parents feel that this indicates a lack of "give and take" that is essential to getting along in the world. The parents describe him as "especially honest, truthful, reliable, affectionate, kind, generous, and modest, with strong control of his emotions."

A has not been rated by any character trait scale, like the children reported by Terman. We only have comments from people who know A. Both parents say that A doesn’t have any major character issues except for "a tendency to not stand up for himself in a fight." If someone hits him, he often doesn’t hit back; he just stays still. His parents feel this shows a lack of "give and take," which is important for getting along in life. They describe him as "especially honest, truthful, reliable, affectionate, kind, generous, and modest, with strong control over his emotions."

Traits of A which are faulty from the point of view of teachers are absentmindedness, lack of interest in group activities, untidiness, and obstinacy. One teacher estimated him as "a little bit selfish." The desirable traits most often mentioned by teachers are kindliness, amiability, affection, good humor, reticence, and precision in treating the data of thought. The following are quotations from teachers:

Traits of A that teachers consider problematic include forgetfulness, disinterest in group activities, messiness, and stubbornness. One teacher described him as "a bit selfish." The positive traits that teachers often highlight are kindness, friendliness, warmth, good humor, reserve, and attention to detail in handling thoughts. Below are quotes from teachers:

I am so sorry about A's coat. I laid it on his desk, as he was cooking when it came. . . . Evidently he didn't notice it on his desk when he came in later. Knowing A's absent-minded habits, I ought to have called his attention to the coat.

I’m really sorry about A's coat. I put it on his desk since he was cooking when it arrived... Clearly, he didn't see it on his desk when he came in later. Knowing A's forgetful ways, I should have pointed out the coat to him.

A is not neat nor orderly.

A is neither neat nor orderly.

A still has lapses of inattention during class lessons.

A still has moments of inattention during class lessons.

He is slow to take advice.

He is slow to accept advice.

He is affectionate and kindly, while not over-demonstrative.

He is caring and kind, but not overly emotional.

The class in which he has been for a year and three months was slow in accepting him, but now they appreciate his intellect and his good humor, and treat him with the kindly tolerance of older brothers and sisters. A responds to this attitude well and loves to fool and frolic with the others, somewhat kitten fashion. In the goal ball games he wants to play though he is simply a figurehead, and he knows enough to obey the rules and not get in anyone's way.

The class he’s been in for a year and three months was slow to accept him, but now they value his intelligence and sense of humor, treating him with the friendly patience of older siblings. A responds positively to this attitude and enjoys joking around and playing with the others, a bit like a kitten. He wants to participate in the goal ball games, even though he’s mostly just there for show, and he knows enough to follow the rules and stay out of everyone’s way.

In working with a group, A is inclined either to be dictatorial or to insist upon doing everything himself. This may be because of youth or because he sees so clearly what is to be done, but I think he is a little selfish and obstinate. A is a very lovable child with a tender heart and a good deal of emotional capacity, generally kept hidden, so he is not difficult to manage. It is difficult, however, to make him assume responsibilities about material or work which is irksome, such as writing, and he is very untidy.

In group work, A tends to be either bossy or wants to handle everything on his own. This might be due to his youth or because he has a clear vision of what needs to be done, but I believe he can be a bit selfish and stubborn. A is a really lovable kid with a kind heart and a lot of emotional depth, which he usually keeps hidden, so he's not hard to manage. However, it's challenging to get him to take on responsibilities for tasks that he finds annoying, like writing, and he can be quite messy.

It has been a pleasure to have A in my class. He has been friendly and pleasant in his relations with his teachers as well as with his classmates.

It has been a pleasure to have A in my class. He has been friendly and nice in his interactions with both his teachers and his classmates.

The physician who attended A when his ankle was twisted in an accident (mentioned later in this account) rated him very high for courage.

The doctor who treated A when he twisted his ankle in an accident (which is discussed later in this account) rated him very highly for his courage.

The character traits which have stood out repeatedly and most noticeably in the course of visits to the laboratory for mental tests appear to the present writer to be amiability, reticence, emotional control in the face of mishaps (such as falling off a chair in a strange place and bumping his head severely), and obstinacy in pursuit of his plans and activities. He does not seek advice, and does not take it readily. He is easily bored by unnecessary repetitions of matter once presented. For instance, in certain mental tests, where the standard procedure demands that the same question be asked several times (Stanford-Binet fables, "What lesson does that teach us?"), A grew more and more restive at each repetition, and finally said, "We don't need that every time, do we?"

The character traits that have stood out repeatedly and most noticeably during visits to the lab for mental tests seem to be friendliness, reservedness, emotional control in tough situations (like falling off a chair in an unfamiliar place and hitting his head hard), and stubbornness in pursuing his goals and activities. He doesn't ask for advice and doesn’t accept it easily. He gets bored quickly with unnecessary repetitions of content he’s already seen. For example, in some mental tests where the standard procedure requires the same question to be asked several times (Stanford-Binet fables, "What lesson does that teach us?"), A grew more and more restless with each repetition and finally said, "We don't need to hear that every time, do we?"

The nickname is an important datum in estimating a child. A's nickname among the children at school is "Sleeping Beauty." This name was given, the teacher thinks, because of A's abstraction and because he was never ready in games.

The nickname is an important piece of information in assessing a child. A's nickname among the kids at school is "Sleeping Beauty." The teacher believes this name was given because of A's daydreaming and that he was never prepared for games.

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS AND HEALTH

Physique measurements. The following measurements were made by the present writer, using the standard scales and stadiometer of the Teachers College Laboratory. The measurement of cranial circumference was made with a reinforced fabric tape.

Physical measurements. The following measurements were taken by the author, using the standard scales and stadiometer from the Teachers College Laboratory. The cranial circumference was measured with a sturdy fabric tape.

[PART 1 OF 2]

        DATE WT. HT. (STAND.,
                          (LBS.) IN.)
                        A Norm A Norm
   Jan. 1, 1921 56.0 44.8 48.0 46.6
   Sep. 17, 1921 [3] 58.0 128 cm
   Jan. 2, 1922 66.5 51.7 50.3 48.3
   Feb. 22, 1923 68.7 55.9 52.7 50.1

DATE WT. HT. (STAND.,
                          (LBS.) IN.)
                        A Norm A Norm
   Jan. 1, 1921 56.0 44.8 48.0 46.6
   Sep. 17, 1921 [3] 58.0 128 cm
   Jan. 2, 1922 66.5 51.7 50.3 48.3
   Feb. 22, 1923 68.7 55.9 52.7 50.1

[PART 2 OF 2]

    HT. (STAND., HT. HT.-WT. CRANIAL
       IN.) (SIT., IN.) COEFF. CIR. (IN.)
     A Norm A A Norm A
   48.0 46.6 25.5 1.01 .96
   128 cm
   50.3 48.3 26.5 1.26 1.07
   52.7 50.1 28.1 1.24 1.12 21.3

HT. (STAND., HT. HT.-WT. CRANIAL
       IN.) (SIT., IN.) COEFF. CIR. (IN.)
     A Norm A A Norm A
   48.0 46.6 25.5 1.01 .96
   128 cm
   50.3 48.3 26.5 1.26 1.07
   52.7 50.1 28.1 1.24 1.12 21.3

In the case of the measurements made in clothing, subtracting .5 inch, the height of heels, from standing height, and 4 pounds for clothing from weight, we see that in all measurements of physique taken, A decidedly exceeds Baldwin's norms for the selected children in good private schools.

In the measurements taken while wearing clothes, if we subtract 0.5 inches, the height of the heels, from standing height, and 4 pounds for clothing from weight, it’s clear that in all physique measurements, A significantly exceeds Baldwin's standards for the chosen children in good private schools.

Grip measurements. Grip in the hand has been repeatedly measured with Smedley's dynamometer, with the following results:

Grip measurements. Grip strength in the hand has been consistently measured using Smedley’s dynamometer, yielding the following results:

                                  GRIP (KG.)
        DATE Right Hand Left Hand
                          A Norm A Norm
   January 1, 1921 13.0 10.0 10.0 9.0
   February 22, 1923 16.0 13.0 14.0 12.0

GRIP (KG.)
        DATE Right Hand Left Hand
                          A Norm A Norm
   January 1, 1921 13.0 10.0 10.0 9.0
   February 22, 1923 16.0 13.0 14.0 12.0

The superior size of A is, therefore, accompanied by superior strength of hand.

The larger size of A is, therefore, matched by a greater strength of hand.

Growth curves of A and his brother compared. In the case of A and his young brother, we have two boys of the same ancestry, living in the same school and home environment, both falling into the highest one per cent of the population as respects intelligence, yet very widely separated in terms of IQ. The repeated measurements show that the children do not become either more alike or more different as time passes, but that each remains a constant, maintaining a static relationship to the other in mind and body. The pressure of the similar environment does not bring them closer together in ability.

Growth curves of A and his brother compared. In the case of A and his younger brother, we have two boys from the same family, living in the same school and home environment, both in the top one percent of the population for intelligence, yet significantly different in terms of IQ. The repeated measurements show that the children do not become more similar or more different over time; instead, each one remains consistent, keeping a stable relationship to the other in terms of mind and body. The similar environment does not bring them closer together in ability.

Nervous stability. The supervisor who judged A's penmanship to be inferior to that of the average child of 6 years, also interpreted this difficulty in writing to be a symptom of nervousness, especially when considered in connection with his abstraction and general maladjustment to work of the second grade. For this reason the parents obtained statements from two physicians who knew A well, as to the child's nervous stability. The physician who removed A's tonsils wrote as follows:

Nervous stability. The supervisor who thought A's handwriting was worse than that of the typical 6-year-old also saw this writing issue as a sign of nervousness, especially when looking at A's daydreaming and overall struggle to adapt to second-grade work. Because of this, the parents got letters from two doctors who knew A well regarding the child's nervous stability. The doctor who took out A's tonsils wrote the following:

I am glad to state that he is as free from any nervous stigmata as is possible for any child of his age. Because of his brightness, he was treated as an older child before his tonsil operation, and what was about to be done was explained to him, and he underwent the anesthesia in a perfectly natural manner. His convalescence was unusually rapid, and at no time did he show the slightest indication of any neurosis. From careful observation I can truthfully say that A would pass the severest tests, and show no abnormality.

I’m happy to say that he shows no signs of nervousness that you might expect in a child his age. Because he is so bright, he was treated like an older kid before his tonsil operation, and everything that was going to happen was explained to him. He handled the anesthesia completely normally. His recovery was surprisingly quick, and he never showed even a hint of any mental issues. From my close observation, I can honestly say that A would easily pass the toughest tests and show no abnormalities.

The other physician wrote:

The other doctor wrote:

   At the time I examined A in 1917 I found no neuropathic stigmata.
   In fact, he impressed me as a boy who was rather well developed
   physically. By physically I mean inclusive of his nervous system.

At the time I examined A in 1917, I found no signs of nerve-related issues.
In fact, he struck me as a boy who was quite physically well-developed.
By physically, I mean including his nervous system.

A's parents rate him as "well balanced." The present writer would rate him as far above the average child of his years in nervous stability.

A's parents describe him as "well balanced." The current writer would rate him as significantly above average when it comes to his emotional stability for his age.

Organic condition. Physical examinations reveal no defect except a serious degree of "progressive myopia." To correct this, glasses are worn and the use of eyes is limited.

Organic condition. Physical exams show no issues except for a significant level of "progressive myopia." To fix this, glasses are worn, and eye usage is restricted.

Medical history. A has always been healthy. He has never been subject to a chronic disorder. He sleeps well and has a keep appetite for food. As an infant there was never any trouble in feeding him. He cried very little, and was easy "to care for." When he was 3 years 6 months old he was almost run over by an automobile, but escaped with a twisted ankle. After that, for about a year, he had a series of boils. At the age of 5 years A was threatened with a mastoid infection and the drum of his right ear was pierced, liberating a large quantity of pus. Hearing was not, however, impaired. Adenoids and tonsils were removed at the age of 6 years. These had never been especially troublesome, but the parents decided on the operation because A breathed through the mouth. He has not had "children's diseases," and except for the incidents narrated, his medical history is negative.

Medical history. A has always been healthy. He has never had a chronic condition. He sleeps well and has a good appetite for food. As a baby, there was never any trouble feeding him. He cried very little and was easy to care for. When he was 3 years and 6 months old, he was almost hit by a car but escaped with a twisted ankle. After that, for about a year, he had a series of boils. At the age of 5, A was at risk of a mastoid infection, and the eardrum of his right ear was pierced, releasing a significant amount of pus. However, his hearing was not affected. Adenoids and tonsils were removed when he was 6. They were never particularly troublesome, but his parents decided to go ahead with the surgery because A was breathing through his mouth. He has not had any "childhood diseases," and apart from the incidents mentioned, his medical history is clear.

MISCELLANEOUS CHARACTERISTICS

Diversions. At the age of 5 to 6 years A had much difficulty in playing with children of his own age because he could not be satisfied with play involving merely sensory stimulation and diffuse motor activity. He always tried to diver the play to some planned end, to organize it, in ways not appreciated by others of his age. When he was 6 years old, boys of 12 to 14 years of age were preferred by A as playmates, and he would join them whenever they would accept his company. However, he had and continued to have chums of approximately his own age.

Diversions. At the age of 5 to 6 years, A had a lot of trouble playing with kids his own age because he couldn't just settle for play that only involved sensory stimulation and random movement. He always wanted to steer the play toward a specific goal, to organize it, in ways that other kids his age didn’t understand. When he turned 6, A preferred to hang out with boys aged 12 to 14 and would join them whenever they would welcome him. However, he still had and continued to have friends who were around his own age.

At the age of 6 years 6 months A's favorite diversions were reading, playing games of intellectual skill (like geographical Lotto), and playing in sand (building). At the age of 8 years 8 months his favorite diversions were reading, chess, and pinochle.

At 6 years and 6 months, A’s favorite activities were reading, playing intellectually challenging games (like geographical Lotto), and playing in the sand (building). By 8 years and 8 months, he enjoyed reading, chess, and pinochle.

Imaginary land. At the age of 3 to 6 years A had an imaginary land which he called "Center Land." This fantasy appears to have started when his brother was born. When this event occurred A asked just how it happened. His mother thereupon gave him the real physiological facts. To these he made no immediate comment. Several days later he said he had no doubt his brother did come into the world in just that way, but that he, A, did not. He, A, originated in Center Land, where he chose his father and mother. Thereafter, the imaginary land developed rapidly. In this land children stayed up all night. They could play with fire whenever they wished. He lived there in a hundred story house, with an elevator he could run by himself. Two playmates, "Katharine" and another child, lived there also. By the age of 6, this imaginary country had almost ceased to engage him, and at the age of 9 he no longer thinks of it.

Imaginary land. Between the ages of 3 and 6, A had an imaginary place he called "Center Land." This fantasy seems to have started when his brother was born. When that happened, A asked how it worked. His mother then explained the real biological facts. He didn’t say anything right away. A few days later, he mentioned that he believed his brother did come into the world that way, but he, A, did not. He said he came from Center Land, where he picked his own parents. After that, the imaginary place grew quickly. In this land, children stayed up all night. They could play with fire whenever they wanted. He lived in a hundred-story house, with an elevator he could operate himself. Two friends, "Katharine" and another child, lived there too. By age 6, this imaginary country had nearly lost its appeal for him, and by age 9, he had completely stopped thinking about it.

Religious experiences. Between the ages of 6 and 8 years (Mental Ages 12 to 15 years) A became very religious. Prayer was regarded as extremely sacred, and God was much reverenced. Now, at the age of 9 years (Mental Age beyond the limits of ordinary maturity), he is no longer seen to devote himself to these observations.

Religious experiences. Between the ages of 6 and 8 years (Mental Ages 12 to 15 years), A became very religious. Prayer was considered very sacred, and God was highly respected. Now, at 9 years old (Mental Age beyond the limits of ordinary maturity), he is no longer seen dedicating himself to these practices.

Career ideas. At the age of 6 years 6 months A wanted to become "an eye doctor." "I like to tend to mother's eye. I like to tend to people's eyes." At the age of 8 years 8 months, in answer to the question, "What will you be when you grow up?" A replied, "I will do something with arithmetic in it; whatever has the most mathematics in it."

Career ideas. At the age of 6 years and 6 months, A wanted to become "an eye doctor." "I like to take care of mom's eyes. I like helping people's eyes." At the age of 8 years and 8 months, when asked, "What will you be when you grow up?" A replied, "I will do something that involves arithmetic; whatever has the most math in it."

Reading interests. To the question, "What do you like to read?" A gave the following responses:

Reading interests. When asked, "What do you like to read?" A provided these answers:

(Age 6 years 6 months) "True books, like The Fall of Jerusalem— that's the best one, and Burgess Animal Books, Burgess Bird Books, Our First Flag, The Arabian Nights."

(Age 6 years 6 months) "Real books, like The Fall of Jerusalem—that’s the best one, and Burgess Animal Books, Burgess Bird Books, Our First Flag, The Arabian Nights."

(Age 8 years 8 months) "Books about people who really lived."

(Age 8 years 8 months) "Books about actual people."

A has always preferred books of fact to books of fancy—"true books," as he called them; but now he enjoys fairy tales more than he did when he was younger. This may be because the fact behind the fancy now makes a stronger appeal. The following list represents six months' reading, from the age of 7 years 0 months to 7 years 6 months, some of the books being read to A, to reduce eyestrain. [4]

A has always preferred non-fiction over fiction—“true books,” as he called them; but now he enjoys fairy tales more than he did when he was younger. This might be because the reality behind the stories now appeals to him more. The following list represents six months of reading, from age 7 years 0 months to 7 years 6 months, with some of the books being read to A to reduce eyestrain. [4]

   On Plymouth Rock S. A. Drake
   Four Great Americans J. Baldwin
   Stories of New York A. T. Lovering
   The Children's City E. Singleton
   The Burgess Bird Book Thornton Burgess
   The Burgess Animal Book
   The Empire State J. W. Redway
   Around the World with the Children F. G. Carpenter
   East o' the Sun and West o' the Moon G. W. Dasent
   Miles Standish H. W. Longfellow
   The Wreck of the Hesperus H. W. Longfellow
   Fables Bulfinch
   Aesop's Fables
   Tales and Teachings from the
       Pentateuch
M. M. Joseph
   The Little Gray Grandmother Carolyn S. Bailey
   Stories of the Bible Louise M. Pleasanton
   The Pied Piper of Hamelin R. Browning
   Tanglewood Tales N. Hawthorne
   First Jungle Book R. Kipling
   Second Jungle Book R. Kipling
   Poems J. W. Riley
   Poems Eugene Field
   Poems R. L. Stevenson
   The Wonder Book of Knowledge
   The Blue Bird M. Maeterlinck
   Historic Boyhoods R. S. Holland
   The Friendly Stars M. E. Martin

On Plymouth Rock S. A. Drake
   Four Great Americans J. Baldwin
   Stories of New York A. T. Lovering
   The Children's City E. Singleton
   The Burgess Bird Book Thornton Burgess
   The Burgess Animal Book
   The Empire State J. W. Redway
   Around the World with the Children F. G. Carpenter
   East o' the Sun and West o' the Moon G. W. Dasent
   Miles Standish H. W. Longfellow
   The Wreck of the Hesperus H. W. Longfellow
   Fables Bulfinch
   Aesop's Fables
   Tales and Teachings from the
       Pentateuch
M. M. Joseph
   The Little Gray Grandmother Carolyn S. Bailey
   Stories of the Bible Louise M. Pleasanton
   The Pied Piper of Hamelin R. Browning
   Tanglewood Tales N. Hawthorne
   First Jungle Book R. Kipling
   Second Jungle Book R. Kipling
   Poems J. W. Riley
   Poems Eugene Field
   Poems R. L. Stevenson
   The Wonder Book of Knowledge
   The Blue Bird M. Maeterlinck
   Historic Boyhoods R. S. Holland
   The Friendly Stars M. E. Martin

This list gives an idea of the reading preferences of A, at the age of 7 years. Within the year following, the preference for biography and autobiography developed.

This list reflects A's reading preferences at the age of 7. Over the next year, a preference for biography and autobiography emerged.

Interest in astronomy. Because other very young children of more than 180 IQ known to the present writer had been especially interested in astronomy—particularly Child E—it was desired to observe what would be the reaction of A if knowledge of astronomy were made accessible to him. Books which had interested Child E at the age of 6 to 7 years were therefore made accessible to A. He at once became interested in the heavenly bodies and their movements.

Interest in astronomy. Because other very gifted kids with IQs over 180 that the writer knows have shown a strong interest in astronomy—especially Child E—it was wanted to see how A would react if he had access to knowledge about astronomy. Books that had engaged Child E when he was 6 to 7 years old were made available to A. He immediately became interested in the stars and their movements.

Tendency to classify and diagram. A's love of classifying— first noted at the age of about 12 months—is a conspicuous characteristic. He classifies events, objects, names, numbers, and other data of experience. He can think in terms of diagrams and sometimes draws a diagram to clarify or condense his meaning.

Tendency to classify and diagram. A's passion for classifying—first observed around 12 months old—is a notable trait. He categorizes events, objects, names, numbers, and other types of information. He can think in diagrams and occasionally draws one to clarify or simplify his ideas.

Lightning calculation. A's keenest intellectual interest is probably in numbers, and he has responded very readily to his father's instruction in short-cut methods of calculation. By March, 1922, he could very quickly square any number up to 100; multiply any two numbers of a sum not to exceed 200; square any number up to 1000 ending in 5 such as 865, 935, etc.); square any number up to 10,000, ending in 55 or in 555; solve problems in proportion, such as 9 : 21 :: 21 : x, 8 ÷ 42 :: x ÷ 21, 8 : 9 :: 10 : x, subtract the square of one number ending in 5 from the square of another number ending in 5, where the difference between the two numbers is 10, or 20, or 30 (e.g., 2255² or 2245² or 3345² or 3325²). Also at that age he could calculate series of operations, thus: "Take 2, square it, square that, divide by 4, cube it, add 17, take the square root, add 7, square it, square it, give the result," his calculations taking about five seconds each.

Lightning calculation. A's strongest intellectual interest is probably in numbers, and he has quickly taken to his father's teaching of shortcut calculation methods. By March 1922, he was able to swiftly square any number up to 100; multiply any two numbers with a sum not exceeding 200; square any number up to 1000 that ends in 5, like 865, 935, etc.; square any number up to 10,000 that ends in 55 or 555; solve proportion problems, such as 9 : 21 :: 21 : x, 8 ÷ 42 :: x ÷ 21, 8 : 9 :: 10 : x; subtract the square of one number ending in 5 from the square of another number ending in 5, where the difference between the two numbers is 10, 20, or 30 (e.g., 2255² or 2245² or 3345² or 3325²). At that age, he could also calculate a series of operations like this: "Take 2, square it, square that, divide by 4, cube it, add 17, take the square root, add 7, square it, square it, give the result," with each calculation taking about five seconds.

EDITOR'S SUPPLEMENT

The author's original write-up of Child A ends with the above, written early in 1923. From records in the author's files the following further data concerning later development may be added:

The author's original write-up of Child A ends with the above, written early in 1923. From records in the author's files, the following additional information about later development can be included:

December 26, 1923 AGE: 9 years 6 months SCHOOL GRADE: Sixth TEST RECORD: Given Stanford-Binet by L. S. H. with Mental Age of 16-11. This would give IQ 178, but the comment is made, "Can no longer be measured by Stanford-Binet." On this day also given Army Alpha, with a score of 128 points, this being the score assigned to chronological age 17 years 8 months.

December 26, 1923 AGE: 9 years 6 months SCHOOL GRADE: Sixth TEST RECORD: Administered Stanford-Binet by L. S. H. with a Mental Age of 16-11. This would result in an IQ of 178, but there’s a note stating, "Can no longer be measured by Stanford-Binet." Also on this day, took the Army Alpha, scoring 128 points, which corresponds to a chronological age of 17 years 8 months.

        PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS:
   Standing height 54.2 inches
   Sitting height 27.9 inches
   Weight 74.3 pounds
   Head circumference 21.5 inches
   Right grip 14, 17, 18
   Left grip 14, 12, 14

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS:
Standing height 54.2 inches
Sitting height 27.9 inches
Weight 74.3 pounds
Head circumference 21.5 inches
Right grip 14, 17, 18
Left grip 14, 12, 14

TEACHERS' REPORTS. (Private school, September 22-December 19, 1924) "A's reports show that he has attained high credit in mathematics and history; low credit in French, shopwork, art, music, and physical training; average credit in other subjects. His written work shows improvement.

TEACHERS' REPORTS. (Private school, September 22-December 19, 1924) "A's reports show that he has received high marks in math and history; low marks in French, shop work, art, music, and physical education; average marks in other subjects. His written work shows improvement.

"He presents the usual problem of the unadjusted. There is now more alertness in his manner, but still a lack of the will to do work because it is a group demand. Something more of maturity has come to him with his greater freedom. He has started the manual-training problem with some sense of self-discipline.

"He shows the typical issue of someone who hasn't adapted. He seems more aware in his behavior, but he still struggles with the motivation to work just because it's expected by the group. With his increased freedom, he has gained a bit more maturity. He's begun to tackle the hands-on training challenge with a sense of self-discipline."

"If he will now attack his work with the mental grip of which he must be capable, and give to the group the benefit of his ability, it will be a joy to have him among us."

"If he will now approach his work with the mental focus that he must have, and share his abilities with the group, it will be a pleasure to have him with us."

December 22, 1924

December 22, 1924

   AGE: 10 years 6 months
   SCHOOL GRADE: Seventh
   TEST RECORD: On Stanford-Binet, passed 4 of the 6 Superior
   Adult Tests, failing on Tests 1 and 4. Alpha score, 166 points.

AGE: 10 years 6 months
   SCHOOL GRADE: Seventh
   TEST RECORD: On the Stanford-Binet, passed 4 out of 6 Superior
   Adult Tests, failing on Tests 1 and 4. Alpha score, 166 points.

        PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS:
   Standing height 56.2 inches
   Sitting height 29.4 inches
   Weight 80.5 pounds
   Head circumference 21.5 inches
   Right grip 18, 18, 16
   Left grip 19, 17, 15

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS:
   Standing height 56.2 inches
   Sitting height 29.4 inches
   Weight 80.5 pounds
   Head circumference 21.5 inches
   Right grip 18, 18, 16
   Left grip 19, 17, 15

December 22, 1925

December 22, 1925

   AGE: 11 years 6 months
   SCHOOL GRADE: Eighth
   TEST RECORD: Passed all tests on Superior Adult level,
   Stanford-Binet. Took two forms of Army Alpha. Form 7, 162
   points, and on Form 5, 168 points.
        PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS: Norm
   Standing height 58.1 inches 56.7 inches
   Sitting height 29.4 inches
   Weight 88.8 pounds 75.5 pounds
   Head circumference 21.7 inches

AGE: 11 years 6 months
   SCHOOL GRADE: Eighth
   TEST RECORD: Passed all tests at the Superior Adult level,
   Stanford-Binet. Took two versions of Army Alpha. Form 7, 162
   points, and on Form 5, 168 points.
        PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS: Norm
   Standing height 58.1 inches 56.7 inches
   Sitting height 29.4 inches
   Weight 88.8 pounds 75.5 pounds
   Head circumference 21.7 inches

November 18, 1926

November 18, 1926

   AGE: 12 years 5 months
   TEST RECORD: Score on Army Alpha, 175 points
   PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS: Norm
   Standing height 60.0 inches 57.8 inches
                           (in shoes)
   Sitting height 30.0 inches
   Weight (without coat) 93.0 pounds 84.6 pounds

AGE: 12 years 5 months
   TEST RECORD: Score on Army Alpha, 175 points
   PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS: Norm
   Standing height 60.0 inches 57.8 inches
                           (in shoes)
   Sitting height 30.0 inches
   Weight (without coat) 93.0 pounds 84.6 pounds

January 12, 1929

January 12, 1929

   AGE: 14 years 7 months
   SCHOOL GRADE: Third Year High School
   TEST RECORD: Score on Army Alpha, 194 points
   PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS: Norm
   Standing height 64.2 inches 62.2 inches
   Sitting height 32.5 inches
   Weight (clothed) 118 pounds 98.9 pounds
          (stripped) 114 pounds

AGE: 14 years 7 months
SCHOOL GRADE: Third Year High School
TEST RECORD: Score on Army Alpha, 194 points
PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS: Norm
Standing height 64.2 inches 62.2 inches
Sitting height 32.5 inches
Weight (clothed) 118 pounds 98.9 pounds
(stripped) 114 pounds

October, 1929, to February, 1930

October 1929 to February 1930

   SCHOOL GRADES:
   English Literature C+
   English Composition C
   German B-
   Geometry B+
   Trigonometry B+
   Science B+

SCHOOL GRADES:
   English Literature C+
   English Composition C
   German B-
   Geometry B+
   Trigonometry B+
   Science B+

January and June, 1931

Jan and June, 1931

AGE: 16 years 6 months to 17 years SCHOOL GRADE: Now a freshman in college TEST RECORD: Was given CAVD test, Levels M, N, O, P, Q, at two different sittings—one in January, the other in June. Score 422 points. (According to available information 400 points is twelfth-grade college entrance score in high-type colleges, while 421 points is the upper quartile score of candidates for advanced degrees in Teachers College, Columbia University, the median being 415.)

AGE: 16 years 6 months to 17 years SCHOOL GRADE: Now a college freshman TEST RECORD: Took the CAVD test, Levels M, N, O, P, Q, at two different times—one in January and the other in June. Score: 422 points. (According to available information, 400 points is the twelfth-grade college entrance score for top-tier colleges, while 421 points is the upper quartile score for candidates seeking advanced degrees at Teachers College, Columbia University, with the median being 415.)

January 20, 1932

January 20, 1932

At the age of 17 years 7 months, in the third year of college, he scored 204 points on Army Alpha, Form 8, a score made only by the top one per cent of college juniors, seniors, and graduate students.

At 17 years and 7 months old, in his third year of college, he scored 204 points on the Army Alpha, Form 8, a score achieved only by the top 1% of college juniors, seniors, and graduate students.

November 23, 1939

November 23, 1939

Notice was received of A's marriage.

Notice was received of A's marriage.

[1] Demonstration test before a class of teachers.

[1] Demonstration test in front of a group of teachers.

[2] The score of 95 points on Army Alpha, Form 7, on February 22, 1923, corresponds to a mental level of 16 years, 0 months by Stanford-Binet. This (if translatable into IQ) would result in an IQ of 184.

[2] Scoring 95 points on Army Alpha, Form 7, on February 22, 1923, indicates a mental age of 16 years, 0 months according to Stanford-Binet. If this could be converted to IQ, it would give an IQ of 184.

[3] Measurements were made without clothing, by Dr. Herman Schwartz.

[3] Measurements were taken without clothing, by Dr. Herman Schwartz.

[4] The Burgess books had been read often before.

[4] The Burgess books had been read many times before.

CHAPTER FIVE CHILD B

Child B is a girl, born November 25, 1912. She was discovered in a private school in the course of a systematic survey made by Dr. E. H. Malherbe, who was at the time a graduate student at Teachers College, Columbia University. To Dr. Malherbe the present writer is indebted for introduction to this child, and also for data on first tests as well as for other information.

Child B is a girl, born November 25, 1912. She was found in a private school during a detailed survey conducted by Dr. E. H. Malherbe, who was then a graduate student at Teachers College, Columbia University. The current writer is grateful to Dr. Malherbe for introducing me to this child, as well as for the data from the initial tests and other information.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Child B is descended from colonial settlers in this country. Her ancestors came chiefly from the British Isles, as set forth in her family history. Her parents are not related by blood so far as can be known.

Child B is a descendant of colonial settlers in this country. Her ancestors primarily came from the British Isles, as outlined in her family history. Her parents are not related by blood, as far as is known.

The paternal grandfather was of English descent; the paternal grandmother of Irish descent. No dependent or incompetent relatives of the father are known. All are self-sustaining.

The father's grandfather was of English descent, and the grandmother was of Irish descent. There are no dependent or incompetent relatives of the father known. All are self-sufficient.

The maternal grandfather was of Irish-Spanish blood. The maternal grandmother was of Irish descent. No incompetent or dependent relatives are known.

The maternal grandfather had Irish-Spanish ancestry. The maternal grandmother was of Irish heritage. There are no known incompetent or dependent relatives.

Father. Child B's father was born in Vermont and was 42 years old when B was born. He is a high school graduate and a graduate of the United States Military Academy at West Point. He passed the entrance examinations for the latter institution at the age of 16 years and was at that time the youngest student ever admitted to the Academy. He has held posts of extraordinary trust in the pursuit of his profession, and is at the time of this writing an officer of high rank in the United States Army.

Father. Child B's father was born in Vermont and was 42 years old when B was born. He graduated from high school and also from the United States Military Academy at West Point. He passed the entrance exams for that school at the age of 16, making him the youngest student ever admitted to the Academy. He has held positions of great responsibility in his career and is currently a high-ranking officer in the United States Army.

Mother. Child B's mother is a graduate of a Catholic parochial high school and of the College of Mount St. Vincent. She was married at an early age and her career has been that of housewife and mother, no profession having been followed previous to marriage. Although she is the mother of seven children and mistress of a large household, B's mother found time to attend courses in law and economics at Columbia University while the family lived in New York. She was 39 years old when B was born.

Mother. Child B's mother graduated from a Catholic high school and the College of Mount St. Vincent. She got married young and has been a housewife and mother, with no career before marriage. Even though she has seven children and manages a large household, B's mother managed to take law and economics courses at Columbia University while the family lived in New York. She was 39 years old when B was born.

Noteworthy relatives. Relatives of note in the paternal branch include B's great-grandfather, who was a physician, founder of the Vermont Academy of Medicine in the early years of the nineteenth century, and a professor of surgery there. There are also among relatives an admiral of the United States Navy, [1] a physician of wide reputation, a commander of the United States Navy, [2] and a practical tin- and coppersmith who was an inventor. This family branch as a whole finds its average level of achievement in the professions.

Noteworthy relatives. Notable relatives on the father's side include B's great-grandfather, who was a doctor, established the Vermont Academy of Medicine in the early 1800s, and taught surgery there. Also among the relatives are an admiral of the United States Navy, [1] a well-respected physician, a commander in the United States Navy, [2] and a skilled tin and coppersmith who was also an inventor. Overall, this branch of the family tends to achieve a high level of success in professional careers.

The maternal branch includes a woman of extraordinary business ability, a priest who was a scholar and organizer of marked ability, and a mining engineer of unusual achievement. The performance level of the family lies, on the average, in business and the professions.

The maternal side includes a woman with exceptional business skills, a priest who was a knowledgeable scholar and a skilled organizer, and a mining engineer who accomplished great things. On average, the family excels in business and professional fields.

Immediate family. B is the sixth born of seven siblings. Of these children, two—the brother born two years before B and the brother born five years after B—have had mental tests. The older brother was measured in the course of the mental survey made by Dr. Malherbe. His IQ (S-B) at the age of 10 years 6 months was 167. This is not a full measure of his brother, as he passed many tests at the highest levels of performance provided by the scale. A still older brother passed the entrance examinations for the Columbia College, from which may be inferred intelligence above the average. The younger brother's IQ (S-B) at the age of 6 years 10 months was 138.

Immediate family. B is the sixth of seven siblings. Among these children, two—the brother born two years before B and the brother born five years after B—have undergone mental testing. The older brother was evaluated during the mental assessment conducted by Dr. Malherbe. His IQ (S-B) at the age of 10 years and 6 months was 167. This doesn't fully represent his ability, as he excelled in many tests at the highest levels offered by the scale. An even older brother successfully passed the entrance exams for Columbia College, suggesting above-average intelligence. The younger brother's IQ (S-B) at the age of 6 years and 10 months was 138.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

The preschool history of B has been elicited from the parents. She cut her first tooth at 7 months. She began to talk at 9 months of age and to walk at 15 months. As soon as she was able to walk out with her nurse or her mother, at about the age of 24 months, B began to notice the letters on billboards and to spell out words. By the time she was in the third year of life she could read fluently in simple books. (The brother whose IQ is referred to above as 167 did not read until he was about 4 years 6 months of age.)

The preschool history of B has been gathered from her parents. She got her first tooth at 7 months. She started talking at 9 months and walked at 15 months. Once she could walk outside with her nanny or her mom, around 24 months, B began to notice letters on billboards and spell out words. By the time she was 3, she could read simple books fluently. (The brother mentioned earlier, with an IQ of 167, didn't start reading until he was about 4 and a half.)

SCHOOL HISTORY

B has always attended private schools. She began her school life in kindergarten, at the age of 3 years, and attended the same school until the age of nearly 9 years. At the age of 8 years 4 months she had reached only the fourth grade, whereas in the battery of educational tests given as a part of the school survey she passed at that age the seventh-grade standards for public schools.

B has always gone to private schools. She started school in kindergarten at the age of 3 and stayed at the same school until she was almost 9. By the time she was 8 years and 4 months old, she was only in the fourth grade, but in the educational tests conducted as part of the school survey, she met the seventh-grade standards for public schools at that age.

In appraising the great discrepancy between school progress and ability in this case, it is necessary to bear in mind that children in some private schools are highly selected as regards intellect. The median IQ in this particular school was shown by the survey to be much above 100; so that B was not so hopelessly misplaced in the fourth grade there as would have been the case had she attended public school. The fact of competition with selected children reduces the discrepancy, although it is still very great.

In assessing the significant gap between school performance and ability in this situation, it's important to remember that children in some private schools are carefully chosen based on their intelligence. The survey indicated that the average IQ in this specific school was considerably above 100, which means B wasn't completely out of place in the fourth grade there, unlike if she had been in a public school. The competition with these selected children lessens the gap, although it remains quite substantial.

At the age of 8 years 9 months, B entered a private school in Washington, D. C. Here she was placed in the sixth grade, "skipping" the fifth grade. Her school reports have always been very excellent, "almost always E in every subject."

At 8 years and 9 months old, B started at a private school in Washington, D.C. She was placed in sixth grade, "skipping" fifth grade. Her school reports have always been excellent, "almost always E in every subject."

In the autumn of 1922 B entered the seventh grade, aged 9 years 9 months. She was the youngest pupil in a class of about 20 children, and held first rank. "She leads in every regular subject except catechism, geography, and history." B "likes all subjects except catechism, giving first place, at the age of 9 years, to arithmetic. Her school marks for 1922-1923 are as follows, the marks indicating as is usual: 100, perfect; 90, very good; 80, good; 70, fair; 60, deficient."

In the fall of 1922, B started seventh grade at 9 years and 9 months old. She was the youngest student in a class of about 20 kids and ranked first. "She excels in every main subject except catechism, geography, and history." B "enjoys all subjects except catechism, with her top preference, at the age of 9, being arithmetic. Her school grades for 1922-1923 are as follows, with the grades indicating the usual scale: 100, perfect; 90, very good; 80, good; 70, fair; 60, deficient."

B'S MARKS, GRADE VII. AGE 9 YEARS 10 MONTHS.

   SUBJECT 1922 1922 1923 1923
                       Oct. 31 Dec. 15 Jan. 31 Mar. 27
   Catechism 95 90 80 94
   Grammar 92 94 85 90
   Composition 87 88 85
   Spelling 93 95 100 98
   Letter writing 85 85 80
   American history 85 80 88 90
   Geography 94 87 90 94
   Arithmetic 90 90 100 90
   Oral French 95 95 96 95
   Penmanship D C 75
   Reading 90 91 85
   Choral singing 80 80 95
   Drawing 90 90 90
   Plain sewing 80 85 85
   Rules of observance 90 100 97 94
   Bible history 94 90 86 93

SUBJECT 1922 1922 1923 1923
                       Oct. 31 Dec. 15 Jan. 31 Mar. 27
   Catechism 95 90 80 94
   Grammar 92 94 85 90
   Composition 87 88 85
   Spelling 93 95 100 98
   Letter writing 85 85 80
   American history 85 80 88 90
   Geography 94 87 90 94
   Arithmetic 90 90 100 90
   Oral French 95 95 96 95
   Penmanship D C 75
   Reading 90 91 85
   Choral singing 80 80 95
   Drawing 90 90 90
   Plain sewing 80 85 85
   Rules of observance 90 100 97 94
   Bible history 94 90 86 93

At the age of 11 years B entered high school and is doing good work there, but without much stimulus of competition, as there are but a few pupils in her grade.

At the age of 11, B started high school and is doing well there, but she doesn't have much motivation from competition since there are only a few students in her grade.

Unlike several of the children who have an IQ of more than 180, B has never been a school problem. She has always been a "good mixer" with children of her school grade, and has taken part in their activities. Being a very large, strong child, she has not been so much "out of it" in motor skill as to be conspicuous among older schoolmates. As evidences of unusual manual dexterity the following may be mentioned: at the age of 5 years B knitted on steel needles a pair of socks which were worn by her little brother; at 6 years she made edible rice puddings; at 7 years of age she made cookies.

Unlike some of the kids with an IQ over 180, B has never caused any issues at school. She's always been a good friend to kids in her grade and has participated in their activities. Being a very large, strong child, she hasn’t struggled with motor skills to the point of being noticeable among older classmates. Some examples of her exceptional manual dexterity include the following: at 5 years old, B knitted a pair of socks on steel needles that her little brother wore; at 6, she made edible rice puddings; and by 7 years old, she baked cookies.

TRAITS OF CHARACTER

No one among parents and teachers has mentioned any character trait considered faulty. The virtues most frequently mentioned and emphasized are modesty, reliability, self-direction, poise, good humor, amiability, and "being a good sport."

No one among parents and teachers has pointed out any personality traits that are seen as negative. The qualities most often highlighted and focused on are modesty, reliability, self-direction, composure, good humor, friendliness, and "being a good sport."

JUDGMENT OF TEACHERS

It is remarkable that no adverse comments have been offered by any of B's teachers. All teachers have rated B high in character and intellect. The chief error in judgment lies in not ranking her as high as she really stands. This error arises partly from the fact that teachers in the private schools B attended deal with selected children whom they may come to think of as representing the average of child ability. The judgments of B's teachers may be quoted as follows:

It’s impressive that no negative feedback has been given by any of B's teachers. All teachers have rated B highly in character and intelligence. The main mistake in judgment is not ranking her as high as she truly deserves. This mistake comes partly from the fact that teachers in the private schools B attended work with a select group of kids whom they might come to see as typical of average ability. The opinions of B's teachers are as follows:

Remembered in our kindergarten chiefly for her vivid imagination. From the head mistress of the school.

Remembered in our kindergarten mainly for her vivid imagination. From the head mistress of the school.

One of the most popular children in the school. From a teacher.

One of the most popular kids in school. From a teacher.

It is some time since I had B as a pupil, but I am glad to tell you my impressions of the child as I remember her.

It’s been a while since I had B as a student, but I’m happy to share my impressions of her as I remember.

She was a very quiet, unassuming member of the class. She had remarkable powers of concentration, always finished her work well in advance of the others and then found work for herself until the class was ready to go on with a new subject.

She was a quiet, unassuming member of the class. She had an incredible ability to focus, always completed her work well ahead of the others, and then found things to do until the class was ready to move on to a new topic.

With the children in both work and play she made no effort to lead them, and although they recognized the fact that her work was superior to theirs, they showed no resentment toward B because she never made them feel her superiority.

With the kids, whether they were working or playing, she didn't try to take charge. Even though they knew her work was better than theirs, they didn’t resent B because she never made them feel inferior.

B showed a mental poise that I have rarely, if ever, found in a child. It was not so much a matter of a sudden keen grasp of a subject, which might or might not be permanent. She seemed to have the power, which is usually met only in mature minds, of weighing, reasoning, and then placing for permanent use the matter with which she was dealing. [3]

B displayed a level of mental composure that I have seldom, if ever, encountered in a child. It wasn't just a quick understanding of a topic, which might come and go. She seemed to possess the ability, usually seen only in mature minds, to evaluate, reason, and then store the information she was working with for long-term use. [3]

Always B appealed to me as a normal child, with unusual mental poise. She was not at all uncanny or tiresomely intelligent. From a former classroom teacher.

Always B seemed like a regular kid to me, with a unique sense of calm. She wasn’t strange or annoyingly smart. From a former classroom teacher.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

Measurements of general intelligence of B have been made as follows:

Measurements of B's general intelligence have been taken as follows:

       DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD ARMY ALPHA
                      AGE -BINET POINTS
                      OF B MA IQ B Norm
   Mar. 3, 1921 8-3 15-8 189
   Apr. 8, 1922 9-4 17-6 188 84 (Form 5) 0
   Dec. 29, 1924 12-1 142 (Form 5)

DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD ARMY ALPHA
                      AGE -BINET POINTS
                      OF B MA IQ B Norm
   Mar. 3, 1921 8-3 15-8 189
   Apr. 8, 1922 9-4 17-6 188 84 (Form 5) 0
   Dec. 29, 1924 12-1 142 (Form 5)

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

B was measured at the age of 9 years 4 months and again at the age of 12 years 1 month, in light indoor clothing, with the following results:

B was measured at 9 years and 4 months old and again at 12 years and 1 month old, wearing light indoor clothing, with the following results:

Height and weight.

Height and weight.

[PART 1 OF 2]

       DATE WT. (LBS.) HEIGHT (IN.)
                        B Norm [4] B Norm [5]
   April 8, 1922 106.0 61.5 56.0 52.0
   December 29, 1924 123.0 82.8 61.6 57.7

DATE WT. (LBS.) HEIGHT (IN.)
                        B Norm [4] B Norm [5]
   April 8, 1922 106.0 61.5 56.0 52.0
   December 29, 1924 123.0 82.8 61.6 57.7

[PART 2 OF 2]

   HEIGHT (IN.) HT.-WT. COEFF. CRANIAL CIR. (IN.)
     B Norm [5] B Norm B
   56.0 52.0 1.88 1.18 22.4
   61.6 57.7 1.99 1.44 22.5

HEIGHT (IN.) HT.-WT. COEFF. CRANIAL CIR. (IN.)
     B Norm [5] B Norm B
   56.0 52.0 1.88 1.18 22.4
   61.6 57.7 1.99 1.44 22.5

B greatly surpasses Badlwin's norms (making the usual allowance for heels and clothing).

B greatly exceeds Baldwin's standards (taking into account the typical adjustments for heels and clothing).

Grip measurements. Measured with Smedley's dynamometer, B's hand grip scores as follows:

Grip measurements. Measured with Smedley's dynamometer, B's hand grip scores are as follows:

       DATE GRIP (KG.)
                      Right Hand Left Hand
   April 8, 1922 13.0 11.0
   December 29, 1924 20.0 18.0

DATE GRIP (KG.)
                      Right Hand Left Hand
   April 8, 1922 13.0 11.0
   December 29, 1924 20.0 18.0

Superior size is therefore accompanied by superior strength.

Greater size is therefore paired with greater strength.

MISCELLANEOUS CHARACTERISTICS

Diversions. At the age of 9 years B listed her favorite diversions thus: "All sorts of outdoor games; then reading; then drawing; then playing with dolls, sometimes."

Diversions. At the age of 9, B listed her favorite activities like this: "All kinds of outdoor games; then reading; then drawing; and sometimes playing with dolls."

Imaginary land. "When I was 8 years old my imaginary countries were generally of grownupness, where I figured as chief actress and queen."

Imaginary land. "When I was 8 years old, my imaginary countries were mostly about adulthood, where I saw myself as the main character and queen."

Career ideas. At the age of 9 years B was asked, "What will you be when you grow up?" B responded promptly, "A doctor." Then she added, "I will learn to sing, too. Perhaps I'll sing to the patients. There are so many things to do. I'll try to combine several things." Now, at the age of 12 [[1925]], she is ambitious to become "a celebrated authoress, actress, artist, and musician."

Career ideas. When B was 9 years old, she was asked, "What do you want to be when you grow up?" B immediately replied, "A doctor." Then she added, "I want to learn to sing, too. Maybe I'll sing for the patients. There are so many things to do. I'll try to combine a few." Now, at 12 [[1925]], she's eager to become "a famous author, actress, artist, and musician."

Reading interests. When asked how many books she had read (April 8, 1922), B replied, "Oh, hundreds and hundreds. We have plenty of books." It is characteristic of her that she reads over and over again a book that especially pleases her. Thus she had read nearly all of Louisa Alcott's books twice each, and had read Lady Luck—at that date her favorite book—several times. She had read a great many books written for boys, and remarked, in trying to describe her preferences, "I like boys' books best. They have more in them than girls' books."

Reading interests. When asked how many books she had read (April 8, 1922), B replied, "Oh, hundreds and hundreds. We have plenty of books." It's typical of her to read a book she really enjoys multiple times. She had read almost all of Louisa Alcott's books twice and had read Lady Luck—which was her favorite book at that time—several times. She had also read a lot of books aimed at boys and noted, while trying to explain her preferences, "I like boys' books best. They have more substance than girls' books."

Tendency to organize other children. B is the only one of the children here reported who shows any success or interest in leading or organizing fellow children. She organizes "clubs" and games. When shown the Civil War code, in the course of mental tests, she remarked, "I must remember that, for it will be fine for my Clip-Clap-Club."

Tendency to organize other children. B is the only child in this report who shows any success or interest in leading or organizing other kids. She sets up "clubs" and games. When she was shown the Civil War code during mental tests, she said, "I need to remember that because it will be great for my Clip-Clap Club."

[1] Rear Admiral John W. Phillip. (Callahan, E. W. List of Officers of the United States Navy and of the Marine Corps. Hamersley & Co., New York; 1901.)

[1] Rear Admiral John W. Phillip. (Callahan, E. W. List of Officers of the United States Navy and of the Marine Corps. Hamersley & Co., New York; 1901.)

[2] Commander E. T. Woodward.

Commander E.T. Woodward.

[3] At this time B's intelligence was about that of the average adult, according to mental tests, though the teacher made this comment without having that knowledge.

[3] At this time, B's intelligence was roughly equal to that of the average adult, according to mental tests, even though the teacher made this comment without having that information.

[4] Baldwin's norms for children 9 years 6 months old. [Transcriber's note: The second row is clearly from a different, and likely the corresponding, age norm].

[4] Baldwin's standards for children 9 years and 6 months old. [Transcriber's note: The second row is clearly from a different, and likely the corresponding, age standard].

[5] Without shoes.

Barefoot.

CHAPTER SIX CHILD C

Child C is a boy, born June 15, 1913. He was brought to the writer's attention by the principal of Public School 157, Manhattan, who wrote as follows, requesting an examination in the laboratory at Teachers College, Columbia University:

Child C is a boy, born June 15, 1913. He was brought to the writer's attention by the principal of Public School 157, Manhattan, who wrote as follows, requesting an examination in the laboratory at Teachers College, Columbia University:

I have in the 5A grade of this school a boy . . . who seems to be somewhat of an infant prodigy. His verbal memory, especially, is phenomenal, but he is underdeveloped on the physical side, takes no interest in Manual Work, and does not like to play with other children.

I have a boy in the 5th grade of this school who seems to be somewhat of a child prodigy. His verbal memory, in particular, is amazing, but he is physically underdeveloped, shows no interest in hands-on work, and doesn't like to play with other kids.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Child C is descended, in both lines, from German Jews. His parents are not related by blood.

Child C is descended from German Jews on both sides of his family. His parents are not blood relatives.

The paternal grandfather was a successful businessman. The paternal grandmother was a competent housewife. A paternal uncle is a judge in New York City. No incompetent relative in this branch is known; on the other hand, there is no one of great eminence.

The paternal grandfather was a successful businessman. The paternal grandmother was a capable homemaker. A paternal uncle is a judge in New York City. No incompetent relative is known in this branch; on the other hand, there isn’t anyone of great importance.

On the maternal side, one of C's mother's brothers is a physician, a cousin is a writer, and another cousin is a judge. No incompetent relatives are known in this branch.

On C's mom's side, one of her brothers is a doctor, one cousin is a writer, and another cousin is a judge. There are no known incompetent relatives in this side of the family.

Father. C's father is an accountant. He did not graduate from elementary school but went to work at an early age. He was 40 years old when C was born.

Father. C's dad is an accountant. He didn't finish elementary school but started working at a young age. He was 40 years old when C was born.

Mother. C's mother is a high school graduate. She was 35 years old when C was born. She is a housewife, and had no paid occupation before marriage. C is an only child, never having had any siblings.

Mother. C's mom graduated high school. She was 35 when C was born. She's a stay-at-home mom and didn't have a job before getting married. C is an only child and has never had any siblings.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

The following information was gathered from C's mother. The child cut his first tooth at the age of 9 months. He began to walk at the age of 1 year 3 months, and to talk fluently at the age of 1 year 4 months. He learned to read almost as soon as he talked, and at the age of 3 years could read simple matter.

The following information was gathered from C's mother. The child cut his first tooth at 9 months old. He started walking at 1 year and 3 months, and began talking fluently at 1 year and 4 months. He learned to read almost as soon as he started talking, and by the age of 3 years, he could read simple texts.

When he was 4 years old, C went one day into a store with his father. While the latter was making his purchases the child took a book from the shelf and began to scan it. The shopkeeper noticed the child looking attentively at the book and said, for a joke, "Boy, if you will read me that book, I'll give it to you." Instantly C began to read fluently and carried the book away from the astonished merchant.

When he was 4 years old, C went into a store one day with his dad. While his dad was shopping, the little boy grabbed a book from the shelf and started flipping through it. The shopkeeper saw the boy focusing on the book and joked, "Hey kid, if you read that book to me, I'll give it to you." Without hesitation, C started reading it fluently and took the book from the shocked shopkeeper.

On another occasion, when he was about 5 years old, a woman noticed C searching about the house and said to him, "Are you hungry?" His reply was, "Yes, I'm hungry for a book."

On another occasion, when he was about 5 years old, a woman noticed C looking around the house and asked him, "Are you hungry?" He replied, "Yes, I’m hungry for a book."

Apparently C has never had an imaginary land. His favorite recreation has always been reading.

Apparently, C has never had an imaginary world. His favorite pastime has always been reading.

SCHOOL HISTORY

C's school life began at the age of 6 years. He did not attend kindergarten. His teachers recognized him as "out of the ordinary"—but not in any appreciative way. They thought him "queer" and "odd." In spite of perfect work, he was advanced only a little more than the usual rate, being placed in Grade 5B at the age of 9 years 5 months. His obvious misplacement and unhappiness here caused the principal of the school to seek advice regarding C's education.

C's school life started when he was 6 years old. He didn't go to kindergarten. His teachers saw him as "different"—but not in a good way. They considered him "weird" and "strange." Despite doing perfect work, he was only moved up slightly faster than normal, ending up in Grade 5B at 9 years and 5 months old. His clear misplacement and unhappiness prompted the school principal to look for advice about C's education.

After mental tests had revealed the mental level of a superior adult, C was invited to enter the Special Opportunity Class then just organized at Public School 165, Manhattan. Here he was associated with twenty-five classmates of his own age whose IQ's ranged from 150 to 175, the median of the group being about 164 IQ.

After mental tests showed that C had the intelligence level of a top adult, he was invited to join the Special Opportunity Class that had just been set up at Public School 165 in Manhattan. Here he was with twenty-five classmates his age, whose IQs ranged from 150 to 175, with the group's average being about 164 IQ.

In this class C gradually became adjusted to the work in such a way that at the end of the school year (1923), when asked whether he would prefer to stay in the Special Opportunity Class or go on to high school, he unhesitatingly chose to stay with the special class. "It will be more interesting," he said. He therefore finished elementary school at the age of 12 years, although at 10 he was judged by his teachers to be fully prepared in knowledge to enter senior high school. There is no doubt that he could have been made ready to enter college at the age of 12 years.

In this class, C gradually adapted to the work so much that by the end of the school year (1923), when asked if he would prefer to stay in the Special Opportunity Class or move on to high school, he confidently chose to remain with the special class. "It will be more interesting," he said. As a result, he completed elementary school at the age of 12, even though his teachers determined at age 10 that he was fully prepared in knowledge to enter senior high school. There's no doubt he could have been ready to start college at age 12.

When asked at the age of 9 what he would be when he grew up, the following conversation took place:

When he was 9 years old, he was asked what he wanted to be when he grew up, and the following conversation happened:

   Q. What do you think is the most interesting vocation? What
      would you like to be when you grow up?
   A. Well, the answer to those two questions is not the same one.
   Q. Then tell us first what you think is the most interesting
      vocation.
   A. Science, especially astronomy.
   Q. And what vocation would you like to follow when you grow
      up?
   A. To be a medical doctor.
   Q. But why not be what is most interesting?
   A. Because a person cannot make much money being an astronomer.
      I never heard of anyone at the Lick Observatory earning
      fifty thousand dollars a year.
   Q. But do medical doctors earn fifty thousand dollars a year?
   A. It is possible for one to do it. Some of them do.
   Q. Do you think being a medical doctor is the most lucrative
      occupation?
   A. No. It would be more lucrative to get into Standard Oil.
   Q. Then why not go into Standard Oil?
   A. Because it isn't so interesting as being a medical doctor.
   Q. Which is the more useful occupation—medical doctor or
      astronomer?
   A. Medical doctor. Because a man does not care much for a
      blazing star a million miles away if his wife is sick. Anyone
      cares more for a person two feet away than for a thing a
      trillion miles away.

Q. What do you think is the most interesting job? What
      do you want to be when you grow up?
   A. Well, the answer to those two questions is different.
   Q. Then tell us first what you think is the most interesting
      job.
   A. Science, especially astronomy.
   Q. And what job would you like to have when you grow
      up?
   A. I want to be a doctor.
   Q. But why not choose what is most interesting?
   A. Because you can't make a lot of money as an astronomer.
      I've never heard of anyone at the Lick Observatory making
      fifty thousand dollars a year.
   Q. But do doctors make fifty thousand dollars a year?
   A. It's possible. Some do.
   Q. Do you think being a doctor is the most profitable
      career?
   A. No. It would be more profitable to work for Standard Oil.
   Q. Then why not go into Standard Oil?
   A. Because it's not as interesting as being a doctor.
   Q. Which is the more useful career—doctor or
      astronomer?
   A. Doctor. Because a person doesn't care much about a
      bright star a million miles away if his wife is sick. Anyone
      cares more for a person two feet away than for a thing a
      trillion miles away.

The ambition to become a medical doctor has persisted for three years and gives an impression of permanency. [1]

The desire to become a doctor has lasted for three years and seems to be lasting. [1]

Scores of anecdotes could be cited to illustrate the interests and the fine intelligence of this boy. In walking through the halls of the college with him, on one occasion when he had come for a mental test, the present writer saw what seemed to be an exhibition of Chinese costumes in a glass case, and called C's attention to it, saying, "Look at this exhibition of Chinese work." C looked closely at the exhibit for several moments without comment, and then said, "Well, I believe it is Japanese work, isn't it?" He then proceeded to point out certain minute differences which are found between the work of Japanese and Chinese and which were later verified by an authority on the subject.

Many anecdotes could be shared to show the interests and sharp intelligence of this boy. One time, while walking through the college halls with him during a mental test, I noticed what appeared to be a display of Chinese costumes in a glass case and pointed it out to C, saying, "Check out this display of Chinese work." C examined the exhibit closely for a few moments without saying anything, and then replied, "Well, I think it's actually Japanese work, isn't it?" He then went on to highlight some subtle differences between Japanese and Chinese work, which were later confirmed by an expert on the topic.

When he went with his class to visit a new high school building in the city, he was missed as the others began to move from one corridor to another. After search, he was found in the chemical laboratory copying in a notebook the names of all the chemicals in the bottles as they appeared on the labels.

When he went with his class to check out a new high school building in the city, he got left behind as the others started moving from one corridor to another. After searching for him, they found him in the chemistry lab, writing down the names of all the chemicals in the bottles as they were labeled in a notebook.

In the Opportunity Class C was appreciated by these children of more than 150 IQ as he had never been by the unselected children in the regular classes. They recognized his encyclopedic knowledge and respected it. They eventually elected him to two posts of responsibility among them. These were totally new experiences for C.

In the Opportunity Class, the children with IQs over 150 valued C in a way that he had never experienced with the unselected kids in regular classes. They acknowledged his vast knowledge and respected him for it. Eventually, they elected him to two leadership positions among them. These were completely new experiences for C.

Another new experience for the boy was that of being equaled by another child in an intellectual performance. Although C led the special class in marks, as would be expected, he was nevertheless occasionally equaled or surpassed in one or two subjects in the month's record. He learned for the first time how to adjust himself to successful competitors in his own particular field.

Another new experience for the boy was being matched by another child in an academic performance. Even though C topped the special class in grades, as expected, he was still occasionally matched or outperformed in one or two subjects in the month’s record. He learned for the first time how to adapt to successful competitors in his own field.

TRAITS OF CHARACTER

A few faulty character traits in C have been noted by teachers. One teacher said, "He is somewhat of a prig." This impression appears to have been based partly on his lack of desire to play with children of his own age and partly on his use of "long words." Soon after C entered the Special Opportunity Class for gifted children, another boy equaled him in an assignment and put out his hand to C, saying cordially, "Let's shake." C had never had the experience of being equaled by a fellow pupil and he turned away, refusing to shake hands. However, he has now learned to react most cordially to those who equal him, though he bitterly dislikes to be equaled or passed in mental work.

A few problematic character traits in C have been pointed out by teachers. One teacher mentioned, "He's kind of a stuck-up." This impression seems to be based partly on his lack of interest in playing with kids his own age and partly on his use of "big words." Shortly after C joined the Special Opportunity Class for gifted kids, another boy matched his performance on an assignment and extended his hand to C, saying friendly, "Let's shake." C had never experienced being matched by a classmate, and he turned away, refusing to shake hands. However, he has now learned to respond very politely to those who match him, although he really dislikes being equaled or surpassed in academic work.

Never in any sense a leader or guide among the unselected children of the school from which he came, C was soon elected to the position of monitor by the children of median IQ 164. They were heard to say: "C is just; C can make us behave." One child (IQ 164) exclaimed in admiration, "C knows everything."

Never a leader or guide among the unselected kids at his former school, C was quickly chosen as the monitor by the children with an average IQ of 164. They were heard saying, "C is fair; C can make us behave." One child (IQ 164) exclaimed in admiration, "C knows everything."

On the other hand, C arouses some feelings of jealousy and antagonism as well as admiration because he does not hesitate to contradict erroneous statements or to rectify imperfections in what others say or do. He is not very tactful in human relationships.

On the other hand, C invokes some feelings of jealousy and resentment as well as admiration because he doesn't hesitate to challenge false statements or correct mistakes in what others say or do. He isn't very tactful in his relationships with people.

The virtues most frequently ascribed to C by those who know him well are reliability, honesty, bravery, and loyalty. He is a stickler for the exact; no statement is right unless it is exactly right. It is easy to see how this trait might antagonize average children of C's age, and even teachers and others in authority.

The qualities that people who know C best often mention are reliability, honesty, bravery, and loyalty. He insists on precision; no statement is correct unless it's completely accurate. It's easy to understand how this trait might annoy typical kids C's age, as well as teachers and other authority figures.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

Measurements of general intelligence of C have been made as follows:

Measurements of C's general intelligence have been made as follows:

       DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD-BINET ARMY ALPHA POINTS
                    AGE OF C MA IQ On October 30, 1922,
   Sept. 26, 1922 9-3 17-7 190 he scored 146 points
   April 18, 1923 9-10 18-6 188 (Form 9)

DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD-BINET ARMY ALPHA POINTS
                    AGE OF C MA IQ On October 30, 1922,
   Sept. 26, 1922 9-3 17-7 190 he scored 146 points
   April 18, 1923 9-10 18-6 188 (Form 9)

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

Measurements of C's physique have been made as follows:

Measurements of C's body have been taken as follows:

       DATE WT. HT. CRANIAL
                    (LBS.) (STAND., IN.) CIR. (IN.)
   Sept. 26, 1923 60.5 53.9 . . .
     Jan. 8, 1924 . . . . . . 20.7

DATE WT. HT. CRANIAL
                    (LBS.) (STAND., IN.) CIR. (IN.)
   Sept. 26, 1923 60.5 53.9 . . .
     Jan. 8, 1924 . . . . . . 20.7

C is one of the few of the bright children studied who does not exceed Baldwin's norms in physique. However, at the age of 11 years 7 months he was 57 inches tall and weighed 69.9 pounds. His appetite for food has never been very satisfactory, but in spite of this his general health has been good.

C is one of the few bright kids studied who doesn't exceed Baldwin's physical standards. However, at 11 years and 7 months old, he was 57 inches tall and weighed 69.9 pounds. His appetite has never been great, but despite this, his overall health has been good.

EDITOR'S SUPPLEMENT

The author's original write-up of Child C terminated at this point, in 1923. But during the following 16 years she remained in constant contact with C, interviewing him and testing him periodically, and in many ways sponsoring his secondary, collegiate, and professional education. Many pages of these records are in her files, accompanied by collections of C's work, newspaper notices, correspondence, photographs, and data from further interviews with the parents. It seems best to summarize these records chronologically, and with some brevity, since it would not be at all feasible to reproduce the material in full.

The author’s original write-up of Child C ended here in 1923. However, over the next 16 years, she stayed in constant touch with C, interviewing and testing him regularly, and in many ways supporting his secondary, college, and professional education. Many pages of these records are in her files, along with collections of C's work, newspaper articles, correspondence, photographs, and data from further interviews with the parents. It seems best to summarize these records in chronological order and briefly, as it wouldn’t be practical to reproduce the material in full.

October 15, 1923

October 15, 1923

C filled out an "Interest Blank" at P. S. 165, Manhattan, where he was then in the eighth grade, at the age of 10 years 4 months. He was at this time, or had been, class monitor and editor of the class paper. "Likes and dislikes" were expressed, strongest "preference" of subjects, and judgment of "what is easiest."

C filled out an "Interest Blank" at P.S. 165 in Manhattan, where he was in the eighth grade at 10 years and 4 months old. At that time, he had also been the class monitor and editor of the class paper. He expressed his "likes and dislikes," noted his strongest "preference" for subjects, and shared his thoughts on "what is easiest."

Liked very much were literature, reading, spelling, mathematics, French, games and sports, and geography.

Really enjoyed were literature, reading, spelling, math, French, games and sports, and geography.

Most disliked were painting, water colors, etc.; penmanship; composition.

Most disliked were painting, watercolors, etc.; handwriting; writing assignments.

"Easiest" and also "best liked" was English literature.

"Easiest" and also "most liked" was English literature.

Preferred kind of reading was encyclopedias, biography, current events, and history.

Preferred kind of reading was encyclopedias, biographies, current events, and history.

Things most like to do were studying, general reading, sedentary games, playing alone.

Things most people like to do were studying, reading, playing sedentary games, and enjoying solo activities.

Most disliked things to do were using tools or working with apparatus and machinery, drawing, dancing, practicing music.

Most disliked things to do were using tools or working with equipment and machines, drawing, dancing, and practicing music.

[[This dislike for manual activities remained with C. In later years, although his drawings in science courses were admirable, he made an unsatisfactory laboratory assistant when set to using the typewriter or mimeograph, or to drawing graphs and charts not for his own use.]]

[[This dislike for hands-on tasks stuck with C. In later years, even though his drawings in science classes were impressive, he was not a great lab assistant when it came to using the typewriter or mimeograph, or to creating graphs and charts for anyone else's use.]]

FIG. 2. A SKETCH BY c.

FIG. 2. A SKETCH BY c.

[The sketch is a bit of a doodle, headed by the word "GOSSIP," followed by the first row, which begins with a pair of shoes set toe-to-toe (the phrase, "OF SHOES" is set to the right of them), and a large steam ship ("AND SHIPS", to the left). The next row consists of a stick of wax (labeled "WAX", with "AND SEALING WAX" above it). The last row beings with an open head of cabbage ("AND CABBAGES" to the right), and has a crown at the end ("AND KINGS", is set to the left of it).]

[The sketch is kind of a doodle, starting with the word "GOSSIP," followed by the first row, which has a pair of shoes facing each other (the phrase "OF SHOES" is to the right of them) and a big steamship ("AND SHIPS" is to the left). The next row shows a stick of wax (labeled "WAX," with "AND SEALING WAX" above it). The last row starts with an open head of cabbage ("AND CABBAGES" to the right) and has a crown at the end ("AND KINGS" is to the left of it).]

FIG. 3. A PAGE FROM ONE OF C'S NOTEBOOKS.

[This figure shows two biological diagrams of what appears to be a cross-section of the mucus membrane of the esophagus. The following regions of the first are labeled (in descending order): tunica mucosa; tela submucosa; tunica muscularis; and tunica adventitia. The following areas of these regions are labeled (also in descending order): papilla of tunica propria; epitheum, tunica propria; lamina muscularis mucosae; ducts of deep oesophageal gland; blood vesses of submucuous layer; portion of myenteric plexus, showing ganglion cells; smooth muscle; striated muscle; and branch of vagus nerve. It conforms with modern diagrams of the esophagus.]

[This figure shows two biological diagrams of what looks like a cross-section of the mucus membrane of the esophagus. The following regions of the first are labeled (in descending order): tunica mucosa; tela submucosa; tunica muscularis; and tunica adventitia. The following areas of these regions are labeled (also in descending order): papilla of tunica propria; epithelium, tunica propria; lamina muscularis mucosae; ducts of deep esophageal gland; blood vessels of submucous layer; portion of myenteric plexus, showing ganglion cells; smooth muscle; striated muscle; and branch of vagus nerve. It matches modern diagrams of the esophagus.]

[The second diagram appears to be a cross-section of the intestinal wall, and is horizontally oriented. The left region is labeled "gastric pit," and the right region, "Tubule of gland." Areas of the left region are labeled "Lumen," "Mucus (goblet) epithelial cells," and "Tunica propria." The right region has labels of "parietal cells," "chief cells" and also a separate cross-sectional picture labeled "tubule cut transversely." It conforms with modern diagrams of this area of the intestinal wall.]

[The second diagram looks like a cross-section of the intestinal wall and is oriented horizontally. The left side is labeled "gastric pit," and the right side is labeled "Tubule of gland." The left side features labels for "Lumen," "Mucus (goblet) epithelial cells," and "Tunica propria." The right side includes labels for "parietal cells," "chief cells," and also a separate cross-sectional image labeled "tubule cut transversely." It matches modern diagrams of this part of the intestinal wall.]

February, 1924

February 1924

At this time the Special Opportunity Class teacher (P. S. 165, Manhattan) rated C, on a school information blank, for a long array of "physical, mental, social, and moral traits," using a 7-step rating scale (1 being the highest scale).

At this time, the Special Opportunity Class teacher (P. S. 165, Manhattan) rated C on a school information form for a long list of "physical, mental, social, and moral traits," using a 7-point rating scale (1 being the highest).

Ratings of 1 were given for—

Ratings of 1 were given for—

   Truthfulness Common sense
   Desire to know General intelligence
   Originality

Truthfulness Common sense
Desire to know General intelligence
Originality

Ratings of 2 or 3 were given for—

Ratings of 2 or 3 were given for—

   Prudence and forethought Conscientiousness
   Self-confidence Permanency of moods
   Will power and persever- Desire to excel
      ance Cheerfulness and optimism
   Freedom from vanity and Leadership
      egotism Sensitiveness to approval or
   Sympathy and tenderness disapproval

Prudence and foresight Conscientiousness
   Self-confidence Consistency of emotions
   Willpower and perseverance Desire to succeed
      Optimism Cheerfulness and positivity
   Humility and Leadership
      selflessness Sensitivity to approval or
   Compassion and kindness disapproval

Ratings of below 3 (average or below) were given for—

Ratings below 3 (average or below) were given for—

   Health Fondness for large groups
   Physical energy Popularity with other children
   Musical appreciation Generosity and unselfishness
   Appreciation of beauty Mechanical ingenuity
   Sense of humor

Health Love for large groups
   Physical energy Popularity among other kids
   Musical appreciation Generosity and selflessness
   Appreciation of beauty Mechanical skill
   Sense of humor

September 15, 1924

September 15, 1924

At this time the author (L. S. H.), who had known C for two years, independently rated him on this same array of traits by the same rating scale technique.

At this point, the author (L. S. H.), who had known C for two years, independently evaluated him using the same set of traits and the same rating scale method.

Ratings of 1 were given for—

Ratings of 1 were given for—

   Prudence and forethought Sympathy and tenderness
   Self-confidence Conscientiousness
   Will power and persever- Truthfulness
      ance Desire to know
   Appreciation of beauty Originality
   Sense of humor Common sense
   Desire to excel General intelligence

Prudence and foresight Empathy and kindness
   Self-assurance Diligence
   Willpower and persistence Honesty
      Curiosity Appreciation for beauty
   Sense of humor Practicality
   Desire to succeed Overall intelligence

Ratings of 2 or 3 were given for—

Ratings of 2 or 3 were given for—

   Cheerfulness and optimism Sensitiveness to approval or
   Permanency of moods disapproval
   Leadership Freedom from vanity or ego-
   Popularity with other chil- tism
      dren Mechanical ingenuity

Cheerfulness and optimism Sensitivity to approval or Permanency of moods disapproval Leadership Freedom from vanity or ego- Popularity with other kids tism Children Mechanical ingenuity

Ratings of below 3 (average or less) were given for—

Ratings below 3 (average or lower) were given for—

   Health Generosity and unselfishness
   Physical energy Fondness for large groups
   Musical appreciation

Health Generosity and selflessness
Physical energy Enjoyment of big gatherings
Love for music

The only striking differences between the two sets of ratings are in sense of humor and appreciation of beauty, in which C was rated low by the teacher and high by the author. It appears to the Editor, who also has a more or less intimate acquaintance with C, that a composite of these ratings, made when the child was 11 years old, gave an adequate portrayal of him as an adult of 27.

The only noticeable differences between the two sets of ratings are in humor and appreciation of beauty, where the teacher rated C low and the author rated him high. The Editor, who also knows C fairly well, believes that a combination of these ratings taken when the child was 11 provides an accurate depiction of him as a 27-year-old adult.

April 18, 1925

April 18, 1925

At the age of 11 years 10 months, C was again given the Stanford-Binet examination by L. S. H. His score was 18 years 6 months, and he was recorded as being "no longer measured" by this test.

At 11 years and 10 months old, C took the Stanford-Binet test again, administered by L. S. H. He scored at an equivalent age of 18 years and 6 months, and he was noted as being "no longer measured" by this test.

January 16, 1926

January 16, 1926

At this time C was in a private high school, being then 12 years 7 months old.

At this time, C was attending a private high school and was 12 years and 7 months old.

On these data his score in Army Alpha (Form 5) was 195 points.

On this data, his score in Army Alpha (Form 5) was 195 points.

He was given an early form of the IER Test for Superior Adults, CAVD, and the score is given as 43.5 (perhaps this should be 435). The comment of the scorer in the Institute of Educational Research was: "This puts the boy well into the college graduate class. He excels about 75 per cent of the Yale Law freshmen."

He took an early version of the IER Test for Superior Adults, CAVD, and scored 43.5 (maybe this should be 435). The evaluator at the Institute of Educational Research commented: "This places the boy well within the college graduate range. He outperforms about 75 percent of the Yale Law freshmen."

January 26, 1927

January 26, 1927

C was now age 13 years 7 months, and he was in the second year of high school.

C was now 13 years and 7 months old, and he was in his second year of high school.

He was given the IER Scale CAVD for Superior Adults in two installments, beginning January 30 and finishing February 13. The score was 435 points, and the comment is, "As good as best Yale Law School freshmen and as high as top 4 per cent to 5 per cent of Teachers College candidates for M. A. degree."

He received the IER Scale CAVD for Superior Adults in two parts, starting on January 30 and finishing on February 13. His score was 435 points, with the remark, "As good as the top Yale Law School freshmen and ranking within the top 4 to 5 percent of Teachers College candidates for the M.A. degree."

Also in January, 1927, in the psychological laboratory of Barnard College, C was given by the present Editor an array of tests for which norms were available for Barnard freshmen, from the work of F. E. Carothers (Psychological Examination of College Students). The scores made are in the following tabulation expressed in terms of the PE of the distribution of 100 Barnard freshmen.

Also in January 1927, in the psychological lab at Barnard College, C was given a set of tests provided by the current Editor, for which there were norms available for Barnard freshmen, based on the work of F. E. Carothers (Psychological Examination of College Students). The scores are shown in the following table, expressed in relation to the PE of the distribution of 100 Barnard freshmen.

   SCORES MADE BY C AT AGE of 13 YEARS 7 MONTHS IN TERMS OF PE OF
                DISTRIBUTION OF 100 BARNARD FRESHMEN

SCORES MADE BY C AT AGE of 13 YEARS 7 MONTHS IN TERMS OF PE OF
                DISTRIBUTION OF 100 BARNARD FRESHMEN

Unless otherwise indicated, the score is "plus."

Unless stated otherwise, the score is "plus."

TEST C's SCORE

TEST C's SCORE

        Word Building (AEIRLP) 3.22 PE
        Completion (Trabue A) 3.09
        Directions (Woodworth-Wells) 2.78
        Word Recall (Mulhall) 2.72
        Analogies (Woodworth-Wells) 1.66
        Logical Recall (Proverbs) 0.49
        Naming Opposites (Woodworth-Wells) 0.16
        Substitution (Digit-Form) 0.07
        Color Naming (Woodworth-Wells) -0.06
        Cancellation (Digits) -0.15
        Word Recognition (Mulhall) -0.27
        Logical Recognition (Proverbs) -0.64
        Number Checking -0.81
        Verb-Object Associations -0.86

Word Building (AEIRLP) 3.22 PE
        Completion (Trabue A) 3.09
        Directions (Woodworth-Wells) 2.78
        Word Recall (Mulhall) 2.72
        Analogies (Woodworth-Wells) 1.66
        Logical Recall (Proverbs) 0.49
        Naming Opposites (Woodworth-Wells) 0.16
        Substitution (Digit-Form) 0.07
        Color Naming (Woodworth-Wells) -0.06
        Cancellation (Digits) -0.15
        Word Recognition (Mulhall) -0.27
        Logical Recognition (Proverbs) -0.64
        Number Checking -0.81
        Verb-Object Associations -0.86

On those of the above subtests most nearly like the content of present general intelligence examinations, C is clearly above the standard for the freshmen group, being in fact at the very top of the list, about 3 PE above average.

On those subtests most similar to the content of current general intelligence exams, C is clearly above the standard for the freshman group, actually ranking at the very top of the list, around 3 PE above average.

Most of the things on which C scored (slightly) below average are simple and more or less mechanical. This result may perhaps be confirmed by his score in Stenquist Assembling Test, Series I, given on the same day. His T-score was 58, placing him only a little above average (67th centile) among 13-year-old children. It will be recalled that C was uniformly rated low in "mechanical ability" and also expressed a lack of interest in "working with machinery."

Most of the areas where C scored (just) below average are straightforward and pretty much mechanical. This finding might be supported by his score in the Stenquist Assembling Test, Series I, taken on the same day. His T-score was 58, which puts him just slightly above average (67th percentile) among 13-year-olds. It should be noted that C consistently received low ratings in "mechanical ability" and also showed a lack of interest in "working with machinery."

On this day C was also given the Rosanoff High Standard Frequency Test (Word Association) based on Class A words only. The available standards (Rosanoff) and also C's score are given in the following:

On this day, C also took the Rosanoff High Standard Frequency Test (Word Association) using only Class A words. The available standards (Rosanoff) and C's score are provided below:

   Fifth grade, total value 15
   First year high school 100
   First year college 375
   Master's degree 600
   Starred men of science 800
   C's score 823

Fifth grade, total value 15
   Freshman year of high school 100
   Freshman year of college 375
   Master's degree 600
   Top scientists 800
   C's score 823

August 23, 1931

August 23, 1931

At the age of 18 years 2 months, C was in his third year of college
(Columbia). On this date he was again given IER Intelligence
Scale CAVD, Levels M, N, O, P, Q, and his score was 446 points,
which is as high as any score recorded on this scale.

At 18 years and 2 months old, C was in his third year of college
(Columbia). On this date, he was once again given the IER Intelligence
Scale CAVD, Levels M, N, O, P, Q, and he scored 446 points,
which is the highest score recorded on this scale.

December 26, 1932

December 26, 1932

At the age of 19 years 6 months, in the fourth year of college, C scored 210 points on Army Alpha, Form 8, a score equaled only by the top 1 per cent of college seniors.

At 19 years and 6 months old, in their fourth year of college, C scored 210 points on Army Alpha, Form 8, a score matched only by the top 1 percent of college seniors.

LATER SCHOOL HISTORY

Subsequent to the Special Opportunity Class, in 1923, in P. S. 165, Manhattan, C completed his high school work, first in a private school and later in a public high school (George Washington) in New York City. During these years he received various academic honors and prizes, or medals, for proficiency.

Subsequent to the Special Opportunity Class in 1923 at P.S. 165, Manhattan, C finished his high school education, first at a private school and then at a public high school (George Washington) in New York City. During these years, he earned various academic honors and awards, including medals, for his proficiency.

In the high school from which he was graduated in 1929, he was vice-president of the French Club. He won a city-wide contest in French composition, for which he received a medal. He was elected to Arista, the high school honor society, and ranked third in his class upon graduation, with an average grade of 94 (the two better were 96 and 94.5). In connection with his high school work he was awarded a state scholarship of $150.

In the high school he graduated from in 1929, he was the vice president of the French Club. He won a citywide contest in French composition and received a medal for it. He was elected to Arista, the high school honor society, and graduated ranked third in his class, with an average grade of 94 (the two ahead of him had 96 and 94.5). Along with his high school achievements, he was awarded a state scholarship of $150.

Upon graduating from high school, C applied for and competed for a Pulitzer scholarship, and he was awarded a scholarship as the highest-ranking boy among the competitors. This enabled him to enter Columbia College, to which he was admitted in 1929.

Upon graduating from high school, C applied for and competed for a Pulitzer scholarship, and he was awarded a scholarship as the top-ranking boy among the competitors. This allowed him to attend Columbia College, where he was admitted in 1929.

He was graduated from Columbia, taking the premedical course, in 1933, being elected to Phi Beta Kappa. During the previous year he also won a current events contest conducted by a metropolitan newspaper, with a prize of $150.

He graduated from Columbia with a premedical degree in 1933 and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa. The year before, he won a current events contest held by a local newspaper, earning a prize of $150.

C was admitted to the New York University Medical College, from which he was graduated with the degree of M.D. He is now (1940) serving his internship in hospitals in New York City.

C was accepted into New York University Medical College, where he graduated with an M.D. degree. He is currently (1940) doing his internship in hospitals in New York City.

[1] C is now, 17 years after the recording of this comment, engaged in the profession of medicine. EDITOR

[1] C is now, 17 years after this comment was made, working in the field of medicine. EDITOR

CHAPTER SEVEN CHILD D

Child D is a boy, born March 9, 1910. [1] He was first described by Terman, who tested him in 1917. D, like E, was brought to the attention of the writer by the principal of the Horace Mann Kindergarten (Teachers College, Columbia University) as being a child of remarkable endowment. He was at that time 7 years 4 months old and had a Mental Age of 13 years 7 months, with an IQ of 184 (S-B).

Child D is a boy, born March 9, 1910. [1] He was first described by Terman, who evaluated him in 1917. D, like E, was brought to the writer’s attention by the principal of the Horace Mann Kindergarten (Teachers College, Columbia University) as an exceptionally gifted child. At that time, he was 7 years and 4 months old, with a Mental Age of 13 years and 7 months, and an IQ of 184 (S-B).

FAMILY BACKGROUND

D is descended from Russian Jews in the paternal branch and from
English Jews in the maternal branch.

D is descended from Russian Jews on his father's side and from English Jews on his mother's side.

Father. D's father immigrated to America at an early age. He is a high school graduate and was a student of engineering but abandoned these studies in the third year to do newspaper work, and later entered the advertising business in a large city. His leisure is spent in writing, and he has published a number of books, including three novels and a philosophical drama dealing with religion. His first book, a novel, was published when he was 21 years old. He was 28 when D was born.

Father. D's father moved to America when he was young. He graduated from high school and studied engineering but dropped out in his third year to work in journalism, later transitioning into advertising in a major city. In his free time, he writes and has published several books, including three novels and a philosophical play about religion. His first book, a novel, came out when he was 21. He was 28 when D was born.

Mother. D's mother went to school for only a few weeks and has been largely self-taught. Before marriage she was statistician and registrar in a large philanthropic organization. She has published stories, reviews, and poems, and a book on education. She has always taken part personally in the education of D. She was 26 years old when D was born. D is an only child.

Mother. D's mom attended school for just a few weeks and is mostly self-taught. Before getting married, she worked as a statistician and registrar for a large charitable organization. She has published stories, reviews, poems, and a book on education. She has always been actively involved in D's education. She was 26 years old when D was born. D is an only child.

Noteworthy relatives. Noteworthy relatives beyond the first degree of kinship include the following: a chief rabbi of Moscow, who was exiled for aiding the Nihilists; a distinguished lawyer; a man who by his own efforts became a millionaire; a concert pianist; a composer and virtuoso; a writer; and "a relative decorated for science in Poland."

Noteworthy relatives. Noteworthy relatives beyond the first degree of kinship include the following: a chief rabbi of Moscow who was exiled for helping the Nihilists; a prominent lawyer; a man who became a millionaire through his own efforts; a concert pianist; a composer and virtuoso; a writer; and "a relative recognized for contributions to science in Poland."

The maternal great-grandfather was a famous rabbi who compiled and published a Jewish calendar covering a period of 414 years. This calendar contains, in regular order, the exact period of every new moon's appearance, the sabbaths, festivals with scriptural portions for each, and the equinoxes of the solar year according to the prescribed and authorized Jewish laws and corresponding to dates in the common era. The tabulations have been carefully compiled from various works of ancient rabbinical astronomers, with annotations in Hebrew and English.

The maternal great-grandfather was a well-known rabbi who created and published a Jewish calendar that spans 414 years. This calendar lists, in chronological order, the exact dates for every new moon, the sabbaths, festivals with the corresponding scriptural readings, and the equinoxes of the solar year, all according to the approved Jewish laws and aligned with dates in the common era. The entries have been meticulously compiled from various texts by ancient rabbinical astronomers, with notes in Hebrew and English.

This rabbi was also the great-grandfother of the four first cousins of D, whose intelligence quotients have been taken, and who rated 156, 150, 130, and 122, respectively. A second cousin in the maternal line yielded at the age of 6 years an IQ of 157.

This rabbi was also the great-grandfather of D's four first cousins, whose IQs have been measured, scoring 156, 150, 130, and 122, respectively. A second cousin on the maternal side had an IQ of 157 at the age of 6.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

D cut his first tooth at 4 months of age. He could say words at 8 months and talked in sentences at 11 months. In November, 1910 (8 months), he said "little boy" when his shadow appeared on the wall. D could stand, holding to chairs, at 9 months of age, and he walked alone at 11 to 12 months. At the age of 18 months, while sitting on his mother's lap as she sat before a typewriter, he learned to read by looking at the letters. The records kept by the mother indicate that he "learned to read and count in 1911." One such record reads, "October 11, counts all day long."

D cut his first tooth at 4 months old. He could say words at 8 months and talked in sentences by 11 months. In November 1910 (when he was 8 months), he said "little boy" when his shadow showed up on the wall. D could stand while holding onto chairs at 9 months and walked on his own between 11 to 12 months. At 18 months, while sitting on his mom's lap as she used a typewriter, he learned to read by looking at the letters. The notes kept by his mother show that he "learned to read and count in 1911." One of the notes says, "October 11, counts all day long."

At 8 months of age D strung in succession 5 yellow and 5 red balls and then began on blue, when the activity was interrupted. In March, 1912, he was using words to express relationships, such as "will" and "shall" (correctly), "but," "and," "my," "mine." At 2 years 6 months his vocabulary (incomplete) was 1690 words.

At 8 months old, D lined up 5 yellow and 5 red balls in a row and then started on blue before the activity was stopped. In March 1912, he was using words to describe relationships, like "will" and "shall" (correctly), as well as "but," "and," "my," and "mine." By 2 years and 6 months, his vocabulary (though not complete) had grown to 1690 words.

D's earliest memory goes back to 2 years of age, when he saw a rat and thought it was "a little brownie." An example of the quality of the questions asked by D in the first 36 months of life is one he asked in October, 1911 (19 months): "Has every door two knobs?" "Why?" His mother reports: "He was always asking unexpected questions."

D's first memory dates back to when he was 2 years old, seeing a rat and thinking it was "a little brownie." An example of the kind of questions D asked during his first 36 months is one he posed in October 1911 (at 19 months): "Does every door have two knobs?" "Why?" His mother notes, "He was always asking surprising questions."

This child was not placed in school at the usual age because he did not fit into the school organization. At the time he should have entered kindergarten D could read fluently and could perform complicated arithmetical processes. His intellectual interests were far beyond those of even the highly selected children of a private kindergarten. Therefore, his parents kept him out of school and obtained the companionship of other children for him by sending him to a playground.

This child wasn’t enrolled in school at the typical age because he didn’t fit into the school setup. When he should have started kindergarten, D could read fluently and handle complex math problems. His intellectual interests were way ahead of even the most selective kids in a private kindergarten. So, his parents decided to keep him out of school and arranged for him to socialize with other children by taking him to a playground.

D was first seen by the present writer [[L. S. H.]] while he was attending this playground, in the year 1916-1917. It is very interesting to note how D made social contacts with the other children while pursuing his own interests. For instance, he published a playground newspaper called "The Weekly Post." [2] He composted, edited, and typed this paper, issued at intervals, and it had a regular playground circulation.

D was first seen by me [[L. S. H.]] while he was at this playground during 1916-1917. It’s really interesting to see how D connected with other kids while following his own interests. For example, he created a playground newspaper called "The Weekly Post." [2] He wrote, edited, and typed this paper, which was published regularly, and it had a consistent circulation among the playground kids.

TRAITS OF CHARACTER

No faulty traits of character have been ascribed to D by parents or teachers interviewed. He was rated for character by Terman's method under Terman's direction, with a result of 1.93 from parents' estimates and 1.90 from teachers' estimates (the median score, for comparison with average children, being 3.00). D is thus rated by parents and teachers alike as well above the average in character. The desirable traits most often mentioned are refusal to lie, loyalty to standards once adopted, readiness to admit just criticisms, unselfishness, and amiability.

No negative character traits have been attributed to D by the parents or teachers interviewed. He was assessed for character using Terman's method under Terman's guidance, receiving a score of 1.93 from parents' evaluations and 1.90 from teachers' evaluations (the median score, for comparison with average children, being 3.00). D is therefore viewed by both parents and teachers as significantly above average in character. The positive traits most frequently noted include honesty, loyalty to established standards, willingness to accept constructive criticism, selflessness, and friendliness.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

General intelligence tests of D show the following results:

General intelligence tests of D show the following results:

       DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD- ARMY ALPHA THORNDIKE TEST
                   AGE BINET POINTS FOR FRESHMEN
                   OF D (POINTS)
                               MA IQ D Norm D Norm

DATE BIRTHDAY STANFORD- ARMY ALPHA THORNDIKE TEST
                   AGE BINET POINTS FOR FRESHMEN
                   OF D (POINTS)
                               MA IQ D Norm D Norm

   Aug., 1917, 7-4 13-7 184
   Jan. 29, 1921 10-11 Passed all 185 —
                              for Super. (Form 5)
   June, 1922 12-3 Adult. 106 70-80

Aug., 1917, 7-4 13-7 184
   Jan. 29, 1921 10-11 Passed all 185 —
                              for Super. (Form 5)
   June, 1922 12-3 Adult. 106 70-80

It is thus seen how greatly D suprasses the average child in mental tests. In the five years which have elapsed since D's first test there has been no tendencey to become mediocre. At the age of 7 years he showed an IQ of 184; at the age of 11 years he exceeded by a wide margin on Army Alpha the median score for postgraduate students in first-rate universities; at 12 years he far exceeded the median score of college freshmen on Thorndike's test for that group. The validity of these scores is consistently borne out by the school history.

It is evident how much D surpasses the average child in mental tests. In the five years since D's first test, there has been no trend toward mediocrity. At age 7, he had an IQ of 184; at age 11, he significantly surpassed the median score for postgraduate students at top universities on the Army Alpha test; at 12, he far exceeded the median score of college freshmen on Thorndike's test for that group. The validity of these scores is consistently supported by his school history.

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

The following measurements, as of May, 1922, were made in the gymnasium of the high school attended by D: [3]

The following measurements, as of May 1922, were taken in the gymnasium of the high school D attended: [3]

   WEIGHT (LBS.) HEIGHT (IN.) HT.-WT. COEFF.
    D NORM D NORM D NORM
   76.0 82.8 64.0 57.7 1.19 1.44

WEIGHT (LBS.) HEIGHT (IN.) HT.-WT. COEFF.
    D NORM D NORM D NORM
   76.0 82.8 64.0 57.7 1.19 1.44

D's health has always been excellent and no physical defects are known to his parents. He is rated as very stable nervously. His slenderness has been rated as a defect by one examiner; although he greatly exceeds the norm in height, he falls below in weight. He is therefore very tall and slender in appearance, which is characteristic of his father and uncles.

D's health has always been great, and his parents are unaware of any physical issues. He is considered very emotionally stable. One examiner views his slimness as a downside; even though he is much taller than average, he is underweight. As a result, he is very tall and slim, which is something he inherited from his father and uncles.

MISCELLANEOUS CHARACTERISTICS

Diversions. At the age of 7 years D's favorite amusements were skating, "Mechano," reading, playing ball, writing, tabulating, solitaire, chess, and numerical calculation in all its forms. As development has proceeded, he has continued most of these recreations, turning more and more, however, to games of intellectual skill. He likes other children and likes to be with them; he has established relations with them by editing newspapers for them, teaching them about nature, and the like. Play in the sense of mere purposeless sensorimotor activity has not been enjoyed by him.

Diversions. At the age of 7, D's favorite activities included skating, playing with Mechano sets, reading, playing ball, writing, making lists, playing solitaire, chess, and numerical calculations in all their forms. As he's grown, he has kept most of these hobbies but has shifted more towards games that challenge his intellect. He enjoys being around other kids and has built connections with them by creating newspapers, teaching them about nature, and similar activities. He hasn’t found pleasure in play that is just aimless physical activity.

Imaginary land. From the age of about 4 years to about the age of 7, D was greatly interested in an imaginary land which he called "Borningtown." He spent many hours peopling Borningtown, laying out roads, drawing maps of its terrain, composing and recording its language (Bornish), and writing its history and literature. He composed a lengthy dictionary—scores of pages—of the Bornish language. The origin of the words "Borningtown" and "Bornish" is not known. It seems possible that D's imaginary land may have arisen out of the mystery of being born.

Imaginary land. From around the age of 4 to about 7, D was really into an imaginary place he called "Borningtown." He spent hours creating characters for Borningtown, designing roads, mapping its landscape, inventing and recording its language (Bornish), and writing its history and stories. He even put together a big dictionary—dozens of pages—of the Bornish language. The origins of the names "Borningtown" and "Bornish" remain a mystery. It’s possible that D's imaginary land was inspired by the mystery of being born.

Gift for music. D has had piano lessons for several years, and he has displayed remarkable ability to deal with the mathematical aspects of music. A sample is shown of his musical composition, illustrating his understanding of musical symbols and his ability to interpret through this medium. He composed music before he had any instruction in playing musical instruments. He read certain booklets which came with Ampico and decided to compose. He can compose music which he cannot himself play.

Gift for music. D has taken piano lessons for several years and has shown a remarkable talent for understanding the mathematical side of music. A sample of his musical composition is included, showcasing his grasp of musical symbols and his ability to express himself through this medium. He started composing music before receiving any lessons on how to play musical instruments. He read some booklets that came with Ampico and decided to start composing. He can create music that he is unable to play himself.

FIG 4. PART OF A COMPOSITION BY D AT AGE 8 YEARS 7 MONTHS.

[The composition is titled "Op. 1, Dog's Dance," in A Major, with a "Tempo 75," "Moderato," in 8/8 time. The composition is marked by 16th-note flourishes, eighth-note triplets, each stave occasionally briefly changing from their original clef to opposite clef (e.g., from treble to bass clef or vice versa) and back again, a dedication ("Dedicaded [sic] to 'Brutus' my aunt's dog,"), and the following directions to the pianist, mirroring the dog's activity, appearing under the bass clef: "Asleep" (1st measure), "Bell rings" (2nd measure), "Gets up" and "barks" (3rd measure) "scampers" (4th measure), "scampers back" (6th measure), "rests" (measures 7 & 8), "Hears footsteps" (9th measure), "trots" (end of 10th measure), "Ball is thrown" and "Scampers after it" (11th measure), "Ball stops" (13th measure), "He foosle-woosles it" (14th measure), "Trots back" and "Drops it" (15th measure), "Regrets it" and "Trots" (16th measure), and "Drops it" (17th measure). There are very few errors in notation for a hand-written composition of this complexity; the errors that are made appear to be simple oversights, such as using quarter-notes in a triplet instead of eighth notes, using a half note when only a quarter beat remains in the measure, and the like.]

[The piece is called "Op. 1, Dog's Dance," in A Major, with a "Tempo 75," "Moderato," in 8/8 time. The piece features 16th-note flourishes, eighth-note triplets, and each staff occasionally switches briefly from its original clef to the opposite clef (e.g., from treble to bass clef or vice versa) and back again. It includes a dedication ("Dedicated to 'Brutus' my aunt's dog") and the following instructions for the pianist, reflecting the dog's actions, noted under the bass clef: "Asleep" (1st measure), "Bell rings" (2nd measure), "Gets up" and "barks" (3rd measure), "scampers" (4th measure), "scampers back" (6th measure), "rests" (measures 7 & 8), "Hears footsteps" (9th measure), "trots" (end of 10th measure), "Ball is thrown" and "Scampers after it" (11th measure), "Ball stops" (13th measure), "He foosle-woosles it" (14th measure), "Trots back" and "Drops it" (15th measure), "Regrets it" and "Trots" (16th measure), and "Drops it" (17th measure). There are very few errors in notation for a hand-written piece of this complexity; the mistakes made seem to be simple oversights, such as using quarter notes in a triplet instead of eighth notes, or using a half note when only a quarter beat remains in the measure, and so on.]

Gifts for form and color in drawing. D's talent for color, for drawing and design, has been marked from the time he could wield a pencil. His drawings, paintings, and designs would fill a book by themselves. A sample of his original work at the age of 10 years is reproduced.

Gifts for form and color in drawing. D's natural talent for color, drawing, and design has been evident since he first picked up a pencil. His drawings, paintings, and designs could easily fill a book on their own. A piece of his original artwork from when he was 10 years old is included.

FIG. 5. DRAWN BY D AT AGE 9 YEARS 9 MONTHS.

[This is a drawing of a small bird. The beak is somewhat elongated, the legs straight, and the eye quite large, appearing similar to simplified / stylized animals on a crest.]

[This is a drawing of a small bird. The beak is a bit long, the legs are straight, and the eye is quite large, looking like simplified or stylized animals on a crest.]

This conventionalized bird is a fragment from his decoration for the chest in which he kept his "scientific work" at that time. This oblong chest he painted Chinese red, with three figures on the front. These were the conventionalized bird here shown, a conventionalized nest with eggs, and a conventionalized butterfly— all painted in striking combinations of yellow, blue, green, and red.

This stylized bird is a piece from his decoration for the chest where he stored his "scientific work" at that time. He painted this rectangular chest Chinese red, with three figures on the front. These included the stylized bird shown here, a stylized nest with eggs, and a stylized butterfly—all painted in bold combinations of yellow, blue, green, and red.

D loves color, and one of his favorite playthings has been a sample folder of silk buttonhole twists of three hundred shades. Between the ages of 8 and 9 years he would go over and over these, classifying the colors in various ways, scoring them for beauty, and renaming them to satisfy his appreciation of them. Some of these names will give an idea of his appreciation:

D loves color, and one of his favorite toys has been a sample folder of silk buttonhole twists in three hundred shades. Between the ages of 8 and 9, he would sort through these repeatedly, classifying the colors in different ways, rating them for beauty, and giving them new names to reflect how he felt about them. Some of these names will give you an idea of his appreciation:

spotted pale dark darking green darkling green regular green shame blue paper white spoiled pink apron blue soft light pink beau yellow meadow beauty pink visitor's green cat black alien white royalest red feeling blue

spotted pale dark darking green darkling green regular green shame blue paper white spoiled pink apron blue soft light pink beau yellow meadow beauty pink visitor's green cat black alien white royalest red feeling blue

One of his favorite games (aged 8 to 9 years) was to assign a numerical value to each of the 300 shades and then to list them for "highest honors." "Royalest red" nearly always won in these contests.

One of his favorite games when he was 8 to 9 years old was to give a numerical value to each of the 300 shades and then list them for "highest honors." "Royalest red" nearly always won in these contests.

Origination of new concepts and new words. From earliest childhood D has felt a need for concepts and for words to express them that are not to be found in dictionaries. His occupation in this field he calls "wordical work." Some examples are recorded by his mother in the following note dated December, 1916.

Origination of new concepts and new words. From a young age, D has felt a need for concepts and words to express them that aren’t found in dictionaries. He refers to his work in this area as "wordical work." Some examples are noted by his mother in the following note dated December, 1916.

Was having his dinner and being nearly finished said he didn't care to eat any more, as he had a pain in his actum pelopthis. He explained that his actum pelopthis, actum quotatus, serbalopsis, and boobalicta are parts of the body where you sometimes have queer feelings; they don't serve any purpose. He said he also had a place called the boobalunksis, or source of headaches; that the hair usually springs out from around the herkadone; that the perpalensis is the place where socks end, and the bogalegus is the place where legs and tummy come together. He also named one other part, the cobaliscus or smerbalooble, whose function is not explained. The definitions are exactly as he gave them in each instance.

While having dinner and nearly finished, he said he didn't want to eat anymore because he had a pain in his actum pelopthis. He explained that his actum pelopthis, actum quotatus, serbalopsis, and boobalicta are body parts where you sometimes feel strange sensations; they don't really serve any purpose. He mentioned he also had a spot called the boobalunksis, or source of headaches; that hair usually grows around the herkadone; that the perpalensis is where socks end, and the bogalegus is where the legs and abdomen meet. He named one other part, the cobaliscus or smerbalooble, whose function he didn't explain. The definitions are exactly as he provided them each time.

On February 23, 1917, his mother wrote:

On February 23, 1917, his mom wrote:

He has not referred to these places since. I do not know where he got the idea for such names, unless possibly from The Water Babies. He would probably refer them to some Bornish source.

He hasn't mentioned these places since. I don't know where he got the idea for those names, unless maybe from The Water Babies. He would likely attribute them to some Bornish source.

The invention and classification of the Bornish language already referred to is another example of D's "wordical work." He has also invented hundreds of words which have not been included as Bornish. An example of his hand-writing, illustrative of words he has invented, classified, and recorded for pleasure, is here shown.

The creation and categorization of the Bornish language mentioned earlier is another example of D's "wordical work." He has also come up with hundreds of words that aren’t part of Bornish. An example of his handwriting, showing the words he has created, categorized, and documented for enjoyment, is displayed here.

FIG 6. ONE OF D'S VERBAL INVENTIONS.

[The word defined is written as "Ob(b)iquicki(e)us" (the "e" is circled, perhaps suggesting a later revision to combine the "o" and "e") The definition which follows is: "Obiquickeous is a cube sensibilitant word. One of the most important words. It is an adj. and a noun."]

[The word defined is written as "Ob(b)iquicki(e)us" (the "e" is circled, perhaps suggesting a later revision to combine the "o" and "e") The definition which follows is: "Obiquickeous is a cube sensibilitant word. One of the most important words. It is an adjective and a noun."]

Invention of games. D has invented many games. To illustrate this aspect of his mental capacity, there are his designs for three-handed and four-handed checkers. [4] D held that these would be better games than two-handed checkers because they are more complicated. A description of the games invented by D, together with his mathematical calculations concerning the chances and probabilities in each, would fill many pages.

Invention of games. D has created many games. To highlight this part of his intelligence, there are his designs for three-player and four-player checkers. [4] D believed that these would be better games than two-player checkers because they are more complex. A detailed description of the games invented by D, along with his mathematical calculations about the odds and probabilities in each, would take up many pages.

Calculation and mathematical ingenuity. It is difficult to say that D is more gifted in one mental function or group of functions than in others, for his ability is so extraordinary in all performances that without means of measurement one cannot tell in which he deviates farthest from the average.

Calculation and mathematical ingenuity. It’s hard to claim that D is more talented in one type of thinking or skill set than in others, because his abilities are so remarkable across the board that without a way to measure them, it’s impossible to see where he strays the furthest from what’s considered average.

However, it is to be observed that the quantitative aspects of experience have always played a very striking role in all his performances. Even in dealing with color he turned to mathematics and made his values quantitative. Throughout childhood he spent hours playing with numerical relationships. These calculations cover hundreds of pages. There is reproduced here a sample of such work, chosen at random from scores of like material. There is no doubt in the mind of the present writer [[L. S. H.]] that D could, by practice with short-cut methods, easily become a lightning calculator. By age of 12 years D had finished college entrance requirements in arithmetic, algebra, geometry, and trigonometry, all with high marks.

However, it should be noted that the quantitative aspects of experience have always played a significant role in all his performances. Even when working with color, he turned to mathematics and made his values numerical. Throughout his childhood, he spent hours exploring numerical relationships. These calculations span hundreds of pages. Here is a random sample of such work, selected from many similar materials. There's no doubt in the mind of the current writer [[L. S. H.]] that D could, with practice on short-cut methods, easily become an impressive calculator. By the age of 12, D had completed the college entrance requirements in arithmetic, algebra, geometry, and trigonometry, all with high marks.

FIG. 7. Playing with numbers, Child D, age 7, to find what number under 100 has the greatest number of factors, counts up factors in each and awards "highest honors" to 96.

FIG. 7. Playing with numbers, Child D, age 7, finds out which number under 100 has the most factors. They count the factors for each number and give "highest honors" to 96.

[This figure lists the numbers 86-100, and shows the numbers factored. The winning numbers he included are 96 (6 [factors]), 48 (5), 24 (4), and 16 (4). It appears that he ranked the "winning" numbers not according to the actual numbers of the places (i.e., 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th places), but rather by the order of the primes representing them, i.e., 2 is first place, 3 is second place, 5 third, and 7 fourth. Additionally, the notes "H. C. F" and "L C. M." are to the left of the 96 and 16, respectively, likely indicating "highest common factor" and "lowest common multiple" of the factors of the "winning" numbers.]

[This figure lists the numbers 86-100 and shows the factored numbers. The winning numbers he included are 96 (6 [factors]), 48 (5), 24 (4), and 16 (4). It seems he ranked the "winning" numbers not by their actual placements (i.e., 1st, 2nd, 3rd, and 4th places), but rather by the order of the primes representing them, meaning 2 is the first place, 3 is second, 5 is third, and 7 is fourth. Additionally, the notes "H. C. F" and "L C. M." are next to 96 and 16, respectively, likely indicating "highest common factor" and "lowest common multiple" of the factors of the "winning" numbers.]

Tendency to classify and diagram. To classify the data of experience has always been one of D's chief interests. One such tabulation was of parts of speech in various stories and poems. [5] Figure 8 is a sample taken from many pages of reclassification of birds. The caption, "Proper Scientific Name," represents the name considered by D to be better than those now recognized by ornithologists. His classifications of words, numbers, colors, musical notes, objects, and so forth would fill a large volume. He often constructs diagrams to clarify or condense meaning.

Tendency to classify and diagram. Classifying data from experience has always been one of D's main interests. One of his tables was about parts of speech in different stories and poems. [5] Figure 8 is an example from many pages of reclassifying birds. The caption, "Proper Scientific Name," reflects the name D believes is better than those currently used by ornithologists. His classifications of words, numbers, colors, musical notes, objects, and more would fill a large book. He often creates diagrams to simplify or summarize meaning.

   FIG. 8. A SAMPLE OF D'S CLASSIFICATIONS
   [PART 1 OF 2, Columns 1-3].

FIG. 8. A SAMPLE OF D'S CLASSIFICATIONS
[PART 1 OF 2, Columns 1-3].

   Classification of birds seen in summer 1918. Classified in Feb.,
   1919. "Proper Scientific Name" is the improved name given by D—.

Classification of birds observed in summer 1918. Classified in February,
1919. "Proper Scientific Name" is the updated name provided by D—.

   Found Name Genus or, Scientific
   Here (Popular) [Species,] etc. N a m e

Found Name Genus or, Scientific
   Here (Popular) [Species,] etc. N a m e

   * Towhee Species Erythopthalmus
   X Wh.-eyed towhee Sub-Species E. Alleni
   X Green-tailed " Genus Oreospiza
   X Blue Grosbeak Species Caerulea
   * Indigo Bunting " Cyanea
   X Painted " " Ciris
   X Lark Bunting " Calamospiza
                                                   Melanocorys
   * Barn Swallow " Erythrogastra
   * Tree " Genus Iridoprocne
   * Red-eyed Vireo Species Olivacea
           Wood Warblers Family Mniotiltidae
   * Black & White
              Warbler Species Varia
   * Yellow Warbler Species Astiva
   * Sh.-Billed
              Marsh Wren Genus Cistothorus
   * Red-br. Nuthatch Species Canadensis

* Towhee Species Erythopthalmus
   X White-eyed towhee Sub-Species E. Alleni
   X Green-tailed " Genus Oreospiza
   X Blue Grosbeak Species Caerulea
   * Indigo Bunting " Cyanea
   X Painted " " Ciris
   X Lark Bunting " Calamospiza
                                                   Melanocorys
   * Barn Swallow " Erythrogastra
   * Tree " Genus Iridoprocne
   * Red-eyed Vireo Species Olivacea
           Wood Warblers Family Mniotiltidae
   * Black & White
              Warbler Species Varia
   * Yellow Warbler Species Astiva
   * Short-Billed
              Marsh Wren Genus Cistothorus
   * Red-breasted Nuthatch Species Canadensis

   FIG. 8. A SAMPLE OF D'S CLASSIFICATIONS
   [PART 2 OF 2, Columns 1-4 ("Scientific name" repeated)].

FIG. 8. A SAMPLE OF D'S CLASSIFICATIONS
   [PART 2 OF 2, Columns 1-4 ("Scientific name" repeated)].

Scientific Name Proper Scientific name Equal

Scientific Name Proper Scientific Name Equal

   Erythopthalmus Pipilo Eryth. **?
   E. Alleni P. Leucophtalmus ***
   Oreospiza Pipilo **?
   Caerulea Cyanea ***
   Cyanea Caerulea ***
   Ciris Pictus **?
   Calamospiza Melanocorys Melanospiza Leucoptera ***
   Erythrogastra Leucurus ***
   Iridoprocne Hirundo ***
   Olivacea Erythropthalmus Yes
   Mniotiltidae Dendroicidae **?
   Varia Striata **?
   Astiva Xantho or Auro Yes
   Cistothorus Telmatotytes ?
   Canadensis Borealis Yes
   [no previous columns] Erythrogastra **?

Erythopthalmus Pipilo Eryth. **?
   E. Alleni P. Leucophtalmus ***
   Oreospiza Pipilo **?
   Caerulea Cyanea ***
   Cyanea Caerulea ***
   Ciris Pictus **?
   Calamospiza Melanocorys Melanospiza Leucoptera ***
   Erythrogastra Leucurus ***
   Iridoprocne Hirundo ***
   Olivacea Erythropthalmus Yes
   Mniotiltidae Dendroicidae **?
   Varia Striata **?
   Astiva Xantho or Auro Yes
   Cistothorus Telmatotytes ?
   Canadensis Borealis Yes
   [no previous columns] Erythrogastra **?

Interest in science. By the age of 10 years D's chief interest had come to center in science and it continued to center there. His classifications of moths, birds, and the like and his observations of their life cycles are "monumental." There are volumes of these recorded observations as in Figure 9.

Interest in science. By the time he was 10, D's main interest had focused on science, and it remained that way. His classifications of moths, birds, and similar creatures, along with his observations of their life cycles, are "monumental." He has recorded volumes of these observations, as shown in Figure 9.

FIG 9. ONE OF D'S RECORDS OF OBSERVATIONS. LIFE CYCLES OF BIRDS.

[Here, the species of birds are listed in a column, with months of the year listed and spread out horizontally, with the first, 15th, and last days of the month underneath each month, and sometimes the 10th and 20th also. The species include: Holbcel's Grebe; Horned Grebe; Pied Billed Grebe; Loon; Loon Black-Thr.; Loon Red-Thr.; Puffin; Black Guillenot; Murre; Murre Brunnich's; Razor-billed Ank; Dovekie; Skua; Jaeger Pomarine; Jaeger, Parasitic; Jaeger, Long-tailed; Gull, Ivory; Gull, Kittawake; Gull, Glaucous; Gull, Iceland; Gull, Kumliens; Gull, Gr. Bl.-Backed; Gull, Herring; Gull, Ring-Bileed; Gull, Laughing; Gull, Bonaparte's; Gull, Little-Casual; Gull, Sabine; Tern, Gull-Billed; Tern, Caspian; Tern, Royal; Tern, Cabot's; Tern, Trudeau's; Tern, Forster's; Tern, Common; Tern, Arctic; Tern, Roseate; Tern, Least; Tern, Sooty; Tern, Black. Each bird has a line or lines to the right of its name, corresponding to the times of year.]

[Here, the species of birds are arranged in a column, with months of the year displayed horizontally. The first, 15th, and last days of each month are noted underneath, along with the 10th and 20th in some cases. The species include: Holbcel's Grebe; Horned Grebe; Pied-Billed Grebe; Loon; Black-Throated Loon; Red-Throated Loon; Puffin; Black Guillemot; Murre; Brunnich's Murre; Razorbill; Dovekie; Skua; Pomarine Jaeger; Parasitic Jaeger; Long-tailed Jaeger; Ivory Gull; Kittiwake; Glaucous Gull; Iceland Gull; Kumliens Gull; Great Black-Backed Gull; Herring Gull; Ring-billed Gull; Laughing Gull; Bonaparte's Gull; Little Gull; Sabine's Gull; Gull-billed Tern; Caspian Tern; Royal Tern; Cabot's Tern; Trudeau's Tern; Forster's Tern; Common Tern; Arctic Tern; Roseate Tern; Least Tern; Sooty Tern; Black Tern. Each bird has a line or lines to the right of its name, indicating the times of year.]

Figures 10 and 11 illustrate his interest in physical science. They have been taken from his notebooks and state problems which occurred spontaneously to him and for which he tried experimentally to find solutions. During a series of experiments "to determine the path of a tack," it is reported that "the house was full of tacks" which had been used in attempting solutions.

Figures 10 and 11 show his interest in physical science. They are taken from his notebooks and present problems that came to him spontaneously, which he attempted to solve through experiments. During a series of experiments "to determine the path of a tack," it's reported that "the house was full of tacks" that had been used in these attempts.

FIG. 10. COPY OF WORK DONE BY D "FOR FUN," MARCH 28, 1921, AGED 11 YEARS 1 MONTH.

of the problem: "Determine the appearance of a finger, F, to two eyes, E#R# and E#L#, focussed on a pole R at point P#S# along lines E#R#R and E#L#R."

of the problem: "Determine how a finger, F, looks to two eyes, E#R# and E#L#, focused on a pole R at point P#S# along lines E#R#R and E#L#R."

[Diagram of solution.]

[Diagram of solution.]

   Thru [sic] R pass plane PL // to the plane of the eyes. Draw a
   line from E#L# (which is nearer to F than E#R#) to F, cutting
   PL in O. Draw E#R#O; thru F pass a plane // to PL and crossing
   E#R#O in A. Thru A pass F' // F.

Thru R, pass a plane PL to the eye level. Draw a
line from E#L# (which is closer to F than E#R#) to F, intersecting
PL at O. Draw E#R#O; through F, pass a plane parallel to PL and crossing
E#R#O at A. Through A, pass F' to F.

F' and F are the positions of F to E#R# and E#L#.

F' and F are the positions of F relative to E#R# and E#L#.

D.

So it can be shown that 2 other eyes would see F in positions F and F''.

So it can be shown that 2 other eyes would see F at positions F and F''.

.'. 4 eyes focused on R see F as F, F, F' and F''.

.'. 4 eyes focused on R see F as F, F, F' and F''.

D.
FIG. 11. THE PATH OF A TACK. WORK DONE BY D AT AGE 11 YEARS.

Discussion

Discussion

of the determination of the course of a freed tack, T, connected with other tacks by rubber bands.

of the determination of the course of a freed tack, T, connected with other tacks by rubber bands.

A. Fig. 1.

A. Fig. 1.

[Diagram including points T, T'; band B; and ray L.]

[Diagram including points T, T'; band B; and ray L.]

   When connected to a tack T' by band B.
      Draw T[,] T'[,] or L.
      T freed will travel along L, answer.

When linked to a tack T' by band B.
      Draw T[,] T'[,] or L.
      T released will move along L, answer.

B. Fig. 2.

B. Fig. 2.

[Diagram including points T, T', T''; bands B, B'; and ray L.]

[Diagram including points T, T', T''; bands B, B'; and ray L.]

   When connected to 2 tacks T' and T'' by 2 bands B and B'.
   Answer: Along L, the bisector of T' and TTT''.

When connected to 2 points T' and T'' by 2 lines B and B'.
Answer: Along L, the bisector of T' and T''.

C. Fig. 3.

C. Fig. 3.

[Diagram including points T, T', T''; band B; and ray L.]

[Diagram including points T, T', T''; band B; and ray L.]

   The same as B, but only 1 band B.
   Answer same as to B.

The same as B, but only 1 band B.
   Answer the same as for B.

D. Fig. 4.

D. Fig. 4.

[Diagram including points T, T#1#, T', T''; and ray L.]

[Diagram including points T, T#1#, T', T''; and ray L.]

   When connected to 3 tacks by any number of bands.
   Draw T'T#1#, and treat as in B and C.

When connected to 3 tacks by any number of bands.
Draw T'T#1#, and handle it like in B and C.

D.
SCHOOL HISTORY

In the September following his ninth birthday D entered upon formal instruction in the junior high school. In the autumn following his tenth birthday he entered senior high school, from which he was graduated at the age of 12 years, with a scholastic record which won for him two scholarships.

In September after his ninth birthday, D started formal classes in junior high school. The autumn after his tenth birthday, he moved up to senior high school, graduating at the age of 12 with academic achievements that earned him two scholarships.

He was admitted to a large Eastern college at the age of 12 years 6 months (1922-1923), and made a superior record throughout the course. It was very interesting to see that D continued to discover means of obtaining social contacts in spite of the great difficulties due to his extreme youth and his intellectual deviation. Thus it is not easy to plan how a 12-year-old boy might successfully participate in college athletics when the median age of college freshmen is over 18 years, but this problem was not too difficult for D. He presented himself to compete for the post of coxswain on the freshmen crew where, other things, being equal, light weight is an advantage.

He was accepted into a large Eastern college at the age of 12 years and 6 months (1922-1923), and he excelled throughout the course. It was fascinating to see that D continued to find ways to make social connections despite the significant challenges posed by his young age and his intellectual differences. It's not easy to figure out how a 12-year-old boy could successfully engage in college athletics when the average age of college freshmen is over 18, but D managed it. He stepped up to compete for the role of coxswain on the freshmen crew team, where, among other factors, being lightweight is an advantage.

He was graduated from college, with Phi Beta Kappa honors, in 1926, at the age of 16 years 2 months. At that time he was ambitious for a career in science.

He graduated from college with Phi Beta Kappa honors in 1926, at the age of 16 years and 2 months. At that time, he was ambitious about pursuing a career in science.

EDITOR'S SUPPLEMENT

D undertook graduate work, with distinction, in the field of chemistry. He became an industrial chemist with an important position in the research phases of the motion-picture industry. Word has been received of his death in September, 1938.

D completed his graduate studies with high honors in chemistry. He became an industrial chemist, holding a significant role in the research stages of the film industry. It has been reported that he passed away in September 1938.

[1] This child was described in some detail in Chapter IX of Gifted Children, 1926, and the earlier part of the present account is taken from that chapter. In the later part additional items are given, taken from the author's 1924 manuscript, and there are a few editorial additions.

[1] This child was described in detail in Chapter IX of Gifted Children, 1926, and the first part of this account is based on that chapter. The later part includes extra information from the author’s 1924 manuscript, along with a few editorial additions.

[2] A facsimile of a page from this paper is reproduced on page 244 of the author's book, Gifted Children (The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926).

[2] A copy of a page from this paper is shown on page 244 of the author's book, Gifted Children (The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926).

[3] A note shows that on March 16, 1926, at just 16 years of age, D's height was 71.5 inches and his weight 115 pounds, stripped. EDITOR

[3] A note indicates that on March 16, 1926, when he was only 16 years old, D was 71.5 inches tall and weighed 115 pounds, without clothes. EDITOR

[4] See Gifted Children, pages 246-247.

See *Gifted Children*, pages 246-247.

[5] Ibid., page 245.

[5] Ibid., p. 245.

CHAPTER EIGHT CHILD E

Child E when first seen was a boy 8 years 4 months of age. He was born June 17, 1908, and the first psychological measurements were made November 4, 1916. The circumstances that led to acquaintance with him were as follows:

Child E, when first seen, was an 8-year-and-4-month-old boy. He was born on June 17, 1908, and the initial psychological assessments were conducted on November 4, 1916. The circumstances that led to meeting him were as follows:

A child of exceptional intelligence was desired for demonstration before a class at Teachers College, Columbia University, engaged in the study of the psychology and treatment of exceptional children. [1] E was suggested because of his remarkable school record. The consent of the parents was secured and the psychological examination was made before a class of about thirty students.

A gifted child was needed for a demonstration in a class at Teachers College, Columbia University, focusing on the psychology and treatment of exceptional children. [1] E was recommended due to his impressive academic performance. The parents agreed, and the psychological assessment was conducted in front of about thirty students.

This was not, of course, the ideal circumstance under which to perform a mental test for scientific record. The presumption would be that the audience would tend to reduce the child's performance, so that whatever error there might be from this source would be in the direction of making the child appear less exceptional than he really was. Of course no one knew beforehand that such a phenomenal record was about to be made; for had such an unusual result been expected this child would have been kept for examination under more favorable laboratory conditions. [2] For an account of this testing, see under "Mental measurements," [this chapter.]

This was definitely not the best situation to conduct a mental test for scientific records. It was assumed that the audience would likely diminish the child’s performance, meaning any errors from this would result in the child looking less extraordinary than he truly was. No one could have predicted beforehand that such an incredible record was about to be set; if such an unusual result had been anticipated, this child would have been kept for evaluation under better lab conditions. [2] For an account of this testing, see under "Mental measurements," [this chapter.]

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Little or nothing is known of E's paternal relatives. His father was separated from them before age of recollection.

Little is known about E's father's side of the family. His dad was disconnected from them before he could even remember.

Of E's maternal ancestry fairly complete genealogical records are available. [3] Five persons bearing the surname of the mother settled in New England before 1650. These were probably all related to each other. The individual who was E's direct ancestor first appeared in New England in 1639 and settled at Cambridge, Massachusetts. This family attained great distinction in the six generations recorded in the New England genealogy. A son of the first ancestor in America was a royal councilor and the greatest merchant of his day in New England. A grandson was royal governor of Massachusetts, and later of New Jersey; he was also a patron of learning. A great-grandson was chief justice and lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia. A great-great-grandson was a royal councilor of Nova Scotia; some of his children settled again in England, of whom a son was a distinguished naval officer, attaining the rank of rear admiral in the British navy. These genealogical records, and other records of New England families which intermarried with this family, have not been brought up to date.

Of E's maternal ancestry, fairly complete genealogical records are available. [3] Five people with the mother's surname settled in New England before 1650. They were probably all related to each other. The person who was E's direct ancestor first appeared in New England in 1639 and settled in Cambridge, Massachusetts. This family gained significant recognition over the six generations recorded in the New England genealogy. A son of the first ancestor in America was a royal councilor and the leading merchant of his time in New England. A grandson became the royal governor of Massachusetts, and later of New Jersey; he was also a supporter of education. A great-grandson served as chief justice and lieutenant governor of Nova Scotia. A great-great-grandson was a royal councilor of Nova Scotia; some of his children moved back to England, including a son who became a notable naval officer, reaching the rank of rear admiral in the British navy. These genealogical records, along with other records of New England families that intermarried with this family, have not been updated.

The maternal surname appears first about 1176 in the records of England, and was apparently Norman-French in origin. The remote male ancestor [4] from whom the mother of E derives the middle part of her maiden name was born in Providence, Rhode Island, March 11, 1753, a descendant of early colonial settlers in America. He was graduated from Rhode Island College (now Brown University) in 1773 and later took a medical degree at the University of Pennsylvania. In 1783 he was appointed Professor of Materia Medica and Botany at Brown. In 1819 he was elected a delegate from the Rhode Island Medical Society, of which he was vice president, to the convention which formulated the National Pharmacopoeia. He took an active part in the organization and proceedings of the Rhode Island Society for the Encouragement of Domestic Industry. In 1824, with his son, William, he published The Farmer's Guide, "a comprehensive work on husbandry and gardening." He participated in the Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences, and delivered many lectures on botany. He died at the age of 81 years, leaving among descendants a large proportion of persons in the learned professions.

The maternal surname first shows up around 1176 in the records of England and is believed to be of Norman-French origin. The distant male ancestor [4] from whom the mother of E gets the middle part of her maiden name was born in Providence, Rhode Island, on March 11, 1753, and was a descendant of early colonial settlers in America. He graduated from Rhode Island College (now Brown University) in 1773 and later earned a medical degree from the University of Pennsylvania. In 1783, he was appointed Professor of Materia Medica and Botany at Brown. In 1819, he was elected a delegate from the Rhode Island Medical Society, where he was vice president, to the convention that created the National Pharmacopoeia. He actively participated in organizing and carrying out the activities of the Rhode Island Society for the Encouragement of Domestic Industry. In 1824, he and his son, William, published The Farmer's Guide, "a comprehensive work on husbandry and gardening." He took part in the Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences and gave many lectures on botany. He passed away at the age of 81, leaving behind many descendants in the learned professions.

Father. E's father, while still a college undergraduate, produced a Latin play which was performed in a Boston theater. Since graduation from college he has maintained a keen interest in educational matters. He organized a special library of insurance in Boston which is now used as a reference library all over the world. He is at present [[1939]] engaged in business; has written several books; is a university lecturer on insurance; has served on many important city commissions. Unusual mental endowment is clearly indicated by the fact that he rose entirely by his own direction and effort to a post of honor in an intricate field of knowledge. He was 45 years old when E was born.

Father. E's father, while still an undergraduate in college, created a Latin play that was performed in a Boston theater. Since graduation, he has kept a strong interest in educational issues. He set up a special library focused on insurance in Boston, which is now used as a reference library globally. As of [[1939]], he is involved in business, has written several books, teaches insurance at a university, and has served on many important city commissions. His remarkable intelligence is evident in how he advanced solely through his own determination and effort to achieve a respected position in a complex field. He was 45 years old when E was born.

Mother. E's mother was a qualified physician and a specialist in bacteriology. For some years she held a position as bacteriologist in one of the municipal departments of New York City. After the birth of her son she devoted a great deal of attention to his education and welfare, keeping records of his development, supervising his health, and acting as his teacher. She often accompanied him to school, sometimes registered for courses along with him, or herself took courses calculated to make her more useful in his training. She gave an exceptional amount of attention to his formal educational program and cultivated with him numerous extracurricular intellectual activities. During E's college career the two were often seen together on the campus.

Mother. E's mother was a qualified doctor and a specialist in bacteriology. For several years, she worked as a bacteriologist in one of the municipal departments of New York City. After her son was born, she focused a lot on his education and well-being, keeping track of his development, overseeing his health, and teaching him herself. She often went to school with him, sometimes enrolled in courses alongside him, or took classes that would help her support his education. She dedicated an extraordinary amount of time to his formal education and encouraged many extracurricular activities. During E's college years, the two were frequently spotted together on campus.

EARLY HISTORY [5]

E was his parents' fourth child, three girls having been born before him, all having died. Birth was difficult. He was bottle fed. His parents were both in middle life at the time of his birth. He cut his first tooth at 8 months—a lateral incisor. He walked at thirteen months.

E was the fourth child of his parents, with three girls born before him, all of whom had died. His birth was challenging. He was fed from a bottle. His parents were both middle-aged when he was born. He got his first tooth, a lateral incisor, at 8 months. He started walking at thirteen months.

Up to the age of 2 years E did not say a word. He then began to talk, and before he was 3 years old was able to read such books as Peter Rabbit. Conversation with him was carried on in German, French, Italian, and English equally. When he did begin to talk he could say in these four languages all the words he knew.

Up until he turned 2, E didn't say a word. Then he started talking, and by the time he was 3, he was able to read books like Peter Rabbit. We communicated with him in German, French, Italian, and English equally. When he finally began to talk, he could express all the words he knew in those four languages.

Health. E's health has been exceptionally good from infancy. He has had no disorders or diseases except measles, and an occasional attack of indigestion. He is exceptionally free from colds.

Health. E's health has been really good since he was a baby. He hasn't had any serious issues or illnesses except for measles and the occasional upset stomach. He hardly ever gets colds.

Physical measurements. The figures given below as averages are for a boy of 8 years 4 months who is the same height as E. The average height for a boy of this age is 49.7 inches. The measurements here given for E were transcribed from the gymnasium records of the school he was then attending.

Physical measurements. The numbers listed below as averages are for an 8-year-and-4-month-old boy who is the same height as E. The average height for a boy this age is 49.7 inches. The measurements provided for E were taken from the gym records of the school he was attending at the time.

CHILD E AVERAGE FOR MEASUREMENTS OCTOBER AGE 8 YEARS 4 MONTHS 30, 1916 AT HEIGHT 54.3 INCHES

   Weight 89.3 pounds 70.5 pounds
   Height 54.3 inches 54.3 pounds
   Girth of chest 31.8 inches 25.6 inches
   Girth of chest,
      expanded 32.4 inches 26.8 inches
   Lung capacity 100 cubic inches 112.0 cubic inches
   Strength, right
       forearm 30.9 pounds 39.7 pounds
   Strength, left
       forearm 22.0 pounds 37.5 pounds

Weight 89.3 pounds 70.5 pounds
   Height 54.3 inches 54.3 pounds
   Chest circumference 31.8 inches 25.6 inches
   Chest circumference,
      expanded 32.4 inches 26.8 inches
   Lung capacity 100 cubic inches 112.0 cubic inches
   Strength, right
       forearm 30.9 pounds 39.7 pounds
   Strength, left
       forearm 22.0 pounds 37.5 pounds

It will thus be seen that E is considerably larger than the average boy of his age, though of less lung capacity and forearm strength.

It will thus be seen that E is significantly taller than the average boy his age, although he has less lung capacity and forearm strength.

Other characteristics. E has clear, well-molded features. He does not like physical exercise of any kind but has had special attention along this line, such as lessons in swimming, dancing, and horseback riding. He sleeps eleven hours and goes to sleep immediately upon going to bed.

Other characteristics. E has clear, well-defined features. He doesn't enjoy any kind of physical exercise, but he has received special training in areas like swimming, dancing, and horseback riding. He sleeps for eleven hours and falls asleep right away when he goes to bed.

SCHOOL ACHIEVEMENT

E went to kindergarten from the age of 3 years to the age of 5 years. From 5 to 6 he was out of school on account of school organization (he could not be accepted in the first grade). From 6 to 7 years he attended an open-air, ungraded school and did the work of the second to the fourth grades. From 7 to 8 years he was in the fourth grade in regular school classes, and at the time of first observation by the writer, when he was 8 years old, he was in the sixth grade.

E attended kindergarten from the age of 3 to 5. From 5 to 6, he was out of school due to school policies (he couldn't be accepted into first grade). From 6 to 7, he went to an open-air, ungraded school and completed the work for second to fourth grades. From 7 to 8, he was in fourth grade in traditional school classes, and at the time of the writer's first observation, when he was 8 years old, he was in sixth grade.

He was thus three full years accelerated in school grading, according to age-grade norms, but was still three years retarded in school according to his Mental Age. (Terman makes special note of the fact that superior children are almost invariably retarded in school grading according to Mental Age.) His mother stated that under private tutors E had at this time covered the work of the seventh and nearly all the work of the eighth grade. His school standing, on his last report preceding this initial account, was as follows (the highest attainable rating is 1, the lowest, 4):

He was therefore three full years ahead in his school grades based on age norms, but was still three years behind in school based on his Mental Age. (Terman specifically notes that gifted children are usually behind in school grades according to Mental Age.) His mother mentioned that with private tutoring, E had at this point completed the work of the seventh grade and almost all of the eighth grade. His school performance, on his last report before this initial account, was as follows (the highest attainable rating is 1, the lowest is 4):

   Courtesy 1 Composition 2 Penmanship 3
   Promptness 1 Grammar or Industrial Arts 1 [7]
   System 1 Language 2 Fine Arts 4 [8]
   Spelling 2 Mathematics 3 [6] Music 2
   Reading or Geography 1 Physical Educa-
      Literature 1 History 1 tion 4
                                             Science 1

Courtesy 1 Writing Skills 2 Handwriting 3
   Punctuality 1 Grammar or Vocational Skills 1 [7]
   Organization 1 Language 2 Arts 4 [8]
   Spelling 2 Math 3 [6] Music 2
   Reading or Geography 1 Physical Education-
      Literature 1 History 1 tion 4
                                             Science 1

In addition to his regular school work E, by the time he was 8 years old, had covered the following special work in language and mathematics, either with a tutor or with his mother:

In addition to his regular schoolwork, E, by the time he was 8 years old, had completed the following special work in language and math, either with a tutor or with his mom:

Mathematics: Algebra as far as equations; geometry.

Math: Algebra (equations); geometry.

   Latin: Partial knowledge of the four declensions (he has been
   taught by the direct, informal method, and reads easy Latin).

Latin: Some understanding of the four declensions (he has learned through a direct, casual approach and can read simple Latin).

   Greek: Worked out the alphabet for himself from an astronomical
   chart, between the ages of 5 and 6 years.

Greek: Figured out the alphabet on his own using an astronomical
chart, when he was between 5 and 6 years old.

French: Equal to about two years in the ordinary school.

French: Equivalent to about two years in the regular school.

German: Ordinary conversation.

Casual chat.

Spanish: Attended class with his mother—reads and understands.

Spanish: Attended class with his mom—reads and understands.

Italian: Reading knowledge and simple conversation.

Italian: Reading skills and basic conversation.

   Portugese: Asked his mother to take this course at the Columbia
   Summer School because he could not be registered himself.

Portugese: He asked his mom to enroll him in this course at Columbia
Summer School since he couldn't register himself.

Hebrew: A beginning.

Hebrew: A fresh start.

Anglo-Saxon: A beginning.

Anglo-Saxon: A new start.

   Astronomy: He has worked out all the constellations from
   MacCready, and displays a very great interest in this subject.

Astronomy: He has figured out all the constellations from
MacCready and shows a strong interest in this topic.

   One evening this winter he noticed a new planet near the
   Twins. He said it was Saturn but his mother thought it was
   Mars. E went home, worked the position out from the chart
   and found it to be Saturn.

One evening this winter, he spotted a new planet near the
   Twins. He claimed it was Saturn, but his mom thought it was
   Mars. He went home, calculated its position using the chart,
   and confirmed it was Saturn.

   Miscellaneous: He has a great interest in nature, wherever found,
   and is already able to use Apgar intelligently.

Miscellaneous: He has a strong interest in nature, no matter where it is found,
   and he is already able to use Apgar wisely.

His writing is not equal to his other accomplishments. He is very slow at it and for this reason dictates most of his "home work" to a stenographer.

His writing isn’t on par with his other achievements. He’s quite slow at it, and because of that, he dictates most of his "homework" to a secretary.

History is his chief and absorbing interest among school subjects.

History is his main and captivating interest among school subjects.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

At the time E was first tested, at Teachers College, Columbia
University, in November, 1916, the Stanford revision of the
Binet-Simon measuring scale was used for the determination of
the child's mental level.

At the time E was first tested at Teachers College, Columbia
University, in November 1916, the Stanford revision of the
Binet-Simon measuring scale was used to determine the
child's mental level.

General intelligence. The examiner [[L. S. H.]] began with the "ball-in-the-field" test. E responded at once with the superior solution, thus giving a preliminary cue to the quality of his mind, and the examiner proceeded immediately with the other tests at the 12-year level of intellect. E passed all the 12-year tests with facility and ease, giving responses of excellent quality. From the 12-year level the examiner then worked forward in all the higher levels through Superior Adult. This is, of course, a long examination, and in view of the actual age of the child it was deemed best to give the tests at two separate sittings, when it was seen that he would cover the whole upper range of the scale. The examination was therefore accomplished in two sittings of about fifty minutes each. The final record of E shows that he measures on the scale as follows:

General intelligence. The examiner [[L. S. H.]] started with the "ball-in-the-field" test. E immediately provided the correct solution, giving an initial indication of his cognitive abilities, and the examiner then moved on to the other tests at the 12-year intellectual level. E easily passed all the 12-year tests, providing responses of excellent quality. From the 12-year level, the examiner then advanced through all the higher levels up to Superior Adult. This examination is quite lengthy, and considering the child's actual age, it was determined that it would be best to administer the tests in two separate sessions, as it was clear he would excel at the entire upper range of the scale. Therefore, the examination was completed in two sessions of about fifty minutes each. The final record of E shows that he measures on the scale as follows:

   Levels 1 year
     to 7 years YEARS MONTHS

Levels 1 year
     to 7 years YEARS MONTHS

         8
         9
         10
         12 12
         14 16
         Adult 15
         Superior Adult 12
                            —- ——
         Total 15 7

8
         9
         10
         12 12
         14 16
         Adult 15
         Superior Adult 12
                            —- ——
         Total 15 7

Since his actual age is 8 years 4 months and his Mental Age is 15 years 7 months, his IQ is 187. On the curve of the distribution of intellect he stands eleven times the probable error (11 PE) removed from the norm, a position occupied by but one child in more than a million. He stands as far removed from the average in the direction of superiority as an idiot stands removed from the average in the direction of inferiority.

Since his actual age is 8 years and 4 months, and his Mental Age is 15 years and 7 months, his IQ is 187. On the intelligence distribution curve, he is eleven times the probable error (11 PE) away from the norm, a spot held by just one child in over a million. He is as far ahead of the average in terms of intelligence as someone with an intellectual disability is behind the average.

An analysis of his performance shows that E had extraordinary appreciation of the exact use of words and of the shades of difference between words. He gave correct meanings for 64 words out of the 100 in the vocabulary test. His vocabulary thus includes 11,520 words. The score of the Average Adult is 65 words. Thus he just missed scoring on this Average Adult test. Samples of his definitions are as follows:

An analysis of his performance shows that E had an exceptional understanding of the precise use of words and the subtle differences between them. He provided correct meanings for 64 out of the 100 words in the vocabulary test. His vocabulary therefore consists of 11,520 words. The average score for adults is 65 words. So, he just barely missed the average on this adult test. Here are some examples of his definitions:

   scorch—is what happens to a thing when exposed to great heat.
   quake—is a kind of movement, unintended.
   ramble—is a walk taken for pleasure.
   nerve—is a thing you feel by—for instance, cold.
   majesty—is a word used to address a king—your majesty.
   Mars—is a planet.
   peculiarity—is something you do that nobody else does.
   mosaic—is a picture made by many small pieces of marble.
   bewail—is to be extremely sorrowful.
   tolerate—is to allow others to do what you don't like yourself.
   lotus—is a kind of flower.
   harpy—is a kind of half-bird, half-woman, referred to in Virgil.
   fen—is a kind of marsh.
   laity—is not clergy.
   ambergris—it comes from a whale.
   straw—the stalk of a cereal plant.
   lecture—someone giving a very long talk about something to an
      audience.

scorch—is what happens to something when it's exposed to intense heat.
   quake—is a type of unintended movement.
   ramble—is a leisurely walk.
   nerve—is something you experience, like feeling cold.
   majesty—is a title used to address a king—your majesty.
   Mars—is a planet.
   peculiarity—is something you do that no one else does.
   mosaic—is an image created from many small pieces of marble.
   bewail—is to be deeply sorrowful.
   tolerate—is to let others do things you don’t personally like.
   lotus—is a type of flower.
   harpy—is a mythical creature that is half-bird, half-woman, mentioned in Virgil.
   fen—is a type of marsh.
   laity—is not clergy.
   ambergris—it originates from a whale.
   straw—the stalk of a grain plant.
   lecture—someone giving a lengthy talk about a subject to an
      audience.

E also has a prodigious ability for comprehending and formulating abstract ideas, and for working with symbols. He gave the differences between the abstract concepts under Average Adult as follows:

E also has an amazing ability to understand and develop abstract ideas, as well as to work with symbols. He explained the differences between the abstract concepts under Average Adult as follows:

a—laziness and idleness. Laziness is that you don't want to work; idleness is that you can't, for a while.

a—laziness and idleness. Laziness is when you don't want to work; idleness is when you can't, for a while.

   b—evolution and revolution. Evolution is making things from
   the beginning; revolution is changing them.

b—evolution and revolution. Evolution is about creating things from scratch; revolution is about transforming them.

   c—poverty and misery. Poverty is when you don't have anything;
   misery is how you feel when someone insults you.

c—poverty and misery. Poverty is when you don’t have anything;
misery is how you feel when someone disrespects you.

d—character and reputation. Character is what he really is; reputation is what they think he is.

d—character and reputation. Character is what he truly is; reputation is what people believe he is.

E succeeded in reversing the clock hands three times without any error in less than a minute for each trial. He was able to reproduce the thought from the selection beginning "Many opinions have been given about the value of life" as well as a Superior Adult. He solved the three mental arithmetic problems under XIV, 5, in less than a minute each, absolutely without error. These performances serve to illustrate his precocious power over symbols and over abstractions.

E successfully turned back the clock hands three times without making any mistakes, and each attempt took less than a minute. He was able to recall the ideas from the section starting with "Many opinions have been given about the value of life," just like a Superior Adult. He solved the three mental math problems listed under XIV, 5, in under a minute each, with no errors at all. These achievements showcase his advanced ability to handle symbols and abstract concepts.

His attention, concentration, and capacity for sustained effort are illustrated by the fact that he was able to repeat five digits backwards twice out of three trials absolutely without error, before a class of thirty adults. His memory span for digits repeated forward is at least 8. (He was not tried with more than 8 digits.)

His focus, concentration, and ability to keep working hard are shown by the fact that he could repeat five digits backwards perfectly two out of three times in front of a class of thirty adults. His memory for digits when repeated forward is at least 8. (He wasn’t tested with more than 8 digits.)

During the examination he showed neither embarrassment nor any tendency to "show off." He was alert, interested, and gave his attention strictly to the business in hand. He always knew when he had failed on a test, and gave up with great reluctance. For example, he was unable to solve the problems under XVIII, 6, in the time allotted; but he carried these data away in his head, and held to them tenaciously till he had solved the problems. In several instances after he had given his reply he recast it in better form. In short, he exemplified in remarkable degree all the characteristics which Binet finally chose as symptomatic of intellectual power; i.e., (1) the ability to make and maintain a given direction; (2) the capacity to make adaptations for the purpose of obtaining a desired end; and (3) the power of auto-criticism.

During the exam, he showed neither embarrassment nor any need to "show off." He was alert, interested, and focused solely on the task at hand. He always knew when he had missed a question and was reluctant to give up. For instance, he couldn't solve the problems under XVIII, 6, in the allotted time, but he kept the information in his mind and held onto it until he figured out the solutions. In several cases, after giving his answer, he reformulated it in a clearer way. In short, he displayed all the traits that Binet ultimately identified as signs of intellectual ability; namely, (1) the ability to stay focused on a specific goal; (2) the ability to adapt in order to achieve a desired outcome; and (3) the capacity for self-criticism.

Special tests. Following the procedure described by Seashore, and using the set of forks recommended by him, E was tested for pitch discrimination, being given seven trials with the whole series of forks. His record was as follows, ## meaning a correct answer and — meaning a false one.

Special tests. Following the procedure outlined by Seashore, and using the set of forks he recommended, E was tested for pitch discrimination, completing seven trials with the entire set of forks. His results were as follows, ## meaning a correct answer and — meaning an incorrect one.

                     VIBRATION DIFFERENCES
             30 23 17 12 8 5 3 2 1 .5
   Series
     1 ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ##
     2 ## ## — ## ## ## ## ## — —
     3 ## ## ## ## ## — ## — — ##
     4 ## ## ## ## ## — ## — ## —
     5 ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ## — —
     6 ## ## ## ## ## — ## ## ## —
     7 ## ## ## ## ## — ## — ## ##

VIBRATION DIFFERENCES
             30 23 17 12 8 5 3 2 1 .5
   Series
     1 ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ##
     2 ## ## — ## ## ## ## ## — —
     3 ## ## ## ## ## — ## — — ##
     4 ## ## ## ## ## — ## — ## —
     5 ## ## ## ## ## ## ## ## — —
     6 ## ## ## ## ## — ## ## ## —
     7 ## ## ## ## ## — ## — ## ##

His threshold for pitch discrimination would thus seem to be not greater than five vibrations, and would probably be found to be as low as three if a more complete test were possible. This is a very good record, according to Seashore's standards.

His ability to tell the difference in pitch seems to be no greater than five vibrations, and it might even be found to be as low as three if a more thorough test were possible. This is considered a very good record by Seashore's standards.

E gave free associations to the first 50 words of the Kent-Rosanoff list of words, both stimulus and response words being oral. The stimulus words and responses follow:

E gave free associations to the first 50 words of the Kent-Rosanoff list, with both the stimulus and response words being spoken. The stimulus words and responses are as follows:

STIMULUS RESPONSE STIMULUS RESPONSE STIMULUS RESPONSE table dinner smooth surface needle slim dark night command army red color music soft chair cushion sleep fast sickness fatal sweet sugar anger sick man tall whistle blew carpet bagger deep ocean woman lady girl pretty soft couch cold coal high mountain eating dinner slow train working people mountain snowcapped wish I sour lemon house brick river Hudson earth big black dog white color trouble great mutton beef beautiful dress soldier brave comfort your window glass cabbage green hand dirty rough surface hard surface short man citizen U. S. eagle swift fruit orange foot bare stomach ache butterfly moth spider black

STIMULUS RESPONSE STIMULUS RESPONSE STIMULUS RESPONSE table dinner smooth surface needle slim dark night command army red color music soft chair cushion sleep fast illness fatal sweet sugar anger sick man tall whistle blew carpet bagger deep ocean woman lady girl pretty soft couch cold coal high mountain eating dinner slow train working people mountain snowcapped wish I sour lemon house brick river Hudson earth big black dog white color trouble great mutton beef beautiful dress soldier brave comfort your window glass cabbage green hand dirty rough surface hard surface short man citizen U. S. eagle swift fruit orange foot bare stomach ache butterfly moth spider black

At once after giving some of these responses E explained why he had given them. Thus he explained that "carpet bagger" had to do "with Civil War history." After giving "beef" in response to "mutton" he smiled and said, "That's a joke, isn't it?" When asked why he thought it a joke he replied that he thought very few people would give that answer. After the test he was told that 97 people in a thousand gave "beef" in response to "mutton," and he at once said, "Ten per cent, that's not so very many."

Immediately after providing some of these answers, E explained why he had chosen them. He clarified that "carpet bagger" was related to "Civil War history." After saying "beef" in response to "mutton," he smiled and remarked, "That's a joke, right?" When asked why he considered it a joke, he explained that he believed very few people would give that answer. After the test, he learned that 97 out of a thousand respondents answered "beef" to "mutton," and he immediately said, "Ten percent, that's not that many."

It was impossible, for lack of time, to give E the complete list of 100 words usually given in this test. Using the 50 as a basis for calculation, 78 per cent of the responses are "common responses" in the Kent-Rosanoff sense of the word, a number of common responses which children do not usually show until after the age of 10 years. His "median of community" (a measure not yet standardized for age levels) is 1.4 per cent.

It wasn't possible, due to time constraints, to provide E with the full list of 100 words typically used in this test. Based on the 50 words given, 78 percent of the responses were "common responses" in the Kent-Rosanoff sense, a number of common responses that children generally don't show until they are over 10 years old. His "median of community" (a measure that hasn’t been standardized for age levels yet) is 1.4 percent.

E was given the Pintner form of the Knox Cube Test, and achieved 11 of the 12 lines arranged by Pintner. The average record for the 16-year-old is only 8 lines, and this is the highest level for which this test is yet standardized.

E took the Pintner version of the Knox Cube Test and successfully arranged 11 out of the 12 lines provided by Pintner. The average score for a 16-year-old is only 8 lines, making this the highest level for which the test has been standardized.

The usual "tapping" test was given, tapping continuously with the right hand, with the stylus, for one minute. The record was 239 taps only, which is lower than the average 8-year-old record.

The standard "tapping" test was conducted, where the subject tapped continuously with the right hand using a stylus for one minute. The total was 239 taps, which is below the average record for an 8-year-old.

Given three minutes in which to make up words out of the letters
A-E-I-R-L-P, E made the following: a, rip, pie, lie, ale.

Given three minutes to create words from the letters
A-E-I-R-L-P, E made the following: a, rip, pie, lie, ale.

He was given thirty minutes in which to put together the pieces in the Stenquist Construction Box II, and was not able to put any of the pieces together. He began at one end of the box, examined each set of materials in turn, tried to put them together in an indiscriminate way, put them back, and went on to the next set of materials. He remarked, "I don't seem to be able to put any of them together. It seems that all I can do is found out what each of the things is for." He recognized that various sets of pieces were "a mousetrap," "a lock," "a bell," etc., but made a zero score from the point of view of construction. At the end of twenty minutes he gave up and turned away from the materials.

He had thirty minutes to assemble the pieces in the Stenquist Construction Box II but couldn’t get any of them to fit together. He started at one side of the box, looked at each set of materials one by one, tried to assemble them in a random manner, put them back, and moved on to the next set. He said, "I just can’t seem to put any of these together. All I can do is figure out what each piece is for." He identified several pieces as "a mousetrap," "a lock," "a bell," etc., but had no success with the assembly. After twenty minutes, he gave up and turned away from the materials.

It is interesting to compare the child's record in construction tests and his comments regarding these tests, with his school record in industrial arts and fine arts. E receives the best possible rating in industrial arts because he has keen insight into processes and can explain how to construct a mechanism or perform an operation clearly and minutely, though he is unable to carry out his own instructions. For instance, he can tell exactly how to make a boat, but he cannot make the boat himself. There is thus an interesting distinction here between "constructive ability" and "manual dexterity." Similarly, in fine arts E has many ideas for decorative schemes, but he is unable to execute these ideas with his hands.

It's interesting to compare the child's performance in construction tests and his comments about these tests with his school record in industrial arts and fine arts. E receives the highest rating in industrial arts because he has a great understanding of processes and can explain how to build a mechanism or perform a task clearly and in detail, although he can't actually follow through on his own instructions. For example, he can describe exactly how to make a boat, but he can't create the boat himself. This highlights an interesting difference between "constructive ability" and "manual dexterity." Similarly, in fine arts, E has a lot of creative ideas for decorative designs, but he struggles to bring those ideas to life with his hands.

SOCIAL HABITS, TASTES, ETC.

E does not care to play, and would never do so unless forced. He is very impersonal and agreeable in his attitude toward other children. His chief diversion is reading and his favorite book at the age of 8 is Ivanhoe. He has no hobbies at this age. In the spring of 1916, after careful and thoughtful preparation, he was confirmed in the Episcopal church. His desire is to be a clergyman and to become a missionary. When asked what he would consider the most fun in life, he replied "To have statistics of my imaginary country." This country is on Venus. It is inhabited by people and has a navy like ours. E does not volunteer much information about his interests. All these items had to be elicited by questioning.

E doesn't like to play and would only do so if he had to. He’s very detached but friendly toward other kids. His main hobby is reading, and at 8 years old, his favorite book is Ivanhoe. He doesn't have any hobbies at this age. In the spring of 1916, after careful planning, he was confirmed in the Episcopal church. He wants to be a clergyman and a missionary. When asked what he thinks would be the most fun in life, he said, "To have statistics of my imaginary country." This country is on Venus. It has people and a navy like ours. E doesn’t share much about his interests; all this information had to be obtained through questions.

LATER MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

In the spring of 1920 E took the Thorndike Mental Tests for Freshmen, for entrance to Columbia College. An official letter from the Director of Admissions at Columbia College states that, "In the Freshmen Tests he was number two, out of 483 entering Columbia College." He was at this time 12 years 0 months old; the median age of his competitors was about 18 years.

In the spring of 1920, E took the Thorndike Mental Tests for Freshmen to get into Columbia College. An official letter from the Director of Admissions at Columbia College says that, "In the Freshmen Tests he ranked number two out of 483 entering Columbia College." At that time, he was 12 years old; the average age of his peers was about 18 years.

ON September 29, 1921, E was examined by means of the Army Alpha (Forms 5 and 6, Examiner L. S. H.) for the purpose of recording his mental development. On Alpha, Form 5, he made a score of 194 points, finishing several of the tests, without error, before the time limit. On Form 6, which was taken subsequently, on the same afternoon, his score was 201 points; and with these, too, some of the tests were finished in about two thirds of the time allowed, without error. As the method of scoring Alpha does not provide for a time bonus, this cannot be taken into account in the formal score.

ON September 29, 1921, E was evaluated using the Army Alpha (Forms 5 and 6, Examiner L. S. H.) to assess his mental development. On Alpha, Form 5, he scored 194 points, completing several of the tests correctly before the time limit. On Form 6, which he took later that same afternoon, he scored 201 points; additionally, some of the tests were completed in about two-thirds of the allotted time, without errors. Since the scoring method for Alpha doesn’t include a time bonus, this cannot be factored into the official score.

In April, 1927, at the request of the writer [[L. S. H.]] E took the tests of the IER Intelligence Scale CAVD, Levels M-Q. This series of tests is described in a recent publication. [9] Briefly it may be said here that this instrument was chosen for the purpose in hand because it is the most thorough method available for approximating in quantitative terms the intelligence of the best among college graduates.

In April 1927, at the request of the writer [[L. S. H.]], E took the tests of the IER Intelligence Scale CAVD, Levels M-Q. This series of tests is detailed in a recent publication. [9] To summarize, this tool was selected for the task because it is the most comprehensive method available for estimating, in quantitative terms, the intelligence of the top college graduates.

E's score on this test, at Levels M-Q, was 441 points. The score of the average adult is not yet known, but the median score of college graduates in professional schools of first-rate standards is 415 points, with an upper quartile at 421 points. The best scores yet made by college graduates hover about 440 points. [10]

E's score on this test, at Levels M-Q, was 441 points. The average score for adults is still unknown, but the median score for college graduates in top professional schools is 415 points, with an upper quartile at 421 points. The highest scores achieved by college graduates are around 440 points. [10]

Thus E rates plus 4 PE in relation to college graduates in first-rate professional schools, ranking with the best minds revealed in any group so far tested. These groups may each be expected to include some of the best intellects existing. The comparative groups are, of course, older than E. Some of them are composed of persons over 30 years of age on the average, while all are past 20 years. E was 18 years 9 months of age on the date when he took the test, in comparison with these groups. The number of years lived in an intellectual environment, other things being equal, probably affects results to some extent in favor of those who have lived longer.

Thus, E rates plus 4 PE compared to college graduates from top professional schools, ranking alongside the best minds seen in any tested group so far. These groups are expected to include some of the finest intellects available. The comparative groups are, of course, older than E. Some of them include individuals who are, on average, over 30 years old, while all are past 20 years. E was 18 years and 9 months old when he took the test, in comparison to these groups. The number of years spent in an intellectual environment, all else being equal, likely affects the results to some extent in favor of those who have lived longer.

A score of 441 points on the IER Scale corresponds to a score of about 116 points on the more widely known Thorndike Tests for College Freshmen. The top one per cent of college graduates make a score of 108 or better on the latter test. E, therefore, surely rates at least in the top one quarter of one per cent of college graduates. [[E, it will be noted, was at this time at the average age of college freshmen.]]

A score of 441 points on the IER Scale is equivalent to around 116 points on the more widely recognized Thorndike Tests for College Freshmen. The top one percent of college graduates score 108 or higher on that test. Therefore, E definitely ranks at least in the top one-quarter of one percent of college graduates. [[It's worth mentioning that E was at the average age of college freshmen at this time.]]

At the age of 8 years E rated plus 11 PE in general intelligence (by Stanford-Binet) as compared with the generality of 8-year-olds. It seems likely that in these later measurements he rated at about the same status, in relation to the generality of 18-year-olds, since his status is plus 4.3 PE in relation to highly selected groups of college graduates.

At 8 years old, E rated plus 11 PE in general intelligence (according to Stanford-Binet) compared to most 8-year-olds. It appears that in later assessments, he rated similarly among 18-year-olds, with a status of plus 4.3 PE in relation to highly selected groups of college graduates.

E, at the age of 18, was probably mature—or nearly mature— intellectually. However, in view of recent findings in regard to the growth of intelligence among pupils in high schools, we cannot be sure that at this age he has quite reached the maximum of possible accretions of power from inner growth. [11]

E, at 18, was likely mature—or almost mature—intellectually. However, considering recent findings on the development of intelligence among high school students, we can't be sure that by this age he has fully reached the peak of his potential growth. [11]

LATER PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

On September 29, 1921, E's physical measurements were as follows:

On September 29, 1921, E's body measurements were as follows:

   Standing height 64.2 inches
   Sitting height 31.7 inches
   Weight (summer clothing) 166 pounds

Standing height 64.2 inches
Sitting height 31.7 inches
Weight (summer clothing) 166 pounds

At this time his health continued to be excellent; in fact, he has never had a serious illness of any kind.

At this time, his health remained excellent; in fact, he has never experienced any serious illness.

E was measured again in October, 1926. By this time he had probably achieved his maximum stature. His age was then 18 years 4 months. He was still in excellent health, the only illness in the intervening five years being a "light case" of scarlet fever. At this time the measurements were:

E was measured again in October 1926. By then, he had likely reached his maximum height. He was 18 years and 4 months old. He remained in great health, with the only illness in the past five years being a "mild case" of scarlet fever. At that time, the measurements were:

   Standing height 6 feet 1 inch
   Weight (stripped) 194.75 pounds

Standing height 6 feet 1 inch
   Weight (nude) 194.75 pounds

LATER SCHOLASTIC RECORDS

In the spring of 1917 E finished the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth grade work at the Horace Mann School, New York City. He was then just 9 years old. Thereafter he attended the Friends Seminary, New York City, and was graduated from the high school there in the spring of 1920, with an excellent record and excess credits, at the age of 11 years 10 months.

In the spring of 1917, E completed the sixth, seventh, eighth, and ninth grades at the Horace Mann School in New York City. He was only 9 years old at the time. After that, he went to Friends Seminary in New York City and graduated from high school there in the spring of 1920, with an outstanding record and extra credits, at the age of 11 years and 10 months.

By this time E had also passed the comprehensive examinations of the College Entrance Board for Harvard College. The official communication from Harvard authorities, making statement to this effect, has been seen by the writer. E's maternal ancestors had attended Harvard (one of them having graduated from there at the age of 18 years, according to records), but E expressed a desire to attend Columbia and received permission to take the mental tests with the applicants of 1920. He was admitted to Columbia College with the freshmen of 1920, with 14 points of advance credit toward a B.A. degree.

By this time, E had also passed the College Entrance Board's comprehensive exams for Harvard College. The official communication from Harvard confirming this has been seen by the writer. E's maternal ancestors attended Harvard, with one graduating at just 18 years old, according to records. However, E wanted to go to Columbia instead and got permission to take the mental tests with the applicants of 1920. He was admitted to Columbia College with the freshmen of 1920, earning 14 points of advance credit toward a B.A. degree.

There is at hand an official statement of E's academic status on June 1, 1921, at the age of not quite 13 years. He had then 46 points of academic credit toward a B.A. degree in Columbia College. During his freshman year he made 32 points, maintaining consistently a grade of B, except in two subjects. In physical education his rating was C, and in contemporary civilization he made A the first semester. [12]

There is an official statement of E's academic status from June 1, 1921, when he was almost 13 years old. At that time, he had earned 46 credit points towards a B.A. degree at Columbia College. In his freshman year, he earned 32 points, consistently achieving a grade of B, except in two subjects. He received a C in physical education and an A in contemporary civilization during the first semester. [12]

E attended the summer session of 1921 at Columbia, making five credit points, all A grade, and in September, 1921, was a sophomore with many points of credit in advance of minimum sophomore status. In addition to having passed the comprehensive examinations for college entrance, he had passed the examinations in trigonometry, solid geometry, chemistry, and physics, and was at this time 13 years 3 months of age.

E attended the summer session of 1921 at Columbia, earning five credit points, all with A grades. By September 1921, he was a sophomore with several credits beyond the minimum requirement for that year. In addition to passing the comprehensive exams for college admission, he also completed exams in trigonometry, solid geometry, chemistry, and physics, and he was 13 years and 3 months old at that time.

EXTRACURRICULAR ACTIVITES

E was of course a conspicuous freshman because of his extreme youth, and he was hazed by the sophomores for refusing to wear a prescribed necktie. One of the New York newspapers commented on his conduct under hazing as follows:

E was definitely an obvious freshman because of how young he was, and the sophomores picked on him for refusing to wear the required necktie. One of the New York newspapers remarked on his behavior during the hazing this way:

He has demonstrated that he is nevertheless a regular fellow. He did it first by bringing about a conflict in which he himself was the much buffeted prize of battle, and then by glorying in his bruises instead of making them the basis of a grievance. He is a good sport as well as a good scholar, and being both he ought to go far.

He has shown that he is still just an ordinary guy. He started by creating a conflict where he was the one who took the most hits, and then he took pride in his injuries instead of using them as an excuse to complain. He's not only a good sport but also a great scholar, and with both traits, he should go far.

E also participated in the class play, given in 1921, humorously consenting to impersonate himself.

E also took part in the class play, performed in 1921, humorously agreeing to play himself.

Manual work had no more charm for him at this date than it had when he was 8 years old. That he can work with his hands and with materials when motivated is suggested by an incident connected with the Liberty Bond drive. His teacher relates that E wanted to pay for his own bond; so he made jelly, working at it until very good jelly was made, and sold it for the purpose specified.

Manual work held no more appeal for him now than it did when he was 8 years old. That he can work with his hands and materials when he’s motivated is shown by an incident related to the Liberty Bond drive. His teacher recounts that E wanted to purchase his own bond, so he made jelly, working on it until he produced very good jelly, and sold it for that specific purpose.

In recent years E has developed a keen interest in detective stories.

In recent years, E has developed a strong interest in detective stories.

TEACHERS' COMMENTS

Comments from E's teachers during the last five years up to this date [[1921]] are indicative of their estimates:

Comments from E's teachers over the past five years up to now [[1921]] reflect their assessments:

The regular course of study has been so easy that he has, in several subjects, notably English and history, accomplished a great amount of voluntary work outside the course.

The regular curriculum has been so simple that he has, in several subjects, especially English and history, achieved a lot of extra work on his own.

An excellent mixer with other students.

An excellent collaborator with other students.

His weekly visits have been a pleasure and anticipation, and his ability to understand without English the spoken Latin and the authors as I have read them aloud to him has been extraordinary.

His weekly visits have been enjoyable and something I look forward to, and his ability to understand spoken Latin and the authors as I read them aloud to him—without needing English—is truly remarkable.

Has done very remarkable work in science, particularly in theory.

Has done some truly impressive work in science, especially in theory.

I predict for him a great scholastic record in college.

I expect him to have an impressive academic record in college.

   I consider it a privilege to have had something to do with
   teaching him.

I feel it's a privilege to have been involved in
   teaching him.

   Possesses a power in Latin that few persons ten years his
   senior can boast.

Possesses a power in Latin that few people ten years older than him can brag about.

Has shown devotion to the best interests of the school.

Has demonstrated commitment to the best interests of the school.

SUMMARY UP TO 1921

In the five years which have elapsed since E was first tested mentally he has shown no tendency to become mediocre. His gifts have not grown less; he maintains his superior status in mental tests. As for achievement, he has passed during this interval from the sixth grade of the elementary school, half through the second year of college. Average children, the country over, born when this child was born, and measuring 100 IQ when he measured 187 IQ, are now in the seventh grade of the elementary schools.

In the five years since E was first tested, he hasn't shown any signs of becoming average. His abilities haven't diminished; he still maintains his higher level in mental tests. Regarding accomplishments, he has progressed from sixth grade in elementary school to halfway through his second year of college. Average kids born around the same time as him, who have a measured IQ of 100 compared to his 187, are now in seventh grade in elementary schools.

E still wishes to be a clergyman and to go abroad as a missionary. To this end he interests himself especially in history, the languages, and anthropology.

E still wants to be a clergyman and go overseas as a missionary. To achieve this, he focuses particularly on history, languages, and anthropology.

It is an interesting theoretical question as to how far human intelligence may vary from the norm in the direction of superiority. The case of this child has been placed on record largely because it seems probable that such cases represent very nearly the extreme possible limit of variation in the human species as it now exists.

It’s an intriguing theoretical question how much human intelligence can differ from the norm towards superiority. The case of this child has been documented mainly because it’s likely that such cases represent almost the maximum possible variation in the human species as it currently exists.

At 8 years of age his IQ stood at plus 11 PE (1 PE being, according to Terman, equal to 8 IQ [13] ). The probabilities are usually regarded as slight that cases beyond 5 PE will occur. Perhaps the range in human intellect is much greater than probabilities would lead us to guess.

At 8 years old, his IQ was at plus 11 PE (1 PE equals 8 IQ according to Terman [13]). It’s usually considered unlikely for cases beyond 5 PE to happen. However, it’s possible that the range of human intelligence is much broader than what probabilities suggest.

Since the initial report of this child's qualities, readers have occasionally asked with what meaning the word "prodigious" was used in reference to him. It was used in the dictionary sense of "wonderful," "extraordinary."

Since the first mention of this child's talents, readers have sometimes asked what was meant by the word "prodigious" when referring to him. It was used in the dictionary sense of "wonderful" or "extraordinary."

In these reports there is no intention to approve or to disapprove the educational regimen pursued. Who knows what should be the educational treatment of a child standing at 11 PE in intellect? The sole intention is to record the identification and development of a deviation so extreme that the chances are theoretically almost nil that it would occur at all.

In these reports, there’s no intention to approve or disapprove the educational approach being taken. Who knows what the right educational treatment is for a child with an intellect at 11 PE? The only intention is to document the identification and development of such an extreme deviation that the chances of it happening are theoretically almost nonexistent.

EVENTUAL SCHOLASTIC RECORDS

In June, 1923, E was graduated from Columbia College, with the degree of B.A. He took general honors, Phi Beta Kappa honors, and the English Seminary Prize, awarded by the Society for Promoting Religion and Learning "for the best essay in sermon form on an assigned topic." He was within eleven days of his fifteenth birthday when he was graduated. He was elected to Phi Beta Kappa at the age of 14 years, probably the youngest person ever elected to that organization.

In June 1923, E graduated from Columbia College with a B.A. degree. He received general honors, Phi Beta Kappa honors, and the English Seminary Prize, which is given by the Society for Promoting Religion and Learning "for the best essay in sermon form on an assigned topic." He was just eleven days shy of his fifteenth birthday when he graduated. He was elected to Phi Beta Kappa at the age of 14, likely making him the youngest person ever elected to that organization.

E was graduated with excess credit (8 points) toward the M.A. degree. This degree was awarded him in June, 1924, when he was not quite 16 years of age, more than enough work for it having been accomplished. He was matriculated for the Ph.D. degree before he was 16 years old, and by the age of 18 years 9 months had practically finished all the requirements for that degree except completing the dissertation. The dissertation topic had been then approved, in the field of history, and E was at work on the material.

E graduated with extra credits (8 points) toward the M.A. degree. He received this degree in June 1924, when he was just shy of 16 years old, having more than completed the necessary work. He was enrolled in the Ph.D. program before turning 16, and by the time he was 18 years and 9 months old, he had nearly finished all the requirements for that degree, except for completing the dissertation. The dissertation topic had already been approved in the field of history, and E was working on the material.

In October, 1926 (aged 18 years 4 months), E entered upon his professional studies for the ministry in the theological seminary of his choice. Since the age of 15 he had done special work at the seminary. He had read prayers in one of the city churches as a lay reader since the age of 16 and was at this time a candidate for ordination as deacon, but this ordination could not take place before the twenty-first birthday.

In October 1926, at 18 years and 4 months old, E started his professional studies for the ministry at the theological seminary he had chosen. He had been doing special work at the seminary since he was 15. He had been reading prayers as a lay reader in one of the city churches since he was 16 and was currently a candidate for ordination as a deacon, but this ordination couldn't happen until after his twenty-first birthday.

In the initial report of E it will be found that he had decided before he was 5 years old to be clergyman. It now appeared that his professional course toward that end would be completed in 1929.

In the first report of E, it will show that he decided to become a clergyman before he turned 5 years old. It now seems that he would complete his training for that career in 1929.

FIG. 12. A MEMORANDUM FROM E.

Professional course will be finished in 1929.

The professional course will be completed in 1929.

The subject of the thesis on which I am now working, is definitely approved and published (decided June, 1925); the other requirements are practically finished.

The topic of the thesis I'm currently working on is officially approved and published (decided June, 1925); the other requirements are almost complete.

__Apollonius, [Diocetes?] of Egypt__ (3rd century B.C. Egyptian history, 1923)

__Apollonius, [Diocetes?] of Egypt__ (3rd century B.C. Egyptian history, 1923)

Worked on order of Pliny's letters (1924-25)

Worked on the collection of Pliny's letters (1924-25)

At present reading Greek papyri.

Currently reading Greek papyri.

Making my [illegible] in Modern European History, worked on Irish constitutional history (1924-1925)

Making my [illegible] in Modern European History, worked on Irish constitutional history (1924-1925)

RESEARCHES OF E

When E was 10 years old he made an original contribution in connection with the Pentateuch, and was made a member of The Oriental Society of Research in Jerusalem.

When E was 10 years old, he made an original contribution related to the Pentateuch and was accepted as a member of The Oriental Society of Research in Jerusalem.

At 13 years of age E was first admitted to the Bodleian Library, at Oxford, for purposes of research.

At 13 years old, E was first allowed into the Bodleian Library at Oxford for research purposes.

In 1923 E presented his M.A. essay—"Appolonius, Diocetes of
Egypt"—which pertains to Egyptian history of the third century
B.C. and is on file in the Library of Columbia University.

In 1923, E submitted his M.A. essay—"Appolonius, Diocetes of
Egypt"—which relates to Egyptian history from the third century
B.C. and is available in the Library of Columbia University.

E has also done research (1924-1925) on the order of Pliny's letters; on Irish constitutional history (1924-1925); and was in 1926 and 1927 reading Greek papyri.

E has also conducted research (1924-1925) on the sequence of Pliny's letters; on Irish constitutional history (1924-1925); and was reading Greek papyri in 1926 and 1927.

The subject of his dissertation to be submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements of the Ph.D. was reported as "Feudal Estates in Byzantine Egypt." [14]

The topic of his dissertation, which he would submit to partly meet the requirements for his Ph.D., was titled "Feudal Estates in Byzantine Egypt." [14]

SUMMARY OF DEVELOPMENT

A summary of E's development over the period from 1916 to 1927, given in the table [below], shows clearly that the superior magnitudes, both of mental caliber and of physical size, so markedly present at the age of 8 years, are maintained as growth terminates.

A summary of E's development from 1916 to 1927, shown in the table [below], clearly indicates that the higher levels of intelligence and physical stature observed at the age of 8 are sustained as growth comes to an end.

                                  CHILD E NORMS FOR PRIVATE
                                                      SCHOOLS [15]
   Born June 17, 1908, as
   shown by birth certificate
   and hospital records.

CHILD E NORMS FOR PRIVATE
                                                      SCHOOLS [15]
   Born June 17, 1908, as
   shown by birth certificate
   and hospital records.

   November 4, 1916
      Height 54.3 inches 49.5 inches
      Weight 89.3 pounds 54.2 pounds
      Intellect IQ 187 (S-B) IQ 100 (S-B)
      Scholastic status 6th grade, 3d grade,
                                   elementary elementary

November 4, 1916
      Height 54.3 inches 49.5 inches
      Weight 89.3 pounds 54.2 pounds
      Intellect IQ 187 (S-B) IQ 100 (S-B)
      Scholastic status 6th grade, 3rd grade,
                                   elementary elementary

   September 29, 1921
      Height 64.2 inches 58.2 inches
      Weight 166.0 pounds 89.5 pounds
      Intellect 194 points, Army 47 points,
                                   Alpha, Form 5 Alpha Army

September 29, 1921
      Height 64.2 inches 58.2 inches
      Weight 166.0 pounds 89.5 pounds
      Intellect 194 points, Army 47 points,
                                   Alpha, Form 5 Alpha Army

      Scholastic 4th semester, 8th grade,
      status college elementary
                                                        school

Scholastic 4th semester, 8th grade,
      status college elementary
                                                        school

   October 26, 1926
      Height 73 inches 67 inches
      Weight 194.7 pounds 150 pounds

October 26, 1926
      Height 73 inches 67 inches
      Weight 194.7 pounds 150 pounds

   April 1, 1927
      Intellect 441 points, IER Not yet known
                                         Tests
      Scholastic status B.A. 1923 Has left
                                 M.A. 1924 school to
                                 Ph.D. candidate go to work
                                 Also finishing
                                    first year in
                                    Theological
                                    Seminary

April 1, 1927
      Intellect 441 points, IER Not yet known
                                         Tests
      Scholastic status B.A. 1923 Has left
                                 M.A. 1924 school to
                                 Ph.D. candidate go to work
                                 Also finishing
                                    first year in
                                    Theological
                                    Seminary

EDITOR'S SUPPLEMENT

Although no follow-up inquiry has been made since the year 1927, a few items gleaned from clippings found in the author's files are relevant. These are newspaper accounts, chiefly in connection with E's being ordained as deacon, and later elevated to the Protestant Episcopal priesthood. These articles recite that E—

Although no follow-up inquiry has been made since 1927, a few items from clippings found in the author's files are relevant. These are newspaper articles, mostly related to E's ordination as a deacon and later promotion to the Protestant Episcopal priesthood. These articles state that E—

Received his B.A. at the age of 15 years.

Received his B.A. when he was 15 years old.

Received his M.A. degree the following year.

Received his M.A. degree the next year.

Was ordained deacon on December 21, 1929, at the age of 21.

Was ordained as a deacon on December 21, 1929, at the age of 21.

Received his Ph.D. the following year at the age of 22.

Received his Ph.D. the next year at the age of 22.

Also received the degree Bachelor of Sacred Theology, in June, 1929.

Also received the degree Bachelor of Sacred Theology in June 1929.

Was elevated to the priesthood in the Protestant Episcopal Church at the age of 24 (June 19, 1932) at a special ordination service at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, New York City.

Was ordained as a priest in the Protestant Episcopal Church at the age of 24 (June 19, 1932) during a special ordination service at the Cathedral of St. John the Divine, New York City.

As a graduate student too young for the priesthood, he had held a fellowship in the General Theological Seminary, teaching Greek and history.

As a graduate student too young to be a priest, he had a fellowship at the General Theological Seminary, where he taught Greek and history.

There is also an announcement of his marriage in September, 1939.

There is also an announcement of his marriage in September 1939.

See also Editor's Note on publications, foot[note 14].

See also Editor's Note on publications, foot[note 14].

[1] See Preface, [paragraphs 2-5.]

See Preface, [paragraphs 2-5].

[2] EDITOR'S NOTE. This child was observed by Leta S. Hollingworth over a period of nearly a quarter century. She published three accounts of his development, and the present chapter is in the main a composite of these three reports, to which are added such supplementary items as are available. The articles referred to are as follows:

[2] EDITOR'S NOTE. This child was observed by Leta S. Hollingworth for almost twenty-five years. She published three accounts of his development, and this chapter mainly combines those three reports, along with any additional available information. The articles mentioned are as follows:

Garrison, Burke, and Hollingworth. "The Psychology of a Prodigious
Child." Journal of Applied Psychology (June, 1917).

Garrison, Burke, and Hollingworth. "The Psychology of a Prodigious
Child." Journal of Applied Psychology (June, 1917).

Hollingworth, Garrison, and Burke. "Subsequent History of E———
Five Years after the Initial Report." Journal of Applied
Psychology
(June, 1922).

Hollingworth, Garrison, and Burke. "The Follow-Up Study of E———
Five Years After the First Report." Journal of Applied
Psychology
(June, 1922).

Hollingworth, Leta S. "Subsequent History of E——— Ten Years after the Initial Report." Journal of Applied Psychology (October, 1927).

Hollingworth, Leta S. "Subsequent History of E——— Ten Years after the Initial Report." Journal of Applied Psychology (October, 1927).

[3] Bartlett, J. G. "The Belcher Families in New England." New England History and General Register, Vol. 60, pages 125-136, 243-256, 358-364.

[3] Bartlett, J. G. "The Belcher Families in New England." New England History and General Register, Vol. 60, pages 125-136, 243-256, 358-364.

Belcher, Jonathan. "The Belcher Papers." Collection of the
Massachusetts Historical Society
, Vols. 6 and 7.

Belcher, Jonathan. "The Belcher Papers." Collection of the
Massachusetts Historical Society
, Vols. 6 and 7.

Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. 1 (1887).
(Jonathan Belcher.)

Appleton's Cyclopedia of American Biography, Vol. 1 (1887).
(Jonathan Belcher.)

[4] Drowne, Henry R. "Family Record of Solomon Drowne." New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, Vol. 5, No. 35, pages 171-172. New York; 1904.

[4] Drowne, Henry R. "Family Record of Solomon Drowne." New York Genealogical and Biographical Record, Vol. 5, No. 35, pages 171-172. New York; 1904.

Drowne, Henry T. Genealogy of the Family of Solomon Drowne, M. D., of Providence, Rhode Island, with Notice of His Ancestors; 1646-1879. Providence Press Company, Providence, Rhode Island; 1879.

Drowne, Henry T. Genealogy of the Family of Solomon Drowne, M.D., of Providence, Rhode Island, with Notice of His Ancestors; 1646-1879. Providence Press Company, Providence, Rhode Island; 1879.

[5] Developmental history and history of personal health were elicited from the mother, who, being a physician, is especially competent to speak on these points. The family history and the facts concerning his extra-school linguistic achievements were also given by the mother.

[5] Developmental history and personal health history were obtained from the mother, who, as a physician, is particularly qualified to discuss these matters. The family history and details about his language skills outside of school were also provided by the mother.

[6] Private tutors grade E as 1 in mathematics.

[6] Private tutors rate E as 1 in math.

[7] In industrial arts credit is given for knowing industrial processes, as well as for ability to carry out the processes.

[7] In industrial arts, credit is awarded for understanding industrial processes, as well as for the ability to execute those processes.

[8] In fine arts credit is given for manual dexterity only.

[8] In fine arts, credit is awarded solely for manual skill.

[9] Thorndike, E. L. The Measurement of Intelligence. Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York; 1927.

[9] Thorndike, E. L. The Measurement of Intelligence. Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University, New York; 1927.

[10] I am indebted to Dr. Ella Woodyard and to Professor Ralph B. Spence of Teachers College, Columbia University, for this information.

[10] I'm grateful to Dr. Ella Woodyard and Professor Ralph B. Spence from Teachers College, Columbia University, for this information.

[11] Thorndike, E. L. "On the Improvement of Intelligence Scores from Fourteen to Eighteen." Journal of Educational Psychology (1923).

[11] Thorndike, E. L. "On the Improvement of Intelligence Scores from Fourteen to Eighteen." Journal of Educational Psychology (1923).

[12] It is worth saying that in contemporary civilization the final examination had been objectively standardized by Dr. B. D. Wood, expert in educational measurement, and did not depend on the estimate of instructors. "E's score on the objective examinations of both terms was in the highest tenth of the highest percentile" (B. D. W.). The instructor's estimate, as well as the result of the objective examination, enters into the term grade and, indicated above, in this course; so that the final grade in the second semester is but B.

[12] It's important to note that in modern society, the final exam has been objectively standardized by Dr. B. D. Wood, an expert in educational measurement, and it doesn't rely on the instructors' opinions. "E's score on the objective exams for both terms was in the top ten percent" (B. D. W.). The instructor's assessment, along with the results of the objective exam, contributes to the term grade, as mentioned earlier, in this course; therefore, the final grade for the second semester is just a B.

[13] See note [1, preface].

See note [1, preface].

[14] EDITOR'S NOTE. This dissertation was published in 1931 by the Columbia University Press under the title Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt.

[14] EDITOR'S NOTE. This dissertation was published in 1931 by the Columbia University Press under the title Large Estates of Byzantine Egypt.

Among later publications, of which there is record in the files, are:

Among later publications that are recorded in the files, are:

"National Elements in the Career of St. Athanasius," Church
History
, pages 3-11 (December, 1933).

"National Elements in the Career of St. Athanasius," Church
History
, pages 3-11 (December, 1933).

"Dura—An Ancient City of the East," Natural History (The
Journal of the American Museum of Natural History), Vol. XXXIV,
No. 8, pages 685-701 (December, 1934).

"Dura—An Ancient City of the East," Natural History (The
Journal of the American Museum of Natural History), Vol. XXXIV,
No. 8, pages 685-701 (December, 1934).

Militant in Earth. Pages 255. Oxford University Press, New York; 1940. A book which "shows how Christianity has presented a spiritual and social front against opposing phases of civilization, whatever they may have been during 2000 years."

Militant in Earth. Pages 255. Oxford University Press, New York; 1940. A book that "illustrates how Christianity has established a spiritual and social stance against various challenges to civilization, whatever they may have been over the past 2000 years."

[15] Norms for height, weight, and scholastic status are taken from B. T. Baldwin, as established at Horace Mann School, Francis Parker School, and the elementary and high schools of the University of Chicago.

[15] Standards for height, weight, and academic performance are sourced from B. T. Baldwin, as defined at Horace Mann School, Francis Parker School, and the elementary and high schools of the University of Chicago.

CHAPTER NINE CHILD F

Child F was a boy whose ability was identified as the result of a mental survey made with group tests in P.S. 14, Manhattan. [1] His score in these tests was unbelievable, and he was summoned for testing with the idea that he must have been coached. An individual Stanford-Binet test, however, showed a phenomenal record similar to all other tests given him, including an Army Alpha. He was referred to a Special Opportunity Class at that time being organized in P.S. 165, Manhattan.

Child F was a boy whose abilities were recognized as a result of a mental survey conducted with group tests at P.S. 14 in Manhattan. [1] His score on these tests was incredible, and he was called in for further testing, assuming he had been coached. However, an individual Stanford-Binet test revealed an outstanding record, consistent with all the other tests he had taken, including an Army Alpha. He was then referred to a Special Opportunity Class that was being set up at P.S. 165 in Manhattan.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Although detailed study of F's ancestry is available, a brief summary of the facts appears to be all that is here needed, for the ancestry throws little light on the boy's extraordinary mental ability.

Although there is a lot of detailed information about F's family history, a short overview of the facts seems sufficient, as the ancestry doesn't really explain the boy's remarkable mental talent.

F's paternal grandfather was of Scottish parentage, born in Canada. He was a reasonably successful worker in the printing trade, appears to have been well balanced and socially adjusted, and showed no exceptional traits. He had little education and no special interests. He died of apoplexy at 51 years of age.

F's grandfather on his father's side was of Scottish descent and was born in Canada. He had a decent career in the printing industry, seemed to be well-adjusted socially, and didn't exhibit any remarkable qualities. He had limited education and no particular hobbies. He passed away from a stroke at the age of 51.

F's paternal grandmother, born in Albany, New York, had a public school education (probably). She is still living [[1924]], clerking in a store after her husband's death. She appears to have no special interests outside her home life; is said to be quick and nervous, easily excited, and prone to worry.

F's paternal grandmother, who was born in Albany, New York, probably received a public school education. She is still alive [[1924]], working as a clerk in a store after her husband passed away. It seems she doesn't have any notable interests outside of her home life; people say she is quick and anxious, easily excited, and often worries.

F's maternal grandfather was born in New York State, of German parentage. He is still alive [[1924]], at the age of 70, and is very active. His education was limited, but he is an excellent reader and is well informed. He is fond of music, is an active churchman and a choir leader. He is said to be quick-tempered, impulsive, and affectionate. He mixes well with people, and has some leadership qualities. He has always worked as a paper hanger and painter, his business being on a small scale.

F's maternal grandfather was born in New York State to German parents. He is still alive [[1924]], at 70 years old, and is very active. His education was limited, but he is an excellent reader and well-informed. He loves music, is an active church member, and leads the choir. People say he is quick-tempered, impulsive, and affectionate. He gets along well with others and has some leadership qualities. He has always worked as a wallpaper hanger and painter, running a small-scale business.

F's maternal grandmother was born in New York State; the nationality of her parents is not recorded. She had a public school education. Her interests are limited to home and Red Cross activities. She is friendly and sociable, impulsive, affectionate in disposition, and has a keen sense of humor.

F's maternal grandmother was born in New York State; the nationality of her parents is not noted. She received a public school education. Her interests focus mainly on home life and Red Cross activities. She is friendly and sociable, impulsive, affectionate by nature, and has a sharp sense of humor.

F has several uncles and aunts, none of whom presents any qualities of striking interest. All appear to be normally effective and well adjusted, competent on a small-town scale, enjoying their homes, and taking part in local activities and organizations.

F has several uncles and aunts, none of whom are particularly interesting. They all seem to be typical, well-adjusted people who are capable at a small-town level, enjoying their homes and participating in local events and organizations.

F has one brother, younger than himself, born April 2, 1920. He was given a Stanford-Binet examination, May 13, 1924, by Leta S. Hollingworth, being then 4 years 1 month of age. His Mental Age was 6-0, yielding an IQ of 147. This brother has strong musical inclinations, was a choir boy, and subsequently took instruction in singing.

F has one brother, who is younger than him, born on April 2, 1920. He took a Stanford-Binet test on May 13, 1924, when he was 4 years and 1 month old. His Mental Age was 6 years, resulting in an IQ of 147. This brother has a strong passion for music, was a choir boy, and later received singing lessons.

Father. The father of Child F was born in Albany, New York. He had a high school education and business college training. He has always done clerical and office work, especially bookkeeping. He is fond of athletics, reads only newspapers and magazines, is quick, alert, and active, has an even temperament, is seldom worried. He has no interest in clubs or organized activities. Seems to take an interest in his children. (In later years the father lost the balance and evenness of temperament here reported and became unemployed much of the time. He died in March, 1935, at the age of 41, "apparently accidentally drowned.")

Father. The father of Child F was born in Albany, New York. He had a high school education and went to business college. He has always worked in clerical and office jobs, especially in bookkeeping. He enjoys sports, reads mostly newspapers and magazines, is quick, alert, and active, has a calm demeanor, and rarely worries. He isn't interested in clubs or organized activities. He seems to care about his children. (In later years, the father lost the balance and calmness mentioned here and was unemployed for much of the time. He died in March 1935 at the age of 41, "apparently accidentally drowned.")

Mother. The mother of F went to high school for two years and earned a teacher's certificate. She taught two years in rural schools but disliked this work and had no patience with children. She liked music, however, and studied piano and voice for a short time, but now pays little attention to it. She has always regretted going to high school, believing that if she had devoted that time to music, she might have had some success in it. Her interests are limited to home affairs. She says she has few friends and does not mix well with people. She appears calm and does not worry, is sensible in her dealings with her children, takes no part in organized activities, but always sends the children to Sunday School. She is a very good home manager, and runs things effectively on small resources.

Mother. F's mother went to high school for two years and got a teaching certificate. She taught for two years in rural schools but didn't like it and had no patience with kids. However, she enjoyed music and studied piano and singing for a short while, but now she hardly pays attention to it. She's always regretted going to high school, believing that if she had focused that time on music, she might have been successful in it. Her interests are mostly limited to managing the home. She says she has few friends and doesn't socialize well. She appears calm and doesn't worry, is practical in her interactions with her children, doesn't take part in organized activities, but always sends the kids to Sunday School. She's very good at managing the household and operates effectively on a tight budget.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

F was born in upper New York State, November 14, 1914. The period of gestation was of normal length; at birth he weighed according to the father 9 pounds, according to the mother 11.5 pounds. No records of early infancy were kept, so that many such details are given from memory, either by the father or by the mother. The child was the mother's first-born. She reports that much of the infant's weight at birth was due to his enormous head, which necessitated instrument birth. Birth was difficult, the mother was severely injured, and the child's head "was so distorted from the instruments that it was weeks before it could be molded into normal shape."

F was born in upstate New York on November 14, 1914. His gestation period was normal; at birth, he weighed 9 pounds according to his father and 11.5 pounds according to his mother. No records were kept during his early infancy, so many details come from the memories of either his father or mother. He was the mother's first child. She recalls that a lot of his birth weight came from his large head, which required the use of instruments for delivery. The birth was difficult, the mother was seriously injured, and the child's head "was so distorted from the instruments that it took weeks to reshape it to normal."

F was bottle fed from birth to one year. His first teeth appeared at about 10 months. He talked (short sentences) at about 12 months, learned to walk alone (several steps) at 14 months, learned to read at between 4 and 5 years of age. His childhood illnesses were measles, whooping cough, chicken pox, and scarlet fever, all between 6 and 8 years of age. Cried little as a baby. His mother says "he was a lovely baby to take care of." No sensory defects or signs of physical weakness. Adenoids were present, to be removed shortly after the initial interview in 1924 (age 10 years). He sleeps soundly.

F was bottle-fed from birth until he turned one. His first teeth came in around 10 months. He started speaking in short sentences at about 12 months and learned to walk on his own (taking several steps) at 14 months. He learned to read between the ages of 4 and 5. During his childhood, he experienced measles, whooping cough, chicken pox, and scarlet fever, all between the ages of 6 and 8. He didn’t cry much as a baby. His mother said, "he was a lovely baby to take care of." There were no sensory defects or signs of physical weakness. Adenoids were present, which were scheduled to be removed shortly after the initial interview in 1924 (at age 10). He sleeps soundly.

EARLY SCHOOL HISTORY

F started school at the age of 5 years 10 months, in a two-room rural school in upstate New York in the town where he was born. He could already read well at that time; it was first noticed that he could read when he was "around 5 years of age." Riding in streetcars, he would take words apart and put them together again. He had learned the letters before his third year.

F started school at 5 years and 10 months old in a two-room rural school in upstate New York, in the town where he was born. By that time, he was already reading well; people first noticed his reading ability when he was about 5 years old. While riding streetcars, he would break words down and reassemble them. He had learned the letters before he turned 3.

At school he was received in the first grade. It was soon found that he was memorizing his reader and the teacher gave him a more advanced book. This school was a practically ungraded one; the first four grades were together in one room, and grades five to eight were in the other room. The teacher did not know what to do with F; so he was allowed to go into the second room and listen, in an orderly manner, to the fifth to eighth grades.

At school, he started in the first grade. It quickly became clear that he was memorizing his reading book, so the teacher gave him a more advanced one. The school had a mostly ungraded system; the first four grades were combined in one room, while grades five through eight were in another room. The teacher wasn’t sure how to handle F, so he was allowed to go into the second room and listen to the lessons from grades five to eight in an orderly way.

When he entered New York City schools at the age of 7 years 10 months, the rural teacher gave F a transfer for the fifth grade. The mother presented the letter of transfer to the Manhattan principal, who pooh-poohed the idea that the boy could belong in the fifth grade at that age. He refused to accept the recommendation from the ungraded school and placed F in the third or fourth grade. After the first week the boy's teacher reported that he did not belong in that grade. When the principal insisted that F could not go into the fifth grade, the boy himself spoke up and said if they would give him an examination they would see that he could do it. The principal ordered him to keep still and not to talk so much. He was, however, eventually placed in the fifth grade in the year in which his eighth birthday occurred. At the end of that year he was promoted to Grade 6A, then into 6B, and he was shortly after received into the Special Opportunity Class at P.S. 165.

When he started attending New York City schools at 7 years and 10 months old, the rural teacher gave F a transfer for the fifth grade. His mother submitted the transfer letter to the principal in Manhattan, who dismissed the idea that a boy his age could be in the fifth grade. He ignored the recommendation from the ungraded school and placed F in the third or fourth grade instead. After the first week, F's teacher reported that he didn't belong in that grade. When the principal insisted that F couldn’t move up to the fifth grade, the boy spoke up and said that if they gave him a test, they would see he was capable. The principal told him to be quiet and not talk so much. However, he was eventually placed in the fifth grade during the year he turned eight. By the end of that year, he was promoted to Grade 6A, then to 6B, and shortly after he was accepted into the Special Opportunity Class at P.S. 165.

He had always been fond of school up to this time, although he later developed a distaste for it and became a chronic truant. He spent much of his time helping the teachers, carrying books, and running errands, in order to keep occupied. When his mother requested his transfer to the Special Opportunity Class, the principal of the school he was attending, at first refused, saying that he liked to have bright pupils in his classes too. After futilely arguing for half an hour, the mother finally threatened to move to another part of town, thus forcing a transfer, whereupon the principal relented and gave the transfer. F said he liked the new school because he was allowed there to say what he thought.

He had always enjoyed school until that point, but later he developed a dislike for it and became a chronic truant. He spent a lot of his time helping teachers, carrying books, and running errands to keep himself busy. When his mother asked for his transfer to the Special Opportunity Class, the principal of his current school initially refused, saying he preferred to have bright students in his classes too. After arguing for half an hour with no success, his mother finally threatened to move to another part of town, which ultimately forced the transfer. At that point, the principal gave in and approved the transfer. F said he liked the new school because he was allowed to express his opinions there.

In his early school years he once won a prize, which was to be a book. Several books, supposedly of interest to boys, were offered him from which to choose. He looked them over and then said if it made no difference to the teacher, he would rather have a dictionary instead. This volume was given him, and it was used constantly thereafter.

In his early school years, he once won a prize, which was a book. He was offered several books that were supposed to interest boys from which to choose. He looked them over and then said that if it didn’t matter to the teacher, he would prefer a dictionary instead. He received that volume, and it was used constantly from then on.

EARLY TEST SCORES

In March, 1924, at the age of 9 years 4 months, F was given a mental test, using Army Alpha, by L. M. Potter. He was then in Grade 6B, P.S. 14, Manhattan. His score was recorded as 124 points. But there is also a copy of an Army Alpha Test, Form 7, given F in the fall of 1924 upon his entrance to P.S. 165, on which the score is 163 points.

In March 1924, when F was 9 years and 4 months old, L. M. Potter conducted a mental test using the Army Alpha. He was in Grade 6B at P.S. 14 in Manhattan at the time. His score was recorded as 124 points. There is also a copy of an Army Alpha Test, Form 7, that was given to F in the fall of 1924 when he started at P.S. 165, which shows a score of 163 points.

On April 14, 1924, at the age of 9 years 5 months, F was given a Stanford-Binet test by M. V. Cobb, in P.S. 165, Manhattan. His Mental Age shown at that time was 15-2, and an IQ of 162 was reported. Strength of grip measures were also recorded as of May 15, 1924. These were made by Leta S. Hollingworth, three trials for each hand. The records were (median of three), right, 10.5; left, 9.

On April 14, 1924, at 9 years and 5 months old, F took a Stanford-Binet test administered by M. V. Cobb at P.S. 165 in Manhattan. His mental age at that time was 15 years and 2 months, and he was reported to have an IQ of 162. Grip strength measurements were also recorded on May 15, 1924, conducted by Leta S. Hollingworth, with three trials for each hand. The records (median of three) showed a grip strength of 10.5 for the right hand and 9 for the left hand.

On April 22, 1925, at the age of 10 years 5 months, F was given a Stanford-Binet examination by Leta S. Hollingworth as a demonstration before a class of 60 adults. His Mental Age was 19-0, and the IQ is recorded as "over 182, unmeasured by the scale."

On April 22, 1925, when F was 10 years and 5 months old, Leta S. Hollingworth administered a Stanford-Binet test as a demonstration in front of a class of 60 adults. His Mental Age was 19 years, and his IQ was noted as "over 182, not measured by the scale."

On May 8, 1926, at the age of 11 years 6 months, F was again tested with the Stanford-Binet [[by L. S. H.]]. He passed at this time all the Superior Adult tests and was thus unmeasured. He was at this time in his first year of senior high school.

On May 8, 1926, at 11 years and 6 months old, F was tested again with the Stanford-Binet [[by L. S. H.]]. He passed all the Superior Adult tests this time and was therefore unmeasured. At this point, he was in his first year of senior high school.

January 7, 1933, at the age of 18-2, while a college freshman, his score on Army Alpha, Form 8, was 198 points.

January 7, 1933, at the age of 18 and 2 months, while a college freshman, his score on the Army Alpha, Form 8, was 198 points.

Music tests. F showed no active musical interests but became very fond of listening to good music, being particularly fond of string quartets. As was the case in every field to which his interests turned, he quickly acquired a fund of information about it which he took pleasure in exhibiting.

Music tests. F showed no active musical interests but developed a strong preference for listening to good music, especially enjoying string quartets. As with every other area he became interested in, he quickly gathered a wealth of knowledge about it that he enjoyed sharing.

F was given the Seashore Music Tests four times [[by L. S. H.]] over a period of 11 years. Perhaps the record of these successive examinations will have some intrinsic interest, and such a tabulation is here provided.

F took the Seashore Music Tests four times [[by L. S. H.]] over an 11-year span. The records of these repeated exams might be interesting in their own right, so a summary is included here.

                    SEASHORE TESTS OF MUSICAL TALENT SCORE
                              (Per Cent Correct)

SEASHORE TESTS OF MUSICAL TALENT SCORE
                              (Percent Correct)

                    MAY 7, DECEMBER JUNE JUNE
                     1924 23, 1924; 18, 1925; 14, 1935;
                   9 YEARS 10 YEARS, 10 YEARS 20 YEARS
                   6 MONTHS 1 MONTH 7 MONTHS 7 MONTHS

MAY 7, DECEMBER JUNE JUNE
                     1924 23, 1924; 18, 1925; 14, 1935;
                   9 YEARS 10 YEARS, 10 YEARS 20 YEARS
                   6 MONTHS 1 MONTH 7 MONTHS 7 MONTHS

   Pitch 79 82 78 81
   Intensity 76 — 94 94
   Time 71 62 — 70
   Tonal memory 80 — 88 98
   Consonance 64 — 74 76
   Rhythm 72 — 88 86

Pitch 79 82 78 81
   Intensity 76 — 94 94
   Time 71 62 — 70
   Tonal memory 80 — 88 98
   Consonance 64 — 74 76
   Rhythm 72 — 88 86

Character rating. After six months' acquaintance, on September 14, 1924, when F was about 10 years old, he was rated by Leta S. Hollingworth for various estimated traits on a 7-point rating scale as follows:

Character rating. After six months of getting to know him, on September 14, 1924, when F was around 10 years old, Leta S. Hollingworth assessed him on various traits using a 7-point rating scale, as follows:

Extraordinarily good (Grade 1) Prudence and foresight, will power and perseverance, appreciation of beauty, sense of humor, sensitiveness to approval or disapproval, desire to excel, freedom from vanity and egotism, conscientiousness, desire to know, originality, common sense, general intelligence.

Extraordinarily good (Grade 1) Caution and planning, determination and persistence, appreciation of beauty, sense of humor, sensitivity to approval or disapproval, desire to succeed, lack of vanity and self-importance, responsibility, curiosity, creativity, practical thinking, overall intelligence.

   Decidedly superior (Grade 2)
      Self-confidence, musical appreciation, leadership, popularity
      with other children, sympathy and tenderness, truthfulness.

Decidedly superior (Grade 2)
      Self-confidence, appreciation for music, leadership, popularity
      with peers, kindness and compassion, honesty.

   Rather superior (Grade 3)
      Cheerfulness and optimism, permanency of moods, generosity
      and unselfishness, mechanical ingenuity.

Rather superior (Grade 3)
      Cheerfulness and optimism, consistency in moods, generosity
      and selflessness, mechanical skill.

   Average (Grade 4)
      Health, amount of physical energy.

Average (Grade 4)
      Health, level of physical energy.

   Rather weak (Grade 5)
      Fondness for large groups.

Rather weak (Grade 5)
      Interest in large groups.

Although there is no formal record of the fact, it is known that fifteen years later this rater would have made different judgments on most of these traits not relating to strictly cognitive characteristics. Other judges acquainted with F rather unanimously disagreed with the high ratings here accorded such traits as prudence and forethought, will power and perseverance, sensitiveness to approval or disapproval, freedom from vanity or egotism, common sense, leadership, popularity, sympathy and tenderness, truthfulness, generosity and unselfishness, and these ratings are as a matter of fact inconsistent with F's subsequent history.

Although there’s no official record of it, it’s understood that fifteen years later this rater would have made different assessments on most of these traits that aren’t strictly about cognitive abilities. Other judges who knew F mostly disagreed with the high scores given to traits like prudence and forethought, willpower and perseverance, sensitivity to approval or disapproval, lack of vanity or egotism, common sense, leadership, popularity, sympathy and kindness, truthfulness, generosity, and selflessness. These ratings actually don’t align with F's later history.

HOME RATING

On May 6, 1924, the home of F was visited by a social worker trained in the use of the Whittier Scale for Home Rating. The rating was reported as 21, with a possible score of 25. Neighborhood was average, in a fair section of New York City. Details were as follows:

On May 6, 1924, a social worker who was trained in using the Whittier Scale for Home Rating visited F's home. The score was reported as 21, with a maximum score of 25. The neighborhood was average, located in a decent part of New York City. The details were as follows:

Necessities. Father bookkeeper with steady, small salary, adequate only for necessities. Food and clothing of good quality, conditions neat and clean but plain. Heat, light, sleeping facilities fair. Grade 4.

Necessities. Father is a bookkeeper with a steady, low salary, enough only for the essentials. Food and clothing are good quality, and the living conditions are neat, clean, but basic. Heating, lighting, and sleeping arrangements are decent. Grade 4.

Neatness. Sanitary conditions good; rooms well kept and clean; apartment rear, second floor, little view. Considering the equipment, household run in an efficient manner. Grade 4.

Neatness. Clean and sanitary conditions; rooms are well-maintained and tidy; apartment at the back, second floor, limited view. Given the facilities, the household operates efficiently. Grade 4.

Size. Four small rooms and bath for two adults and two children. Conditions crowded. Grade 4.

Size. Four small rooms and a bathroom for two adults and two children. Conditions are cramped. Grade 4.

Parental condition. Parents socially adaptable; there appears to be harmony in home; parents have too few outside interests. Mother practically always at home; father at home evenings. Grade 5.

Parental condition. Parents are socially adaptable; there seems to be harmony at home; parents have too few outside interests. Mother is almost always at home; father is home in the evenings. Grade 5.

Parental supervision. Parents keenly interested in development of children. Their own education is limited, which is a handicap in directing and educating the children. Little need of discipline in home, though mother is lax about carrying out threats. Parental example good. Grade 4.

Parental supervision. Parents are very interested in their children's development. Their own education is limited, which makes it difficult for them to guide and teach their kids. There's not much need for discipline at home, even though the mother doesn't follow through on her threats. Parental example is positive. Grade 4.

MISCELLANEOUS CHARACTERISTICS

Play interests. F preferred playmates of his own age and sex. He would spend hours at a time "using marbles for soldiers and working out military formations." Being with older children in school, he was somewhat backward in joining in their outdoor games.

Play interests. F preferred playmates who were the same age and gender as him. He would spend hours "using marbles as soldiers and figuring out military formations." Since he was around older kids at school, he was a bit shy about joining their outdoor games.

Reading interests. From 6 to 10 years of age F read a great variety of books, "particularly geography and history" and "averaging probably 20 hours weekly." He was especially interested in dictionaries and encyclopedias; would always look up new words in detail. Most of his leisure time was preferably spent in reading.

Reading interests. From ages 6 to 10, F read a wide range of books, "especially geography and history" and "averaging probably 20 hours a week." He was particularly fascinated by dictionaries and encyclopedias; he would always look up new words in detail. Most of his free time was spent reading.

LATER EDUCATIONAL CAREER

As already recorded, F was transferred in 1924, at the age of 10 years, to the Special Opportunity Class in P.S. 165, Manhattan, then being organized for experimental purposes connected with the education of children of rare intelligence. He graduated from this class into senior high school. He and another boy (Child C, Chapter 6) led this highly selected group of children in achievement tests. As he was at this time, Leta S. Hollingworth wrote of him:

As noted earlier, F was moved in 1924, at the age of 10, to the Special Opportunity Class at P.S. 165 in Manhattan, which was being set up for experimental purposes related to the education of exceptionally intelligent children. He graduated from this class into senior high school. He and another boy (Child C, Chapter 6) excelled in achievement tests among this highly selective group of children. At this time, Leta S. Hollingworth wrote about him:

I have never met with a more interesting child than he was, and the same creativeness and inexorable logic which characterized him then have always continued.

I have never met a more interesting child than he was, and the same creativity and relentless logic that defined him back then have always remained.

He entered, after a brief experience in a progressive private school, a public high school in New York City, in 1925. His high school career was a checkered one, typical in some respects of his later educational history. For one thing, he was a constant truant, and he refused to do the required work in physical education. He had always been averse to physical activity and loathed manual work to the end of his career. He said that the gymnasium work always left him feeling "worse," gave him colds, and was of no use to him. Perhaps his subsequent medical history throws some light on the reasons for these observations.

He entered a public high school in New York City in 1925, after a brief stint at a progressive private school. His high school experience was inconsistent, reflecting aspects of his later educational journey. For one, he was often absent without permission and refused to participate in required physical education activities. He had always disliked physical activity and detested manual labor throughout his life. He said that gym class always left him feeling "worse," made him catch colds, and was pointless for him. Perhaps his later medical issues provide some insight into why he felt this way.

His truant hours were spent partly in the public library, where he read continuously in technical volumes in a great variety of fields and accumulated an amazing fund of general information and esoteric lore. Law, theology, history, science, and literature were some of his favorite fields.

His skipped hours were partly spent in the public library, where he read nonstop in technical books across a wide range of subjects and gathered an impressive amount of general knowledge and specialized information. Law, theology, history, science, and literature were some of his favorite areas.

When not in the library, he would usually be at a chess club to which he had been granted access and where he had learned the game. He rapidly developed into an expert chess and bridge player, and in Eastern chess tournaments is said to have achieved the ranking of seventh in the national list. He always managed to appear at high school to take the necessary examinations, and passed all his subjects with good standing and even with phenomenal records. But his inexplicable truancy and his refusal to do the required work in physical education baffled the educational authorities. They finally refused to graduate him with his class— although his record was among the best—until he had redeemed himself by doing the gymnasium work in a fifth year. In 1930 he did this, and also carried some additional courses and thus was allowed to finish high school, requiring longer than the conventional period for this because of his refusal to accommodate his own interests and ideas to the regular routine.

When he wasn’t in the library, he would typically be at a chess club that he had gained access to, where he learned how to play the game. He quickly became an expert in both chess and bridge, and in Eastern chess tournaments, he reportedly ranked seventh on the national list. He always managed to show up at high school to take the necessary exams and passed all his subjects with good standing, even achieving phenomenal records. However, his puzzling absences and refusal to participate in physical education confused the educational authorities. They ultimately decided not to graduate him with his class—despite his excellent record—until he made up for it by completing the gym requirements in a fifth year. In 1930, he did this and also took on some additional courses, allowing him to finish high school, which took longer than usual because he wouldn’t conform his own interests and ideas to the standard routine.

In spite of irregular attendance, F took some part in high school activities. His main activities, of the extracurricular sort, were chess club, chess team, poetry club, debating society, mathematics club, board of publications, program committee. He was executive member of the debating society and of the law society, vice president of the poster club, and two or three times section president. His record, of course, shows no athletic history and no physical activities engaged in.

Despite his inconsistent attendance, F participated in some high school activities. His main extracurricular activities included the chess club, chess team, poetry club, debating society, mathematics club, board of publications, and program committee. He served as an executive member of both the debating society and the law society, was the vice president of the poster club, and was section president two or three times. Of course, his record shows no involvement in athletics or physical activities.

For the four years following 1930 F continued to frequent the public library, the chess club, and the bridge games. At one time a patron friend made it financially possible for him to enter college at the College of the City of New York. He quit before the end of the first term, again because he hated the required gymnasium work and said he always got a cold and felt bad after such exercise. Although he was again and again urged by people who knew his ability not to waste it at chess and bridge, he showed no apparent interest in going on with college. He replied that he could always make a living some way or other. Uncongenial home circumstances and the general unemployment situation prevailing at the time perhaps heightened this indisposition and lack of ambition. While other boys who had been in the same grade school and high school classes with him were finding part-time employment and working their way through college, F was contented with his chess games, with an occasional bit of money won at cards, and with his hours in the public library.

For the four years after 1930, F continued to hang out at the public library, the chess club, and the bridge games. At one point, a generous friend helped him afford to attend the College of the City of New York. He dropped out before finishing the first term, again because he disliked the mandatory gym classes, saying he always caught a cold and felt awful after exercising. Despite repeated encouragement from people who recognized his talent not to waste it playing chess and bridge, he showed no real interest in continuing college. He said he could always find a way to make a living. Unpleasant home circumstances and the widespread unemployment at the time probably worsened his lack of drive and ambition. While other boys from his grade school and high school were finding part-time jobs and working their way through college, F was satisfied with his chess games, occasionally winning some money at cards, and spending hours at the public library.

In 1934 he was asked to take the CAVD tests by the Institute of Educational Research at Teachers College, Columbia University, to help determine the highest scores to be expected on this scale. He and another boy, both selected because of their known phenomenal range of information and intellectual alertness, "went through the ceiling" on this scale, thus again confirming the earlier records of his mental level so far as intelligence was concerned. On the same occasion he was given the Coöperative General Culture Test, by Dr. Lorge. In this his score exceeded that of superior college graduates.

In 1934, he was asked to take the CAVD tests by the Institute of Educational Research at Teachers College, Columbia University, to help determine the highest scores expected on this scale. He and another boy, both chosen for their remarkable knowledge and sharp intellect, "went through the ceiling" on this scale, further confirming the earlier records of his mental abilities regarding intelligence. On the same occasion, Dr. Lorge administered the Coöperative General Culture Test, where his score surpassed that of top college graduates.

In September, 1934, F was again persuaded, through financial assistance practically forced upon him, and after much urging and long discussion, to try college. He enrolled in Columbia College, once more a freshman. He carried a heavy program, tried to do certain outside jobs as assistant provided for him, and probably overworked. He had declined one patron's offer to give him a stipulated sum of money for the year if he would abstain from chess for that period. In fact, only vigorous prodding led him to go to college at all at this time, even with the way opened for him.

In September 1934, F was once again convinced, mainly through financial help that was practically pushed on him, and after a lot of coaxing and long discussions, to give college a shot. He enrolled at Columbia College, starting over as a freshman. He took on a heavy course load, attempted to juggle certain assistant jobs set up for him, and likely overworked himself. He had turned down an offer from a sponsor who promised him a specific amount of money for the year if he agreed to stop playing chess during that time. In fact, it took a lot of forceful encouragement just to get him to attend college at all, even with everything arranged for him.

The outcome appeared to be another fiasco. In January, as the examination period drew near, he became ill, developed pneumonia, and for the second time withdrew from college before completing a term of work. In this instance his illness appeared to justify the act.

The outcome seemed to be another disaster. In January, as the exam period approached, he got sick, developed pneumonia, and for the second time, left college without finishing a term. In this case, his illness seemed to make his decision reasonable.

In the autumn of 1935, having been nursed back to reasonable health through patrons interested in his case, he was urged by them to make a fresh start and to try the University of Chicago plan, under which students could progress as rapidly as they were able to satisfy the requirements through comprehensive examinations. He entered the University of Chicago that fall, for the third time a college freshman, agreeing to do this without any great enthusiasm of his own but as part of what was called an "educational experiment."

In the fall of 1935, after being helped back to decent health by supporters who cared about his situation, he was encouraged by them to make a fresh start and try the University of Chicago plan, which allowed students to advance as quickly as they could pass the requirements through comprehensive exams. He started at the University of Chicago that fall, becoming a college freshman for the third time, agreeing to do this without much excitement on his part, but as part of what was referred to as an "educational experiment."

Of his record on entrance the following comment was made by the chief examiner:

Of his record upon entry, the chief examiner made the following comment:

The examiners have called my attention to a freak case in our records for the incoming students. . . . His performance seems almost unbelievable. On the freshman classification tests his performance was as follows: first in the vocabulary test; first in the reading test; second in the Intelligence Test of the American Council; third in the English placement test; third in the physical science placement test . . . in the freshman class of about 750 students.

The examiners have pointed out a remarkable case in our records for the new students. His performance is almost unbelievable. In the freshman classification tests, he ranked as follows: first in the vocabulary test, first in the reading test, second in the Intelligence Test of the American Council, and third in both the English placement test and the physical science placement test, out of around 750 students in the freshman class.

In addition, he also took four Comprehensives with the following grades: Biological Science, A; Humanities, B; Social Sciences, A; Physical Sciences, D.

In addition, he also took four Comprehensives with the following grades: Biological Science, A; Humanities, B; Social Sciences, A; Physical Sciences, D.

The year at Chicago was not without episode. F was held up by two gunmen, engineered the capture of one of these, and was advised to disappear for a time during the excitement. Impetuously, and without resources except the provisions made by his sponsor for his own subsistence, he married a young Jewish girl. But the "Chicago Plan" kept its word, and by the end of the year F had passed all the Comprehensives required to give him his B.A. degree. In doing this he acquired a good deal of newspaper and popular magazine notoriety, and his photograph, and that of his young wife, were often reproduced in the public prints.

The year in Chicago was full of events. F was held up by two gunmen, managed to capture one of them, and was told to lay low for a while due to the chaos. Without much thought and with no resources except what his sponsor provided for him to get by, he married a young Jewish girl. However, the "Chicago Plan" delivered on its promise, and by the end of the year, F had passed all the Comprehensives needed to earn his B.A. With this accomplishment, he gained a lot of attention from newspapers and popular magazines, and his photo, along with that of his young wife, frequently appeared in the media.

Although he fancied he would like to be a lawyer, F finally decided to go in for graduate work. Some uncertainties prevailed in connection with his acceptance by some of the graduate schools because, although he had been three times a college freshman (a point never brought out in the newspaper accounts of his educational progress), he had completed but one year of college residence.

Although he thought he would enjoy being a lawyer, F ultimately chose to pursue graduate studies. There were some uncertainties regarding his acceptance at various graduate schools because, despite being a college freshman three times (a detail that was never mentioned in the newspaper reports about his educational journey), he had only completed one year of college.

Eventually he was awarded a graduate fellowship in Teachers College, Columbia University, for study toward the Ph.D. degree in education, and he completed a year of work there, accomplishing, in addition to the class work, a minor experimental study, a report of which was subsequently published. For the following year he was appointed Assistant in Psychology at Barnard College. At the last moment, just before the beginning of the new term, he decided to shift to law, which was one of his boyish ambitions. He was enabled to return to Chicago for this purpose.

Eventually, he received a graduate fellowship at Teachers College, Columbia University, to pursue a Ph.D. in education. He completed a year of coursework there, and along with his classes, he conducted a minor experimental study, the report of which was later published. The following year, he was appointed Assistant in Psychology at Barnard College. At the last minute, right before the new term started, he decided to switch to law, which had been one of his childhood ambitions. He was able to return to Chicago for this purpose.

Chess, bridge, and racing continued to intrude themselves into his activities, although he was pledged to abstain from them. His marital affairs did not run smoothly; contrary to his promises he incurred additional indebtedness; but he continued to carry on his law studies with passable records. Then he suddenly became seriously ill and was discovered to have an inoperable abdominal cancer. Again his educational career was interrupted and he returned to New York for care and treatment. Before another year was over, in December, 1938, he died of this affliction, at the age of 24 years.

Chess, bridge, and horse racing kept creeping into his life, even though he promised to stay away from them. His marriage wasn't going well; against his vows, he racked up more debt. Despite that, he managed to keep up with his law studies and was doing okay. Then, out of nowhere, he fell seriously ill and found out he had inoperable abdominal cancer. His education was once again put on hold as he went back to New York for treatment. Less than a year later, in December 1938, he passed away from this illness at the age of 24.

In spite of a brilliant mental endowment, early discovery, much educational encouragement, and material assistance, a Bachelor's degree and a few chess prizes and bridge victories represent F's final achievement. The chief causes of this relative failure to make the most of his potentialities appeared externally in the form of character traits. His parents said of him that it was never necessary to stimulate his desire to learn; they also reported him to be "willful and head-strong." These unpropitious traits were as a matter of fact apparent in his early school days. They became magnified as he was given freer opportunity for self-expression and activity. We know so little about the identification and genesis of character traits that the case makes little or no contribution to our understanding in this direction. It is not known how early the physical disability that finally terminated the picture had been operating; it may even have been at the bottom of what appeared socially as a personality defect.

Despite having a sharp mind, early recognition, plenty of educational support, and financial help, F's only accomplishments are a Bachelor's degree and a few chess trophies and bridge wins. The main reasons for this relative underachievement seemed to lie in his character traits. His parents mentioned that he never needed encouragement to want to learn; they also described him as "headstrong and willful." These unfavorable traits were evident even in his early school years. They became more pronounced when he was given more freedom to express himself and engage in activities. We know very little about how character traits are identified and developed, so this case doesn’t help us understand it much. It's unclear how long the physical disability that eventually capped off his story had been affecting him; it might even have contributed to what was seen socially as a personality flaw.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

CHAPTER TEN CHILD G

Child G is a boy, born in Brooklyn, New York, May 26, 1923. Records of his test scores that are available date from 1930, at which time he was 6 years 6 months old. A record of his development has been kept by his parents, who take an unusual interest in educational problems. They have freely and intelligently coöperated in the frequent objective examination of G, and have consulted with teachers concerning problems of adjustment and educational development.

Child G is a boy, born in Brooklyn, New York, on May 26, 1923. The earliest records of his test scores date back to 1930, when he was 6 years and 6 months old. His parents have kept a record of his development and take a strong interest in educational issues. They have actively and thoughtfully cooperated in the regular objective assessment of G and have talked with teachers about issues related to his adjustment and educational growth.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

G is of Hebrew parentage, and all four of his grandparents attended Hebrew school. His paternal grandfather was a tailor, his maternal grandfather an installment dealer. G's father is a lawyer; in an Army Alpha test he made a score of 178 points. His mother, before her marriage, was a typist and stenographer. There are among the relatives a doctor, a lawyer, a rabbi, a college professor. A cousin stood highest in a city-wide achievement test given to public school pupils in New York City. His only brother, younger than he and the only sibling, has an IQ of 150-155 (see [below, [G'S BROTHER'S RECORD]).

G comes from a Hebrew background, and all four of his grandparents went to Hebrew school. His paternal grandfather was a tailor, while his maternal grandfather was an installment dealer. G's father is a lawyer; he scored 178 points on an Army Alpha test. His mother worked as a typist and stenographer before getting married. Among his relatives, there’s a doctor, a lawyer, a rabbi, and a college professor. A cousin achieved the highest score in a city-wide achievement test for public school students in New York City. His only sibling, a younger brother, has an IQ of 150-155 (see [below, [G'S BROTHER'S RECORD]).

EDUCATIONAL HISTORY

In January, 1934, Edna W. McElwee published a preliminary account of G's school achievement up to that time. [1] A few months later G's father published an account of the boy's reading interests. [2] Data recorded in these two reports have been made use of in the present chapter. [3]

In January 1934, Edna W. McElwee published an initial report on G's school achievements up to that point. [1] A few months later, G's father released a report on the boy's reading interests. [2] The information from these two reports has been utilized in the current chapter. [3]

G learned to read before going to school, but at this time his parents did not realize that he was exceptional. After a term in kindergarten he was promoted to Grade 1A, after a few weeks to 1B, and then to 2A. At the end of the term he was placed in 3A. Then he was doubly promoted each term for a time, entering the 6A grade at the age of 8 years 6 months. The principal reported:

G learned to read before he started school, but at that time his parents didn't realize he was extraordinary. After one term in kindergarten, he was moved up to Grade 1A, then after a few weeks to 1B, and then to 2A. By the end of the term, he was placed in 3A. He continued to be promoted two grades each term for a while, reaching 6A at the age of 8 years and 6 months. The principal reported:

He absorbed information easily and quickly and, regardless of the grade in which he was placed or the length of time he had been in the grade, his work and his ratings were always much beyond those of his classmates.

He picked up information easily and quickly, and no matter what grade he was in or how long he had been there, his work and ratings were always far ahead of his classmates.

During these early years G preferred being alone with his books to playing with other children. His parents intelligently sought advice on the correction of this and encouraged him, successfully, to play with other children, first with those younger than he, and then with children of his own age. He made a ready adaptation, and in time had a group of boys with whom he played and who were sometimes invited by his father to accompany them on Saturday afternoon excursions. He developed an interest in all sorts of ball games and became a good swimmer.

During these early years, G preferred being alone with his books rather than playing with other kids. His parents wisely sought advice on how to change this and successfully encouraged him to play with other children, starting with those younger than him and then moving on to kids his own age. He adapted quickly, and over time, had a group of boys he played with, who were sometimes invited by his dad to join them on Saturday afternoon outings. He developed an interest in all kinds of ball games and became a good swimmer.

G read widely, and his parents from the beginning exercised some supervision over the character of the books provided for him, and they read to him at bedtime, about an hour daily. There were included in his reading not only a large selection of children's books and stories but also books of history, mythology, biography, poetry, science and art.

G read a lot, and his parents monitored the types of books he was given from the start. They also read to him at bedtime for about an hour each day. His reading included a wide range of children's books and stories, as well as books on history, mythology, biography, poetry, science, and art.

The Saturday excursions to places of interest were a regular institution, and these interests were readily tied to G's reading. Among the places thus visited were the zoo, botanical gardens, aquarium, navy yard, fleet, airport, museums, art galleries, Hall of Fame, numerous factories and industrial plants, fire department, public utilities, observatories. Plays and concerts were attended, and good taste in music was encouraged. Educational use was made of radio programs. G learned to play the violin and joined the school orchestra. At his own request he was given private instruction in Hebrew and made good progress.

The Saturday trips to interesting places were a regular thing, and these interests were closely linked to G's reading. Among the places they visited were the zoo, botanical gardens, aquarium, navy yard, fleet, airport, museums, art galleries, Hall of Fame, many factories and industrial sites, fire department, public utilities, and observatories. They attended plays and concerts, and good taste in music was encouraged. Educational radio programs were also utilized. G learned to play the violin and joined the school orchestra. At his own request, he received private instruction in Hebrew and made good progress.

At an early age—7 or 8 years—G became interested in chemistry, and was provided with a chemical outfit for his own use. With this he busied himself a great deal, and he kept his classmates provided with ink of his own manufacture. He has collected both stamps and coins and also Popular Science magazines.

At the age of about 7 or 8, G became interested in chemistry and was given a chemistry set for himself. He spent a lot of time working with it and even supplied his classmates with ink he made himself. He also collected stamps and coins, as well as Popular Science magazines.

There is in the files a large collection of his remarks in childhood, recorded by his parents. They show early thoughtfulness, curiosity, and judicious discrimination.

There is in the files a large collection of his remarks from childhood, recorded by his parents. They show early thoughtfulness, curiosity, and careful judgment.

Of G's later educational experience Miss McElwee wrote as follows: "At eight and a half years of age he was transferred to P.S. 208, Brooklyn, where he entered the 6A group of the Individual Progress class, which had been organized for superior children. The method of instruction had been modified and the course of study enriched to meet the needs of the pupils. . . . Tests of educational achievement given in October, 1931, soon after he entered the class, showed that his grade placement was 7.4 and his achievement quotient 86. Similar tests given in May, 1932, indicated that his grade placement was then 10.3 and his achievement quotient 97. In those seven months he had completed three years of work. . . . By January, 1933, he had gained another year and a half, and was maintaining his achievement quotient. In other words, at 9 years of age he was doing as well as a junior in high school."

Of G's later educational experience, Miss McElwee wrote the following: "At eight and a half years old, he was moved to P.S. 208, Brooklyn, where he joined the 6A group of the Individual Progress class, which had been set up for gifted children. The teaching methods had been adjusted and the curriculum enhanced to cater to the students' needs. . . . Educational achievement tests conducted in October 1931, shortly after he started the class, showed that his grade level was 7.4 and his achievement quotient was 86. Similar tests given in May 1932 indicated that his grade level had risen to 10.3 and his achievement quotient was 97. In those seven months, he had covered three years of material. . . . By January 1933, he had gained another year and a half in progress and was maintaining his achievement quotient. In other words, at 9 years old, he was performing at the level of a junior in high school."

His father wrote to the school at this time:

His dad wrote to the school at that time:

We are happy to tell you that G is full of his school work and is very contented with the present curriculum. Inasmuch as he has always complained until this term of lack of work at school and always considered his school work a necessary evil, we feel very grateful to you for his increased interest and happiness.

We’re glad to share that G is fully engaged with his schoolwork and is really happy with the current curriculum. Since he’s always complained about not having enough work at school and has seen his schoolwork as a necessary hassle until this term, we’re really thankful to you for his increased interest and happiness.

EARLY MENTAL TESTS

The first recorded measurement of G's mental ability is found in a report from the Educational Clinic of the College of the City of New York, where he had been taken by his father for a private examination. The report is made by Elise S. Mustor, Assistant Director, as of January, 1930. G was then 6 years 7 months old. His Mental Age was found to be 10-9, and his IQ is reported as 163. This report also gives numerous other details which may be summarized in the following tabulation.

The first documented assessment of G's intelligence was in a report from the Educational Clinic at the College of the City of New York, where his father brought him for a private evaluation. The report was written by Elise S. Mustor, Assistant Director, dated January 1930. G was 6 years and 7 months old at the time. His Mental Age was assessed at 10 years and 9 months, and his IQ was reported to be 163. This report also includes various other details that can be summarized in the following table.

REPORT OF G, JANUARY, 1930

   Chronological Age 6-7
   Mental Age 10-9
   Intelligence Quotient 163
   Height (with shoes) 48.5 inches
      (About 3 inches above the
      median for his age)
   Height 59 pounds
      (About 5 pounds above the
      median for his height)
   Reading comprehension Median of 5th Grade
   Arithmetic reasoning Median of 4B Grade
   Arithmetic fundamentals Median of 3A Grade
   Perception of form and physi- Ranges from 7th- to
      cal relationships 12th-year level
   Auditory rote memory 10-year level
   Vocabulary 10-year level

Chronological Age 6-7
   Mental Age 10-9
   Intelligence Quotient 163
   Height (with shoes) 48.5 inches
      (About 3 inches above the
      average for his age)
   Weight 59 pounds
      (About 5 pounds above the
      average for his height)
   Reading comprehension Median of 5th Grade
   Arithmetic reasoning Median of 4B Grade
   Arithmetic fundamentals Median of 3A Grade
   Perception of form and physi- Ranges from 7th- to
      cal relationships 12th-grade level
   Auditory rote memory 10-year level
   Vocabulary 10-year level

Physical condition: Well nourished. Tonsils and adenoids removed. Breathing unobstructed. Teeth good. No defects of heart, lungs, acuity of vision or hearing.

Physical condition: Well-nourished. Tonsils and adenoids removed. Breathing is clear. Teeth are healthy. No issues with heart, lungs, vision, or hearing.

At the clinic his social responses were good. He was well poised and unassuming; showed very fine effort and application.

At the clinic, his social interactions were positive. He carried himself well and was modest; he demonstrated great effort and dedication.

LATER TEST RECORDS

1931. G was given a Stanford-Binet examination by Leta S. Hollingworth in May, 1931, within a few days of his eighth birthday. He achieved an IQ of 192. The following comment is included in the record:

1931. G took a Stanford-Binet test conducted by Leta S. Hollingworth in May 1931, just days after his eighth birthday. He scored an IQ of 192. The following note is included in the record:

The increase over the IQ obtained at the age of 6 is not unusual for a very young, very bright child, although it would be very unusual for an average child. I shall be glad to test G again when he is about 12 years old, and when he is 16 years old. Also his little brother.

The increase in IQ from the age of 6 isn't surprising for a very young, exceptionally bright child, though it would be quite unusual for an average child. I’d be happy to test G again when he’s around 12 and then again at 16. I can also test his little brother.

1933. On April 5, 1933, at the age of 9 years 10 months, G was again tested by Leta S. Hollingworth, perhaps as a class demonstration. He was then in Grade 7B and his IQ is recorded as 176 plus. The following comment is made:

1933. On April 5, 1933, at 9 years and 10 months old, G was tested again by Leta S. Hollingworth, possibly as part of a class demonstration. He was in Grade 7B at that time, and his IQ was recorded as 176 plus. The following comment is made:

Children of G's present age can no longer be reliably measured in terms of IQ by any existing test if they have previously scored above 185 IQ. . . . The IQ of 176 plus merely informs us that the test has begun to "run down" in his case. . . . Next time we test him we shall have to use a test scoring in points only, which will place him on the centile scale for adults. . . . His physical measurements correspond closely to the norms for boys of about 11 years.

Kids today can’t really be accurately measured by any existing IQ test if they’ve scored above 185 IQ. . . . A score of 176 just shows us that the test is starting to “run out of steam” for him. . . . Next time we test him, we’ll need to use a test that scores in points only, which will position him on the centile scale for adults. . . . His physical measurements match closely to the norms for boys around 11 years old.

1934. There is in the files a Stanford-Binet record of G taken by Leta s. Hollingworth, March 19, 1934. His age was then 10 years 10 months and he was in Grade 8B in P.S. 208, Brooklyn. He passed without error all the tests in the scale (Average Adult and Superior Adult).

1934. There is a Stanford-Binet record of G taken by Leta S. Hollingworth on March 19, 1934. At that time, he was 10 years and 10 months old and was in Grade 8B at P.S. 208 in Brooklyn. He passed all the tests on the scale (Average Adult and Superior Adult) without any mistakes.

Miscellaneous records. In the McElwee report already cited the following scores are recorded, on a variety of scales, covering a two-year period (1931-1933).

Miscellaneous records. In the McElwee report mentioned earlier, the following scores are noted, using different scales, spanning a two-year period (1931-1933).

DATE TEST AGE SCORE

May 5, 1931 Stanford-Binet 8-0 192

May 5, 1931 Stanford-Binet 8-0 192

   Oct. 7, 1931 Porteus Maze 8-5 12 years
                  Healy Picture Completion 13 years
                  Porteus Form and Assemblying 8 years
                  Thorndike-McCall Reading: Form B 6B Grade
                  Stanford Achievement Test: Form A,
                     Arithmetic Computation 8A Grade
                  Trabue Language Completion, Alpha 15-10 years

Oct. 7, 1931 Porteus Maze 8-5 12 years
                  Healy Picture Completion 13 years
                  Porteus Form and Assemblying 8 years
                  Thorndike-McCall Reading: Form B 6B Grade
                  Stanford Achievement Test: Form A,
                     Arithmetic Computation 8A Grade
                  Trabue Language Completion, Alpha 15-10 years

   May 18, 1932 Elementary Reading, Los Angeles,
                     Form 3 9-0 12A Grade
                  Arithmetic Fundamentals, Los
                     Angeles, Form 4 9A Grade
                  Woody-McCall Spelling, List 5 9B Grade
                  Trabue Language Completion, Beta 16-4 years

May 18, 1932 Elementary Reading, Los Angeles,
                     Form 3 9-0 12A Grade
                  Arithmetic Basics, Los
                     Angeles, Form 4 9A Grade
                  Woody-McCall Spelling, List 5 9B Grade
                  Trabue Language Completion, Beta 16-4 years

   Jan. 6, 1933 New Stanford Achievement Test
                     Form V 9-8 18 years

Jan. 6, 1933 New Stanford Achievement Test
                     Form V 9-8 18 years

Apr. 12, 1933 Powers General Science Test: Form A (25 per cent of first-year high school pupils exceed this score 9-11 62 points at end of one year instruction in general science.)

Apr. 12, 1933 Powers General Science Test: Form A (25 percent of first-year high school students exceed this score 9-11 62 points after one year of instruction in general science.)

Apr. 26, 1933 Kent-Rosanoff Association Test 9-11 9 Individual Reactions Woody-Cady Questionnaire indicates supersensitiveness—thinks people look at him, make remarks about him, find too much fault with him, etc.

Apr. 26, 1933 Kent-Rosanoff Association Test 9-11 9 Individual Reactions The Woody-Cady Questionnaire shows heightened sensitivity—he thinks people are watching him, making comments about him, and criticizing him too much, etc.

The New Stanford Achievement Test score of 18 years of Educational Age, achieved at the Chronological Age of 9 years 8 months, broken down into detailed sections, was as follows:

The New Stanford Achievement Test score of 18 years of Educational Age, obtained at a Chronological Age of 9 years and 8 months, detailed in sections, was as follows:

                                          EDUCATIONAL AGE
   Paragraph Meaning 17-8
   Word Meaning 18-8
   Dictation 16-0
   Language Usage 17-2
   Literature 16-8
   History and Civics 19-2
   Geography 20-4
   Physiology and Hygiene 18-5
   Arithmetic Reasoning 19-2
   Aritmentic Computation 17-8

EDUCATIONAL AGE
   Paragraph Meaning 17-8
   Word Meaning 18-8
   Dictation 16-0
   Language Usage 17-2
   Literature 16-8
   History and Civics 19-2
   Geography 20-4
   Physiology and Hygiene 18-5
   Arithmetic Reasoning 19-2
   Arithmetic Computation 17-8

Average 17 years 11 months

Average 17 years, 11 months

The examiner remarks: "Using the IQ of 192, his Mental Age would now be 18 years 5 months. This would give him an Achievement Quotient of 97.3 per cent."

The examiner notes, "With an IQ of 192, his Mental Age would now be 18 years and 5 months. This would give him an Achievement Quotient of 97.3 percent."

TRAITS OF CHARACTER

At the age of 10 years G was described by his school supervisor and parents as prudent and self-reliant, with will power, desire for knowledge, wish to excel, and originality. He was conscientious, truthful, cheerful, sympathetic, and had a sense of humor. He was modest about himself and his achievements, did not like bragging, and reproved his younger brother for such conduct. At this time he wore glasses for an error of refraction, had "a slight speech impediment and a nervous mannerism." He always wanted to do things as well as possible. He set out to improve his poor penmanship by learning manuscript writing. He was full of questions about scientific aspects of the things and processes he saw about him. He had a reliable and alert memory, even for incidental observations.

At the age of 10, G was described by his school supervisor and parents as careful and independent, with strong willpower, a thirst for knowledge, a desire to succeed, and a unique perspective. He was responsible, honest, cheerful, caring, and had a good sense of humor. He was humble about himself and his accomplishments, disliked bragging, and scolded his younger brother for such behavior. At that time, he wore glasses for vision correction, had a slight speech issue, and exhibited nervous habits. He always aimed to do things to the best of his ability. He worked on improving his messy handwriting by learning manuscript writing. He was full of questions about the science behind the things and processes he observed around him. He had a sharp and attentive memory, even for small details.

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

The physical measurements referred to in the 1933 mental test
["LATER TEST RECORDS, 1933"] are as follows:

The physical measurements mentioned in the 1933 mental test
["LATER TEST RECORDS, 1933"] are as follows:

G NORMS

   Standing height (in
      stocking feet) 53.8 inches 53.6
   Sitting height 27.7 inches
   Weight (ordinary indoor
      clothing except coat) 78 pounds 66.9
   Right grip 14, 11, 10 kg.
   Left grip 9, 9, 9 kg.

Standing height (in
      stocking feet) 53.8 inches 53.6
   Sitting height 27.7 inches
   Weight (regular indoor
      clothing except coat) 78 pounds 66.9
   Right grip 14, 11, 10 kg.
   Left grip 9, 9, 9 kg.

On August 2, 1937, there is a record of height and weight at the age of 14 years 2 months, as follows:

On August 2, 1937, there is a record of height and weight at the age of 14 years and 2 months, as follows:

G NORMS

   Height (stocking feet) 63.7 inches 61.0
   Sitting height 33 inches
   Weight (no coat or shoes) 121.5 pounds 94.9

Height (barefoot) 63.7 inches 61.0
   Sitting height 33 inches
   Weight (without coat or shoes) 121.5 pounds 94.9

HIGH SCHOOL RECORD

By February, 1937, G was finishing his sixth term in Erasmus Hall High School, Brooklyn. In the first five terms his work had averaged 90-95. Regents' marks to that date were:

By February 1937, G was wrapping up his sixth term at Erasmus Hall High School in Brooklyn. In the first five terms, his grades had averaged between 90 and 95. His Regents marks up to that point were:

   French, two years 95
   Plane Geometry 100
   Intermediate Algebra 98
   European History 91

French, two years 95
Plane Geometry 100
Intermediate Algebra 98
European History 91

In June of 1935 he had won first prize in "an algebra contest for the entire grade of his school." During the first four terms he had ranked fifth in scholarship and in the fifth term he tied for second place. A letter from his father records that:

In June of 1935, he won first prize in "an algebra contest for the entire grade of his school." During the first four terms, he ranked fifth in academics, and in the fifth term, he tied for second place. A letter from his father notes that:

In June, 1934, he scored 174 on the Terman Group Intelligence test which was given to 27,573 boys and girls, graduates of the elementary schools, public and parochial, who applied for admission to the high schools in New York City, this score being the highest reached, and was referred to, though of course not by name, in John L. Tildsley's "The Mounting Waste of the American Secondary School," at page 3 thereof.

In June 1934, he scored 174 on the Terman Group Intelligence test, which was taken by 27,573 boys and girls from public and private elementary schools who applied for admission to high schools in New York City. This score was the highest achieved and is mentioned, though not by name, in John L. Tildsley's "The Mounting Waste of the American Secondary School," on page 3.

A letter from G dated July 5, 1938, records his graduation from high school at the age of 15 years. He there says:

A letter from G dated July 5, 1938, notes that he graduated from high school at 15 years old. He mentions:

At present my interest lies along abstract lines; mathematics, chemistry, and physics are my favorite subjects. The occupation I would like most to enter when my schooling shall be finished would be mathematics. However, I see no chance for a job in this field for research work as there is in, say, chemistry. Hence I feel uncertain as to whether I shall make mathematics my life work or whether I should specialize in one field or another of chemistry, my second love.

Right now, I'm really into abstract concepts; math, chemistry, and physics are my top subjects. The job I’d love to have once I finish school is in mathematics. However, I don't see many opportunities for research roles in this area compared to fields like chemistry. Because of this, I'm unsure whether to pursue a career in mathematics or to specialize in a specific area of chemistry, which is my second passion.

There is a copy of the principal's statement "In Re Qualifications of G, Candidate for Scholarship," at the close of his high school career. It is worth quoting here as a record of the judged characteristics of this 15-year-old boy whose thoughtful letter, just quoted from, shows his serious concern over the theoretical and practical possibilities of the various fields of his interest.

There is a copy of the principal's statement "In Re Qualifications of G, Candidate for Scholarship," at the end of his high school career. It’s worth quoting here as a record of the assessed traits of this 15-year-old boy whose thoughtful letter, just referenced, shows his genuine concern over the theoretical and practical possibilities in the various fields he interests himself in.

PRINCIPAL'S STATEMENT IN RE QUALIFICATIONS OF G, CANDIDATE FOR SCHOLARSHIP

   Native ability. Intelligence Quotient 174 on Terman Test given
      at Erasmus Hall, the highest ever reached here; ranks fourth
      in a grade of 712 in scholarship.

Native ability. Intelligence Quotient 174 on the Terman Test given
      at Erasmus Hall, the highest ever achieved here; ranks fourth
      in a grade of 712 in academic performance.

   Personality. Pleasant and helpful; well liked and respected by
      students and faculty; always agreeable, willing, eager to
      help others.

Personality. Friendly and supportive; well-liked and respected by
      students and faculty; always agreeable, willing, and eager to
      help others.

   Loyalty. Loyalty is unquestioned; fine home background
      contributes to high ideals; his good example has inspired
      loyalty in others.

Loyalty. Loyalty is unwavering; a strong family background
      fosters high ideals; his positive example has motivated
      loyalty in others.

Coöperation. Has given much time to clubs, to tutoring students, and to giving clerical assistance in offices.

Cooperation. Has spent a lot of time on clubs, mentoring students, and providing administrative support in offices.

Integrity. Commended highly by teachers for uprightness.

Integrity. Praised by teachers for being honest and principled.

Leadership. An active leader in many school activities; has strong initiative and unusual resourcefulness.

Leadership. An engaged leader in various school activities; shows great initiative and exceptional resourcefulness.

Thoroughness. Class and extracurricular work characterized by unusual care and thoroughness; carried through many long-term assignments with a minimum of supervision.

Thoroughness. Class and extracurricular work marked by exceptional care and attention to detail; successfully completed numerous long-term assignments with minimal supervision.

Originality. Outstanding characteristic; while working in his grade adviser's office he devised a new and superior arrangement for finding the official classes of any one of 800 students in the grade.

Originality. An exceptional trait; while working in his grade adviser's office, he created a new and improved system for locating the official classes of any one of the 800 students in the grade.

Partial list of activities and honors. Program Committee, five terms; Office Service, seven terms; Little Symphony, two terms; Orchestra, five terms; Arista, four terms; Junior Arista, three terms; String Ensemble, two terms; "Dutchman" Staff; "XYZ" Mathematics Tutoring Club, three terms; prize, Geometry Contest; prize, Safety Essay contest; medal, Algebra contest.

Partial list of activities and honors. Program Committee, five terms; Office Service, seven terms; Little Symphony, two terms; Orchestra, five terms; Arista, four terms; Junior Arista, three terms; String Ensemble, two terms; "Dutchman" Staff; "XYZ" Math Tutoring Club, three terms; award, Geometry Contest; award, Safety Essay contest; medal, Algebra contest.

Comments by teachers. "Very efficient and reliable." "Very good assistant." "Fine work on Arista Membership Committee." "Fine boy, earnest, and willing worker." "Brilliant mind." "Diligent worker."

Comments by teachers. "Very efficient and reliable." "Really good assistant." "Great work on the Arista Membership Committee." "Nice kid, serious, and a hard worker." "Brilliant mind." "Hardworking."

In June, 1938, upon graduation from high school, G was awarded a scholarship in Harvard University, which he entered in the ensuing academic year.

In June 1938, after graduating from high school, G was given a scholarship to Harvard University, which he attended in the following academic year.

G'S BROTHER'S RECORD

A brother younger than G and his only sibling was tested at the age of 5 years 6 months at the Educational Clinic, College of the City of New York. His IQ (S-B) was 151. Other scores were:

A brother younger than G and his only sibling was tested at the age of 5 years and 6 months at the Educational Clinic, College of the City of New York. His IQ (S-B) was 151. Other scores were:

   Goodenough Drawing 6.0 years
   Porteus Maze 5-6
   Pintner-Patterson Performance 6-6
   Stenquist Mechanical Assembly 6-0
   Gates Primary Reading Scale 1B Grade
   Stanford Achievement: Arithmetic 1B Grade

Goodenough Drawing 6.0 years
   Porteus Maze 5-6
   Pintner-Patterson Performance 6-6
   Stenquist Mechanical Assembly 6-0
   Gates Primary Reading Scale 1B Grade
   Stanford Achievement: Arithmetic 1B Grade

This child was also measured by Leta S. Hollingworth in February, 1933, when he was at age 6-10, and the Stanford-Binet IQ was 152. Other measures made at that time were:

This child was also measured by Leta S. Hollingworth in February 1933, when he was 6 years and 10 months old, and the Stanford-Binet IQ was 152. Other measures taken at that time were:

   Standing height 50.75 inches
   Sitting height 27.75 inches
   Weight 78.25 pounds
   Found "left-handed"

Standing height 50.75 inches
   Sitting height 27.75 inches
   Weight 78.25 pounds
   Found "left-handed"

A letter from the father dated June 24, 1938, reports that G's brother "graduated from public school this week (age 11 years 6 months). He was awarded one of two history medals given in a class of 134. In the Terman Group Test given to about 1000 applicants he scored 153, which is the fourth in the group. The first one in the group was 156."

A letter from the father dated June 24, 1938, reports that G's brother "graduated from public school this week (age 11 years 6 months). He was awarded one of two history medals given in a class of 134. In the Terman Group Test given to about 1000 applicants, he scored 153, placing fourth in the group. The top score in the group was 156."

[1] McElwee, Edna Willis. "Seymour, a Boy with 192 IQ." Journal of Juvenile Research, Vol. XVIII (January, 1934), pages 28-35.

[1] McElwee, Edna Willis. "Seymour, a Boy with 192 IQ." Journal of Juvenile Research, Vol. XVIII (January, 1934), pages 28-35.

[2] "The Reading of a Gifted Child." By his Father. Journal of Juvenile Research, Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (April 1934), pages 107-111.

[2] "The Reading of a Gifted Child." By his Father. Journal of Juvenile Research, Vol. XVIII, No. 2 (April 1934), pages 107-111.

[3] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[3] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

CHAPTER ELEVEN CHILD H

Child H, at the time this account is written, [1] is a girl of 17 years, but the data on record terminate with her tenth year. She was born March 25, 1924, in New York City. Her parents have kept a diary of her development, and an aunt with special educational interests has made various observations and records of her and has also familiarized herself with the parents' records.

Child H, at the time this account is written, [1] is a 17-year-old girl, but the available data ends with her tenth year. She was born on March 25, 1924, in New York City. Her parents have maintained a diary of her growth, and an aunt with a keen interest in education has made several observations and records about her and has also gone through the parents' notes.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Her grandparents on both sides were Austrian Hebrews. The maternal grandfather was a rabbi and did some writing. The maternal grandmother is said to have shown some unusual mental alertness, a surprising and almost untutored aptness in numerical calculation. At 65 years of age she learned to play bridge very well, and in her old age continued to show lively interests.

Her grandparents on both sides were Austrian Jews. The maternal grandfather was a rabbi and did some writing. The maternal grandmother is said to have had an exceptional mental sharpness and an impressive, almost natural talent for math. At 65, she learned to play bridge really well, and even in her later years, she maintained an active interest in various activities.

Parents. H's father is a newspaper reporter. He attended college for three years. He was 29 when H was born. Her mother is a high school graduate and before marriage was a stenographer. She was 28 when H was born.

Parents. H's father is a newspaper reporter. He went to college for three years. He was 29 when H was born. Her mother graduated from high school and was a stenographer before getting married. She was 28 when H was born.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

H is reported as a healthy child, of average stability. She is a first-born child. She began to walk at 14 months and to talk at 16 months, according to the parents. She cut her first tooth at 9.5 months. H did not learn to read until after she was 4 years old. At this age she was fond of play and her playmates were children ranging in age from 3 to 9 years. Her favorite recreations were sedentary—drawing, painting, mosaic blocks, and the like.

H is reported to be a healthy child with average stability. She is the first-born child. According to her parents, she started walking at 14 months and talking at 16 months. She got her first tooth at 9.5 months. H didn’t learn to read until after she turned 4. At that age, she enjoyed playing and her playmates were kids aged 3 to 9 years. Her favorite activities were mostly sedentary—drawing, painting, mosaic blocks, and similar things.

At 2 years of age she was given a box of wooden beads for stringing. "She very quickly learned the art of holding the string in the right hand and the bead in the left, and became very much absorbed in her work. Suddenly she looked up and said, 'Beads, onions.'" The record continues: "Alternatives seem a preferred mode of expression at present, so that she wants 'soup, not peas'; her hands are 'clean, not dirty.'"

At 2 years old, she was given a box of wooden beads to string. "She quickly figured out how to hold the string in her right hand and the bead in her left, becoming deeply focused on her task. Suddenly, she looked up and said, 'Beads, onions.'" The record goes on: "Right now, she seems to prefer expressing alternatives, saying she wants 'soup, not peas'; her hands are 'clean, not dirty.'"

At 2 years 10 months, upon seeing a picture of a little girl mailing a letter, she told herself the following story:

At 2 years and 10 months, after seeing a picture of a little girl mailing a letter, she created the following story for herself:

Once upon a time there was a little girl and she wanted to mail a letter. She went out and looked for a letter box and found one near the drug store. She mailed the letter and it came to Wawarsing and Sheve received it." (Sheve was an aunt living at Wawarsing.)

Once upon a time, there was a little girl who wanted to mail a letter. She went out to look for a mailbox and found one near the drugstore. She mailed the letter, and it arrived in Wawarsing, where Sheve received it. (Sheve was an aunt living in Wawarsing.)

Storytelling and writing plays and verses became a favorite pastime in later childhood.

Storytelling and writing plays and poems became a favorite hobby in later childhood.

At this time H had imaginary companions. "For several days Mr. Parkey (an invented character) was her very close friend. She played with him, conversed with him, loved him, killed him, and brought him to life again." She also invented new names for her dolls—Flossie became "Woozie" and Alice became "Katch."

At this point, H had imaginary friends. "For several days, Mr. Parkey (a made-up character) was her very close friend. She played with him, talked to him, loved him, killed him, and brought him back to life again." She also came up with new names for her dolls—Flossie became "Woozie" and Alice became "Katch."

At 2 years 11 months she asked the meaning of the words "excitement," "guarantee," and "neatness." She constantly asked about the meaning of words. She sang songs to herself, such as "Go into the next room, where there's no steam heat." At this age she asked how babies are made. "Where do they come from? How do they come out? Why? Will a baby grow in my belly when I'm a big lady?"

At 2 years and 11 months, she asked what the words "excitement," "guarantee," and "neatness" meant. She frequently asked about the meanings of words. She sang songs to herself, like "Go into the next room, where there's no steam heat." At this age, she wanted to know how babies are made. "Where do they come from? How do they come out? Why? Will a baby grow in my belly when I'm a grown-up?"

At 3 years she wanted to know if people "wear out" like brushes and combs. She purchased for an imaginary house "an extrola," "a gate-legged table," "a gate-legged bookcase," and "gate-legged chairs."

At 3 years old, she wanted to know if people "wear out" like brushes and combs. She bought for an imaginary house "an extrola," "a gate-legged table," "a gate-legged bookcase," and "gate-legged chairs."

At 3 years 0 months, waiting for her cereal to cool, a lump of butter put into it is slowly melting. H remarks, her eyes on the butter, "Now it's a baby—baby died—no more baby."

At 3 years old, while waiting for her cereal to cool, a lump of butter she added is slowly melting. H comments, her eyes on the butter, "Now it's a baby—baby died—no more baby."

And noting the snow, she said, "My muffler is as white as the snow." She looks again at snow and muffler. "No, it's a different white."

And noticing the snow, she said, "My scarf is as white as the snow." She looks again at the snow and the scarf. "No, it’s a different white."

There is on record a vocabulary compiled by the mother when H was 3 years old (May 23, 1927). It was based on a count of "all the words used by H regardless of whether she could tell exactly what they mean. Tenses of verbs are given but no plurals of nouns." The list includes about 1400 words, approximately classifiable as follows:

There is a record of a vocabulary list created by the mother when H was 3 years old (May 23, 1927). It was based on a count of "all the words used by H regardless of whether she could accurately convey their meanings. Verb tenses are included, but no plural forms of nouns." The list contains about 1400 words, which can be roughly categorized as follows:

   Nouns 745 Pronouns 17
   Verbs 401 Prepositions 15
   Adjectives 161 Conjunctions 5
   Adverbs 63 Interjections 9

Nouns 745 Pronouns 17
   Verbs 401 Prepositions 15
   Adjectives 161 Conjunctions 5
   Adverbs 63 Interjections 9

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

March 24, 1927. Age 3 years. Stanford-Binet examination given by Dr. Ella Woodyard, with the following results: Mental Age, 5-6; IQ, 183.

March 24, 1927. Age 3 years. Stanford-Binet test administered by Dr. Ella Woodyard, with the following results: Mental Age, 5-6; IQ, 183.

March 8, 1930. Age 5 years 11 months. Stanford-Binet examination given by Leta S. Hollingworth, with the following results: Mental Age, 8-9; IQ, 148. At this time H was in Grade 1A.

March 8, 1930. Age 5 years, 11 months. Stanford-Binet test conducted by Leta S. Hollingworth, with the following results: Mental Age, 8-9; IQ, 148. At this time, H was in Grade 1A.

April 21, 1933. Age 9 years 1 month. Stanford-Binet examination given by Alice M. Holmes, with the following results: Mental Age, 17-2; IQ, 189.

April 21, 1933. Age 9 years 1 month. Stanford-Binet test administered by Alice M. Holmes, yielding the following results: Mental Age, 17-2; IQ, 189.

At this age she was in Grades 5A and 6B, P.S. 206, Manhattan, and is described as "a quiet and unassuming person, but most responsive. She would like to be with children her own mental age, for then she would get a mental stimulus and a social life that seems to be denied her now."

At this age, she was in Grades 5A and 6B at P.S. 206 in Manhattan and is described as "a quiet and unassuming person, but very responsive. She prefers to be with kids her own mental age, as that would give her the mental stimulation and social life that she seems to be missing right now."

In this same month (April, 1933) the New Stanford Achievement Test: Advanced Battery: Form V, given by Alice M. Holmes, showed scores as follows:

In April 1933, the New Stanford Achievement Test: Advanced Battery: Form V, administered by Alice M. Holmes, displayed the following scores:

   Paragraph Meaning 109 Geography 105
   Word Meaning 103 Physiology and Hygiene 90
   Dictation 87 Arithmetic Reasoning 94
   Language Usage 91 Arithmetic Computation 110
   Literature 91 Average score 97.8
   History and Civics 98

Paragraph Meaning 109 Geography 105
   Word Meaning 103 Physiology and Hygiene 90
   Dictation 87 Arithmetic Reasoning 94
   Language Usage 91 Arithmetic Computation 110
   Literature 91 Average score 97.8
   History and Civics 98

September 11, 1934. Age 10 years 6 months. H was given Army Alpha, Form 8, by Leta S. Hollingworth. Her score was 135 points, which is median for college sophomores. H was then in Grade 7B. It is noted that "This result is just what would have been predicted from tests made by us when H was 3 years old."

September 11, 1934. Age 10 years 6 months. H was given Army Alpha, Form 8, by Leta S. Hollingworth. Her score was 135 points, which is the median for college sophomores. H was then in Grade 7B. It’s noted that "This result is exactly what we would have expected based on the tests we administered when H was 3 years old."

November 9-17, 1934. Age 10 years 7 months. During this week H was given a number of tests by Leta S. Hollingworth, with the following results:

November 9-17, 1934. Age 10 years 7 months. During this week H had several tests conducted by Leta S. Hollingworth, with the following results:

   Stanford-Binet: Mental Age: 18-6; IQ, over 174, "unmeasured
   by the test."

Stanford-Binet: Mental Age: 18-6; IQ, over 174, "unmeasured
   by the test."

   Intelligence Scale CAVD
      Levels I-M Score 394
      Levels M-Q Score 392

Intelligence Scale CAVD
      Levels I-M Score 394
      Levels M-Q Score 392

   Coöperative General Science Test for College Students: Score,
      17; Percentile, 11.

Cooperative General Science Test for College Students: Score,
      17; Percentile, 11.

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

March 8, 1930

March 8, 1930

H NORM

       Standing height 47 inches 45.2
       Sitting height 24 inches
       Weight 48.25 pounds 41.7

Standing height 47 inches 45.2
       Sitting height 24 inches
       Weight 48.25 pounds 41.7

April 21, 1933

April 21, 1933

H NORM

       Standing height 54.5 inches 51.1
       Weight 66.5 pounds 57.5

Standing height 54.5 inches 51.1
       Weight 66.5 pounds 57.5

INTELLECTUAL ABILITY

There is a collection of many records showing H's reactions and opinions from infancy up to the age of 9 or 10. These contain apt comments, sage remarks, and discriminating judgments. They reveal a lively intellectual curiosity and a socialized attitude.

There is a collection of many records showing H's reactions and opinions from infancy up to the age of 9 or 10. These contain insightful comments, wise remarks, and thoughtful judgments. They reveal a lively intellectual curiosity and a social attitude.

H's parents have preserved copies of poems and short plays that H has written. A collection of the "best ones," selections written between 5.5 and 8.5 years of age, covers seventeen typewritten pages. Among them are the following.

H's parents have saved copies of the poems and short plays H has written. A collection of the "best ones," selected from pieces written between ages 5.5 and 8.5, spans seventeen typewritten pages. Among them are the following.

   If I had Aladdin's lamp, you see,
   I'd give one wish to you and me.
   And then we'd wish for every toy,
   That every child should have some joy.
             Age 5 years 6 months

If I had Aladdin's lamp, you know,
   I'd make one wish for us both to show.
   And then we'd wish for every toy,
   So that every child could feel some joy.
             Age 5 years 6 months

   On the clover fields he roams,
      In the mountains,
      At the homes,
   Makes the trees and flowers grow,
   And manufactures pure, white snow.
                —God—
               Age 8 years 6 months

On the clover fields he wanders,
      In the mountains,
      At the houses,
   Makes the trees and flowers bloom,
   And creates pure, white snow.
                —God—
               Age 8 years 6 months

   There was an old soldier
      He was all dressed in brown
   This soldier had an honor—
      He was known all over town.

There was an old soldier
      He was all dressed in brown
   This soldier had respect—
      He was known all over town.

   This old soldier had a misfortune,
      That was known too.
   His beard it covered his medal,
      And people couldn't see through.
                Age 8 years 6 months

This old soldier had some bad luck,
      And everyone knew it too.
   His beard hid his medal,
      And people couldn't see it clearly.
                Age 8 years 6 months

There are in the collection brief stories, continued tales, short verses, longer poems, dialogues, and plays divided into scenes, with appropriate stage instructions.

There are short stories, ongoing narratives, short poems, longer poems, dialogues, and plays divided into scenes, with suitable stage directions.

From after the tenth year there is an undated poem, submitted to the examiner September 19, 1939, by the aunt of H. This poem, entitled "The Gospel of Intolerance," won a prize in a poetry contest. Of it the aunt writes:

From after the tenth year, there is an undated poem submitted to the examiner on September 19, 1939, by H.'s aunt. This poem, titled "The Gospel of Intolerance," won a prize in a poetry contest. The aunt writes about it:

It was fished out from the wastebasket by my sister. To the question why she had thrown away the "Gospel of Intolerance," H answered that she did not think it was worth keeping, that she had no particular idea in mind when writing it, and that she was just practicing on the typewriter and thought of the phrase "They said no," and then the rest just came by itself. Incidentally, H has never read the Bible.

It was pulled out of the trash can by my sister. When asked why she had thrown away the "Gospel of Intolerance," H replied that she didn’t think it was worth keeping, that she hadn’t really had any specific idea in mind when writing it, and that she was just practicing on the typewriter and thought of the phrase "They said no," and then the rest just flowed from there. By the way, H has never read the Bible.

"The Gospel of Intolerance" occupies a full single-spaced typewritten page. It begins as follows:

"The Gospel of Intolerance" fills an entire single-spaced typewritten page. It starts like this:

The Gospel of Intolerance

The Gospel of Intolerance

   They said no
   And who shall but hear the whisper of command shall without
      question don his uniform and go out upon the field of
      death in obedience
   And who shall lie asleep in the sun must be roused
   And who shall sit in lavender chairs eating of the earth shall
      drop his spoon
   And who shall lie with the woman shall turn from his passion
   And all this shall be done without words as the answer to the
      whisper of that which is calling and that which is in
      command
   And he who shall stuff his ears with cotton must needs be
      twice called

They said no
And whoever hears the soft command will without
question put on his uniform and head out to the
battlefield in obedience
And whoever lies in the sun must be awakened
And whoever sits in comfy chairs enjoying the earth will
drop his spoon
And whoever is with the woman will turn away from his desire
And all of this will happen without words as the response to the
call that is urging and commanding
And he who fills his ears with cotton must be called twice

[1] By H. L. H.

By H. L. H.

CHAPTER TWELVE CHILD I

This child, a girl, was born in Palo Alto, California, June 17, 1929. She is the daughter of one of the male children studied by Terman and reported in Genetic Studies [of] Genius. She was first observed when, in September, 1937, she entered a special class for "rapid learners" established by Leta S. Hollingworth at Speyer School, P.S. 500, Manhattan. [1] This experimental group was made up of fifty children chosen from the public schools of the city on the basis of intelligence, and their range in IQ was from 130 to 200. Of these fifty selected children, Child I was one of three whose IQ's exceeded 180.

This girl was born in Palo Alto, California, on June 17, 1929. She is the daughter of one of the boys studied by Terman and reported in Genetic Studies [of] Genius. She was first noticed when, in September 1937, she joined a special class for "fast learners" set up by Leta S. Hollingworth at Speyer School, P.S. 500, Manhattan. [1] This experimental group consisted of fifty children selected from the city's public schools based on their intelligence, with IQs ranging from 130 to 200. Among these fifty chosen children, Child I was one of three whose IQs were over 180.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Child I's paternal grandfather was still living in 1939, aged 69. He had a Normal School education (South Dakota) and was teacher, farmer, and small-town merchant. His education was superior to that usually achieved by farm boys. His special interests were church, travel, and repair work on his own properties. He is described by his son as stubborn, thrifty, and industrious, with uncompromising attitudes toward worldliness.

Child I's paternal grandfather was still alive in 1939, at the age of 69. He had a Normal School education (South Dakota) and worked as a teacher, farmer, and small-town merchant. His education was better than what most farm boys received. His main interests included church, travel, and doing repair work on his own properties. His son described him as stubborn, frugal, and hard-working, with strict views on worldly matters.

I's paternal grandmother died when I's father was 9 years old. She had been a teacher of music and kindergarten, and a housewife. She was educated in a Normal School and a Conservatory of Music. She was an active leader in her community, established her own kindergarten, and was socially and musically active in local ways. Her home was in South Dakota and her father was first Land Commissioner of Dakota Territory. He had led a group of homesteaders into that region about 1860. He was politically and educationally active—Commissioner of Immigration, Commissioner of Education, in the Territory.

My paternal grandmother passed away when my father was 9 years old. She had been a music and kindergarten teacher, as well as a homemaker. She was educated at a Normal School and a Conservatory of Music. She was an active leader in her community, founded her own kindergarten, and participated socially and musically in local affairs. Her home was in South Dakota, and her father was the first Land Commissioner of Dakota Territory. He led a group of homesteaders into that area around 1860. He was politically and educationally involved—serving as Commissioner of Immigration and Commissioner of Education in the Territory.

No mentally defective or otherwise generally incompetent relatives on the father's side are known. The great-grandmother of I, on her father's side, is said to have been a relative of Phillips Brooks.

No mentally deficient or otherwise generally unfit relatives on the father's side are known. My great-grandmother, on my father's side, is said to have been related to Phillips Brooks.

I's maternal grandfather was born in Texas of ancestry half French-Huguenot and the rest German-English. He was a high school graduate. He was in later life a merchant and real estate operator and active in community affairs.

I's maternal grandfather was born in Texas to a mix of French-Huguenot and German-English ancestry. He graduated from high school. Later in life, he became a merchant and real estate operator and was involved in community activities.

I's maternal grandmother was born in Oklahoma, her ancestry being French-Huguenot, Welsh, and Irish. In education she lacked a half year of completing the work for her B.A. in the University of New Mexico. After her marriage she devoted herself to her home and family. She was talented in dramatics and was active in local church, club, and lodge affairs.

My maternal grandmother was born in Oklahoma, with ancestry that includes French-Huguenot, Welsh, and Irish roots. She was just half a year short of finishing her B.A. at the University of New Mexico. After getting married, she dedicated herself to her home and family. She had a talent for drama and was involved in local church, club, and lodge activities.

Father. I's father was born March 21, 1909, in South Dakota. He is mainly of English descent. He has the degree of B.A. and also of M.A. from Stanford University, and he was a candidate for the degree of Ph.D. in Public Law in an Eastern university at the time of this inquiry. He was for eight years a college instructor, and later was connected with a government department at Washington, D. C. He has been active in his profession, has written in the field of government, and is a member of various academic societies. He was one of the 1000 children described by Terman in Genetic Studies [of] Genius. He has been self-supporting since the age of 19.

Father. His father was born on March 21, 1909, in South Dakota. He is mostly of English descent. He earned both a B.A. and an M.A. from Stanford University and was a candidate for a Ph.D. in Public Law at an Eastern university at the time of this inquiry. He taught college for eight years and later worked with a government department in Washington, D.C. He has been active in his profession, has written about government, and is a member of various academic societies. He was one of the 1,000 children described by Terman in Genetic Studies [of] Genius. He has been financially independent since the age of 19.

Mother. I's mother was graduated from high school in New Mexico and attended the University of Kansas for one year. She then transferred to the University of New Mexico, receiving her B.A. degree in 1930. Two years before (1928), when she was 20 years old, she married I's father, and continued her college course. After graduation she managed her home and also took some graduate courses. In high school she was class poet and in the Honor Society four years. In her college years she was active in sorority life and on publications. Her major interests were debating, dramatics, and student government. At the University of Kansas she was on the Dean's Honor Roll (1925-1926). At New Mexico she held various scholastic offices and was awarded several honors.

Mother. My mother graduated from high school in New Mexico and attended the University of Kansas for a year. She then transferred to the University of New Mexico, where she earned her B.A. degree in 1930. Two years earlier, in 1928, when she was 20 years old, she married my father and continued her studies. After graduation, she managed our home and also took some graduate courses. In high school, she was the class poet and a member of the Honor Society for four years. During her college years, she was active in sorority life and on publications. Her main interests included debating, acting, and student government. At the University of Kansas, she made the Dean's Honor Roll (1925-1926). At New Mexico, she held various academic positions and received several honors.

In more recent years I's mother has taken an active part in the League of Women Voters and in the Faculty Wives' Club in the college where her husband has been teaching.

In recent years, my mother has been actively involved in the League of Women Voters and the Faculty Wives' Club at the college where her husband teaches.

PRESCHOOL HISTORY

The following data have been supplied by Child I's parents, who kept a baby-book record of her development:

The following information has been provided by Child I's parents, who maintained a baby book to document her growth:

   Length of pregnancy, 8.5 months. Weight at birth, 8 pounds.
      Breast fed to 2.5 months, then bottle fed to 18 months.

Length of pregnancy: 8.5 months. Weight at birth: 8 pounds.
      Breastfed until 2.5 months, then bottle-fed until 18 months.

   First teeth appeared at 5 months and first permanent teeth at
      5 years. Walked alone (several steps) at 10.5 months.
      Talked in short sentences at from 18 months to 2 years.

First teeth appeared at 5 months and first permanent teeth at
      5 years. Walked independently (a few steps) at 10.5 months.
      Spoke in short sentences from 18 months to 2 years.

   Childhood illnesses—measles, whooping cough, mumps, chicken
      pox, colds.

Childhood illnesses—measles, whooping cough, mumps, chicken
      pox, colds.

EARLY EDUCATIONAL HISTORY

At the age of about 2 years Child I had been observed in the
Institute of Child Development (Teachers College, Columbia
University) and reported as being hyperactive and of high intelligence.

At around 2 years old, I was observed at the Institute of Child Development (Teachers College, Columbia University) and noted as being hyperactive and very intelligent.

At the age of 3 or 4 years she was used as a demonstration case before a class in psychology in the University and the Mental Age of 7 was assigned to her at that time.

At the age of 3 or 4, she was used as a demonstration case in a psychology class at the university, and her mental age was assigned as 7 at that time.

Shortly after, she attended a kindergarten in the neighborhood of her home where "they gave her extra work—French and dancing." She liked this school. At the age of 5 years she entered kindergarten at P.S. 193, Manhattan, for half-day sessions only, although she wished to go all day.

Shortly after, she went to a kindergarten near her home where "they gave her extra work—French and dancing." She enjoyed this school. At the age of 5, she started kindergarten at P.S. 193 in Manhattan, but only for half-day sessions, even though she wanted to go all day.

At the age of 6 years she was entered in the first grade at P.S. 186, Manhattan, and in the second term was "skipped" to Grade 2A. "She spent her spare time aimlessly drawing, and was allowed to bring library books to school. Some of the time she sat with folded hands when her work was finished, and she resented this."

At the age of 6, she started first grade at P.S. 186 in Manhattan, and in the second term, she was "skipped" to 2A. She spent her free time aimlessly doodling and was allowed to bring library books to school. Sometimes, when she finished her work, she sat with her hands folded, and she didn't like it.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

January 14, 1937, was the date of I's first examination, at the age of 7 years 7 months, and her Stanford-Binet IQ was 184.

January 14, 1937, was the date of my first examination, at the age of 7 years and 7 months, and my Stanford-Binet IQ was 184.

In September, 1937, at the age of 8 years 3 months, she was given Intelligence Examination CAVD, Levels H-M. Her score was 361 points. The comment recorded by the examiner (Leta S. Hollingworth) is: "Median seventh-grade child is close to this mark." Child I had at this time just come from a school in which she had been placed in the third grade.

In September 1937, at 8 years and 3 months old, she took the Intelligence Examination CAVD, Levels H-M. Her score was 361 points. The examiner, Leta S. Hollingworth, noted: "The median seventh-grade child is close to this mark." At that time, the child had just transitioned from a school where she was in the third grade.

Records are available of several achievement tests Child I took at different dates. Representative results are to be found in two Stanford Achievement tests given in December, 1937, and in June, 1938. In the first of these she averaged an age rating of 12-3 and a grade of 6.3; in the second, her age rating was 13-5 and her grade 7.6. In six months she had advanced a year and two months in Educational Age and had made a similar advance in grade status. The following table gives the detailed results of these two examinations.

Records are available of several achievement tests that Child I took on different dates. You can find representative results from two Stanford Achievement tests given in December 1937 and June 1938. In the first test, she had an age rating of 12-3 and a grade of 6.3; in the second, her age rating was 13-5 and her grade was 7.6. In six months, she advanced a year and two months in Educational Age and made a similar progress in grade level. The following table provides the detailed results of these two exams.

                            AGE AGE GRADE GRADE
      SUBJECT DECEMBER, JUNE DECEMBER, JUNE,
                            1937 1938 1937 1938

AGE AGE GRADE GRADE
      SUBJECT DECEMBER, JUNE DECEMBER, JUNE,
                            1937 1938 1937 1938

   Paragraph Meaning 13-7 15-8 7.8 9.7
   Word Meaning 12-11 15-4 7.2 9.3
   Dictation 9-11 11-7 4.1 5.7
   Language 14-4 15-4 8.4 9.3
   Literature 11-11 15-6 6.1 9.5
   History and Civics 13-1 13-7 7.4 7.8
   Geography 12-4 14-8 6.6 8.7
   Physiology and Hygiene 12-11 13-5 7.2 7.6
   Arithmetic Reasoning 11-8 11-3 5.8 5.4
   Arithmetic Computation 10-5 11-0 4.4 5.1

Paragraph Meaning 13-7 15-8 7.8 9.7
   Word Meaning 12-11 15-4 7.2 9.3
   Dictation 9-11 11-7 4.1 5.7
   Language 14-4 15-4 8.4 9.3
   Literature 11-11 15-6 6.1 9.5
   History and Civics 13-1 13-7 7.4 7.8
   Geography 12-4 14-8 6.6 8.7
   Physiology and Hygiene 12-11 13-5 7.2 7.6
   Arithmetic Reasoning 11-8 11-3 5.8 5.4
   Arithmetic Computation 10-5 11-0 4.4 5.1

Average score 12-2 13-5 6.5 7.8

Average score 12-2 13-5 6.5 7.8

Child I left this experimental school a year after admission, when her father was appointed to a position in another state, to which the family moved. In the new school she was placed in the fifth grade, on the ground that she might make better social adjustments there, although her achievements were clearly already better than those of average sixth-grade pupils. It is unfortunate that no follow-up of this child has been possible. Her record and the variety of her abilities were striking. She was one of the most outstanding and best-liked pupils in the group at Speyer School. In addition to her remarkable intelligence she possessed desirable supporting traits which led the teachers to predict that she might "go farther" than any other child in the selected group of fifty "rapid learners."

I left this experimental school a year after starting, when her father was assigned to a job in another state, and the family moved. At the new school, she was put in the fifth grade, so she could adjust socially better, even though her performance was clearly above that of average sixth graders. It’s unfortunate that no follow-up on this child has been possible. Her record and the range of her abilities were impressive. She was one of the most exceptional and well-liked students in the group at Speyer School. Along with her incredible intelligence, she had other great traits that made the teachers believe she might "go farther" than any other child in the selected group of fifty "rapid learners."

The fairly complete account of I's background and early development has been here provided in the hope that it may be made of use by investigators at some later time.

The detailed overview of I's background and early development has been provided here in the hope that it may be useful to researchers sometime in the future.

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS AND HEALTH

Measurements, as of January 16, 1939, age 9 years 6 months, were as follows:

Measurements, as of January 16, 1939, age 9 years 6 months, were as follows:

CHILD I NORM

   Height 58.5 inches 52
   Weight 96 pounds 61.5
   Chest circumference 29 inches
   Head circumference 21.1 inches
   Eye color brown
   Hair color dark brown

Height 58.5 inches 52
   Weight 96 pounds 61.5
   Chest circumference 29 inches
   Head circumference 21.1 inches
   Eye color brown
   Hair color dark brown

Tonsils and adenoids caused trouble in 1933 and were removed in 1934. No visual defects noted. Occasional headaches "usually from reading or remaining long periods indoors." Hearing excellent. Nutrition excellent. No symptoms of general weakness.

Tonsils and adenoids were causing problems in 1933 and were removed in 1934. No visual issues were noted. Occasional headaches were "usually from reading or staying indoors for long periods." Hearing was excellent. Nutrition was excellent. No signs of general weakness.

Parents report I to be "at least very excitable," and that she shows "impulsive actions and extreme eagerness."

Parents say I'm "at least very excitable," and that I show "impulsive actions and extreme eagerness."

No sleep difficulties; no muscular twitching; no special fears.
Sleeps nine hours, fairly soundly.

No trouble sleeping; no muscle twitching; no unusual fears.
Sleeps around nine hours, pretty soundly.

MISCELLANEOUS CHARACTERISTICS

Her superior ability was first noticed by people from the University, at 15 months, because of comprehension beyond that expected at such an age."

Her exceptional ability was first noticed by people from the University at 15 months, due to her understanding that was beyond what was expected at that age.

She is interested in music and wrote the school song at Speyer. She has been very much interested in nature study and science since her second or third year, and "in her relationship to the world and the cosmos." Has asked questions frequently concerning origins and creation.

She is passionate about music and wrote the school song at Speyer. She has been very interested in nature study and science since her second or third year, and "in her connection to the world and the universe." She has often asked questions about origins and creation.

She has shown no special interests in mechanics, drawing, or painting, but from her second year she has had active interests in recitation and in the dramatization of nursery rhymes, etc.

She hasn't shown any particular interest in mechanics, drawing, or painting, but since her second year, she's actively engaged in recitation and dramatizing nursery rhymes, among other things.

She has played with imaginary companions. She began making up rhymes at an early age. "She reasons logically and has a strong sense of justice."

She has played with imaginary friends. She started creating rhymes at a young age. "She thinks logically and has a strong sense of justice."

A neatly bound volume of typed pages, prepared by I as a Christmas present, 1937, for Leta S. Hollingworth, is entitled "First Poems." There are in the collection a dozen short verses or longer poems, each dated by I's age at the time of composition. The ages range from 4.5 to 8 years. A few samples follow.

A neatly bound book of typed pages, created by me as a Christmas gift in 1937 for Leta S. Hollingworth, is called "First Poems." The collection includes a dozen short verses or longer poems, each marked with my age when I wrote them. The ages range from 4.5 to 8 years. Here are a few examples.

STARS

   The stars are shining bright tonight
      I wonder why they shine so bright
   I guess to make it light at night.
              Age 5 years

The stars are shining bright tonight
      I wonder why they shine so bright
   I guess to light up the night.
              Age 5 years

THE CAVE MAN

   The cave man was a hunter,
      A hunter brave and bold.
   He wore the skins of those he killed
      To keep him from the cold.
   And many ages later, when he had passed away,
      Men found in caves the sharpened stones
   That he used every day.
              Age 7 years 5 months

The caveman was a hunter,
      A bold and courageous hunter.
   He wore the hides of the animals he killed
      To protect himself from the cold.
   And many years later, when he was long gone,
      People found in caves the sharp stones
   That he used every day.
              Age 7 years 5 months

                      FLOWERS
   Red and yellow tulips blooming on the lawn,
   Blooming in the woodland, trampled by the fawn,
   Little yellow dandelions hiding in the meadows,
   Given to the cow to eat every time she bellows.
   Pretty red roses upon a bush
   Like a little lady bursting with a blush.
   White and purple lilacs on a bush of olive green
   As a birthday present were given to the queen.
               Age 7 years 5 months

FLOWERS
Red and yellow tulips blooming on the lawn,
Blooming in the woods, trampled by the fawn,
Little yellow dandelions hiding in the fields,
Given to the cow to munch whenever she squeals.
Pretty red roses on a bush
Like a little girl blushing with a rush.
White and purple lilacs on a bush of olive green
Were given to the queen as a birthday scene.
Age 7 years 5 months

                     SEARCHING
   A wandering stranger am I
   I believe in nothing but the great powers of the gods,
   The whole world have I searched for their wisdom.
   But such wisdom found have I not.

SEARCHING
I'm just a wandering stranger
I believe in nothing but the immense powers of the gods,
I've searched the entire world for their wisdom.
But I haven't found any such wisdom.

   Though I have searched the world over
      Not a trace of such can be found.

Though I have searched the whole world
      Not a trace of it can be found.

   I have searched on the hilltops, in the valleys—
      I wonder if such things there are in this wide world of wonder.

I have looked on the hilltops and in the valleys—
      I wonder if such things exist in this vast world of wonder.

   The rocks have I broken
      To find this great wisdom
   But the wonderous marvels are not to be found.
                           Age 8 years

The rocks I've broken
      To discover this great wisdom
   But the wondrous marvels are nowhere to be found.
                           Age 8 years

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

CHAPTER THIRTEEN CHILD J

Early in 1937 the principal of P.S. 107, The Bronx, New York City, referred one of her pupils to the Bureau of Educational Guidance of Teachers College, Columbia University. [1] This child was J, a girl then about 7 years 6 months old, born May 18, 1929. She was at this time in Grade 5A, and the principal and teachers had concluded that she was so superior in mental level that the ordinary school program could offer her no challenge.

Early in 1937, the principal of P.S. 107 in The Bronx, New York City, referred one of her students to the Bureau of Educational Guidance at Teachers College, Columbia University. [1] The student was J, a girl who was about 7 years and 6 months old, born on May 18, 1929. At that time, she was in Grade 5A, and both the principal and teachers concluded that she was so advanced intellectually that the regular school program could provide her with no challenge.

Examinations by the psychologists of the Bureau showed clearly enough the correctness of this judgment. At the age of 7 years 10 months, March 22, 1937, her Mental Age by Stanford-Binet was 15-5. Since she met with success on the Superior Adult level, no actual upper limit of her ability was established. She was reported, therefore, as having an IQ of 197 or better, and was recommended for admission to the experimental class for quick learners in Speyer School, P.S. 500, Manhattan, which she entered.

Examinations by the psychologists at the Bureau clearly confirmed this assessment. At 7 years and 10 months old, on March 22, 1937, her Mental Age, based on the Stanford-Binet test, was 15 years and 5 months. Since she performed successfully at the Superior Adult level, no concrete upper limit of her capability was determined. As a result, she was reported to have an IQ of 197 or higher and was recommended for admission to the experimental class for fast learners at Speyer School, P.S. 500, Manhattan, which she attended.

In connection with these tests at the Bureau of Child Guidance a most instructive and detailed report was made by the psychologist (Edna Mann). Most of the items of the following description of J at this age are drawn from this report, which fills three single-spaced typewritten pages.

In relation to these tests at the Bureau of Child Guidance, a very informative and detailed report was created by the psychologist (Edna Mann). Most of the details in the following description of J at this age come from this report, which spans three pages of single-spaced typewritten text.

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Both parents graduated from college. The father is an instructor in English in a large Eastern university. In the interests of educational research he took, on April 20, 1939, IER Intelligence Scale CAVD, Levels M-Q. His score was 445 points, which the examiner, Leta S. Hollingworth, reports "is included in the top 1 per cent of college graduates and indicates an IQ of not less than 180 in childhood."

Both parents graduated from college. The father is an English instructor at a large university in the East. For educational research purposes, he took the IER Intelligence Scale CAVD, Levels M-Q, on April 20, 1939. He scored 445 points, which the examiner, Leta S. Hollingworth, reports “is included in the top 1 percent of college graduates and indicates an IQ of at least 180 in childhood.”

The mother of J is a graduate of a large Midwestern university and a former schoolteacher. She also took the CAVD test at the same time that her husband did, making a score of 436 points. This, the examiner reported, "is included in the top 5 per cent of college graduates and indicates an IQ of not less than 170 in childhood."

The mother of J is a graduate of a big Midwestern university and a former teacher. She also took the CAVD test at the same time as her husband, scoring 436 points. The examiner reported that this "is in the top 5 percent of college graduates and indicates an IQ of at least 170 in childhood."

J has one sister, four years younger than herself, born May 1, 1933. This sister was given a Stanford-Binet test under distracting conditions following a trolley-car accident. Of the outcome, the examiner (Dr. M. C. Pritchard) notes: "This was not a good test and perhaps should not even be included. . . . Several times she asked to leave the room to see how her mother was. She was obviously distracted throughout." Nevertheless, the Mental Age found was 9-2 at Chronological Age 7-0 (IQ 131). In "the routine test given to pupils in 1A grades of the public schools" this sister is reported to have had a score of 143 (presumably IQ, by some group test).

J has one sister who is four years younger than her, born on May 1, 1933. This sister took a Stanford-Binet test under distracting conditions following a trolley accident. The examiner, Dr. M. C. Pritchard, noted about the results: "This was not a good test and maybe shouldn’t even be included... Several times, she asked to leave the room to check on her mother. She was obviously distracted the whole time." Despite this, the mental age was assessed to be 9-2 while her chronological age was 7-0 (IQ 131). In "the routine test given to students in 1A grades of the public schools," this sister reportedly scored 143 (likely IQ, from some group test).

CHILDHOOD CHARACTERISTICS

At the age of 7 years 10 months J is described as poised, competent, self-controlled, and with social and intellectual maturity strikingly advanced. She had clear speech, excellent diction, fertile and pointedly expressed ideas. She was a rather thin child, with clear complexion and very bright blue eyes, and was neatly dressed. Teeth were described as "slightly protruding."

At 7 years and 10 months, J is described as calm, capable, self-assured, and possessing an impressive level of social and intellectual maturity. She spoke clearly with excellent diction and had imaginative, well-articulated ideas. She was a somewhat thin child with clear skin and very bright blue eyes, and she was dressed neatly. Her teeth were described as "slightly protruding."

In the test she was interested and coöperative. Her conversation revealed a rich cultural background. She disliked the necessity in school of repeated drills in things she already knew, and she did not need or wish repeated instructions for the tests, even when standard practice called for them.

In the test, she was engaged and cooperative. Her conversation showed a deep cultural background. She didn't like having to go over things she already understood in school, and she didn't need or want repeated instructions for the tests, even though standard practice suggested doing so.

She was well-read, and discussed with discrimination plays, books, and radio programs. At 3 years of age she had been reading books. At 5 she learned to write her name so that she could take out a library card. At 7 years 10 months she had read six Shakespearean plays. She read all kinds of books, and used dictionaries and encyclopedias independently. She was at that time composing, with a playmate, a "Jingles Book."

She was well-read and had thoughtful discussions about plays, books, and radio shows. By the age of 3, she was already reading books. At 5, she learned to write her name so she could get a library card. By 7 years and 10 months, she had read six of Shakespeare's plays. She explored all kinds of books and independently used dictionaries and encyclopedias. During that time, she was co-writing a "Jingles Book" with a friend.

At this age she liked to play with children two or three years older than herself. She played vigorously and for several hours a day at many outdoor sports; she did not need to do school homework.

At this age, she enjoyed playing with kids who were two or three years older than her. She played energetically and spent several hours a day on various outdoor sports; she didn’t have to worry about school homework.

Her manner was natural, free from conceit and from exhibitionism of her abilities. She had good habits of work and enjoyed the challenge of the mental tests. Her vocabulary, language responses, and abstract thinking were clearly on an adult level. She is credited by the examiner with remarkable degrees of mental control, concentration, constructive visual imagery, and manipulation of mathematical and verbal concepts, rote memory, and inductive reasoning.

Her demeanor was genuine, without any arrogance or showiness about her skills. She had strong work habits and found enjoyment in tackling mental challenges. Her vocabulary, language skills, and abstract thinking were clearly at an adult level. The examiner noted her impressive mental control, concentration, ability to create visual images, and skills in handling mathematical and verbal concepts, memorization, and inductive reasoning.

On a standardized test of reading ability she exhibited a Reading Age of 14 years 5 months at this time (7 years 10 months). Her writing was reported as excellent.

On a standardized reading test, she showed a Reading Age of 14 years and 5 months at that time (7 years and 10 months). Her writing was noted to be excellent.

Her earlier educational progress reflects her extraordinary ability. In her first six months at school she completed four terms of work. She was one term in Grade 3A, and then in one term passed through 3B, 4A, and 4B.

Her earlier educational progress shows her exceptional talent. In her first six months at school, she finished four terms of work. She spent one term in Grade 3A and then advanced through 3B, 4A, and 4B in just one term.

J's parents had from the beginning given intelligent attention to her adjustments in school and to her friendships. She had been wisely guided, motivated to make friends rather than to be in constant leadership, and she was well liked and accepted by her classmates.

J's parents had always paid close attention to how she was adjusting in school and with her friendships. They had guided her wisely, encouraging her to make friends instead of always trying to be in charge, and she was well-liked and accepted by her classmates.

At this early age the psychological examiner was able confidently to predict: "In view of her exceptional intelligence, her apparently good health, her apparently excellent social adjustment, she can be expected to attain distinction and to win leadership in higher educational and professional fields."

At this young age, the psychologist confidently predicted: "Given her exceptional intelligence, seemingly good health, and apparent social skills, she is likely to achieve distinction and gain leadership in higher education and professional fields."

LATER MENTAL TESTS

J was given a second Stanford-Binet test by Dr. M. C. Pritchard within three days of her tenth birthday, on May 15, 1939, using the 1937 Revision, Form L. A Mental Age of 20 years was achieved which, if her limit had been reached, would have meant an IQ of 200—very like the 197 plus attaned at the earlier Chronological Age.

J was given a second Stanford-Binet test by Dr. M. C. Pritchard within three days of her tenth birthday, on May 15, 1939, using the 1937 Revision, Form L. A Mental Age of 20 years was achieved which, if her limit had been reached, would have meant an IQ of 200—very similar to the 197 plus attained at the earlier Chronological Age.

On February 17, 1938, at the age of 9 years 9 months, J had also taken IER Intelligence Scale CAVD, Levels I to M, making a score of 384 points.

On February 17, 1938, at the age of 9 years and 9 months, J also completed the IER Intelligence Scale CAVD, Levels I to M, scoring 384 points.

Several records are available on the New Stanford Achievement Tests given, a different form each time, to the pupils in the experimental class at Speyer School at intervals of six months. Annual tests at the close of each school year, for a period of three years, may be used here to show J's ability and progress in these respects. Such scores are as follows:

Several records are available on the New Stanford Achievement Tests that were administered, in different forms each time, to the students in the experimental class at Speyer School every six months. Annual tests at the end of each school year, conducted over a period of three years, can be used here to demonstrate J's abilities and progress in these areas. The scores are as follows:

EDUCATIONAL AGE

      FUNCTION FORM W FORM Y FORM X FORM W
                          June 16, June 1, May 31, May 18,
                            1937 1938 1939 1940

FUNCTION FORM W FORM Y FORM X FORM W
                          June 16, June 1, May 31, May 18,
                            1937 1938 1939 1940

   Paragraph Meaning 17-0 18-5 Unmeasured Unmeasured
   Word Meaning 15-9 16-10 17-2 17-8
   Dictation 16-6 17-8 18-2 Unmeasured
   Language Usage 16-5 19-2 18-11 Unmeasured
   Literature 16-0 16-2 18-8 Unmeasured
   History and Civics 12-6 12-10 15-11 17-4
   Geography 11-11 16-2 17-4 18-5
   Physiology and Hygiene 12-6 14-6 16-10 18-5
   Arithmetic Reasoning 13-1 16-6 17-4 17-6
   Arithmetic Computation 11-10 14-6 17-6 17-6
   Average score 14-4 16-3 17-8 18-5

Paragraph Meaning 17-0 18-5 Unmeasured Unmeasured
   Word Meaning 15-9 16-10 17-2 17-8
   Dictation 16-6 17-8 18-2 Unmeasured
   Language Usage 16-5 19-2 18-11 Unmeasured
   Literature 16-0 16-2 18-8 Unmeasured
   History and Civics 12-6 12-10 15-11 17-4
   Geography 11-11 16-2 17-4 18-5
   Physiology and Hygiene 12-6 14-6 16-10 18-5
   Arithmetic Reasoning 13-1 16-6 17-4 17-6
   Arithmetic Computation 11-10 14-6 17-6 17-6
   Average score 14-4 16-3 17-8 18-5

Grade status 8.4 Unmeasured Unmeasured Unmeasured

Grade status 8.4 Not assessed Not assessed Not assessed

The first of these achievement tests was given shortly after J entered the experimental class, from the fifth grade in a public school, at the age of about 7 years 6 months. At that time her school achievement scores show her to have been between eighth- and ninth-grade status, with an Educational Age just about twice her Chronological Age. So far as Educational Age is concerned, although the experimental program was half concerned with enrichment activities rather than with the conventional fundamentals, J advanced one year and eleven months during the first school year there, one year and five months during the second year, and nine months during the last year. By this time progress was practically impossible because after the first year most of her scores were unmeasured in grade status, being above the standards for tenth grade.

The first achievement tests were given shortly after J joined the experimental class, coming from the fifth grade in a public school, at around 7 years and 6 months old. At that time, her school achievement scores indicated she was at an eighth- to ninth-grade level, with an Educational Age nearly twice her Chronological Age. In terms of Educational Age, even though the experimental program focused more on enrichment activities rather than traditional basics, J made progress of one year and eleven months during her first year there, one year and five months in the second year, and nine months in the last year. By this point, further progress was almost impossible because after the first year, most of her scores were unmeasured in grade status, exceeding the standards for tenth grade.

As a matter of mere achievement scores, J was ready for high school work at the age of being received from the fifth grade into the experimental classes at Speyer School.

As far as achievement scores go, J was ready for high school work when he moved up from fifth grade into the experimental classes at Speyer School.

There are in the files several poems written by J while she was in Speyer School, before May, 1939; that is, before her tenth birthday. The following may be given as a representative sample of these compositions.

There are several poems in the files written by J when she was at Speyer School, before May 1939; that is, before her tenth birthday. The following is a representative sample of these writings.

             A MARCH SNOWFALL
   It's March, yet snow is falling fast,
   And one may hear the wintry blast.
   A budding tree, a sign of spring,
   Will to me great gladness bring.
   When crocuses have put their heads,
   Above the softened garden beds,
   And when in all the fields around
   Lively little lambkins bound,
   And green creeps up across the lawn
   I'll be glad the snow has gone.

A MARCH SNOWFALL
It's March, and snow is falling fast,
And you can hear the winter blast.
A budding tree, a sign of spring,
Will bring me so much joy, I think.
When crocuses peek out from their beds,
Above the softened garden spreads,
And when all the fields around
Have lively little lambs that bound,
And green starts growing across the lawn,
I'll be happy when the snow is gone.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

CHAPTER FOURTEEN CHILD K

Child K is a boy, born December 19, 1922. He first came to the attention of this series of researches in 1929 when his grandmother sought advice concerning his education from Leta S. Hollingworth. [1]

Child K is a boy, born December 19, 1922. He first caught the attention of this research series in 1929 when his grandmother asked Leta S. Hollingworth for advice about his education. [1]

FAMILY BACKGROUND

K's paternal grandparents are English and Scotch-Irish. The grandfather is said to write poetry and the grandmother to compose music for the verses.

K's paternal grandparents are English and Scotch-Irish. The grandfather is said to write poetry, while the grandmother composes music for the verses.

K's maternal grandparents are of Jewish origin, both born in America. The grandfather was a teacher, the grandmother was "in business." This grandmother was the seventh of twelve children. The youngest of these is said to be "a brilliant woman of executive ability." The eldest, at the age of 79, "reads all the papers, compares notes, etc." One of the brothers in this group was a physician, another a lawyer. A cousin of K teaches in Massachusetts Institute of Technology and was called during the First World War for special work in mathematics. This man's sister is an arch[a]eologist married to an archaeologist. Three of K's grandmother's sisters are teachers; another is an artist.

K's maternal grandparents are of Jewish descent, both born in America. The grandfather was a teacher, and the grandmother was "in business." This grandmother was the seventh of twelve children. The youngest of them is said to be "a brilliant woman with executive skills." The eldest, at 79, "reads all the newspapers, compares notes, etc." One of the brothers in this group was a doctor, and another was a lawyer. A cousin of K teaches at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology and was called for special mathematics work during World War I. This man's sister is an archaeologist married to another archaeologist. Three of K's grandmother's sisters are teachers, and another is an artist.

No mentally deficient or totally incompetent persons are known among the ancestors.

No mentally disabled or completely incompetent individuals are known among the ancestors.

K has two siblings, brothers younger than himself. Both are reported to be "bright."

K has two younger brothers. Both are said to be "smart."

Father. K's father is an electrician, a graduate of high school and of Cooper Union. He was born in Antigua and was 32 or 34 years old when K was born. One of his sisters is a high school teacher in Brooklyn; another is a nurse; another, a stenographer.

Father. K's dad is an electrician and a graduate of high school and Cooper Union. He was born in Antigua and was 32 or 34 years old when K was born. One of his sisters is a high school teacher in Brooklyn, another is a nurse, and another is a stenographer.

Mother. K's mother is recorded as of American-Jewish origin. She was 30 or 31 years old when K was born. She is a graduate of high school and of Hunter College (A.B.), New York City, and holds a license to teach music in the New York City schools. At the date of records she was actively in service, teaching general subjects. She had taken three maternity leaves of absence.

Mother. K's mother is noted to be of American-Jewish descent. She was 30 or 31 years old when K was born. She graduated from high school and Hunter College (A.B.) in New York City and has a license to teach music in the New York City schools. At the time of the records, she was actively teaching general subjects. She had taken three maternity leaves.

EARLY DEVELOPMENT

K's parents rate him as a child with excellent health, sturdy but nervous. He may have had measles, but there were no other childhood illnesses except occasional colds. When tiny, he would wake up with "great imaginings." At a little older age he would cry "with high tension"; "he no longer does this."

K's parents see him as a kid in great health, strong but anxious. He might have had measles, but he didn't have any other childhood illnesses except for the occasional cold. When he was little, he would wake up with "big ideas." As he got a bit older, he would cry "with high tension"; "he doesn't do that anymore."

According to parents, K cut his first tooth at 6 months. He began to walk at about 20 months and to talk at about 2 years. He learned to read at about 3 years. "While still a baby in his carriage he could read 'ice' and he would read the billboards. Before 3 he would sit down with a book and read."

According to his parents, K got his first tooth at 6 months. He started walking around 20 months and began talking at around 2 years. He learned to read at about 3 years old. "Even when he was still a baby in his stroller, he could read 'ice' and would read the billboards. Before he turned 3, he would sit down with a book and read."

At 5 years of age K wanted to discriminate in meaning between "bluff," "joke," and "fake." He is "untiring in his attention to books. He will sit with an American history, an English history, and Godey's History of American Beginnings in Europe (which goes into Greece and Rome) and the dictionary around him, and will work at these for hours."

At 5 years old, K wanted to understand the differences in meaning between "bluff," "joke," and "fake." He is "relentless in his focus on books. He can sit with an American history book, an English history book, and Godey's History of American Beginnings in Europe (which covers Greece and Rome) along with a dictionary around him, and he will work on these for hours."

At the age here reported K had no playmates. His younger brothers played by themselves. K did not like to play. His favorite recreations were reading and transferring pictures, and consulting almanacs and dictionaries.

At the age mentioned here, K had no friends to play with. His younger brothers played on their own. K wasn’t interested in playing. His favorite pastimes were reading, copying pictures, and looking up information in almanacs and dictionaries.

He has a passion for accuracy. He has as yet made no collections, and has no pets. He has no imaginary companions and no imaginary lands.

He is passionate about accuracy. He hasn't made any collections so far and doesn't have any pets. He has no imaginary friends or fantasy worlds.

MENTAL MEASUREMENTS

On April 10, 1929, K was brought to Teachers College, Columbia University, for mental testing. The Stanford-Binet and other methods were employed. He was then 6 years 4 months old and had not yet entered school. On the Stanford-Binet his Mental Age at that date was 9-1, giving an IQ of 143. But the examiner added a note to the record to the effect that: "It is predicted that this child will test much higher later, when examined under standard conditions, alone with the examiner." The conditions under which this test was taken are not recorded, but it was probably a class demonstration.

On April 10, 1929, K was brought to Teachers College, Columbia University, for mental testing. They used the Stanford-Binet test and other methods. At the time, he was 6 years and 4 months old and hadn’t started school yet. On the Stanford-Binet test, his Mental Age was recorded as 9-1, which gave him an IQ of 143. However, the examiner added a note that said: “It is predicted that this child will score much higher later when tested under standard conditions, alone with the examiner.” The specifics of the testing conditions are not documented, but it was likely a class demonstration.

On March 26, 1931, at the age of 8 years 3 months, K was again given a Standard-Binet test by the same examiner. He was then in Grade 5A, although only two years before he had not yet entered school. This time his Mental Age was 14-8, giving him an IQ of close to 180. The earlier prediction of an increase in IQ at a later age was fulfilled, under standardized conditions.

On March 26, 1931, at 8 years and 3 months old, K was given a Standard-Binet test again by the same examiner. At that time, he was in Grade 5A, even though just two years earlier he hadn't started school yet. This time, his Mental Age was 14 years and 8 months, giving him an IQ close to 180. The earlier prediction of an increase in IQ at a later age was confirmed, under standardized conditions.

Although K was in Grade 5A at this time, it is noted that "Writing is only about third-grade ability." In this manual coördination K's score was nearer to his Chronological Age than was his mental level. He was also given Trabue Language Completion Scale A on this date, with a score of Grade 6.5, a full year ahead of his actual, though advanced, school placement.

Although K was in Grade 5A at this time, it's noted that "Writing is only at a third-grade level." In this manual coordination test, K's score was closer to his chronological age than to his mental level. He was also given the Trabue Language Completion Scale A on this date, scoring at a Grade 6.5 level, a full year ahead of his actual, albeit advanced, school placement.

Of such cases the examiner commented as follows:

Of these cases, the examiner noted the following:

The little boy scored a Mental Age of 14 years 8 months. Only one or two eight-year-olds in a hundred thousand reach such a score. These children are so far beyond the average that schools are not equipped to handle them adequately. Experts in education do not know what the best procedure is in regard to their placement in school, but we hope to find out as time goes on. . . . I asked you to bring the little boy again for purely professional reasons—to learn how he is developing, how he conducts himself, and what his interests are. We want to find out how to educate these children. . . . Tell him I am sure he is going to have a good future if he learns to get self-control. (I mention this last because you spoke of his having emotional upsets.)

The little boy scored a mental age of 14 years and 8 months. Only one or two eight-year-olds in a hundred thousand achieve such a score. These kids are so advanced compared to the average that schools aren’t set up to support them properly. Education experts aren’t sure what the best approach is for placing them in school, but we hope to figure that out over time... I asked you to bring the little boy back for purely professional reasons—to see how he’s developing, how he behaves, and what his interests are. We want to learn how to educate these kids... Tell him I’m confident he’s going to have a great future if he can learn to gain self-control. (I mention this last part because you talked about his emotional challenges.)

PHYSICAL MEASUREMENTS

At the age of 6 years 4 months, K's standing height was 48.2 inches and his weight was 50.5 pounds. (Norms 46.0 inches, and 44 pounds.)

At the age of 6 years and 4 months, K's height was 48.2 inches and his weight was 50.5 pounds. (Norms 46.0 inches and 44 pounds.)

At the age of 8 years 3 months, K's standing height was 53 inches; sitting height, 28.2 inches; weight, 62 pounds. In the two-year interval K had gained 5 inches in height and 12 pounds in weight. (Age norms 49.8 inches, and 54.6 pounds.)

At 8 years and 3 months old, K's height was 53 inches; sitting height was 28.2 inches; weight was 62 pounds. Over the two-year period, K grew 5 inches taller and gained 12 pounds. (Age norms: 49.8 inches and 54.6 pounds.)

LATER EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS

There is little record in the files of the subsequent career of this boy and no follow-up has been made possible. A letter from his mother, dated December 30, 1933, reports that K "is now just eleven (birthday this month) and will graduate from public school next month."

There is little record in the files of this boy's later life, and no follow-up has been possible. A letter from his mother, dated December 30, 1933, states that K "is now just eleven (birthday this month) and will graduate from public school next month."

This would mean completion of the eighth grade at the age of 11 years.

This would mean finishing the eighth grade at age 11.

There is also a letter from his mother dated December 10, 1937, at which time K was [nearly] 15 years old. In the following month he was to be graduated from Theodore Roosevelt High School, New York City. Plans were being made and advice sought concerning college. K had "gone through high school an honor student. . . . His high school record is outstanding. Regents marks, etc., exceptionally high."

There is also a letter from his mother dated December 10, 1937, at which time K was [nearly] 15 years old. The following month, he was set to graduate from Theodore Roosevelt High School, New York City. Plans were being made and advice sought regarding college. K had "gone through high school as an honor student. . . . His high school record is impressive. Regents scores, etc., exceptionally high."

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

CHAPTER FIFTEEN CHILD L

This exceptionally gifted boy, born May 5, 1927, was a member from the beginning of the experimental group for "rapid learners" established February, 1936, in Speyer School by Leta S. Hollingworth. [1] In achievement as measured by standard tests from time to time he led that group of highly selected children, his IQ being 200. At the request of his parents he had been recommended for admission to the project by the principal of the public school he was then attending in Brooklyn (P.S. 35).

This exceptionally talented boy, born on May 5, 1927, was part of the experimental group for "rapid learners" that was established in February 1936 at Speyer School by Leta S. Hollingworth. [1] In terms of achievement, as shown by standard tests taken over time, he consistently led that group of carefully chosen children, with an IQ of 200. At his parents' request, he had been recommended for admission to the project by the principal of the public school he was attending in Brooklyn (P.S. 35).

FAMILY BACKGROUND

Child L's ancestry is Austrian-Hebrew. Of his paternal relatives, an uncle and a cousin are rabbis, and at the time this record was made a cousin was professor of mathematics in the University of Krakow.

Child L's heritage is Austrian-Hebrew. Among his father's relatives, an uncle and a cousin are rabbis, and at the time this record was created, a cousin was a mathematics professor at the University of Krakow.

L's maternal grandfather was an Austrian merchant and also a learned man, who is said to have written several books. The maternal grandmother of L was active in local circles to which she belonged. At her death she left money for L's college education. A maternal uncle is an architect. L's mother's cousin is a physician.

L's maternal grandfather was an Austrian merchant and also an educated man, who is said to have written several books. L's maternal grandmother was involved in local communities she was a part of. When she passed away, she left money for L's college education. L's maternal uncle is an architect. L's mother's cousin is a doctor.

No mentally defective or totally incompetent persons among L's ancestors are known.

No mentally disabled or completely incompetent individuals among L's ancestors are known.

Father. Child L's father is a high school graduate. He was 33 years of age when L was born. His trade is that of jeweler, but being unable to find work in this line he has taken employment in a factory making airplane precision instruments.

Father. Child L's dad graduated from high school. He was 33 when L was born. He works as a jeweler, but since he couldn't find a job in that field, he now works in a factory making airplane precision instruments.

Mother. L's mother is a high school graduate. She was 29 years of age when L, her only child, was born. She was a dressmaker before her marriage.

Mother. L's mom graduated high school. She was 29 years old when L, her only child, was born. Before getting married, she worked as a dressmaker.

EARLY HISTORY

L is rated by his parents as having "good health" and as being "well-balanced." He cut his first tooth at 9 months, began to talk at 9 months, according to his parents, and to walk at 15 months. He learned to read at 4 years. His playmates are several years older than he (10-12 years). L likes to play. His favorite recreations are reading, chess, and checkers.

L is described by his parents as being in "good health" and "well-adjusted." He got his first tooth at 9 months old, started talking at 9 months, and began walking at 15 months, according to them. He learned to read at 4 years old. His playmates are several years older than him (10-12 years). L enjoys playing. His favorite activities include reading, chess, and checkers.

In January, 1935, at the age of 8 years 5 months, he was in Grade 5A1. His school ratings had been A for every term and he had accomplished four years' work in two years. The Otis Self-Administering Tests had been used in the school and L had been credited with an IQ of 153—much lower than that subsequently found to characterize him. It was at this time that he was recommended for the group of "rapid learners" at Speyer School.

In January 1935, at 8 years and 5 months old, he was in Grade 5A1. His school grades had been A every term, and he had completed four years' worth of work in just two years. The Otis Self-Administering Tests were used at the school, and L was given an IQ score of 153—much lower than what would later be determined to truly represent him. It was during this time that he was recommended for the group of "rapid learners" at Speyer School.

On September 28, 1936, at age 9 years 5 months, a Stanford-Binet test given L by Donald MacMurray, a graduate student, showed him to have a Mental Age of between 17-10 and 18-4, and an IQ of from 189 to 195.

On September 28, 1936, at 9 years and 5 months old, a Stanford-Binet test administered to L by Donald MacMurray, a graduate student, showed that he had a Mental Age between 17 years and 10 months and 18 years and 4 months, and an IQ ranging from 189 to 195.

On January 18, 1939, a Revised Stanford-Binet (1937 form) given L by another graduate student showed him to have a Mental Age of 19-6, his Chronological Age then being 10-8. The IQ thus determined was 183.

On January 18, 1939, a Revised Stanford-Binet (1937 form) administered by another graduate student revealed that he had a Mental Age of 19 years and 6 months, while his Chronological Age was 10 years and 8 months. The IQ calculated from this was 183.

More dependable is a similar measure made May 5, 1937, by an expert in the Guidance Laboratory at Teachers College (Rosalind Blum). At Chronological Age 10-0, with the Revised Stanford-Binet (1937 Form 1) L's score was Mental Age 19-11, IQ 199. Certain details in the report of this test are worth reproduction here.

More reliable is a similar assessment conducted on May 5, 1937, by an expert in the Guidance Laboratory at Teachers College (Rosalind Blum). At Chronological Age 10-0, using the Revised Stanford-Binet (1937 Form 1), L's score was Mental Age 19-11, IQ 199. Some details in the report of this test are worth sharing here.

      GUIDANCE LABORATORY REPORT OF L
   Date of birth: May 6, 1927 CA 10-0
   Date of test: May 5, 1937 MA 19-11
   Test: Revised Binet, Form L IQ 199

GUIDANCE LABORATORY REPORT OF L
Date of birth: May 6, 1927 CA 10-0
Date of test: May 5, 1937 MA 19-11
Test: Revised Binet, Form L IQ 199

   L earned a basal age at Superior Adult I Level. At Superior
   Adult II Level he successfully completed all the items except
   interpretation of one of the proverbs. At Superior Adult III
   Level one more test was passed—Orientation.

L earned a basic age at Superior Adult I Level. At Superior
Adult II Level, he successfully completed all the items except
for the interpretation of one of the proverbs. At Superior Adult III
Level, he passed one more test—Orientation.

L was friendly and coöperative throughout the test. Although he had never seen the examiner before, he made an excellent adjustment to the testing situation. Throughout the test he indicated a genuine desire to be as accurate as possible. All his responses were given in great detail and he always told much more than was necessary in order to earn credit.

L was friendly and cooperative throughout the test. Although he had never met the examiner before, he adjusted well to the testing situation. During the test, he showed a genuine desire to be as accurate as possible. All his responses were detailed, and he often provided much more information than needed to earn credit.

Psychometrically L ranks in the top tenth of one per cent of the population. His intellectual development is very superior. His level of comprehension, vocabulary, memory, and verbal ability are outstanding. He displayed excellent insight into his work and spontaneously criticized his own performance. When difficult items were presented, he frankly admitted that he could not respond accurately. He was persistent in his efforts and devoted excellent attention at all times. He has a good understanding of the limits of his ability. . . .

Psychometrically, L is in the top 0.1% of the population. His intellectual development is highly advanced. His comprehension, vocabulary, memory, and verbal skills are exceptional. He showed great insight into his work and actively critiqued his own performance. When faced with challenging tasks, he openly acknowledged that he couldn't respond accurately. He was persistent in his efforts and consistently paid great attention. He has a strong awareness of the limits of his abilities. . . .

It is impossible to recommend appropriate school placement for this boy, since such ability as he possesses appears in about one out of every million individuals. . . . His emotional, educational, and social adjustments will always be difficult because of his advanced intellectual development. . . .

It’s impossible to suggest the right school placement for this boy, since the abilities he has show up in about one in a million people... His emotional, educational, and social adjustments will always be challenging because of his advanced intellectual development...

L has acquired a wealth of information. We can be sure of one thing—no matter where this boy attends school, no matter what the teaching devices are, he will always learn new facts and instruct himself. Such intellectual curiosity as this boy possesses will always be satisfied because of his own drive to acquire both information and skills.

L has gained a lot of knowledge. One thing is for sure—no matter where this boy goes to school or what teaching tools are used, he will always learn new things and teach himself. This boy’s intellectual curiosity will always be fulfilled because of his own desire to acquire both information and skills.

A further picture of L's ability at an early age is given by his scores in two CAVD Intelligence Scale records, made under the supervision of Leta S. Hollingworth. The first of these was made by L in November-December, 1936, at the age of 9 years 6 months. His score (Levels M-Q) was 392 points, which is noted as "equivalent to a good score for tenth-grade pupils who plan and are encouraged to go to a first-rate college."

A further picture of L's ability at an early age is given by his scores in two CAVD Intelligence Scale records, made under the supervision of Leta S. Hollingworth. The first of these was made by L in November-December, 1936, at the age of 9 years and 6 months. His score (Levels M-Q) was 392 points, which is noted as "equivalent to a good score for tenth-grade students who plan and are encouraged to go to a top-notch college."

The second CAVD score (Levels M-Q) was made in the spring of 1939, at the age of 11 years 10 months. His score was 416 points—a score which is median for Teachers College M.A. candidates and also for Yale Law school freshmen. Such a score is at the 3d decile of scores made by Ph.D. candidates at Teachers College, Columbia University. It was made by L while he was still in the elementary grades.

The second CAVD score (Levels M-Q) was done in the spring of 1939, when he was 11 years and 10 months old. His score was 416 points, which is the median for Teachers College M.A. candidates and also for Yale Law school freshmen. This score falls within the 3rd decile of scores achieved by Ph.D. candidates at Teachers College, Columbia University. It was recorded by L while he was still in elementary school.

ACHIEVEMENT AT SPEYER SCHOOL

A few records of scores on the New Stanford Achievement Test will show the remarkable academic work of this boy from the age of 9 years 6 months to 12 years 6 months.

A few records of scores on the New Stanford Achievement Test will show the impressive academic performance of this boy from the age of 9 years and 6 months to 12 years and 6 months.

      SUBJECT December 4, December 6, December 12, December 4,
                               1936 1937 1938 1939
                            Age Grade Age Grade Age Grade Age Grade
   Paragraph Meaning 17-8 11.7 18-5 UM UM UM UM UM
   Word Meaning 15-8 9.7 17-11 UM 17-8 UM 18-8 UM
   Dictation 15-6 9.5 17-6 UM 17-8 UM 18-2 UM
   Language Usage 15-9 9.8 16-10 UM 18-8 UM 19-2 UM
   Literature 13-9 7.9 16-2 UM 16-6 UM 16-8 UM
   History and Civics 14-4 8.4 15-0 9.0 16-5 UM UM UM
   Geography 17-6 11.6 19-2 UM 17-8 UM UM UM
   Physiology and Hygiene 15-4 9.3 19-2 UM UM UM UM UM
   Arithmetic Reasoning 14-1 8.2 19-2 UM 17-8 UM UM UM
   Arithmetic Computation 14-10 8.9 17-4 UM 17-11 UM UM UM

SUBJECT December 4, December 6, December 12, December 4,
                               1936 1937 1938 1939
                            Age Grade Age Grade Age Grade Age Grade
   Paragraph Meaning 17-8 11.7 18-5 UM UM UM UM UM
   Word Meaning 15-8 9.7 17-11 UM 17-8 UM 18-8 UM
   Dictation 15-6 9.5 17-6 UM 17-8 UM 18-2 UM
   Language Usage 15-9 9.8 16-10 UM 18-8 UM 19-2 UM
   Literature 13-9 7.9 16-2 UM 16-6 UM 16-8 UM
   History and Civics 14-4 8.4 15-0 9.0 16-5 UM UM UM
   Geography 17-6 11.6 19-2 UM 17-8 UM UM UM
   Physiology and Hygiene 15-4 9.3 19-2 UM UM UM UM UM
   Arithmetic Reasoning 14-1 8.2 19-2 UM 17-8 UM UM UM
   Arithmetic Computation 14-10 8.9 17-4 UM 17-11 UM UM UM

Average 15-6 9.5 17-6 UM 18-2 UM UM UM

Average 15-6 9.5 17-6 UM 18-2 UM UM UM

At the time of the first of these achievement examinations, age 9 years 6 months, L's achievement already exceeded the status of high school freshmen. After this his work could not be measured (UM) by grade standards. Progress was still possible, however, in the subject in which his initial scores were relatively lower. All but one of these were brought up to an "unmeasurable" point during the second year. For such a child the time spent on drill in the fundamentals would be sheer waste—and yet he is too young to go to high school with children half again as old as he. In Speyer School he entered actively into the enrichment program and was intellectually easily the leader of the group.

At the time of the first achievement tests, at 9 years and 6 months old, L's performance was already beyond that of high school freshmen. After that, his work could not be measured (UM) by grade standards. However, he could still make progress in the subject where his initial scores were relatively lower. Almost all of these scores were raised to an "unmeasurable" level during the second year. For a child like him, spending time on basic drills would be a waste—yet he was too young to attend high school with kids who were significantly older. At Speyer School, he actively participated in the enrichment program and was intellectually the leader of the group.

The following chart shows, through scores in Modern School Achievement Tests as of February 13, 1936, L's comparative status with respect to normal expectations for his age and also with respect to the average status of the class of gifted children which he had just joined in the experimental school at Speyer.

The following chart shows, based on scores from the Modern School Achievement Tests as of February 13, 1936, L's comparative status in relation to the typical expectations for his age and also compared to the average status of the class of gifted children he had just joined at the experimental school at Speyer.

FIG. 13. COMPARATIVE EDUCATIONAL ACHIEVEMENT.

[[The Y axis is labeled "Grade," while the X axis shows subjects. Line 1 is L's scores, Line 2 is the Class Median, and Line 3 shows the Average Scores at "L's" Age. L's scores are always higher than the Class Median, which are always higher than the average scores. The scores for these 3 are as follows (respectively): Comprehension, 9+, 6.5, 3.2; Reading Speed, 6, 5.5, 3.2; Spelling, 6.8, 5.6, 3.2; Language Usage, 9+, 5.8, 3.2; Arithmetic Computation, 6.5, 4, 3.2; Arithmetic Reasoning, 7.5, 4.5, 3.2; Health Knowledge, 8, 5.2, 3.2; Elementary Science, 9+, 4.7, 3.2; History, Civics, 7, 3.7, 3.2; Geography, 8.6, 3.5, 3.2.]]

[[The Y-axis is labeled "Grade," while the X-axis lists subjects. Line 1 represents L's scores, Line 2 shows the Class Median, and Line 3 displays the Average Scores for "L's" Age. L's scores are consistently higher than the Class Median, which are always higher than the average scores. The scores for these three are as follows (respectively): Comprehension, 9+, 6.5, 3.2; Reading Speed, 6, 5.5, 3.2; Spelling, 6.8, 5.6, 3.2; Language Usage, 9+, 5.8, 3.2; Arithmetic Computation, 6.5, 4, 3.2; Arithmetic Reasoning, 7.5, 4.5, 3.2; Health Knowledge, 8, 5.2, 3.2; Elementary Science, 9+, 4.7, 3.2; History, Civics, 7, 3.7, 3.2; Geography, 8.6, 3.5, 3.2.]]

Young L's erudition was astonishing. His passion for scholarly accuracy and thoroughness set a high standard for accomplishment. He was relatively large, robust, and impressive, and was fondly dubbed "Professor." His attitudes and abilities were appreciated by both pupils and teachers. He was often allowed to lecture (for as long as an hour) on some special topic, such as the history of timepieces, ancient theories of engine construction, mathematics, and history. He constructed out of odds and ends (typewriter ribbon spools, for example) a homemade clock of the pendular type to illustrate some of the principles of chronometry, and this clock was set up before the class during the enrichment unit on "Time and Time Keeping," to demonstrate some of the principles of chronometry. His notebooks were marvels of masterly exposition.

Young L's knowledge was incredible. His dedication to accuracy and thoroughness set a high bar for achievement. He was quite big, strong, and impressive, earning him the affectionate nickname "Professor." Both students and teachers appreciated his attitudes and skills. He often got the chance to give lectures (for as long as an hour) on special topics like the history of clocks, ancient engine theories, mathematics, and history. He built a homemade pendulum clock out of random materials (like typewriter ribbon spools, for instance) to explain some principles of timekeeping, which he demonstrated in class during the enrichment unit on "Time and Time Keeping." His notebooks were amazing examples of clear and effective explanation.

Being discontented with what he considered the inadequate treatment of land travel in a class unit on "Transportation," he agreed that time was too limited to do justice to everything. But he insisted that "at least they should have covered ancient theory." As an extra and voluntary project "he brought in elaborate drawings and accounts of the ancient theories of engines, locomotives, etc."

Being unhappy with what he felt was the insufficient focus on land travel in a class unit on "Transportation," he acknowledged that time was too short to cover everything thoroughly. However, he insisted that "at least they should have discussed ancient theory." As an extra and optional project, "he submitted detailed drawings and descriptions of the ancient theories of engines, locomotives, etc."

Subsequent to a visit to the school by an assistant superintendent associated with its work, L addressed to this dignitary the following communication. He was at that time 10 years of age.

After a visit to the school by an assistant superintendent involved with its operations, L sent the following message to this official. He was 10 years old at the time.

November 30, 1939

November 30, 1939

Dr. ——— ———
Assistant Superintendent
500 Park Avenue
New York, N. Y.

Dr. ——— ———
Assistant Superintendent
500 Park Avenue
New York, NY.

Dear Dr. ———:

Dear Dr. ———:

Several of my classmates have informed me that you questioned them as to the relationship of Archimides to our unit on "Music, Art, and Literature." We are not confining ourselves to Music, Art, and Literature, but are also studying the background that helped to produce this culture. We feel that the only way that we can acquire a full view of this is to study contemporary contributors to the advance of civilization. I, being greatly interested in mathematics, volunteered to deliver a report on Archimides who was famous for his mathematical research.

Several of my classmates have told me that you asked them about Archimedes’ connection to our unit on “Music, Art, and Literature.” We’re not just focusing on Music, Art, and Literature; we're also exploring the background that shaped this culture. We believe the best way to gain a complete understanding is by studying modern contributors to the progress of civilization. Since I’m really interested in math, I volunteered to give a report on Archimedes, who is well-known for his mathematical research.

But this is not the only way Archimides is related to our unit on "Music, Art, and Literature." In the act of writing any great piece of music a knowledge of mathematics is essential. Also in any good work of art it enters into the form of perspective without which a drawing is apt to be void and lifeless. Therefore Archimides has been included in our unit.

But this isn't the only way Archimedes is connected to our unit on "Music, Art, and Literature." When creating any great piece of music, understanding mathematics is crucial. In addition, any good artwork relies on perspective, which is necessary for a drawing to feel alive and full of depth. That's why Archimedes has been included in our unit.

I hope that you will soon visit our classroom again for all the children enjoy the talks you often give them.

I hope you’ll visit our classroom again soon because the kids really enjoy the talks you give them.

Respectfully yours
(Signed)

Respectfully yours, (Signed)

HIGH SCHOOL RECORD TO DATE OF WRITING

L entered Bronx Science High School in February, 1940. This high school selects its students on the basis of a competitive examination. No classification on the basis of ability is made after entrance to the school.

L entered Bronx Science High School in February 1940. This high school selects its students based on a competitive exam. No classification based on ability is made after students are admitted to the school.

L's final grades for the first term, closing June, 1940, are:
English, 95; Social Studies, 99; Mathematics, 100; Science, 99;
Average, 98.25.

L's final grades for the first term, ending June 1940, are:
English, 95; Social Studies, 99; Math, 100; Science, 99;
Average, 98.25.

The judgment of his supervisors and teachers is shown by the following quotations from comments about him, as of June, 1940. [2]

The opinions of his supervisors and teachers are reflected in the following quotes from their comments about him, as of June 1940. [2]

He is an excellent student. My only criticism of the boy is that he is too mature. He should be more of a nuisance. As I see it, our problem of adjustment here for L is to make him more of a real boy. Dr. M, Administrative Assistant.

He is a great student. My only issue with him is that he’s too mature. He should act more like a kid. To me, our challenge with L here is to help him be more of a real boy. Dr. M, Administrative Assistant.

   He is a wonderful boy, and that covers everything. Mr. C.,
   Social Studies
.

He is a great kid, and that says it all. Mr. C.,
Social Studies
.

L is the best boy I have had in all of my teaching experience, and I have taught in the New York City schools since 1913. He is the only boy I ever gave 100 as a final mark.

L is the best student I've ever had in all my teaching experience, and I've been teaching in New York City schools since 1913. He's the only student I've ever given a perfect 100 as a final grade.

He knows rules of trigonometry that he never has had in school. Mr. W, Mathematics.

He knows trigonometry rules that he never learned in school. Mr. W, Mathematics.

I first became acquainted with L when he walked into my office last term and introduced himself. He said he was trying to make up his mind between Science High School and Townsend Harris. He had decided the most sensible way was for him to visit both schools and then make his decision.

I first met L when he walked into my office last term and introduced himself. He mentioned he was trying to choose between Science High School and Townsend Harris. He thought the best approach was to visit both schools and then make his decision.

He is a most unusual youngster. We found he surpassed any child in the class. I am going to discuss with his next term's teacher what modifications can be made of the required work. It won't be a matter of skipping anything. L needs to cover all the subject matter taught. He can profit from experience in manipulative situations in the laboratory. We may be able to arrange additional laboratory periods which will give him an opportunity to work out his own problems. His classmates look upon L as something of a genius. Mr. Z., Head of Science Department.

He is a very unusual kid. We found that he surpasses any other child in the class. I’m going to talk to his teacher for next term about what adjustments can be made to the required work. It won’t mean skipping anything. L needs to cover all the material being taught. He can benefit from hands-on experience in the lab. We might be able to set up extra lab sessions that will give him the chance to solve his own problems. His classmates view L as a bit of a genius. Mr. Z., Head of Science Department.

L feels that the school he chose is a good one and is well suited to his purposes, because the teachers are very good, the school teaches the subjects he wants to learn, and he is not hampered by the excessive size of the school. By way of improvement he suggests "More mathematics equipment and class formed according to students' ratings, smartest ten, say, in first class, etc."

L thinks that the school he picked is a great fit for him because the teachers are excellent, it offers the subjects he wants to study, and the school's size isn't overwhelming. To improve things, he suggests "More math equipment and classes organized by student performance, like the top ten in the first class, etc."

In addition to his work in this school, and to his earlier school work, L has gone to Hebrew school about nine hours a week for four years, and has just been graduated therefrom with first honors. He reports many hobbies and outside interests—such as making model airplanes, doing science experiments at home, reading, using the microscope, collecting early American Money and stamps. He does not do much outdoor playing—"Not because I do not want to play outdoors but because I lack the time and the companions. My favorite sport is swimming because it is both enjoyable and good exercise. . . . I very seldom take part in any organized athletic games except baseball for two reasons: first, I don't like to be disciplined and, second, I do not like games where a person's brawn is more important than a person's wit."

Along with his schoolwork and previous education, L has attended Hebrew school for about nine hours a week for four years and has just graduated with top honors. He shares that he has many hobbies and interests outside of school—like building model airplanes, doing science experiments at home, reading, using a microscope, and collecting early American coins and stamps. He doesn't spend much time playing outside—“Not because I don’t want to play outside, but because I don’t have the time or the company. My favorite sport is swimming because it's both fun and great exercise... I rarely participate in organized sports except for baseball, for two reasons: first, I don't like being disciplined, and second, I dislike games where physical strength matters more than intelligence.”

L and a friend have started a supply service in the high school, buying at wholesale and selling to students at retail prices. For this privilege, 20 per cent of the profits they turn into the General Organization carfare fund for needy students.

L and a friend have launched a supply service at the high school, purchasing items in bulk and selling them to students at retail prices. For this opportunity, 20 percent of the profits go to the General Organization's transportation fund for students in need.

L's chief criterion in choosing his outside activities is their educational value. "By making model airplanes I can find out more about scientific principles of flying. . . . Any experiments in science I make may help me to advance my scientific knowledge. . . . I am doing some experimenting in soilless gardening as a scientific hobby. . . . I believe that stamps should have real interest behind them and not money value alone. . . . I do not play any musical instruments although I was drafted into the high school glee club by the music teacher. I would rather work on amateur radio if I had the money. I like music but I can't make it." L wants to take stenography and typing in night school. "It will come in handy in high school and when I get to college I may be able to get a job with some professor."

L's main factor in choosing activities outside of school is their educational value. "Building model airplanes helps me learn more about the science of flight... Any science experiments I do might help me expand my knowledge... I'm experimenting with soilless gardening as a scientific hobby... I think stamps should have real interest behind them, not just monetary value... I don't play any musical instruments, even though the music teacher recruited me for the high school glee club. I’d prefer to work on amateur radio if I had the money. I enjoy music, but I can't create it." L wants to take stenography and typing classes at night school. "It will be useful in high school, and when I get to college, I might be able to get a job with a professor."

LATER TESTS AND INVENTORIES

In connection with the inquiry into L's adjustments upon entering high school, Dr. Pritchard has also given him several further tests and inventories, the results of which are as follows.

In relation to the investigation into L's changes after starting high school, Dr. Pritchard has also administered several additional tests and assessments, and the results are as follows.

On CAVD (Levels (M-Q) his score is now 427 points, which is in the 7th decile of the Ph.D. Matriculants at Teachers College.

On CAVD (Levels (M-Q), his score is now 427 points, which places him in the 7th decile of the Ph.D. Matriculants at Teachers College.

On the Strong Vocational Interest Blank L's A (high) interests coincided with those of physicians, mathematics, chemists, psychologists, and teachers of mathematics and physical science. His C (low) interests were on "most occupations dealing with large groups of people: personnel manager, social science high school teacher, purchasing agent, accountant, sales manager, real estate salesman, life insurance salesman, office worker, Y.M.C.A. secretary." His first choice for an occupation is mathematics teacher on the college level. He dislikes any occupation where there is "little opportunity to discover new facts."

On the Strong Vocational Interest Blank, L's high interests matched those of doctors, mathematicians, chemists, psychologists, and math and physical science teachers. His low interests were in most jobs that involve large groups of people, like personnel manager, high school social science teacher, purchasing agent, accountant, sales manager, real estate agent, life insurance agent, office worker, and Y.M.C.A. secretary. His top choice for a career is being a college math teacher. He doesn't like jobs that offer little chance to discover new information.

On the Bernreuter "Personality Inventory" the following characteristics were indicated: Emotional adjustment better than average, tends to be alone, rarely asks for sympathy or encouragement, tends to ignore advice of others, seldom worries, rarely substitutes daydreaming for action, tends to dominate in face-to-face situations, to be wholesomely self-confident, well adjusted to environment, solitary, independent, and non-social. The following records were made on the Sones-Harry High School Achievement Test:

On the Bernreuter "Personality Inventory," the following traits were noted: emotional adjustment is above average, tends to be solitary, rarely seeks sympathy or encouragement, often disregards others' advice, seldom worries, rarely daydreams instead of taking action, tends to take charge in face-to-face situations, is genuinely self-confident, well-adjusted to their environment, solitary, independent, and non-social. The following results were recorded on the Sones-Harry High School Achievement Test:

   Language and Literature, 83
      The 99th-percentile score for students completing the
      first-term high school English is 75. A score of 83 falls
      at the 88th percentile on norms based on 943 graduates from
      a large cosmopolitan city high school.

Language and Literature, 83
      The 99th-percentile score for students finishing the
      first-term high school English is 75. A score of 83 is
      at the 88th percentile on norms based on 943 graduates from
      a large urban high school.

   Mathematics, 64
      The score at the 99th percentile for first-term mathematics
      students is given as 36. A score of 64 exceeds the scores of
      98 per cent of the 943 high school graduates cited above,
      and 99 per cent of 1156 college entrants.

Mathematics, 64
      The score at the 99th percentile for first-term mathematics
      students is recorded as 36. A score of 64 is higher than the scores of
      98 percent of the 943 high school graduates mentioned above,
      and 99 percent of 1156 college entrants.

   Natural Science, 61
      The 99th-percentile score for students who have had one term
      of high school science is 42. A score of 61 exceeds the
      scores of 96 per cent of the high school graduates.

Natural Science, 61
      The 99th-percentile score for students who have taken one term
      of high school science is 42. A score of 61 is higher than the
      scores of 96 percent of high school graduates.

   Social Studies, 64
      The 99th-percentile score for students completing one term's
      work in social science is 65. A score of 64 exceeds 90 per
      cent of the scores of the high school graduates.

Social Studies, 64
      The 99th-percentile score for students completing one term's
      work in social science is 65. A score of 64 surpasses 90 percent of
      the scores of high school graduates.

   Total Score, 272 points
      A total score of 272 points exceeds the score of 95 per cent
      of the group of high school graduates from a cosmopolitan
      city high school.

Total Score, 272 points
A total score of 272 points is higher than 95 percent
of the group of high school graduates from a diverse
city high school.

On his own initiative, L is investigating the possibilities of scholarships with college work in mind. He says: "I spend between two or three hours a night on homework. I don't need to do this, but I am aiming for a scholarship and taking it very seriously."

On his own accord, L is looking into scholarship options with college in mind. He says, "I spend two to three hours a night on homework. I don’t have to do this, but I’m aiming for a scholarship and taking it very seriously."

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[2] This section is an abbreviation of an account courteously provided by Dr. Miriam C. Pritchard, who made a follow-up study of L's first-term adjustments in high school.

[2] This section is a summary of an account kindly provided by Dr. Miriam C. Pritchard, who conducted a follow-up study on L's first-term adjustments in high school.

CHAPTER SIXTEEN SUMMARIES OF HEREDITY AND EARLY BEHAVIOR

It is of course obvious that no very general conclusions can be drawn from data relating to a dozen instances of exceptional mental endowment such as those reported in this monograph. Such data may, however, be added to information in process of accumulation from similar studies, the whole providing a respectable basis for judgment. The facts concerning the group of individuals presented in this book are, therefore, summarized in the form of the following brief review. [1]

It’s clear that we can’t draw broad conclusions from just a dozen cases of exceptional mental ability like those described in this monograph. However, this data can be combined with information being collected from similar studies, which together can provide a solid foundation for judgment. The details about the group of individuals presented in this book are summarized in the following brief review. [1]

FAMILY HISTORY AND BACKGROUND

The racial and national ancestry of the twelve children whose records have been presented in preceding pages may be chiefly a condition arising from the population in which they were found. Comparison with results from other population areas may serve to check certain implications suggested herein. All these cases were found and studied in New York City and about half of them in the public schools.

The racial and national backgrounds of the twelve children whose records were shared earlier mainly reflect the community they came from. Comparing these results with those from other areas might help clarify some points mentioned here. All these cases were discovered and examined in New York City, with about half of them coming from public schools.

Among the ancestors whose origins are mentioned, in the endeavor to go behind the simple statement of "American parents," the nationalities are given as Jewish, 13; British, 9; German, 2; French, 2. In most cases the ancestors are individually compound— as Austrian-Jew, German-American, etc.

Among the ancestors listed, in an effort to go beyond the basic description of "American parents," the nationalities include Jewish, 13; British, 9; German, 2; French, 2. In many instances, the ancestors are described with multiple identities—like Austrian-Jew, German-American, and so on.

The activities of the more remote ancestors cover a wide range, from farming and small-town storekeeping to the learned professions, large business, and political activity. On the whole, the remote ancestors appear to have been fairly successful people, with the majority of them in the professions. No cases of mental deficiency or total incompetence are recorded among them.

The activities of our distant ancestors varied greatly, from farming and running small-town shops to working in skilled professions, large businesses, and engaging in politics. Generally, these distant ancestors seemed to be quite successful, with most of them being in professional fields. There are no documented cases of mental deficiency or complete incompetence among them.

A few of these children were from families in economic distress. These cases were largely instances in which the father was dead or incapacitated and the mother was struggling to carry on with slender resources. But on the whole, as in earlier cases cited from the literature of gifted children, the socio-economic status was moderate.

A few of these kids came from families facing financial challenges. In these cases, the dad was usually dead or unable to work, and the mom was doing her best to manage with limited resources. Overall, however, similar to earlier examples mentioned in the literature about gifted children, the socio-economic status was average.

The father's occupations are in 10 of the 12 cases in the professions. They may be classified as:

The father's jobs are in 10 out of the 12 cases in the professions. They can be categorized as:

   Engineer 1 Lawyer 1
   Army officer 1 College teacher 2
   Accountant 2 Electrician 1
   Journalist 2 Jeweler 1
   Insurance 1

Engineer 1 Lawyer 1
   Army officer 1 College teacher 2
   Accountant 2 Electrician 1
   Journalist 2 Jeweler 1
   Insurance 1

The occupations of the mothers, either before or after marriage, when stated, were:

The jobs of the mothers, whether before or after getting married, were:

   Advertising 1 Teacher 2
   Housewife 3 Secretary 2
   Statistician 1 Dressmaker 1
   Scientist (M.D.) 1

Advertising 1 Teacher 2
   Housewife 3 Secretary 2
   Statistician 1 Dressmaker 1
   Scientist (M.D.) 1

All but 2 of the fathers are known to be high school graduates; 5 went beyond this point in business or trade school; 4 are college graduates.

All but 2 of the fathers are known to have graduated high school; 5 went further and attended business or trade school; 4 are college graduates.

As for the mothers, all but 2 are high school graduates, and 5 hold college degrees.

As for the mothers, all but 2 have graduated from high school, and 5 have college degrees.

Ages of parent at time of birth of child, when given, are as follows:

Ages of parents at the time of their child's birth, when provided, are as follows:

                    Father Mother
   Below 25 2 1
   From 25-30 3 4
         30-35 2 2
         35-40[+] 3 1

Father Mother
   Under 25 2 1
   Ages 25-30 3 4
         30-35 2 2
         35-40[+] 3 1

Median age of fathers, 31; of mothers, 28.5.

Median age of fathers: 31; mothers: 28.5.

Of the 11 cases where the facts are known, 5 are only children; 4 have one sibling; 1 has 2 siblings and 1 has more than this. In 5 cases where the child in question is not an only child, he or she is the eldest sibling. That is, in 10 of the 12 cases the child is a first-born, so far as the records show.

Of the 11 cases where the facts are known, 5 are only children; 4 have one sibling; 1 has 2 siblings, and 1 has more than that. In 5 cases where the child isn't an only child, he or she is the oldest sibling. This means that in 10 of the 12 cases, the child is a first-born, based on the records available.

In a few cases the IQ of the sibling (or siblings) is known. Such IQ's are invariably above 130, in most cases much higher but in no case so high as the 180 that would have been required to admit them to the group here considered. Otherwise, of course, they would have been included in the study.

In a few cases, the IQ of the sibling (or siblings) is known. These IQs are always above 130, often much higher, but never so high as the 180 that would have been needed to qualify them for the group being discussed here. Otherwise, they would have been included in the study.

Of the 12 cases here described, 4 are girls. It has already been noted that among the 19 cases cited from the literature of gifted children there were 12 girls and 7 boys. The total of 31 cases which this study now makes available comprises 16 girls and 15 boys—as equitable a division of the honors as an odd number makes possible.

Of the 12 cases described here, 4 are girls. It's already been mentioned that among the 19 cases referenced from the literature on gifted children, there were 12 girls and 7 boys. The total of 31 cases that this study now presents includes 16 girls and 15 boys—an as fair a division of the honors as is possible with an odd number.

PHYSICAL AND BEHAVIORAL DEVELOPMENT

No single item indicative of early developmental pace in physique and movement is given for all the 12 cases. For most of them records are given on walking, talking, reading, first tooth, height, and weight. Grip is recorded in 5 cases, weight at birth in 3 only. These data are summarized in the following table. Since height, weight, and grip were taken at varying ages on the different children, all that is indicated in these columns is "above normal" (##) or "below normal" (—).

No single indicator of early development in physical growth and movement is provided for all 12 cases. For most of them, records include milestones like walking, talking, reading, getting the first tooth, height, and weight. Grip strength is recorded for 5 cases, and weight at birth is noted for only 3. This information is summarized in the following table. Since height, weight, and grip were measured at different ages for the various children, the columns only indicate "above normal" (##) or "below normal" (—).

AGE OF AGE OF AGE OF FIRST CHILD WALKING TALKING READING TOOTH HEIGHT WEIGHT GRIP (MONTHS) (MONTHS) (YEARS) (MONTHS)

     A 11 3 ## ## ##
     B 15 9 3 7 ## ## ##
     C 15 16 3 9 — —
     D 12 11 1.5 4 ## —
     E 13 24 8 ## Normal —
     F 14 12 4.5 10
     G ## ## —
     H 14 16 4 9.5 ## —
     I 10.5 21 3 5 ## ##
     J
     K 20 24 3 6 ## ##
     L 15 9 4 9 ## ##

A 11 3 ## ## ##
     B 15 9 3 7 ## ## ##
     C 15 16 3 9 — —
     D 12 11 1.5 4 ## —
     E 13 24 8 ## Normal —
     F 14 12 4.5 10
     G ## ## —
     H 14 16 4 9.5 ## —
     I 10.5 21 3 5 ## ##
     J
     K 20 24 3 6 ## ##
     L 15 9 4 9 ## ##

Median age of walking, for the cases recorded, is 14 months—a wholly normal age for children in general. Median age of talking is 14 months—considerably earlier than the norm usually recognized. The range, too, is wide—from 9 to 24 months. First teeth normally begin to appear in the sixth to seventh month, and the median here is close to that. Median age of reading here reported—3 years—is earlier even than that found in the 19 cases cited from previous literature (3.5 to 4 years). All but one of the 10 cases for which stature is reported exceed the norms in this respect. Six are heavier than the age norm, 1 just at it, and 3 are lighter in weight. The records of grip tests show nothing unusual. In 3 cases where weight at birth was recorded, this was from 7 to 10 pounds. Health is generally reported good.

The average age for walking among the recorded cases is 14 months—completely typical for children overall. The average age for talking is also 14 months—considerably earlier than what's usually acknowledged. The range is quite broad, from 9 to 24 months. First teeth generally start to come in around the sixth to seventh month, and the average age here is close to that. The reported average age for reading is 3 years, which is even earlier than that found in the 19 cases mentioned in previous studies (3.5 to 4 years). All but one of the 10 cases with height data surpass the norms in this area. Six are heavier than the age norm, one is right at it, and three are lighter in weight. The grip test results show nothing out of the ordinary. In three cases where birth weight was noted, it ranged from 7 to 10 pounds. Overall, health is reported as good.

Talking and reading are the two developmental indices that most clearly differentiate these records from the norms. These activities, both involving the use and understanding of symbols, are the earliest clear expressions of mental liveliness. After they have appeared, the gifted child's characteristics appear in those traits called understanding, judgment, learning, discrimination, and in the interest in and capacity for such linguistic and abstract activities as are provided by schoolwork. It is, therefore, in the earlier scholastic activities and in social relations that these children most notably declare their quality under our prevailing system of child management.

Talking and reading are the two developmental indicators that most clearly set these records apart from the norms. These activities, both involving the use and comprehension of symbols, represent the earliest clear signs of mental engagement. Once they emerge, the gifted child's traits become evident in qualities such as understanding, judgment, learning, discrimination, and in their interest in and ability for various linguistic and abstract activities offered by schoolwork. Therefore, it is in early academic activities and social interactions that these children most prominently showcase their capabilities within our current system of child management.

CHAPTER SEVENTEEN SCHOLASTIC ACHIEVEMENT AND CREATIVE ACTIVITY

The following brief summaries of the achievement and adjustment of these twelve children may serve to suggest a few general principles that are applicable to other cases as well. [1]

The following brief summaries of the achievements and adjustments of these twelve children may help suggest a few general principles that apply to other cases as well. [1]

SCHOLASTIC ACHIEVEMENT AND EDUCATIONAL ADJUSTMENT

Child A. This boy showed signs of precocity before his second year, reciting, classifying, and playing with words and letters; and before the age of 3 years showing interest in rhymes and stories. From first school entrance suitable placement was a recognized problem, and by the time A was 6 years old he was brought to a college clinic for educational guidance.

Child A. This boy showed signs of advanced development before he turned 2, reciting, categorizing, and playing with words and letters; and by the time he was 3 years old, he showed interest in rhymes and stories. From the moment he entered school, finding the right placement for him was a recognized issue, and by the time A was 6 years old, he was taken to a college clinic for educational guidance.

Throughout elementary school A was a trying problem, lacking interest in the routine program. He was behind his mental level in handwork and was not motivated to do his best work; he fitted poorly into social activities. Character traits were highly approved, except perhaps for independence and obstinacy. He resorted to imaginary lands, reading, and science and mathematics as forms of play.

Throughout elementary school, A was a challenge, showing little interest in the usual activities. He was not meeting his potential in hands-on tasks and lacked the motivation to put in his best effort; he struggled to fit in with social events. Certain personality traits were highly valued, except maybe for independence and stubbornness. He turned to imaginary worlds, reading, and subjects like science and math as his way of playing.

The case was not followed far enough to show his final educational achievement, although it is known that he went through high school and entered college.

The case wasn't tracked closely enough to reveal his ultimate educational achievement, but it is known that he completed high school and went on to college.

Child B. This girl was occupied with words by the time of her second year. Her ability was not early recognized by the schools she attended, although she passed seventh-grade standards while still in the fourth grade and her marks were always high. As she had marked social interests and aptitudes, this educational misplacement caused no serious trouble. When eventually "skipped," her size and poise kept her from being conspicuous, although the youngest in the class. She was apparently a natural leader, and in addition to the usual preoccupation with reading she had as an outlet the groups and clubs she organized.

Child B. By her second year, this girl was fully engaged with words. Her talent wasn't recognized early by the schools she attended, even though she met seventh-grade standards while still in the fourth grade, and her grades were always top-notch. Since she had strong social interests and skills, this educational mismatch didn't cause any serious issues. When she was eventually "skipped" a grade, her size and confidence prevented her from standing out, even though she was the youngest in the class. She seemed to be a natural leader, and besides her usual love for reading, she found an outlet in the groups and clubs she started.

Since she was followed only to high school, her final educational adjustment is not known.

Since she only went to high school, her final educational situation isn't known.

Child C. This boy learned to read "almost as soon as he talked," and read fluently before beginning school. He was at once recognized as "odd," but in spite of perfect work he was not advanced and his ability was unappreciated by his teachers. At 9 years 6 months, with a mental age of 18, he was still in the fifth grade. He was very unhappy until the principal sought educational advice on his case and he was admitted to a segregated experimental class for rapid learners, where he quickly became adjusted and was an enthusiastic scholar.

Child C. This boy learned to read "almost as soon as he talked," and he was reading fluently before he started school. People immediately noticed he was "different," but despite his excellent performance, he wasn't promoted, and his skills went unrecognized by his teachers. At 9 years and 6 months, with a mental age of 18, he was still in the fifth grade. He was very unhappy until the principal sought educational advice about him, and he was placed in a separate experimental class for fast learners, where he quickly adapted and became an enthusiastic student.

Personal traits made social adjustment faulty, but he persisted in his educational career against heavy economic handicaps, finished high school and college with honors, and completed the medical training that admitted him to the profession that had been his ambition since childhood.

Personal traits made social adjustment difficult, but he kept pushing forward in his education despite significant financial challenges. He graduated from high school and college with honors and finished medical training, fulfilling the ambition he had since he was a child.

Child D. This boy was reading before he was 2 years of age, and was also interested in numbers and relationships. He made social contacts even before entering school by publishing a playground newspaper. As an exception to the prevailing rule, this boy's ability was early appreciated by his parents and it was recognized by his teachers as early as kindergarten.

Child D. This boy was reading before he turned 2 and showed a strong interest in numbers and relationships. He made social connections even before starting school by creating a playground newspaper. Unlike most kids, this boy's talents were recognized early by his parents and acknowledged by his teachers as soon as kindergarten.

His educationally interested parents supervised his instruction and sought expert advice. Various side talents in which he was versatile were also cultivated. Mathematical and scientific interests appeared early and were encouraged. Progress through school was facilitated and he entered college at 12 years 6 months of age, graduating with honors at just over 16.

His education-focused parents oversaw his learning and sought expert guidance. They also nurtured his various side talents. He showed an early interest in math and science, which they supported. His school progress was smooth, allowing him to start college at 12 years and 6 months old, graduating with honors just over 16.

In the following twelve years he became a proficient and well-trained industrial chemist, holding an important position in this field at the time of his death at the age of 28.

In the next twelve years, he became a skilled and well-trained industrial chemist, holding a significant position in the field when he passed away at the age of 28.

Child E. This child's ability also was recognized by teachers and parents at an early age, and this appreciation led to diligent supervision of his subsequent education. When he began to talk he was equally conversant with four languages. He was always accelerated in school and his superior size made this procedure feasible, at least in childhood. His whole bent was toward scholarly pursuits, and much of his study was privately conducted.

Child E. This child's talent was noticed by teachers and parents early on, and this recognition resulted in careful guidance of his education. When he started speaking, he was fluent in four languages. He was consistently advanced in school, and his larger size made this possible, at least during his childhood. He was very focused on academic pursuits, and much of his studying was done independently.

E entered college at 12 years and his precocity was widely exploited on the campus and in the press. His devotion to his work and his good sense and humor preserved him from social difficulties. He even impersonated himself in a class play.

E started college at the age of 12, and his exceptional talent was often highlighted on campus and in the media. His commitment to his studies, along with his common sense and sense of humor, helped him navigate social challenges. He even played a version of himself in a class play.

His subsequent intellectual progress was phenomenal and he speedily became a scholarly contributor and an influential and active leader in the field of his boyhood choice.

His subsequent intellectual growth was remarkable, and he quickly became a scholarly contributor and a significant, active leader in the field he chose as a boy.

Child F. This boy was an educational problem even in his first years in an ungraded school. Afterward teachers refused to place him in grades high enough to keep him occupied. A benign form of truancy that led him to the public library and to chess tournaments was his way out of his predicament. But in the process he developed an aversion to educational processes and to authorities of all kinds.

Child F. This boy was a challenge in school even during his early years in a mixed-age classroom. Later on, teachers wouldn’t put him in grades that would keep him engaged. A harmless form of skipping school led him to the public library and chess tournaments, providing an escape from his situation. However, this experience made him develop a dislike for educational systems and authority figures of all kinds.

He was appreciated neither by his parents nor by his teachers until he was discovered in a survey that sought for just such minds for an experimental project in the education of the gifted. Traits other than intellectual made his subsequent educational history take the form of spurts, with intervening debacles. He died before the outcome of this group of circumstances could materialize.

He was neither appreciated by his parents nor by his teachers until he was found in a survey looking for exactly those kinds of minds for an experimental project on gifted education. Qualities beyond just intellect caused his later educational journey to be marked by bursts of progress, often followed by setbacks. He died before the results of these circumstances could come to light.

Child G. This is a third case of early recognition by teachers and of guidance by parents, which led in childhood to an educational clinic for advice. Early interests in reading were fostered and directed, and more extrovert and social activities were devised by his parents.

Child G. This is a third case of early recognition by teachers and guidance by parents, which led to an educational clinic for advice during childhood. Early interests in reading were encouraged and directed, and more extroverted and social activities were created by his parents.

G was rapidly promoted, and after entering an individual progress class he was a contented scholar. In spite of the facilitation of his progress through the grades he was not through high school until 15, and there is every evidence of satisfactory personal and social adjustment. The case record ends with his admission to college, on a scholarship, with definite and clearly defined aims and interests.

G was quickly promoted, and after joining an individual progress class, he became a happy student. Even though his advancement through the grades was smooth, he didn't finish high school until he was 15. There’s plenty of evidence showing he adjusted well both personally and socially. The case record concludes with his acceptance into college on a scholarship, where he has specific and well-defined goals and interests.

Child H. This girl's interest in words, stories, and relationships was noticed before her third year, and early recognition of her gifts appears to have come through an aunt who had special educational insight. Although H resorted to imaginary companions, she was socially minded enough to enjoy playmates.

Child H. This girl's interest in words, stories, and relationships was recognized before she turned three, and her talents were noticed early on by an aunt who had a special understanding of education. Even though H often turned to imaginary friends, she was social enough to enjoy playing with other kids.

Since the record terminates with her tenth year, there are no data on her later educational career. But her story thus far appears placid and marked by good adjustment and intelligent guidance.

Since the record ends with her tenth year, there’s no information about her later education. But her story so far seems calm and characterized by good adaptation and smart guidance.

Child I. This case had the advantage of a parent who also had been studied by educational experts interested in the gifted. Also her parents were themselves teachers. As early as 2 years she had been identified as exceptional and her subsequent career appears to have been guided throughout with wisdom.

Child I. This case benefited from having a parent who had also been examined by educational experts focused on giftedness. Additionally, her parents were teachers themselves. By the age of 2, she had already been recognized as exceptional, and her following path seems to have been thoughtfully guided all along.

I's discontent with aimless activity in the first two school grades was solved by placing her in the special experimental class for rapid learners. Her excellent progress and adaptation here constitute a clear demonstration of the advantages of early identification and intelligent educational placement.

I's unhappiness with pointless activities in the first two grades was resolved by putting her in the special experimental class for fast learners. Her great progress and adjustment in this class clearly show the benefits of early identification and smart educational placement.

Child J. This child's ability was recognized by her teachers from the beginning. She was accorded very rapid advancement, which was probably the only solution available under the circumstances. The parents, themselves educators, also contributed intelligent care and guidance in her development.

Child J. This child's talent was acknowledged by her teachers right from the start. She was given quick advancement, which was likely the best option available given the situation. Her parents, who were also educators, provided thoughtful care and guidance in her development.

This favorable conjunction led to her prompt admission to an experimental group for children of her quality as soon as the regular teachers realized their inability to provide further stimulation for her. The definite service provided in this case by the Bureau of Educational Guidance is also an instructive part of the picture.

This positive alignment allowed her to join an experimental group for gifted children as soon as the regular teachers recognized they couldn't offer her any more challenge. The clear support provided in this situation by the Bureau of Educational Guidance is also an important part of the story.

Child K. This boy's history is meagerly recorded. His picture is the usual one of early reading and native interest in learning. By his seventh year he had been appreciated by relatives who sought expert advice and guidance in his education. Such advice was then sought from time to time by his parents, and the brief record shows no untoward developments in his subsequent education up to the end of high school.

Child K. This boy's background is minimally documented. His story is like many others, marked by early reading and a natural curiosity for learning. By the age of seven, his relatives recognized his potential and sought professional advice on his education. His parents occasionally pursued such guidance as well, and the limited records indicate there were no significant issues in his education through to the end of high school.

Child L. Achievement was so conspicuous in this case that as soon as L entered school he was given rapid promotion. His recommendation to the special class for rapid learners was due to the joint action of his parents and the school principal.

Child L. Achievement was so noticeable in this case that as soon as L started school, he was quickly promoted. His recommendation for the special class for advanced learners resulted from the combined efforts of his parents and the school principal.

Once in this group, L's educational problems vanished. Expert guidance also attended his entrance to high school. As a result of these circumstances his further career appears to be propitiously launched.

Once he joined this group, L's educational issues disappeared. He also received expert guidance when he started high school. Because of these factors, his future career seems to be moving in a positive direction.

The observations that seem most obviously to emerge from these brief summaries of educational history are as follows:

The key points that clearly come from these short overviews of educational history are as follows:

1. Such children as are here presented constitute difficult educational problems from their entrance in school. The problems are not only those of the teachers and educational authorities, but they are chiefly, perhaps, the problems of the children themselves.

1. The children being discussed here present challenging educational issues right from the time they start school. These problems are not just concerns for teachers and educational authorities; they are primarily, perhaps, the issues that the children themselves face.

2. Depending on the solution of these problems, such children may either be well articulated to the work of school and society and thus their remarkable talents be socially capitalized, or they may, on the other hand, develop distaste for such activities, negativism toward social projects, and personal obstinacy and recalcitrance, perhaps accompanied by bitterness.

2. Depending on how these issues are addressed, these children may either thrive in school and society, allowing their exceptional talents to be recognized and utilized, or they might, conversely, grow to dislike such activities, develop a negative attitude toward community projects, and become stubborn and resistant, possibly feeling resentful.

3. The advantages of early recognition, appreciation and, if possible, measurement are apparent in the study of this small group of exceptionally intelligent children. Although all were identified fairly early in their lives, there are very different degrees of adaptation to school and society, ranging from opposition and truancy, through indifference, to rapt and enthusiastic preoccupation. To a considerable extent these variations appear to have depended on the earliness of identification of the child's intellectual quality. The valuable services of surveys, guidance clinics, and school psychologists are clearly manifested in this group of cases.

3. The benefits of recognizing, valuing, and, if possible, measuring abilities early on are clear in the study of this small group of exceptionally intelligent children. While all of them were identified relatively early in their lives, there are significant differences in how they adapted to school and society, ranging from defiance and skipping school to indifference, and even to eager and enthusiastic engagement. These differences seem largely to depend on how early the child's intellectual abilities were recognized. The helpful roles of surveys, guidance clinics, and school psychologists are clearly evident in this group of cases.

4. The cases that have achieved most contented and socially useful adaptation are those in which parents, teachers, and principals have made prompt use of special gift identification, have sought educational guidance, have personally fostered and supervised the child's development and the solution of his adjustment problems, or have taken advantage of such experimental classes for exceptional children as the schools have offered at the time.

4. The cases that have achieved the best and most socially beneficial adaptation are those where parents, teachers, and principals have quickly recognized special gifts, sought educational guidance, actively supported and supervised the child's development and their adjustment challenges, or utilized the experimental classes for exceptional children that schools have provided at the time.

5. Among the cases herein reported the clearest ones of easy and useful adjustment occurred when the exceptional child became a member of an experimental group comprised of others of his approximate kind. In the dozen cases cited, four different projects of this kind in the New York City schools have been referred to.

5. Among the cases reported here, the most obvious instances of easy and helpful adjustment happened when the exceptional child joined an experimental group made up of others similar to him. In the twelve cases mentioned, four different projects of this type in the New York City schools have been referenced.

CREATIVE WORK

Is it true that children such as those herein described differ from those of less intelligence merely in having a readier and more tenacious memory? Are their distinctive achievements only the phenomenal reproduction of things they have learned—the recitation of answers they have been taught? Or do they also exhibit signs of originality and creativeness? Of their superior capacity for learning there is of course ample evidence. Is it this feature of their endowment that accounts for their high scores in conventionally standardized measures such as tests and examinations?

Is it true that children like those described here differ from less intelligent ones just because they have a better and stronger memory? Are their unique achievements only the amazing ability to recall what they've learned—the recitation of answers they've been taught? Or do they also show signs of originality and creativity? There’s certainly plenty of evidence for their superior learning ability. Is this aspect of their talent what leads to their high scores on standardized measures like tests and exams?

Ordinary records and histories are perhaps not well suited to disclose originality in childhood unless it is obtrusive. The child who devises a new way of tying his shoes, of arranging his books, of managing his pets, of sharpening his skates, may very easily get no clinical credit for these inventions. No one, indeed, except the child himself may ever know of them, and it may never occur to him that they are "creative." A boy who writes a poem, draws a steamboat, or devises a new game of checkers may immediately get credit for originality, while one who invents a technique of his own for shaving the back of his own neck may remain unheralded as a creator.

Ordinary records and histories probably aren't very good at revealing originality in childhood unless it's obvious. A child who comes up with a new way to tie his shoes, organize his books, take care of his pets, or sharpen his skates may easily not receive any recognition for these ideas. In fact, no one but the child himself might ever know about them, and he might never think of them as "creative." A boy who writes a poem, draws a steamboat, or creates a new checkers game may immediately get credit for being original, while one who invents his own technique for shaving the back of his neck might go unnoticed as a creator.

Our concept of "creativeness" has become standardized so as to suggest chiefly contributions to the conventional arts. It may nevertheless be instructive to review these case histories, looking in each for signs of activity that might in one way or another be construed as creative.

Our idea of "creativeness" has become so standardized that it mostly refers to contributions to traditional arts. However, it could be helpful to review these case studies, looking for signs of activity that might be seen as creative in one way or another.

Child A. At 12 months he was classifying his blocks according to letter shapes. Before 16 months of age A tired of saying the letters of the alphabet forward and "guessed he would say them backward." He "made rhymes" of his own by the third year. He developed arithmetical principles unsuspected by either parents or teachers. He had an elaborate "imaginary land." He did not play well with other children because he always wanted to introduce new methods of playing the games. He devised elaborate schemes of his own for classifying events and objects. There is very little of the conventional interest in drawing, painting, poetry, mechanics, or music in this account, but it is clear enough that in his own way A had originality.

Child A. At 12 months, he was sorting his blocks by letter shapes. Before he turned 16 months, A got bored with saying the alphabet forward and decided he would say it backward instead. By the time he was three, he was creating his own rhymes. He figured out math concepts that neither his parents nor teachers expected. He had a detailed "imaginary land." He didn’t play well with other kids because he always wanted to introduce new ways of playing the games. He came up with complex systems for categorizing events and objects. While there isn't much interest in drawing, painting, poetry, mechanics, or music in this description, it's clear that A had a unique kind of originality.

Child B. This child's early acquisition of the art of reading appears to have been untutored, and her passion for organizing clubs showed at least a certain type of initiative. But the record gives little evidence of other creative activity. Her chief distinction so far as noted was in the fields of excellent schoolwork and social adaptability.

Child B. This child learned to read on her own and showed a strong initiative in organizing clubs. However, there's not much evidence of other creative activities. Her main achievements so far have been in doing great schoolwork and fitting in socially.

Child C. This boy's earliest recognition was on the basis of what the teachers called his "phenomenal memory." But from early years his chief passion was for science, and his main interest therein was the possibility of discovering new things. There is, however, little evidence of ingenuity in the record, and C was chiefly distinguished by the mass and facility of his knowledge, learned chiefly from others.

Child C. This boy's early recognition was based on what the teachers referred to as his "amazing memory." However, from a young age, his primary passion was science, and his main interest was the potential for discovering new things. There is, however, little evidence of creativity in the record, and C was mainly noted for the extensive and easy way he absorbed knowledge, which he learned mostly from others.

Child D. The very curiosity of this boy might be said to have a creative or original character. "He was always asking unexpected questions." His playground newspaper was an original project in spite of its conventional character. So also was his passion for tabulation and calculation. His imaginary land was a complicated creation, as was the elaborate dictionary of its unique language. Musical composition was one of his pastimes, and he had active native talent for drawing and design. The invention of new words and new games was creative, and he had original classifications for many varieties of natural objects. His interest in science, which became uppermost, led to original experiments such as those on "the path of a tack." His final adoption of scientific work as a career is in keeping with this, and the position held at the end of his brief life was one concerned with chemical research in a relatively new industry. In a very real sense this boy's creative interests are fundamental in the picture of his development.

Child D. This boy's curiosity could be described as creative or original. "He was always asking unexpected questions." His playground newspaper was a unique project despite being somewhat conventional. His love for tabulation and calculation was original as well. His imaginary land was a complex creation, just like the detailed dictionary of its unique language. Composing music was one of his hobbies, and he had a natural talent for drawing and design. He came up with new words and games, and he had his own categories for many types of natural objects. His growing interest in science led him to conduct original experiments, including those on "the path of a tack." Ultimately, his decision to pursue a career in scientific work aligns with this, and by the end of his short life, he held a position related to chemical research in a relatively new industry. In a very real way, this boy's creative interests are fundamental to understanding his development.

Child E. Originality appears among E's characteristics even in his definitions of words in the vocabulary tests. His life was, however, so harnessed to the organized pursuit of degrees that conventional fields of learning came to preoccupy him and there was little originality in his choice of an occupation, to which he appears to have been guided by solicitous elders. Such originality as he has had appeared abstractly and verbally. Thus his "constructive ability" was good but his "manual dexterity" poor. He had an imaginary country. After his escape from the hierarchy of organized education he became an active and productive scholar in his field, although it may be that theology is not a field in which creativeness is encouraged.

Child E. Originality is one of E's traits, even evident in how he defines words during vocabulary tests. However, his life was so tied to the structured pursuit of degrees that traditional subjects consumed him, leaving little room for originality in his choice of career, which seemed directed by caring adults. The originality he did possess surfaced in abstract ideas and language. While his "constructive ability" was strong, his "manual dexterity" was lacking. He created an imaginary country. After breaking away from the constraints of organized education, he became an active and productive scholar in his field, though it might be that theology isn't a discipline that fosters creativity.

Child F. There is little evidence in the career of F of anything that could be called creative. He was in many ways ingenious, and he was socially nonconforming. He was a storehouse of information but not sagacious in the use of his knowledge. His ingenuity was not along original lines but in such conventionalized fields as chess, bridge, and dialectic. His capacity for intellectual work was phenomenal, but for the most part such activities were in prescribed fields, and a temporary interest in science was deflected to law—like theology, a field in which creativeness is not always an asset.

Child F. There’s not much in F’s career that could be considered creative. He was clever in many ways, and he didn’t conform to social norms. He had a wealth of knowledge but wasn’t always wise in how he applied it. His cleverness wasn’t particularly original but instead was found in more traditional areas like chess, bridge, and debate. His ability for intellectual work was remarkable, but most of it was focused on established fields, and a brief interest in science shifted to law—similar to theology, a field where creativity isn’t always a bonus.

Child G. This boy's education was so scrupulously supervised and so sedulously recorded that he had little time for original projects. His questions and remarks evince a lively curiosity, and his abiding interests in chemistry and mathematics, with a research turn, perhaps point to creative trends that are poorly reflected in more elementary years. There is little evidence of unusual proficiency in any of the creative arts.

Child G. This boy's education was so carefully monitored and so diligently documented that he had hardly any time for original projects. His questions and comments show a genuine curiosity, and his strong interests in chemistry and mathematics, with a focus on research, might hint at creative potentials that are not well captured in his earlier years. There is little indication of exceptional talent in any of the creative arts.

Child H. The chief interests of H as a child were in "drawing, painting, and mosaic blocks." She developed imaginary companions. She showed at an early age pronounced interests and aptitudes in stories and in versification. She was a composer of creditable childhood songs, poetry, and plays. She was followed only to her eleventh year and up to this point seems to have shown definite signs of constructive imagination.

Child H. H's main interests as a child were in "drawing, painting, and mosaic blocks." She created imaginary friends. From a young age, she displayed strong interests and talents in storytelling and writing poetry. She composed impressive childhood songs, poetry, and plays. Her development was tracked up to her eleventh year, during which she seemed to show clear signs of creative imagination.

Child I. This girl was versatile in many creative ways. She developed imaginary companions, wrote music and songs, produced dramatizations, wrote effective verses and longer poems. So far as the brief record shows, her creative interests remained close to the conventionalized arts, except for the native curiosity characteristic of most very bright children.

Child I. This girl had a talent for many creative activities. She created imaginary friends, composed music and songs, acted in mini-plays, and wrote impactful short poems and longer pieces. Based on the limited documentation, her creative pursuits mainly aligned with traditional arts, though she also had the natural curiosity typical of many exceptionally bright children.

Child J. The data on J are so scant that little assurance as to her originality can be felt. At 7 she was in many ways an independent thinker. She composed "jingles" at the same time that she was reading Shakespearean plays, and the examiner commented on her "constructive imagery." She wrote acceptable poems before her tenth birthday. But for the most part she had been so occupied by rapid educational promotion that this is the most conspicuous feature in her description.

Child J. The information on J is so limited that it's hard to be confident about her originality. At 7, she was in many ways an independent thinker. She created "jingles" while also reading Shakespeare plays, and the evaluator noted her "constructive imagery." She wrote decent poems before turning ten. However, for the most part, she had been so focused on her rapid educational advancement that this stands out as the most noticeable aspect of her profile.

Child K. This boy has without doubt an enthusiasm for scholarly inquiry. He made no spontaneous collections, had no pets, no imaginary companions or lands. In a sense these traits which are lacking in K's personality are usually counted as originalities in children of such high intelligence. But data are not at hand to enable a judgment to be made of the presence or absence of creativeness in this child.

Child K. This boy definitely has a passion for learning. He didn't make any spontaneous collections, didn't have pets, and had no imaginary friends or worlds. In a way, these traits that K lacks are often seen as unique qualities in highly intelligent children. However, there isn't enough information available to determine whether this child is creative or not.

Child L. This is the case of a boy who showed such independent zeal for acquiring information that this curiosity had itself a creative tone. He is inventive and constructive even in mechanical ways—an exception in this particular group of cases. His teachers find him possessed of knowledge in mathematics which he must have derived from his own reflection. He also has marked initiative in using his knowledge, is full of constructive suggestions, makes many scientific experiments of his own, has many hobbies, and wants to do things to "advance scientific knowledge." Although he shows know unusual proficiency in the conventional arts, there can be no doubt that in affairs intellectual and scientific his mind is not only creative but also fertile.

Child L. This is the case of a boy who displayed such a strong independent desire for learning that his curiosity had a creative quality. He is inventive and hands-on even in practical ways—an exception in this particular group of cases. His teachers note that he possesses knowledge in mathematics that he must have gained through his own thinking. He also demonstrates significant initiative in applying his knowledge, is full of constructive ideas, conducts many of his own scientific experiments, has several hobbies, and wants to contribute to "advancing scientific knowledge." Although he doesn't show any unusual talent in traditional arts, there's no doubt that in intellectual and scientific matters, his mind is both creative and highly productive.

GENERAL STATEMENT

If a general statement be attempted on the basis of such data as the descriptions and these summaries afford, it might be to the effect that one third of these highly intelligent children (A, D, H, L) show notable signs of creativeness. Another third (C, E, I, J) show such indications to a moderate degree. In the remaining third (B, F, G, K) there is at least no indication of marked constructive originality provided by these descriptions.

If we try to make a general statement based on the data from the descriptions and these summaries, it might be that one third of these highly intelligent children (A, D, H, L) show clear signs of creativity. Another third (C, E, I, J) show some signs of it, but to a moderate extent. In the remaining third (B, F, G, K), there are no indications of strong creative originality according to these descriptions.

Certainly these creative dispositions are more conspicuous in these cases than in the general population of children. How these very rare intelligences compare in this respect with those ranging from, say, 130 to 175 IQ we cannot know. Creativeness even at best is infrequent enough. In experiences of daily life of course such creativeness might be more often found in children in the middle range of high intelligences because there are so many more of these in the population.

Certainly, these creative traits are more obvious in these cases than in the general population of children. We can't really compare how these very rare intelligences stack up against those with an IQ ranging from around 130 to 175. Even at its peak, creativity is still pretty rare. In everyday life, you might find this creativity more often in children with average to above-average intelligence because there are simply so many more of them in the general population.

On the other hand, it may be that creativeness in marked degree appears in these higher ranges only. Under any circumstances it is not an all-or-none phenomenon, and the problem of the correlation of originality with intelligence scores perhaps deserves more careful study than it has received. It seems suggested at least by these few cases that very high intelligence may in some instances become directed along wholly conventional channels, showing itself in the amount of work or the rate of progress, with little or no manifestation of creative originality. If this is the case, it should be important to discover what extent this is a reflection of the regimentation of the occupation of such children by organized educational projects and close parental supervision, and to what extent it is a characteristic that is native in the individual. If it should be true that creativeness is closely dependent on such a high range of intelligence as that shown by this group of twelve children, a social order that esteems creativeness should give serious thought to the conditions of its cultivation and its development.

On the other hand, it might be that creativity appears primarily in these higher levels. In any case, it's not a black-and-white issue, and the relationship between originality and intelligence scores probably deserves more thorough investigation than it has received. These few examples suggest that very high intelligence can sometimes be channeled into entirely conventional paths, reflecting in the quantity of work or the speed of progress, with little or no display of creative originality. If this is true, it’s crucial to determine how much of this is due to the structured environment created by organized educational programs and strict parental guidance, and how much is inherently part of the individual. If creativity does rely heavily on the high level of intelligence shown by this group of twelve children, then a society that values creativity should seriously consider how to foster and develop it.

In this connection it is of some significance that so far as these cases are concerned, the best adjustments appear to have been made in educational arrangements that required the devotion of only one part of the child's time to established curricula, thus leaving time and providing encouragement for individual initiative and enrichment.

In this regard, it's important to note that for these cases, the best adaptations seem to have been made in educational settings that required only a portion of the child's time to follow set curriculums, allowing for time and support for individual initiative and enrichment.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

[1] This chapter was written by H. L. H.

PART III GENERAL PRINCIPLES AND IMPLICATIONS

CHAPTER EIGHTEEN ADULT STATUS AND PERSONALITY RATINGS

Observation of such cases as those described in the foregoing chapters suggests that children of exceptionally high intelligence do not regress toward mediocrity as they mature but maintain their initial distinguished status. Studies by other workers (Kuhlmann, Baldwin and Stechner, Terman) confirm such a conclusion. A further study of this point was reported by Hollingworth and Lorge in 1936, in which the following questions were investigated:

Observation of cases like those described in the previous chapters suggests that children with exceptional intelligence do not move toward mediocrity as they grow up but instead keep their remarkable status. Research by other experts (Kuhlmann, Baldwin, and Stechner, Terman) supports this conclusion. A further study on this topic was reported by Hollingworth and Lorge in 1936, which investigated the following questions:

1. To what extent is status in IER Intelligence Scale CAVD at maturity predictable from childhood scores in Stanford-Binet?

1. How much can we predict status in the IER Intelligence Scale CAVD in adulthood based on childhood scores from the Stanford-Binet?

2. How do those who tested above 180 IQ in childhood differ at maturity from those at lower levels in measures of general culture and of scientific information?

2. How do people who scored above 180 IQ in childhood differ in adulthood from those with lower scores in terms of general culture and scientific knowledge?

3. Is there discernable any consistent specialization in mental abilities from childhood to maturity?

3. Is there any noticeable consistent specialization in mental abilities from childhood to adulthood?

4. At what degree of intelligence in terms of IQ (Stanford-Binet) is the word "genius" justifiable, if at all?

4. At what IQ level (Stanford-Binet) is it justifiable to call someone a "genius," if it is justifiable at all?

5. At what point on the scale of IQ (Stanford-Binet) obtained in childhood will individuals later prove "unmeasurable" by available tests of adult intelligence?

5. At what point on the IQ scale (Stanford-Binet) determined in childhood will individuals later be considered "unmeasurable" by the adult intelligence tests available?

In 1934-1935 a group of eighteen persons whose high IQ's had been measured tweleve or thirteen years earlier (at ages 7 to 9 years) were measured in these respects and to these were added three others whose childhood IQ's were known to have been over 170. The tests used, to be reported here, were: CAVD Intelligence Scale, Levels N-Q; the Coöperative General Culture Test (Form 1933 or 1934); and the Coöperative General Science Test (Form 1933). There were also available data on most of the individuals from Army Alpha tests taken at ages 16 to 19. Of the 21 cases thus studied, nine had a childhood IQ over 170; eight over 150 [to 170]; the remaining four ranged down to 133.

In 1934-1935, a group of eighteen people, whose high IQs had been measured twelve or thirteen years earlier (at ages 7 to 9), were assessed again. Three additional individuals, known to have had childhood IQs over 170, were also included. The tests reported here include the CAVD Intelligence Scale, Levels N-Q; the Cooperative General Culture Test (Form 1933 or 1934); and the Cooperative General Science Test (Form 1933). There was also data available from Army Alpha tests taken by most of the individuals at ages 16 to 19. Of the 21 cases studied, nine had childhood IQs over 170; eight had scores between 150 and 170; and the remaining four had scores down to 133.

ADULT STATUS OF HIGHLY INTELLIGENT CHILDREN [1]

The detailed data have been reported elsewhere and only the general results need to be recited here.

The detailed data has been reported elsewhere, and only the general results need to be mentioned here.

"For these gifted individuals (albeit there are so few studied) superior status on the Stanford-Binet at or near ages 7 to 9 years of age is highly predictive of status on Army Alpha at or near 16 to 19 years of age, and of status on CAVD at or near maturity. . . .

"For these talented individuals (though there are very few studied), high scores on the Stanford-Binet test at around ages 7 to 9 are strong indicators of their performance on the Army Alpha test at around ages 16 to 19, and of their status on CAVD at near maturity. . . .

"It is clear that CAVD is more closely associated with General
Culture than with General Science. . . . There obviously is
a specificity of success for Science as compared with general
Culture. . . .

"It is clear that CAVD is more closely linked to General
Culture than to General Science. . . . There is clearly a
specific type of success for Science compared to general
Culture. . . .

"The results for the CAVD as interpreted through norms obtained on selected populations show that highly intelligent children (of IQ 140 or above) fall within the upper quartile of the college graduate population of the United States, when they are at or near maturity."

"The results for the CAVD, based on norms gathered from selected populations, indicate that highly intelligent children (with an IQ of 140 or above) are in the top 25% of the college graduate population in the United States when they are close to reaching maturity."

Such results are confirmed also by a study reported two years earlier, in which over 100 children had been re-measured with Army Alpha 10 to 12 years after their initial Stanford-Binet measurements at ages 7 to 9 years. [2] All these children had IQ's over 130, and half of them were over 150, ranging up to 190. From this study the following conclusions had been drawn:

Such results were also confirmed by a study reported two years earlier, where over 100 children were re-measured with Army Alpha 10 to 12 years after their initial Stanford-Binet measurements at ages 7 to 9 years. [2] All these children had IQs over 130, and half of them scored over 150, with some going up to 190. From this study, the following conclusions were drawn:

"Of 116 children testing in the top centile of the distribution of school children by Stanford-Binet, 82 per cent were found when near maturity, ten years later, to rate in the top centile of the military draft by Army Alpha. The remainder rated in high centiles. No individual of either sex regressed to or nearly to the average. . . . Girls regressed from the top centile somewhat more frequently than boys, this regression being in part but not fully accounted for by the known sex difference between medians on Army Alpha.

"Out of 116 children who scored in the top percentile on the Stanford-Binet test for school children, 82 percent were found, when they were close to adulthood ten years later, to score in the top percentile of the military draft on Army Alpha. The others scored in high percentiles. No individual, regardless of gender, dropped to or near the average. . . . Girls fell from the top percentile somewhat more often than boys, and this decline is partly but not entirely explained by the known sex differences in medians on Army Alpha."

"This result affords a validation, by means of elapsed time, of the predictive power of available mental tests on the one hand; and on the other, a proof of the constancy of the intellectual development of gifted children in terms of centile status."

"This result provides validation, through the passage of time, of the predictive ability of existing mental tests on one side; and on the other, it demonstrates the consistency of the intellectual growth of gifted children in terms of centile status."

CRITIQUE OF THE CONCEPT OF "GENIUS" AS APPLIED IN TERMS OF IQ

The term "genius" has been used by Terman—and following him by many others—to denote children testing at or above 140 IQ (S-B). In the light of the developmental data herein presented, it would appear that the term "genius" is thus misapplied, unless we wish to define as "geniuses" persons who represent approximately the best fourth of all students being graduated from American colleges.

The term "genius" has been used by Terman—and many others after him—to refer to children who have an IQ of 140 or higher (S-B). Considering the developmental data presented here, it seems that the term "genius" is misused unless we want to define "geniuses" as individuals who represent about the top quarter of all students graduating from American colleges.

Of individuals here followed to early maturity, those who test at about 140 IQ (S-B) are found to define approximately the 75th percentile of college graduates, taking the country over. They are far from "genius," if by that term is to be meant the degree of mental ability that is capable of outstanding original intellectual achievement. It is only when we have an IQ (S-B) of at least 160 in a child, that we may begin to expect mildly noteworthy accomplishments, such as winning "honors" in a first-class college. Very rarely are "honors" won in first-class colleges by those who test below this status in childhood. The small sample of college graduates here presented is truly representative of the much larger sample in our files (not tested by our end tests) in this respect.

Among the individuals studied who reached early adulthood, those with an IQ of around 140 (S-B) are found to represent roughly the 75th percentile of college graduates nationwide. They are far from being classified as "genius," if that term refers to the level of mental ability required for exceptional original intellectual achievement. It's only when a child has an IQ of at least 160 (S-B) that we can start to expect somewhat notable achievements, like receiving "honors" at a top-tier college. It's very uncommon for students who score below this level in childhood to earn "honors" at prestigious colleges. The small group of college graduates presented here truly reflects the much larger group in our records (not tested by our assessments) in this regard.

Of primary interest to the present investigators is the subsequent history of those who in childhood have achieved the extremely infrequent rating of 180 IQ or higher. At maturity will these persons still stand out from their contemporaries in mental tests and in achievement?

The main focus of the current researchers is on the later life of individuals who, as children, scored an exceptionally rare IQ of 180 or higher. As adults, will these individuals still stand out from their peers in mental tests and accomplishments?

This question is answered affirmatively by our data. The five children here included, [3] who achieved IQ's (S-B) on first test in childhood of more than 180, are they who "find the tops" on CAVD at maturity. Every one of these top-rank persons is noteworthy among contemporaries. Before the age of 22 in all cases, one had prosecuted research in history, one in mathematics, one in chess, and two had become established in learned professions. One stood high in the national ranking for chess. A long list of medals and prizes had been won by them. All but one of those graduated from college had been elected to Phi Beta Kappa.

Our data confirms this question positively. The five children mentioned [3], who scored over 180 on their first IQ test in childhood, are the ones who "reach the top" on CAVD in adulthood. Each of these top-ranked individuals stands out among their peers. By the age of 22, one had conducted research in history, one in mathematics, one in chess, and two had established themselves in scholarly professions. One was highly ranked nationally in chess. They had accumulated an impressive list of medals and awards. All but one of those who graduated from college were elected to Phi Beta Kappa.

These unusual achievements show how children testing above 180 IQ rise above the generality of the college populations in adolescence and in early maturity. None of those who tested in childhood around 140, 150, or 160 IQ (S-B) approaches these others at maturity in honors and prizes won, or in test scores.

These exceptional achievements demonstrate how children with IQs over 180 stand out from the general college population during adolescence and early adulthood. None of those who tested around 140, 150, or 160 IQ (S-B) in childhood come close to these others in terms of honors and awards received or in test scores at maturity.

This is, perhaps, the most significant fact to be derived from our data: that the children who test at and above 180 IQ constitute the "top" among college graduates. They are the students of whom one may confidently predict that they will win honors and prizes for intellectual work.

This is likely the most important fact we can take from our data: that children who score at or above 180 IQ are the "top" among college graduates. These are the students you can confidently expect to earn honors and awards for their intellectual work.

Furthermore, it is shown that at approximately 190 IQ (S-B) individuals "go through the ceiling" of available tests for adult intelligence by the time they are 21 years old. We cannot at present distribute these persons at maturity.

Furthermore, it is shown that at around 190 IQ (S-B), individuals "break through the ceiling" of existing tests for adult intelligence by the time they reach 21 years old. We cannot currently categorize these individuals based on their maturity.

Perhaps this is the point at which the term "genius" begins to apply—i.e., at or near IQ 180 (S-B)—if we adhere to the dictionary definition of the word, "Exalted intellectual power, marked by an extraordinary faculty for original creation, expression, or achievement" which is beyond the reach of available modes of measurement in its maturity.

Perhaps this is the point where the term "genius" starts to apply—specifically, at or near an IQ of 180 (S-B)—if we stick to the dictionary definition of the word: "High intellectual power, characterized by an exceptional ability for original creation, expression, or achievement" that is beyond what current measurements can accurately assess at its full extent.

APPLICATION OF BERNREUTER INVENTORY OF PERSONALITY TO HIGHLY INTELLIGENT ADOLESCENTS [4]

The data of the present study were obtained early in 1933, the subjects being 36 boys and 19 girls, of the average age of 18 years 6 months. The IQ's (S-B) of all had been taken in early childhood. The group ranged from 135-190 IQ (S-B) with a median at about 153 IQ (S-B). All but four of these young persons were Jewish, a factor which must be considered as of possible consequence, but which cannot be evaluated properly from any data at present in scientific literature.

The data for this study were collected in early 1933, involving 36 boys and 19 girls, with an average age of 18 years and 6 months. The IQs (S-B) of all subjects had been measured in early childhood. The group had IQs ranging from 135 to 190 (S-B), with a median of about 153 IQ (S-B). All but four of these young individuals were Jewish, which is a factor that should be considered as potentially significant, but it cannot be properly evaluated based on any current data in scientific literature.

The inventories were taken and scored by the investigators in person. All subjects had been personally known since childhood to the senior investigator.

The investigators conducted the inventories and scored them in person. The senior investigator had personally known all the subjects since childhood.

The method of scoring follows Bernreuter, three categories only being found of sufficient independence to warrant recording.

The scoring method follows Bernreuter, with only three categories being independent enough to justify recording.

SHOWS GROUP RESULTS FOR HIGHLY INTELLIGENT BOYS AND GIRLS, GIVING EVIDENCE THAT SUCH GROUPS ARE MUCH LESS NEUROTIC, MUCH MORE SELF-SUFFICIENT, AND MUCH LESS SUBMISSIVE IN ATTITUDE THAN COLLEGE STUDENTS OR ADULTS IN GENERAL ARE, ACCORDING TO THE CATEGORIES AND NORMS SET UP BY BERNREUTER

                    B1-N NEUROTIC TENDENCY B1-S SELF-SUFFICIENCY B1-D DOMINANCE-SUBMISSION
   Statistical Highly College Adult Highly College Adult Highly College Adult
   categories intelligent norm norm intelligent norm norm intelligent norm norm
                   boys group group boys group group boys group group

B1-N NEUROTIC TENDENCY B1-S SELF-SUFFICIENCY B1-D DOMINANCE-SUBMISSION
   Statistical Highly College Adult Highly College Adult Highly College Adult
   categories intelligent norm norm intelligent norm norm intelligent norm norm
                   boys group group boys group group boys group group

   Number 36 427 86 36 427 99 36 427 100
   Mean -104.9 -52.9 -69.3 54.5 24.9 38.8 87.4 46.3 52.7
   σ 56.7 85.2 76.3 42.3 54.0 52.4 44.6 67.4 61.8
   σ Mean 9.4 4.1 8.2 7.0 2.6 5.3 7.4 3.3 6.2
   σσ 6.7 2.9 5.8 5.0 1.8 3.7 5.2 2.3 4.4
   σ diff. ms. 10.2 12.5 7.5 8.8 8.1 9.6
      D
   ———
   σ diff. 5.1 2.8 3.9 2.1 5.1 3.6
   Median -112.0 -70.0 -75.0 54.5 25.0 35.0 98.1 45.0 55.0

Number 36 427 86 36 427 99 36 427 100
   Mean -104.9 -52.9 -69.3 54.5 24.9 38.8 87.4 46.3 52.7
   σ 56.7 85.2 76.3 42.3 54.0 52.4 44.6 67.4 61.8
   σ Mean 9.4 4.1 8.2 7.0 2.6 5.3 7.4 3.3 6.2
   σσ 6.7 2.9 5.8 5.0 1.8 3.7 5.2 2.3 4.4
   σ diff. ms. 10.2 12.5 7.5 8.8 8.1 9.6
      D
   ———
   σ diff. 5.1 2.8 3.9 2.1 5.1 3.6
   Median -112.0 -70.0 -75.0 54.5 25.0 35.0 98.1 45.0 55.0

Girls Girls Girls

Girls Girls Girls

   Number 19 317 123 19 317 126 19 317 130
   Mean -45.0 -39.6 -34.2 52.0 6.9 16.8 46.5 33.1 19.2
   σ 65.7 78.9 80.6 51.7 55.7 55.6 55.5 63.5 65.5
   σ Mean 15.1 4.4 7.3 11.9 3.1 5.0 12.7 3.6 5.7
   σσ 10.7 3.1 5.1 8.4 2.2 3.5 9.0 2.5 4.1
   σ diff. ms. 15.7 16.8 12.3 12.9 13.2 13.9
      D
   ———
   σ diff. .04 .64 3.7 2.7 1.0 1.96
   Median -42.6 -40.0 -30.0 52.0 5.0 0.0 40.7 33.0 15.0

Number 19 317 123 19 317 126 19 317 130
   Mean -45.0 -39.6 -34.2 52.0 6.9 16.8 46.5 33.1 19.2
   σ 65.7 78.9 80.6 51.7 55.7 55.6 55.5 63.5 65.5
   σ Mean 15.1 4.4 7.3 11.9 3.1 5.0 12.7 3.6 5.7
   σσ 10.7 3.1 5.1 8.4 2.2 3.5 9.0 2.5 4.1
   σ diff. ms. 15.7 16.8 12.3 12.9 13.2 13.9
      D
   ———
   σ diff. .04 .64 3.7 2.7 1.0 1.96
   Median -42.6 -40.0 -30.0 52.0 5.0 0.0 40.7 33.0 15.0

The summary of results shows that the highly intelligent are less neurotic, more self-sufficient, and less submissive, as a group, than are the populations with which they are comparable. This divergence from the norms is found both for boys and for girls of the highly intelligent group, but it is much more pronounced for boys.

The summary of results shows that highly intelligent individuals are generally less neurotic, more self-reliant, and less submissive compared to comparable populations. This difference from the norms is seen in both boys and girls within the highly intelligent group, but it is much more noticeable in boys.

To one who has been familiar with the characteristics and the careers of these persons for fifteen years, the correspondence between what is found on the inventory and what is found in the actual lives is interestingly close. Boy 13, for instance (extremely high score for self-sufficiency and dominance), took ship on his own initiative as soon as he was twenty-one years old and sailed around the world as an ordinary seaman, returning to his post in the financial district of New York City when the journey was completed. Boy 35 is a well-known player in metropolitan and sectional chess tournaments, and was able to meet seasoned players when he was fifteen to seventeen years old (high scores for self-sufficiency and dominance). Boy 29 entered college at 14 years of age, "held his own" with the older students, earned money throughout his course, graduated at eighteen years of age with Phi Beta Kappa, and won a prize for research, in competition, in his junior year at medical school. Girl H won and held an appointment in public service, against heavy odds of sex, age, and general economic depression.

To someone who has known these individuals and their traits for fifteen years, the link between what’s in the inventory and their actual lives is surprisingly close. Boy 13, for example (who scored extremely high for self-sufficiency and dominance), took it upon himself to set sail as soon as he turned twenty-one and traveled around the world as a regular seaman, returning to his job in the financial district of New York City once his journey was over. Boy 35 is a well-known competitor in city and regional chess tournaments, and he was able to challenge experienced players when he was between fifteen and seventeen (also scoring high for self-sufficiency and dominance). Boy 29 started college at 14, managed to keep up with the older students, worked throughout his studies, graduated at eighteen with Phi Beta Kappa honors, and won a research prize during his junior year of medical school. Girl H secured a position in public service despite facing significant challenges related to her gender, age, and the overall economic downturn.

The indication from these data is that adolescents who as children tested from 135-190 IQ (S-B) are much less neurotic, much more self-sufficient and much less submissive than college students in general, or than adults of the mental caliber represented in the Bernreuter norms. It is to be noted in this comparison with the generality of college students that from data so far collected, the median intelligence of the group here presented reaches about Q#3# for college students, taking them the country over.

The data suggests that adolescents who had an IQ between 135-190 (S-B) as children are much less neurotic, much more self-sufficient, and much less submissive compared to college students in general, or compared to adults with a similar mental ability as indicated in the Bernreuter norms. It's important to note that in comparison with the overall population of college students, the median intelligence of the group presented here is around Q#3# for college students across the country.

[1] For a more detailed account see Lorge and Hollingworth's "The Adult Status of Highly Intelligent Children," in Journal of Genetic Psychology (1936), Vol. 49, pages 215-226.

[1] For a more detailed account, see Lorge and Hollingworth's "The Adult Status of Highly Intelligent Children," in Journal of Genetic Psychology (1936), Vol. 49, pages 215-226.

[2] Hollingworth and Kaunitz. "The Centile Status of Gifted Children at Maturity." Journal of Genetic Psychology (September, 1934), pages 106-120.

[2] Hollingworth and Kaunitz. "The Centile Status of Gifted Children at Maturity." Journal of Genetic Psychology (September, 1934), pages 106-120.

[3] Study made by Leta S. Hollingworth in previous years.

[3] Study conducted by Leta S. Hollingworth in previous years.

[4] For detailed results see the paper by this title, by Hollingworth and Rust, Journal of Psychology (1937), Vol. 4, pages 287-293.

[4] For detailed results, see the paper with this title, by Hollingworth and Rust, Journal of Psychology (1937), Vol. 4, pages 287-293.

CHAPTER NINETEEN THE DEVELOPMENT OF PERSONALITY IN HIGHLY INTELLIGENT CHILDREN [1]

The children included in the term "highly intelligent children" cover a very wide range in intellectual variation—from an IQ of 130 (S-B) to the topmost limit of human diversity. This topmost limit seems to define itself at approximately 200 IQ. The most extreme deviates reported in the literature as fully measured fall at or near this point. A considerable number falling above 180 IQ have been reported, many of them not fully measured by Stanford-Binet because of the limitations of the test. It is therefore clear that children in the upper 1 per cent are not all alike. On the contrary, the child at the top of this group exceeds the child who barely reaches the group by much more than the latter exceeds the average child. The most able child in the upper 1 per cent surpasses the least able in this group by as much as the average child surpasses a moron (in terms of IQ). The really difficult problems of adjustment to life and to people come to those who test above 170 IQ. As there are so very few of these children, parents and teachers are seldom called upon to consider their needs. Thus when one does appear, he or she is the more likely to be misunderstood.

The term "highly intelligent children" includes a wide range of intellectual abilities—from an IQ of 130 (S-B) to the highest levels of human diversity. This highest level is around 200 IQ. The most extreme cases documented in the literature are at or near this point. There have been many reported cases above 180 IQ, but many of these have not been fully measured by Stanford-Binet due to the test's limitations. It's clear that children in the top 1 percent are not all the same. In fact, the child at the top of this group is far more advanced than the child who barely qualifies for it, and the gap between them is much larger than the gap between the latter and an average child. The most gifted child in the top 1 percent outperforms the least gifted in this group by as much as an average child outperforms someone with a low IQ. The real challenges in adjusting to life and social interactions tend to be faced by those with an IQ above 170. Since there are so few of these children, parents and teachers rarely have to consider their specific needs. Therefore, when one does show up, they're more likely to be misunderstood.

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

Obviously, it is not possible to discuss every aspect of personality in the limited number of pages of this book. We shall confine ourselves, therefore, to a few of the more important phases of development which are unique in the case of gifted children; particularly to such complexities as arise from the combination of immaturity and deviation, these continuing for approximately twenty-one years. This is the period when development is taking place as distinguished from the period of maturity.

It's clear that we can't cover every aspect of personality within the limited pages of this book. We'll focus on a few key areas of development that are unique to gifted children, especially the complexities that come from the mix of immaturity and differences, which continue for about twenty-one years. This is the time when development occurs, as opposed to the period of maturity.

It should be stated emphatically at the outset that children of very superior intelligence are not, as a group, socially annoying. The problems of personality adjustment are those of the child, not those of society as ordinarily understood. If the gifted child should annoy society, society would pay more attention to him. Society builds splendid institutions and provides expert care and guidance for vicious and feeble-minded children. That society does not pay such attention to the gifted is in itself evidence of social acceptability. The researches of Terman, [2] of Hartshorne and May, [3] and of Haggerty, [4] among others, have shown that highly intelligent children are more stable emotionally than are children in general, are much more resistant to childish temptations, and exhibit far less of undesirable behavior than is exhibited by the dull. Teachers do, however, report them for "restlessness" and "lack of interest" somewhat more often than they report children of 100 IQ for these behaviorisms. The researches of Burt [5] and of Healy and Bronner [6] show few children testing above 130 IQ among delinquents, in proportion to their frequency in the population as a whole.

It should be emphasized from the start that children with very high intelligence are not, as a group, socially disruptive. The challenges of personality adjustment fall on the child, not on society as we usually define it. If a gifted child were to annoy society, society would pay more attention to them. Society creates excellent institutions and offers expert care and guidance for troubled and intellectually challenged children. The fact that society does not give the same level of attention to the gifted is, in itself, evidence of their social acceptability. Research by Terman, Hartshorne and May, and Haggerty, among others, has shown that highly intelligent children are more emotionally stable than children in general, are much more resistant to childish temptations, and display far less undesirable behavior than less intelligent peers. However, teachers do report them for "restlessness" and "lack of interest" somewhat more frequently than they report children with a 100 IQ for these behaviors. Research by Burt and Healy and Bronner shows that there are very few children with an IQ over 130 among delinquents, relative to their prevalence in the general population.

With these facts as to generally superior adjustment before us, let us inquire whether there are, nevertheless, special perplexities in the life of a gifted child, and at what point in the range of intellect these perplexities begin. Is it possible that a child who varies as far above his contemporaries as an imbecile or an idiot varies below them, will find only advantages and no special difficulties of development created for him by the fact of his wide deviation from the norm?

With these facts about generally better adjustment in mind, let’s explore whether there are, however, specific challenges in the life of a gifted child, and at what stage in intellectual development these challenges emerge. Is it possible that a child who excels as much above his peers as an imbecile or an idiot falls below them will experience only benefits and no unique developmental difficulties due to his significant divergence from the norm?

Observation and measurement of gifted children as they have grown from early childhood to maturity have made it possible to formulate definitely some of the special problems of development which arise from being an extreme and infrequently occurring deviate. The more intelligent the child, the more likely he or she is to become involved in these puzzling difficulties. Let us consider some of these problems.

Observation and measurement of gifted children as they’ve grown from early childhood to adulthood have allowed us to clearly identify some of the unique developmental challenges that come from being an exceptional and rare case. The more intelligent the child, the more they are likely to encounter these confusing issues. Let’s take a look at some of these problems.

THE PART PLAYED BY PHYSIQUE

The "looks" of a person has much to do with his social adjustment. If highly intelligent children really resembled the cartoonist's idea of them, there would be little chance of excellent development. Fortunately, the researches of the past twenty years have proved that the popular notions about the poor physiques of the gifted and the weird ugliness of their physiognomies are not only erroneous but the exact opposite of the truth. These are superstitions, founded perhaps on the unconscious longing for "a just nature" which will distribute gifts somewhat equally instead of bestowing everything upon a few persons.

A person's appearance has a lot to do with how well they fit into society. If highly intelligent kids actually looked like the way cartoonists depict them, their chances for great development would be slim. Luckily, studies from the last twenty years have shown that common beliefs about the weak bodies of gifted individuals and their strange looks are not just wrong but actually the complete opposite of the truth. These ideas are misconceptions, possibly based on an unconscious desire for "a fair nature" that would spread abilities more evenly instead of giving everything to just a few people.

It has been amply proved, by measurements, that highly intelligent children are tall, heavy, strong, healthy, and fine looking as a group, exceeding the generality of children in all these respects. This does not mean that every individual among the gifted is physically superior, but it does mean that a gifted child is more likely to have a fine body than is a child taken from the general population.

It has been clearly shown by measurements that highly intelligent children are, as a group, taller, heavier, stronger, healthier, and better looking than typical children. This doesn’t mean that every gifted individual is physically superior, but it does mean that a gifted child is more likely to have a good physique compared to a child from the general population.

As for beauty of face, in two separate series of photographs in which the faces of highly intelligent adolescents were compared with the faces of adolescents of ordinary mentality, the faces of the former were found to be more beautiful. This was the impression made upon "naïve" judges who knew nothing concerning the comparative intelligence of those judged. It may be that one reason why teachers often do not identify gifted children accurately, is that they are looking for pupils who correspond to the cartoonist's picture, and thus are led away from consideration of the beautiful and the well grown!

When it comes to facial beauty, two separate series of photographs comparing the faces of highly intelligent adolescents with those of average ones showed that the former were generally considered more attractive. This was the impression formed by "naïve" judges who had no prior knowledge of the intelligence levels of the individuals being judged. One possible reason teachers frequently fail to accurately identify gifted children is that they tend to look for students who fit the stereotypical cartoonist's depiction, which distracts them from recognizing those who are actually beautiful and well-developed!

As gifted children approach and reach maturity, they reap the benefits of superior vitality, size, and beauty. However, many of them suffer, while growing up, from feelings of inferiority connected with size and strength, for typically they are somewhat accelerated in school status and they naturally choose children older than themselves as chums. Thus in physical competitions they are at a disadvantage. Observation shows that they tend to develop sedentary forms of play, or forms of physical enjoyment that do not depend upon being included in a group; such as swimming, skating, horseback riding, and walking.

As gifted kids grow up and reach adulthood, they benefit from greater energy, height, and attractiveness. However, many of them struggle with feelings of inferiority related to size and strength, since they often advance faster in school and naturally gravitate towards older friends. This puts them at a disadvantage in physical competitions. Observations indicate that they tend to engage in more solitary forms of play or physical activities that don't require being part of a group, like swimming, skating, horseback riding, and walking.

PROBLEM OF LEADERSHIP

Also, in all matters pertaining to leadership, the competition with older classmates and friends exerts an influence, particularly during adolescence. The very young boy (or girl) in high school is not so likely to be elected to a post of leadership because of his comparative size, his voice, and the juvenility of his clothes. Thus a feeling may be engendered in him that he cannot gain the confidence of contemporaries; and this, in turn, may impair his self-confidence.

Also, in everything related to leadership, the competition with older classmates and friends has an impact, especially during the teenage years. A younger boy (or girl) in high school is less likely to be chosen for a leadership position because of his or her size, voice, and the childishness of their clothes. As a result, he or she may develop a feeling that they can't earn the trust of their peers, which can then affect their self-confidence.

If long continued, this state of affairs may lead to emotional straining after social recognition. In social gatherings, size and physical maturity are important as absolute quantities and qualities, and not in relation to age. Thus a child should not be placed too far out of his age-group. A very gifted boy, reaching at twenty years a stature of five feet nine inches, remarked, "It is very odd to be as large as the people you're with!" Being always the smallest member of a social group may develop attitudes which are hard to revise when eventually the boy or girl achieves adult stature and is "as large as the people you're with."

If this situation continues for a long time, it may cause emotional stress from seeking social acceptance. In social events, size and physical maturity matter as definite qualities, not just in relation to age. So, a child shouldn't be too out of sync with their age group. A very talented young man, who was five feet nine inches tall at twenty years old, said, "It's really strange to be as tall as the people around you!" Always being the smallest in a group can create attitudes that are difficult to change once the boy or girl grows up and is "as large as the people they're with."

This difficulty in assuming a normal place among more mature schoolmates arises especially in adolescence, when association with members of the opposite sex makes its introduction. Being in high school or in college with much older classmates, the boy of thirteen to sixteen finds himself at a disadvantage with the girls whom he meets. The girls brought to parties by the older boys are "too old" for him, and he feels unable to claim their attention. Many of these young boys show sufficient insight and sufficient management of their disadvantage to take care of it. They know that the trouble lies in being "too young," and that later they will achieve standing with the girls. In a few cases, however, this difficulty may lead to an unfortunate avoidance of girls, even in more mature years. In the case of girls, adjustment to the society of older boys in high school and college seems to present no special difficulties, since girls develop earlier than boys do, and are taken seriously by boys who are older than themselves.

This struggle to fit in with older classmates is especially common during adolescence, when interacting with the opposite sex becomes more frequent. In high school or college, boys aged thirteen to sixteen often feel out of their depth with the girls they meet. The girls who attend parties with older boys seem "too old" for them, making it hard for them to get noticed. Many of these young boys are aware of their disadvantage and manage it well. They understand that their issue is being "too young" and believe they will eventually earn respect from the girls. However, for some, this challenge can lead to an unfortunate avoidance of girls, even as they get older. For girls, adapting to the company of older boys in high school and college doesn’t seem to be as big of a problem since they mature faster than boys and are taken seriously by older boys.

The "inferiority complexes" of gifted persons have been little studied, but it is certain that many such persons do feel socially inferior and shy. Some of this may be due to the physical comparisons just suggested, arising from prolonged association with older persons.

The "inferiority complexes" of gifted individuals haven't been explored much, but it's clear that many of them do feel socially inferior and introverted. Some of this might come from physical comparisons mentioned earlier, which can happen because they spend a lot of time with older individuals.

PROBLEMS OF ADJUSTMENT TO OCCUPATION

Where the gifted child drifts in the school unrecognized, working chronically far below his capacity (even though young for his grade), he receives daily practice in habits of idleness and daydreaming. His abilities never receive the stimulus of genuine challenge, and the situation tends to form in him the expectation of an effortless existence. Children with IQ's up to 150 get along in the ordinary course of school life quite well, achieving excellent marks without serious effort. But children above this mental status become almost intolerably bored with school work if kept in lockstep with unselected pupils of their own age. Children who rise above 170 IQ are liable to regard school with indifference or with positive dislike, for they find nothing in the work to absorb their interest. This condition of affairs, coupled with the supervision of unseeing and unsympathetic teachers, has sometimes led even to truancy on the part of gifted children.

Where the gifted child goes unnoticed in school, consistently performing well below their potential (even if they are younger than their classmates), they get daily practice in being idle and daydreaming. Their abilities never get the boost of real challenges, leading them to expect a life without effort. Kids with IQs up to 150 can manage quite well in a typical school setting, earning great grades with little work. But kids who score higher than this often get extremely bored with schoolwork when placed with unselected peers their age. Children who exceed an IQ of 170 may view school with indifference or even dislike, as they find nothing in the curriculum engaging. This situation, combined with the oversight of unobservant and unsupportive teachers, has sometimes led even gifted kids to skip school.

On the other hand, if a very gifted child is placed in the regular grades as far ahead of his age as his learning capacity warrants, the evils of social dislocation may result, as previously described. Experimental education is at present trying to solve the problem of how to secure right habits of work for the highly intelligent child, and some progress has been made in recent years.

On the other hand, if a very gifted child is placed in regular classes that are significantly above their age level based on their learning ability, it may lead to issues with social adjustment, as mentioned earlier. Current educational experiments are working on finding ways to establish good work habits for highly intelligent children, and there has been some progress made in recent years.

Another problem of development with reference to occupation grows out of the versatility of these children. So far from being one-sided in ability and interest, they are typically capable of so many different kinds of success that they may have difficulty in confining themselves to a reasonable number of enterprises. Some of them are lost to usefulness through spreading their available time and energy over such a wide array of projects that nothing can be finished or done perfectly. After all, time and space are as limited for the gifted as for others, and the life-span is probably not much longer for them than for others. A choice must be made among the numerous possibilities, since modern life calls for specialization.

Another issue with development regarding careers comes from the versatility of these kids. Rather than being one-dimensional in skills and interests, they usually have so many different ways to succeed that they struggle to focus on a reasonable number of pursuits. Some end up being less effective because they spread their time and energy too thin over a wide range of projects, so nothing gets finished or done well. After all, time and resources are just as limited for gifted individuals as they are for anyone else, and their lifespan is likely not much longer than that of others. A decision has to be made among the many options, as modern life requires specialization.

The dangers in development with respect to work habits are, therefore, that the child may not develop any habits of sustained effort, and that he may fail of success as a worker through being interested in too many things ever to accomplish very much at any one of them. His problem as he goes into adolescence is to make a definite choice, and to form the habit of effort.

The risks in development regarding work habits are that the child might not develop any habits of consistent effort, and he may struggle to succeed as a worker because he's interested in too many things to achieve much in any one of them. His challenge as he enters adolescence is to make a clear choice and build the habit of putting in effort.

LEARNING TO "SUFFER FOOLS GLADLY"

A lesson which many gifted persons never learn as long as they live is that human beings in general are inherently very different from themselves in thought, in action, in general intention, and in interests. Many a reformer has died at the hands of a mob which he was trying to improve in the belief that other human beings can and should enjoy what he enjoys. This is one of the most painful and difficult lessons that each gifted child must learn, if personal development is to proceed successfully. It is more necessary that this be learned than that any school subject be mastered. Failure to learn how to tolerate in a reasonable fashion the foolishness of others leads to bitterness, disillusionment, and misanthropy.

A lesson that many talented people never learn throughout their lives is that most people are fundamentally different from them in their thoughts, actions, intentions, and interests. Many reformers have met their end at the hands of the very crowd they tried to help, believing that others can and should appreciate what they do. This is one of the most painful and challenging lessons each gifted child must learn for successful personal growth. Learning this is more crucial than mastering any school subject. Failing to accept the foolishness of others in a reasonable way leads to bitterness, disillusionment, and a dislike of humanity.

This point may be illustrated by the behavior of a seven-year-old boy with an IQ of 178. He was not sent to school until the age of seven because of his advanced interest in reading. At seven, however, the compulsory attendance law took effect and the child was placed in the third grade at school. After about four weeks of attendance, he came home from school weeping bitterly. "Oh Grandmother, Grand-mother," he cried, "they don't know what's good! They just won't read!"

This point can be shown through the actions of a seven-year-old boy with an IQ of 178. He didn’t start school until he was seven because he had such a strong interest in reading. However, when he turned seven, the law requiring school attendance kicked in, and he was put in the third grade. After about four weeks of going to school, he came home crying hard. “Oh Grandmother, Grandmother,” he exclaimed, “they don’t know what’s good! They just won’t read!”

The fact came to light that he had taken book after book to school—all his favorites from his grandfather's library—and had tried to show the other third-grade pupils what treasures these were, but the boys and girls only resisted his efforts, made fun of him, threw the treasures on the floor, and finally pulled his hair.

It turned out that he had brought book after book to school—all his favorites from his grandfather's library—and tried to show the other third-graders what treasures they were, but the boys and girls only pushed back, teased him, tossed the treasures on the floor, and eventually pulled his hair.

Such struggles as these, if they continue without directing the child's insight, may lead to complete alienation from his contemporaries in childhood, and to misanthropy in adolescence and adulthood. Particularly deplorable are the struggles of these children against dull or otherwise unworthy adults in authority. The very gifted child or adolescent, perceiving the illogical conduct of those in charge of his affairs, may turn rebellious against all authority and fall into a condition of negative suggestibility—a most unfortunate trend of personality, since the person is then unable to take a coöperative attitude toward authority.

Such struggles, if they persist without guiding the child's understanding, can lead to complete disconnection from peers during childhood and to a dislike for humanity in their teenage and adult years. It's particularly unfortunate when these children face off against boring or otherwise unworthy adults in positions of power. A gifted child or teenager who sees the irrational behavior of those managing their lives may become rebellious against all authority and develop a negative outlook—an unfortunate personality trait, as it makes it difficult for them to cooperate with those in positions of authority.

A person who is highly suggestible in a negative direction is as much in bondage to others around him as is the person who is positively suggestible. The social value of the person is seriously impaired in either case. The gifted are not likely to fall victims to positive suggestion but many of them develop negativism to a conspicuous degree.

A person who is easily influenced in a negative way is just as constrained by those around them as someone who is easily influenced in a positive way. In both cases, their social value is significantly diminished. Those with talent are less likely to succumb to positive influence, but many of them do develop a strong tendency towards negativity.

The highly intelligent child will be intellectually capable of self-determination, and his greatest value to society can be realized only if he is truly self-possessed and detached from the influences of both positive and negative suggestion. The more intelligent the child, the truer this statement is. It is especially unfortunate, therefore, that so many gifted children have in authority over them persons of no special fitness for the task, who cannot gain or keep the respect of these good thinkers. Such unworthy guardians arouse, by the process of "redintegration," contempt for authority wherever it is found, and the inability to yield gracefully to command.

The highly intelligent child will have the ability to make independent choices, and their greatest contribution to society can only be realized if they are genuinely self-aware and unaffected by both positive and negative influences. The smarter the child, the more accurate this statement is. It's especially unfortunate that so many gifted children are under the authority of individuals who are not well-suited for the role and who cannot earn or maintain the respect of these bright thinkers. Such unqualified guardians provoke, through a process of "redintegration," disdain for authority in all its forms, leading to difficulty in accepting commands gracefully.

Thus some gifted persons, mishandled in youth, become contentious, aggressive, and stubborn to an extent which renders them difficult and disagreeable in all human relationships involving subordination. Since subordination must precede posts of command in the ordinary course of life, this is an unfortunate trend of personality. Cynicism and negativism are likely to interfere seriously with a life career. Happily, gifted children are typically endowed with a keen sense of humor, and are apparently able to mature beyond cynicism eventually in a majority of cases.

Some talented individuals, mishandled in their youth, become confrontational, aggressive, and stubborn to a degree that makes them difficult and unpleasant in all relationships that require subordination. Since subordination often comes before positions of authority in everyday life, this is an unfortunate personality trend. Cynicism and negativity can seriously disrupt a career. Fortunately, gifted children usually have a sharp sense of humor and seem able to move beyond cynicism in most cases as they mature.

THE TENDENCY TO BECOME ISOLATED

Yoder [7] noticed, in studying the boyhood of great men, that although play interests were keen among them, the play was often of a solitary kind. The same is true of children who "test high." The majority of children testing above 160 IQ play little with other children unless special conditions are provided, such as those found in a special class. The difficulties are too great, in the ordinary course of events, in finding playmates who are appropriate in size and congenial in mentality. This fact was noted some years ago by the present writer. Terman [8] in 1930 made a special study of the play of those in his group of children who tested above 170 IQ and found them generally more solitary in work and play than children clustering around 140 IQ.

Yoder [7] observed, while studying the childhood of great individuals, that even though they were highly engaged in play, it often tended to be solitary. This is also true for children who "test high." Most children with an IQ over 160 play very little with their peers unless specific conditions are set up, like those found in a special class. The challenges in finding playmates who are suitable in size and compatible in mindset are usually too significant. This observation was made some years ago by the author. Terman [8] conducted a specific study in 1930 on the play of children in his group who had an IQ over 170 and found that they were generally more solitary in both work and play compared to children around the 140 IQ range.

These superior children are not unfriendly or ungregarious by nature. Typically they strive to play with others but their efforts are defeated by the difficulties of the case. These difficulties are illustrated in the efforts of the seven-year-old boy already mentioned. Other children do not share their interests, their vocabulary, or their desire to organize activities. They try to reform their contemporaries but finally give up the struggle and play alone, since older children regard them as "babies" and adults seldom play during the hours when children are awake. As a result, forms of solitary play develop, and these, becoming fixed as habits, may explain the fact that many highly intellectual adults are shy, ungregarious, and unmindful of human relationships, or are even misanthropic and uncomfortable in ordinary social intercourse.

These gifted children are not naturally unfriendly or unsociable. They usually want to play with others, but their attempts are often hindered by certain challenges. These challenges are illustrated in the case of the seven-year-old boy mentioned earlier. Other kids don’t share their interests, vocabulary, or their desire to set up activities. They try to improve their peers but eventually give up and play alone because older kids see them as "babies," and adults rarely engage in play during the day when children are awake. Consequently, they develop habits of solitary play, which may explain why many highly intelligent adults are shy, unsociable, and indifferent to human connections, or even misanthropic and uncomfortable in ordinary social interactions.

This difficulty of the gifted child in forming friendships is largely a result of the infrequency of persons who are like-minded. The more intelligent a person is, regardless of age, the less often can he find a truly congenial companion. The average child finds playmates in abundance who can think and act on a level congenial to him because there are so many average children.

This challenge for gifted kids in making friends is mostly due to the rarity of like-minded individuals. The smarter a person is, no matter their age, the less frequently they can find a genuinely compatible friend. An average child easily finds plenty of playmates who can think and act on a level that feels comfortable to them because there are so many average kids around.

Adding to the conditions which make for isolation is the fact that gifted children are often "only" children, or they have brothers and sisters who differ widely from them in age. Thus playmates in the home are less numerous for them than for children generally.

Adding to the factors that lead to isolation is the reality that gifted children are often "only" children, or they have siblings who are much older or younger than they are. As a result, they have fewer playmates at home compared to children in general.

The imaginary playmate as a solution of the problem of loneliness is fairly frequent. We know but little at present of the psychology of this invention of the unreal to fill real needs. Reasoning from the general principles of mental hygiene, one would say that the pattern of companionship represented in the imaginary playmate is less valuable for personal development than a pattern founded on reality, and that effort should be made to fill the real need with genuine persons, if possible.

The use of an imaginary friend to cope with loneliness is quite common. We currently know very little about the psychology behind creating an unreal companion to meet real needs. Based on the general principles of mental health, one might argue that the companionship provided by an imaginary friend is less beneficial for personal growth than a real relationship and that efforts should be made to fulfill the actual need with real people whenever possible.

Also, the deep interest in reading which typifies the gifted child may further his isolation. Irwin believes that reading should be deferred in the education of the highly intelligent. "I believe it is especially important that intellectual children get a grasp on reality through real experiences in making and doing things before they are ever introduced to the wonders that lie within books." From this point of view, the development of the physical, social, and emotional aspects of personality would have first attention in the education of a gifted child, the intellectual being fostered last of all because it comes of itself and is too likely to run away with the other three and lead to isolation.

Additionally, the strong passion for reading that often characterizes gifted children can contribute to their isolation. Irwin suggests that reading should be postponed in the education of highly intelligent kids. "I think it's especially important for intellectual children to connect with reality through real-life experiences in making and doing things before they're introduced to the wonders found in books." From this perspective, the focus of educating a gifted child should be on developing their physical, social, and emotional aspects first, with intellectual development being nurtured last, as it tends to come naturally and can easily overshadow the other three, potentially leading to isolation.

This tendency to become isolated is one of the most important factors to be considered in guiding the development of personality in highly intelligent children, but it does not become a serious problem except at the very extreme degrees of intelligence. The majority of children between 130 and 150 IQ find fairly easy adjustment, because neighborhoods and schools are selective, so that like-minded children tend to be located in the same schools and districts. Furthermore, the gifted child, being large and strong for his age, is acceptable to playmates a year or two older. Great difficulty arises only when a young child is above 160 IQ. At the extremely high levels of 180 and 190 IQ, the problem of friendships is difficult indeed, and the younger the person, the more difficult it is. The trouble decreases with age because as persons become adult, they naturally seek and find on their own initiative groups who are like-minded, such as learned societies.

This tendency to become isolated is one of the most important factors to consider in guiding the development of personality in highly intelligent kids, but it really only becomes a serious issue at the highest levels of intelligence. Most kids with an IQ between 130 and 150 adjust pretty easily because neighborhoods and schools tend to group similar kids together. Plus, gifted children, often larger and stronger for their age, are usually accepted by peers who are one or two years older. Significant challenges only arise when a young child has an IQ over 160. At extremely high levels, like 180 and 190 IQ, forming friendships becomes quite challenging, especially for younger individuals. However, this difficulty lessens with age, as adults naturally seek out groups with similar interests, such as academic societies.

THE CONCEPT OF "OPTIMUM INTELLIGENCE"

All things considered, the psychologist who has observed the development of gifted children over a long period of time from early childhood to maturity, evolves the idea that there is a certain restricted portion of the total range of intelligence which is most favorable to the development of successful and well-rounded personality in the world as it now exists. This limited range appears to be somewhere between 125 and 155 IQ. Children and adolescents in this area are enough more intelligent than the average to win the confidence of large numbers of their fellows, which brings about leadership, and to manage their own lives with superior efficiency. Moreover, there are enough of them to afford mutual esteem and understanding. But those of 170 IQ and beyond are too intelligent to be understood by the general run of persons with whom they make contact. They are too infrequent to find many congenial companions. They have to contend with loneliness and with personal isolation from their contemporaries throughout the period of immaturity. To what extent these patterns become permanently fixed, we cannot yet tell.

All things considered, the psychologist who has observed the development of gifted children over a long period, from early childhood to adulthood, believes that there’s a certain limited range of intelligence that is most conducive to developing a successful and well-rounded personality in today’s world. This range seems to be between 125 and 155 IQ. Children and teens within this range are significantly more intelligent than average, which helps them gain the trust of many peers, leading to leadership roles, and allows them to manage their own lives with greater efficiency. Plus, there are enough of them to foster mutual respect and understanding. However, those with an IQ of 170 and above are too intelligent to be easily understood by most people they encounter. They are so rare that it’s hard for them to find like-minded friends. They often struggle with loneliness and personal isolation during their formative years. We can’t yet determine how much of these patterns become permanent.

There is thus an "optimum" intelligence, from the viewpoint of personal happiness and adjustment to society, which is well below the maximum. The exploration of this concept should yield truths of value for education, and for social science as well. The few children who test at the very top of the juvenile population have a unique value for society. On them depends in large measure the advancement of learning. If they fail of personal happiness and human contact, their work for society as a whole may be impaired or lost.

There is an "optimal" level of intelligence, in terms of personal happiness and fitting into society, that is much lower than the highest level. Looking into this idea should reveal valuable insights for education and social science. The few kids who score at the very top of the youth population have a special significance for society. A lot of the progress in learning relies on them. If they struggle with personal happiness and social connections, their contributions to society may suffer or be lost.

CONCLUSION

As far as observations go at present, intellectually gifted children between 130 and 150 IQ seem to find the world well suited to their development. As a group, they enjoy the advantages of superior size, strength, health, and beauty; they are emotionally well balanced and controlled; they are of good character; and they tend to win the confidence of their contemporaries, which gives them leadership. This is the "optimum" range of intelligence, if personal happiness is being considered. If a parent would want his child to enjoy "every advantage," he could not do better than wish the child to be endowed with an IQ not lower than 130 or higher than 150.

As far as current observations go, intellectually gifted children with an IQ between 130 and 150 seem to find the world well-suited for their development. As a group, they benefit from greater size, strength, health, and attractiveness; they are emotionally stable and self-controlled; they possess good character; and they tend to earn the trust of their peers, which positions them as leaders. This is the "optimal" range of intelligence when considering personal happiness. If a parent wants their child to have "every advantage," they couldn't wish for anything better than for the child to have an IQ no lower than 130 and no higher than 150.

Above this limit, however—surely above 160 IQ—the deviation is so great that it leads to special problems of development which are correlated with personal isolation. As one boy with an IQ of 190 has said: "It isn't good to be in college so awfully young (twelve years of age). It produces a feeling of alienation."

Above this limit, however—definitely above 160 IQ—the difference is so significant that it creates unique developmental challenges that are linked to personal isolation. As one boy with an IQ of 190 expressed: "It's not great to be in college at such a young age (twelve years old). It creates a sense of alienation."

How to provide against alienation from contemporaries of both sexes, and how to prevent the negativism that results from continuous living under inefficient or unreasonable authority, are two of the important problems for education in its attempt to insure good adjustment of personality for children of extremely high intelligence.

How to avoid alienation from peers of both genders, and how to prevent the negativity that comes from constantly living under ineffective or unreasonable authority, are two key issues for education in its effort to ensure a healthy personality adjustment for highly intelligent children.

[1] For the original discussion of this topic see the paper by this title, by Leta S. Hollingworth, in the Fifteenth Yearbook of the Department of Elementary School Principals, National Education Association (July, 1936), pages 272-281.

[1] For the original discussion of this topic, see the paper by this title, by Leta S. Hollingworth, in the Fifteenth Yearbook of the Department of Elementary School Principals, National Education Association (July 1936), pages 272-281.

[2] Terman, Lewis M. Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. I. Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1925.

[2] Terman, Lewis M. Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. I. Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1925.

[3] Hartshorne, H., and May, M. A. Studies in Deceit. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1927.

[3] Hartshorne, H., and May, M. A. Studies in Deceit. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1927.

[4] Haggerty, Melvin E. Evaluation of Higher Institutions. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois; 1937.

[4] Haggerty, Melvin E. Evaluation of Higher Institutions. University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Illinois; 1937.

[5] Burt, C. The Young Delinquent. D. Appleton-Century Company, Inc., New York; 1924.

[5] Burt, C. The Young Delinquent. D. Appleton-Century Company, Inc., New York; 1924.

[6] Healy, W., and Bronner, A. F. Criminals and Delinquents: Their Making and Unmaking. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1928.

[6] Healy, W., and Bronner, A. F. Criminals and Delinquents: Their Making and Unmaking. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1928.

[7] Yoder, G. F. "A Study of the Boyhood of Great Men." Pedagogical Seminary (1894).

[7] Yoder, G. F. "A Study of the Boyhood of Great Men." Pedagogical Seminary (1894).

[8] Op. cit.

Op. cit.

CHAPTER TWENTY

THE CHILD OF VERY SUPERIOR INTELLIGENCE AS A SPECIAL PROBLEM IN SOCIAL ADJUSTMENT [1]

This discussion is limited to the problems that arise from the combination of immaturity and superiority. Thus the problems considered pertain chiefly to the period in the life of the gifted child before he is twenty years of age; for the problems of the person of superior intellect tend to be less numerous as he grows older and can use his intelligence independently in gaining control of his own life.

This discussion focuses on the issues that come from the combination of immaturity and superiority. Therefore, the problems being addressed mostly relate to the time in a gifted child's life before they turn twenty; because the challenges faced by someone with superior intellect tend to decrease as they age and can use their intelligence independently to take charge of their own life.

It should be stated emphatically at the outset that children of very superior intelligence are not, as a group, socially annoying. The problems presented are those of the child, not those of society, as ordinarily understood. That this is so is sufficiently proved by the scant attention that organized society has bestowed upon the study of gifted children. Society studies that which is socially annoying. The school attends to those who give it trouble. Thus feeble-minded children ("minus deviates," as they are called in modern laboratories) have long been studied. Millions of dollars have been spent in considering them, and a voluminous literature has grown up through prolonged investigation of their maladjustments. Gifted children, on the other hand, have been studied hardly at all. Such investigations as we have are the result of intellectual interest on the part of a few educators and psychologists, who in the course of mental surveys became interested in those children who test always at the top.

It should be made clear from the start that highly intelligent children are not, as a group, socially troubling. The issues that arise are those of the child, not those of society as it's usually understood. This is evident from the little attention organized society has given to the study of gifted children. Society focuses on what is socially annoying. Schools deal with those who create problems for them. As a result, children with intellectual disabilities ("minus deviates," as they are called in modern labs) have been extensively studied. Millions of dollars have been spent on researching them, leading to a large body of literature regarding their challenges. In contrast, gifted children have barely been studied at all. The research we do have comes mainly from the intellectual curiosity of a few educators and psychologists who, during mental assessments, became interested in those children who consistently score at the top.

THE QUALITY OF GIFTED CHILDREN

Such data as we now possess, from the scientific study of the gifted as organisms, show us that children of very superior intelligence are typically superior in other qualities also. They are superior in emotional stability and control. The old idea that the very bright "child prodigy" is likely to be nervous has been widespread, and popular fallacy inclines to mention "bright and high-strung" in the same breath. In fact, we not infrequently hear people claiming to be "high-strung" as a kind of compliment to themselves, implying that they are therefore also bright. Psychological researches of recent years have shown these ideas to be merely superstitions, founded on nothing more substantial than the human craving for a just nature that will somehow penalize the lucky and equalize biological wealth.

The data we have now, from the scientific study of gifted individuals, shows that children with very high intelligence usually excel in other qualities too. They tend to be better at emotional stability and control. The old belief that a "child prodigy" is likely to be nervous has been common, and many people often link "bright and high-strung" together. In fact, we frequently hear people describe themselves as "high-strung" as if it’s a compliment, suggesting that this means they are also smart. Recent psychological research has revealed that these notions are just myths, based on nothing more than the human desire for a fair world that somehow punishes the fortunate and balances out biological advantages.

The researches of Terman [2], particularly, and of Hartshorne and May [3], have shown that highly intelligent children are more stable emotionally than are unselected "controls" age for age, and are superior to "controls" in their resistance to temptation. The researches of Burt [4], and of Healy and Bronner [5], show among delinquents few children of the high degree of intelligence with which this paper deals.

The studies by Terman [2], especially, and by Hartshorne and May [3], have shown that highly intelligent children are emotionally more stable than unselected "controls" of the same age, and they are better than "controls" at resisting temptation. The research conducted by Burt [4], as well as Healy and Bronner [5], indicates that among delinquents, there are very few children with the high level of intelligence addressed in this paper.

The studies cited do not, of course, exhaust the recent scientific literature, but they do fairly exemplify the results of concrete, impersonal investigation, as distinguished from the results of popular "wishful thinking." The child who tests above 130 IQ [6] is typically (though of course not invariably) large and strong for his age, healthier than the average, contributes far less than his quota to juvenile misbehavior as socially defined, and is emotionally stable in superior degree.

The studies mentioned don't cover all of the recent scientific literature, but they do represent the outcomes of objective, concrete research, unlike results based on popular "wishful thinking." A child with an IQ above 130 is usually (though not always) larger and stronger for their age, healthier than average, causes less juvenile misbehavior as defined by society, and is more emotionally stable.

Starting with these facts as to generally superior adjustment, let us inquire whether there are, therefore, no special perplexities in the life of a gifted child. Is it possible that a child may vary as far in a "plus" direction from the average performance of his contemporaries as an imbecile varies in a "minus" direction, and find no special problems created for him by this wide difference in mental power between himself and the average child of his age?

Starting with these facts about generally better adjustment, let’s explore whether gifted children face any unique challenges. Is it possible for a child to exceed the average performance of their peers in such a significant way, just as a less capable child falls short, and not encounter any specific issues due to this large gap in mental ability compared to the typical child their age?

The psychologist who is professionally acquainted with children who test above 130 IQ will be able to formulate clearly certain special problems of adjustment, observed in the case study of these children, which arise primarily from the very fact that they are gifted. Let us attempt to state some of these problems. The more intelligent the child, the more likely he is to become involved in these puzzling situations.

The psychologist who works with children who have an IQ above 130 can clearly outline specific adjustment issues observed in these children, which mainly stem from their giftedness. Let’s try to define some of these challenges. The more intelligent the child is, the more likely they are to get caught up in these confusing situations.

THE PROBLEM OF WORK

Where the gifted child drifts in the school unrecognized, held to the lock step which is determined by the capacities of the average, he has little to do. He receives daily practice in habits of idleness and daydreaming. His abilities are never genuinely challenged, and the situation is contrived to build in him expectations of an effortless existence. Children up to about 140 IQ tolerate the ordinary school routine quite well, being usually a little young for grade through an extra promotion or two, and achieving excellent marks without serious effort. But above this status, children become increasingly bored with school work, if kept in or nearly in the lock step. Children at or above 180 IQ, for instance, are likely to regard school with indifference, or with positive distaste, for they find nothing interesting to do there.

Where the gifted child moves through school unnoticed, constrained by the pace set by average students, he has little to engage with. He practices idleness and daydreaming daily. His abilities are never truly tested, and the experience leads him to expect an easy life. Children with an IQ up to about 140 usually handle the standard school routine well. They're often a bit young for their grade due to a few extra promotions and achieve excellent grades without much effort. However, children above this level start to become increasingly bored with schoolwork if they remain in or close to the same pace. For instance, children at or above an IQ of 180 are likely to view school with indifference, or even disdain, because they find nothing stimulating to do there.

On the other hand, if the child be greatly accelerated in grade status, so that he is able to function intellectually with real interest, he will be misplaced in other important respects. A child of eight years graded with twelve-year-olds is out of his depth socially and physically, though able to do intellectual work as well as they can. These problems come out clearly when we consider that the seats and desks planned for twelve-year-olds will not fit him; that he will always be the last one chosen in athletic contests; that no one will know how to treat him at class parties; that the teacher will be prone to complain of his manual work, such as handwriting; and that he will be emotionally immature in comparison with older classmates. When he jumps up and down, clapping his hands and shouting, "Goody! goody!" at an announcement from the teacher, the older children will laugh at him, and later may hang paper tails and other tokens of ignominy upon him; whereas his childish glee would have constituted no violation of taste among eight-year-olds.

On the other hand, if a child is advanced in grade level so that they can engage intellectually with genuine interest, they might be placed inappropriately in other important ways. An eight-year-old being put in a class with twelve-year-olds is out of their depth socially and physically, even though they can handle the intellectual work just as well. These issues become clear when we realize that the desks and chairs made for twelve-year-olds won’t fit them; they’ll always be the last picked in sports; no one will know how to include them at class parties; the teacher might complain about their handwriting and other manual tasks; and they will seem emotionally immature compared to older classmates. When they jump up and down, clapping their hands and shouting, "Yay! Yay!" at a teacher’s announcement, the older kids will laugh at them, and later may even tease them with paper tails and other humiliating things; whereas their innocent excitement would have been perfectly acceptable among eight-year-olds.

A thousand concrete instances might be described to show what these problems of adjustment are. Experimental education is trying to solve them. At present, the special class is being tried in populous centers, wherein a whole group of the young gifted can be brought together (as has long been done for the dull and slow).

A thousand specific examples could be given to illustrate what these adjustment issues are. Experimental education is working to solve them. Right now, special classes are being tested in heavily populated areas, where a whole group of talented young people can be brought together (just like has been done for those who struggle academically).

In less populous communities, a moderate degree of acceleration, combined with enrichment of the curriculum for the individual, is being tried. We do not yet know how the problem of adjustment to school work can best be solved. Indeed, we have just learned how to define this problem.

In smaller communities, a reasonable level of acceleration, along with personalized curriculum enhancements, is being tested. We still don't know the best way to tackle the issue of adjusting to schoolwork. In fact, we've only just begun to define this problem.

THE PROBLEM OF ADJUSTMENT TO CLASSMATES

Typically, where there is no scientific recognition of the presence of the gifted, these children, by the time they are eight or nine years old, are more or less accelerated in scholastic status and appear as the youngest in the class. Such a child is thus youngest in the fourth or fifth grade, in a heterogeneous group in which the oldest are retardates, thirteen or fourteen years old. Now, in the case of boys especially, it may happen that these dull adolescents lie in wait to bully and tease the young gifted boy, whose "book-learning" they detest and whose immaturity suggests the term "baby." The present writer knows of instances in which these young children have valiantly suffered at the hands of dull, bullying classmates, protecting themselves as best they might by agility and wit, since, of course, they could not possibly compete in size and strength. The gross indignities and tortures thus suffered are directly a penalty of being gifted; for little boys of like age, in the grade proper to their age, do not come into classroom contact with these over-age bullies to anything like the same extent, and hence do not become targets for the latter.

Usually, when there's no scientific acknowledgment of gifted kids, by the time they are eight or nine, they are often ahead in school and are the youngest in their classes. This means a gifted child might be in fourth or fifth grade, surrounded by older classmates, some of whom are struggling and may be thirteen or fourteen years old. In particular, with boys, it can happen that these less capable classmates bully and tease the gifted boy, resenting his "book smarts" and labeling him as a "baby" because of his youth. The author knows of cases where these kids have bravely endured mistreatment from bullying classmates, trying to defend themselves with quick thinking and agility since they can’t compete physically. The harsh treatment they face is a direct consequence of being gifted; boys their age in classes suitable for them usually don’t have as much direct interaction with these older bullies and therefore aren’t targeted as often.

One young gifted boy thus bullied said, "I rigged up a sling and was going to hit him [[the bully]] with a marble, but got afraid I might shoot his eye out." This simple statement tells volumes.

One young gifted boy who was bullied said, "I made a sling and was going to hit him [[the bully]] with a marble, but I got scared I might shoot his eye out." This simple statement says a lot.

It would seem that the school should somehow take effective cognizance of this problem of the bully, which is created for the gifted child directly as a result of the contacts forced upon both of them by the school. Segregation of pupils on the basis of mentality would go far to obviate such problems, but except in cities, homogeneous grouping is difficult. At present, compulsory education, with heterogeneous classes, forced upon gifted children situations that would be analogous to those arising if teachers and superintendents were compelled to consort daily, unprotected, with giant thugs and gangsters. Gifted adults are free to segregate themselves from thugs and gangsters, and also to make explicit provision for police protection, but the American school forces the dull bully upon the gifted child, in daily contacts, out of which lasting problems of mental hygiene may arise.

It seems that schools should seriously address the issue of bullying, which particularly affects gifted children due to the interactions imposed on them by the school environment. Separating students based on their mental capacities could significantly reduce these problems, but this kind of grouping is challenging outside of urban areas. Currently, mandatory education with mixed-ability classes puts gifted children in situations similar to teachers and administrators being forced to interact regularly, without protection, with intimidating thugs and gangsters. Gifted adults can choose to distance themselves from such individuals and arrange for security, but American schools compel gifted children to deal with dull bullies in their daily lives, leading to lasting issues related to mental well-being.

THE PROBLEM OF PLAY

Reports by gifted children themselves show that they are, as a group, much interested in play, and that they have more "play knowledge" than has the average child. When their reports are compared item by item with reports similarly rendered by unselected children, it appears that the gifted know more games of intellectual skill, such as bridge and chess; that they care less, age for age, for play which involves predominantly simple sensori-motor activity which is aimless; and that gifted girls are far less interested in traditional girls' play, as with dolls and tea sets, than unselected girls are. The gifted enjoy more complicated and more highly competitive games than the generality do, age for age. Outdoor sports hold a high place with the gifted, being almost as popular among them as is reading.

Reports from gifted children themselves indicate that they are generally very interested in play and possess more "play knowledge" than the average child. When their accounts are compared item by item with those of randomly selected children, it becomes clear that the gifted know more intellectually challenging games, like bridge and chess; they are less interested, at the same age, in play that mainly involves simple and aimless sensory-motor activities; and gifted girls show far less interest in traditional girls' play, such as with dolls and tea sets, compared to unselected girls. Gifted children prefer more complex and highly competitive games than their peers do, at the same age. Outdoor sports are highly valued among the gifted, being nearly as popular as reading.

But although they love play, and have much play knowledge, the play of the highly intelligent works out in practice as a somewhat difficult compromise among their various powers. They follow their intellectual interests as far as they can, but these are checked in many ways by age, by degree of physical immaturity, and by tradition. An eight-year-old of 160 IQ may, for example, be deeply interested in tennis, but he is likely to be more or less kept from playing because his physical development is not yet equal to the demands of the game. He may love to play bridge, but others of his age who are available as playmates do not, of course, know how to play bridge, and he is not allowed to sit up at night when his elders play.

But even though they love to play and have a lot of knowledge about play, the play of highly intelligent individuals often ends up being a complicated mix of their various abilities. They pursue their intellectual interests as much as possible, but these are limited in many ways by their age, physical development, and societal norms. For instance, an eight-year-old with an IQ of 160 might be really into tennis, but they’re likely to be held back from playing because their physical skills aren’t quite up to the demands of the game yet. They might really enjoy playing bridge, but the other kids their age typically don’t know how to play it, and they aren’t allowed to stay up late to play when their older relatives do.

By trial-and error experience, the highly intelligent child has to work out an adjustment if he can, but there is likely to be noticeable difficulty if he tests above 170 IQ. In the ordinary course of events, it is hard for such a child to find playmates who are congenial both in size and in mental interests. Thus many of those who test very high are finally thrown back upon themselves, and tend strongly to work out forms of solitary, intellectual play. [7] The same situation is discovered in studies of the childhood of eminent persons. Yoder [8], in his study of the juvenile history of fifty very eminent persons, concluded that their play "was often of a solitary kind." Reading, calculation, designing, compiling collections, constructing an "imaginary land," evoking imaginary playmates—these forms of play stand out prominently among the recreational interests of such children. Since physical activity is hard to carry out interestingly alone, their play tends to become habitually sedentary. Nevertheless, they develop a high degree swimming, skating, and other forms of athletic enjoyment which do not depend upon being included in a group.

Through trial and error, a highly intelligent child has to figure out how to adapt if they can, but those with an IQ over 170 are likely to face noticeable challenges. It’s often difficult for such children to find playmates who are both a good size and share similar interests. As a result, many of those who score very high on IQ tests end up relying on themselves and tend to develop forms of solitary, intellectual play. Research into the childhoods of notable figures shows a similar trend. Yoder, in his study of the childhoods of fifty exceptionally accomplished individuals, found that their play was often solitary. Activities like reading, problem-solving, designing, collecting, creating an "imaginary land," and imagining playmates are prominent among their recreational interests. Since engaging in physical activities alone can be less interesting, their play typically becomes more sedentary. However, they do develop a strong aptitude for swimming, skating, and other athletic activities that don’t require group participation.

Of six young children testing above 180 IQ, known to the present writer, only one [9] had no conspicuous difficulty in play, during early childhood. [10] The other five were all so divergent from the usual in play interests that parents and teachers noticed them. They were unpopular with children of their own age because they always wanted to organize the play into a complicated pattern, with some remote and definite climax as the goal. As the mother of one six-year-old said, "He can never be satisfied just to toss a ball around, or to run about pulling and shouting." Children of six years are ordinarily incapable of becoming interested in long-sustained, complicated games which lead to remote goals, but are, on the contrary, characteristically satisfied only by the kind of random activity which bored this child of 187 IQ. The playmates of ordinary intelligence naturally resented persistent efforts to reform them and to organize them for the attainment of remote goals. Furthermore, they did not have in their vocabulary words that the gifted child knew well, used habitually, and took for granted. Literally, they could not understand each other. The result was that the child of 187 IQ did not "get along" with those of his own age and size. But when he sought to join the play of children of his own mental age (above twelve years), the six-year-old was rejected by them also, as being "a baby" and "too little to play with us." The child, thus thrown back upon himself, developed elaborate mathematical calculation, collecting, reading, and games with imaginary playmates, as his chief forms of play.

Of six young children testing above a 180 IQ that the writer knows, only one [9] had no noticeable difficulty during play in early childhood. [10] The other five were all so different in their play interests that parents and teachers took notice. They were unpopular with kids their own age because they always wanted to organize play into a complicated structure aimed at some distant and specific end. As the mother of one six-year-old put it, "He can never just be satisfied tossing a ball around or running about yelling." Six-year-olds typically can't stay interested in long, complicated games that lead to distant goals; instead, they generally prefer the kind of random activity that bored this child with a 187 IQ. Playmates of average intelligence naturally resented constant attempts to change them and organize them for achieving distant goals. Additionally, they didn't have in their vocabulary the words that the gifted child knew well, used regularly, and took for granted. Literally, they couldn’t understand each other. As a result, the child with a 187 IQ didn’t "fit in" with those his own age and size. But when he tried to join the play of children his own mental age (over twelve years), he was also rejected, labeled as "a baby" and "too little to play with us." Left to his own devices, he developed advanced mathematical skills, collecting, reading, and games with imaginary friends as his main forms of play.

These young children of extremely high intellectual acumen fail to be interested in "child's play" for the same reasons that in adulthood they will fail to patronize custard-pie movies or chute-the-chutes at amusement parks. It is futile, and probably wholly unsound psychologically, to strive to interest the child above 170 IQ in ring-around-the-rosy or blind-man's-buff. Many well-meaning persons speak of such efforts as "socializing the child," but it is probably not in this way that the very gifted can be socialized. The problem of how the play interests of these children can be realized is one that will depend largely on individual circumstances for solution. Often it can be solved only by the development of solitary play.

These young kids with extremely high intelligence aren’t interested in “child’s play” for the same reasons they won’t want to watch silly movies or enjoy rides at amusement parks when they grow up. Trying to engage a child with an IQ over 170 in things like ring-around-the-rosy or blind-man's-buff is pointless and probably not good for their mental health. Many well-intentioned people refer to these attempts as “socializing the child,” but that’s probably not how highly gifted kids can be socialized. Finding ways to engage these children in play will largely depend on their individual circumstances. Often, it can only be resolved through the development of solitary play.

What, if any, effect the habitual evocation of imaginary playmates, and the elaboration of the imaginary land, may exert on character formation and habits of adjustment in adulthood is at present unknown. Psychologists should study the hygienic aspects of these methods of finding satisfaction outside of the real world. Since gifted children are, as has been stated, on the whole a stable and rational group, perhaps no effects, or good effects only, result from this play of the imagination.

What impact, if any, the regular creation of imaginary friends and the development of an imaginary world might have on personality development and coping skills in adulthood is currently unknown. Psychologists should explore the healthy aspects of these ways of finding fulfillment outside of reality. Since gifted children tend to be a fairly stable and rational group, it’s possible that this imaginative play has no negative effects or only positive ones.

SPECIAL PROBLEMS OF THE GIFTED GIRL

It has been mentioned that gifted girls are less interested in traditional girls' play than are unselected girls. They show a preference for boys' books and boys' play, and a greater community of interests with boys than the generality of girls display. This merely means that girls of a high degree of intelligence are, as a group, more competitive, aggressive, and active than girls are supposed to be.

It has been noted that gifted girls are less interested in typical girls' activities compared to girls who are not selected for gifted programs. They tend to prefer boys' books and boys' games, and they share more interests with boys than most girls do. This simply suggests that highly intelligent girls, as a group, are more competitive, assertive, and active than society traditionally views girls.

An illustrative case is that of a seven-year-old girl of IQ 170, whose mother wished to learn from psychology how to break her child of being a "tomboy" and how to rear her to "be a lady." The mother complained that the girl had never cared for dolls, that she would not take an interest in her clothes, and that she wanted to do nothing after school but read or play "rough, outdoor games." "How," inquired the mother, "could I break her of the habit of climbing lampposts?" This child was active and competitive. When asked why she did not play with dolls, she replied, "They aren't real. The doll that is supposed to be a baby doll is twice as big as the one that is made like a mother doll."

An illustrative case is that of a seven-year-old girl with an IQ of 170, whose mother wanted to learn from psychology how to stop her child from being a "tomboy" and how to raise her to "be a lady." The mother complained that the girl had never shown any interest in dolls, that she didn't care about her clothes, and that she only wanted to read or play "rough, outdoor games" after school. "How," the mother asked, "can I get her to stop climbing lampposts?" This child was active and competitive. When asked why she didn't play with dolls, she responded, "They're not real. The doll that’s supposed to be a baby doll is twice as big as the one that’s made like a mother doll."

Aside from their dissatisfaction with the play habits ordinarily associated with their sex, gifted girls have various other problems to face which arise directly from the facts that they are able and that they are girls. When they reach the stage of life-planning, as they do very early, they are confused in their self-seeking by the uncertainty in contemporary customs as to what a girl may become. This difficulty is growing less and less, to be sure, but it is still something to be reckoned with, especially in certain localities. The intelligent girl begins very early to perceive that she is, so to speak, of the wrong sex. From a thousand tiny cues, she learns that she is not expected to entertain the same ambitions as her brother. Her problem is to adjust her ambitions to a sense of sex inferiority without, on the one hand, losing self-respect and self-determination, and, on the other, without becoming morbidly aggressive. This is never an easy adjustment to achieve, and even superior intelligence does not always suffice to accomplish it. The special problem of gifted girls is that they have strong preferences for activities that are hard to follow on account of their sex, which is inescapable.

Aside from their frustration with the typical play habits associated with their gender, talented girls face various other issues that stem directly from being capable and being girls. When they reach the stage of planning their lives, which they often do very early, they are uncertain about their self-direction due to the confusion in current customs about what a girl can become. This challenge is becoming less significant, but it still needs to be addressed, especially in certain areas. Smart girls begin to notice at a young age that they are, in a way, considered to be of the wrong gender. From countless subtle hints, they realize that they are not expected to have the same aspirations as their brothers. Their challenge is to align their ambitions with a sense of gender inferiority without, on one hand, losing their self-respect and self-determination, and on the other, becoming overly aggressive. This balance is never easy to achieve, and even high intelligence doesn’t always make it possible. The specific issue for gifted girls is that they have strong interests in activities that are difficult to pursue because of their gender, which is unavoidable.

PROBLEMS OF CONFORMITY

Judgments of teachers and parents indicate that highly intelligent children are, on the whole, more easily disciplined than children generally are. Nonetheless, certain problems of discipline do arise, which grow out of their intelligence. First, in the case of the schoolroom situation almost the only respect in which discipline is especially troublesome with these children is in the matter of orderly discussion when they are together in special classes. It is hard for them to maintain silence when ideas press for utterance. The tendency is for many to speak at once, each striving to outspeak the others. An atmosphere of confusion is thus created unless discipline can be imposed. To hold his tongue, to listen quietly and respectfully to others, to speak according to some order of procedure, and to restrain disappointment at failure to be heard at all—these habits seem especially difficult for gifted children to form. Only gradually do these children learn self-government in this respect.

Judgments from teachers and parents show that highly intelligent children are generally easier to discipline than most kids. However, certain discipline issues can arise from their intelligence. In the classroom, the main challenge with these children is maintaining order during discussions in special classes. They find it hard to stay quiet when they have so many ideas to share. This leads to many trying to talk at once, each one trying to outdo the others. Without proper discipline, this creates a chaotic atmosphere. It can be particularly tough for gifted children to learn to hold back, listen respectfully to others, speak in an organized manner, and cope with the frustration of not being heard. These habits take time for them to develop.

Also it has been noticed during the experimental education of the highly intelligent that they sometimes tend to slight routine drudgery in favor of more stimulating and more original projects. The sheer drudgery involved in learning their multiplication table, for example, is likely to be waived in order to follow some absorbing story or experiment, unless conformity be urged from without.

It has also been observed during the experimental education of highly intelligent individuals that they sometimes overlook routine tasks for more stimulating and original projects. For instance, the tediousness of learning their multiplication tables is often set aside to pursue an engaging story or experiment, unless there's external pressure to conform.

At home, a special problem of discipline may arise occasionally due to the circumstance of that child, while still very immature in years, has come to exceed one parent or both in intelligence. For the best discipline routine the parent must be more intelligent than the child or the child's respect for the opinions of the former will inevitably be lost. With the most gifted children this may quite early become a problem, since such children, by the age of ten years or before, are more intelligent than the average adult is. Very readily such a child perceives that in comparison with himself his parent is slow-witted and lacking in general information. Yet in self-control and in experience of life, the child is still very immature. Thus quite unfortunate developments may ensue in the parent-child relationship. The child may become the director of the parent's activities, reversing the socially acceptable condition of affairs. Fortunately, in the vast majority of cases at least one of the parents is a person of superior intelligence. We seldom find a very intelligent child in a home where both parents are average or below average in mental power.

At home, a unique discipline issue can occasionally arise when a child, still quite young, happens to be more intelligent than one or both parents. For a successful discipline routine, the parent must be more intelligent than the child, or the child will eventually lose respect for the parent's opinions. This can become a problem with highly gifted children, who may be more intelligent than the average adult by the age of ten or even earlier. Such a child quickly realizes that their parent seems slower and lacks knowledge compared to them. However, in terms of self-control and life experience, the child is still quite immature. This can lead to unfortunate developments in the parent-child relationship, where the child may start directing the parent’s activities, reversing the expected dynamic. Fortunately, in most cases, at least one of the parents is someone with above-average intelligence. It’s rare to find a very intelligent child in a household where both parents have average or below-average mental capabilities.

Because he learns everything very quickly, the highly intelligent child is especially quick to discover what forms of conduct on his part bring him satisfactions. If the tantrum is rewarded by the parent with cookies, company, attention, or other childish delights, then the bright child may display even "bigger and better" tantrums than will those who are slower to learn. If illness brings coddling, release from undesired responsibility, and other pleasures, then the quick learner will readily perceive the value of "headaches" and other aches as means to ends. On the other hand, the very intelligent learn readily to refrain from undesirable behavior that is followed quickly and inevitably by punishment. Two or three experiences usually suffice for these excellent learners. Neglect and ostracism are good forms of punishment for them. Darwin tells us that he was cured of telling sensational fibs, as a child, simply by the chilling silence with which they were always received by his parents.

Because he picks up new things quickly, the highly intelligent child is particularly fast at figuring out which behaviors lead to rewards. If a tantrum earns him cookies, company, attention, or other childish treats, then the smart child might throw even "bigger and better" tantrums than those who take longer to learn. If being sick leads to being pampered, relieved from unwanted responsibilities, and other perks, then the quick learner will easily see the benefits of "headaches" and other pains as a way to get what he wants. On the flip side, very intelligent kids quickly learn to avoid behaviors that result in swift and certain punishment. Usually, two or three experiences are enough for these excellent learners. Being ignored and shunned serve as effective punishments for them. Darwin mentions that he stopped telling outrageous lies as a child simply because of the cold silence with which his parents received them.

One more problem may be noted here. There is with intelligent children a stronger tendency to argue about what is required of them than is found with the average child. This tendency to argue as to the why and wherefore of a requirement is met both at home and at school, and calls for thought in proper handling on the part of parents and teachers. To find a golden mean between arbitrary abolition of all argument, on the one hand, and weak fostering of an intolerable habit of endless argumentation, on the other, is not always easy, but it is always worth while as a measure for retaining the respect of the child.

One more issue can be observed here. Intelligent children tend to argue more about what is expected of them compared to the average child. This inclination to question the reasons behind a requirement occurs both at home and at school, and it requires careful consideration from parents and teachers on how to handle it appropriately. Finding a balanced approach between completely shutting down all arguments on one side and allowing an unbearable habit of endless arguing on the other isn't always simple, but it is always valuable for maintaining the child's respect.

THE PROBLEMS OF ORIGIN AND OF DESTINY

Early interest in origins and in destinies is one of the conspicuous symptoms of intellectual acumen. "Where did the moon come from?" "Who made the world?" "What is the very end of autumn leaves?" "Where did I come from?" "What will become of me when I die?" "Why did I come into the world?"

Early interest in origins and destinies is one of the clear signs of intellectual sharpness. "Where did the moon come from?" "Who created the world?" "What happens to autumn leaves at the end?" "Where did I come from?" "What will happen to me when I die?" "Why was I brought into the world?"

Although these questions rise vaguely and intermittently in the minds of children in general, they do not begin to require logically coherent answers until about the mental age of twelve or thirteen years. Then they begin to press for more or less systematic accounts. From these circumstances of mental development, the erroneous idea has long been promulgated, even by psychologists, that puberty in some mysterious manner leads to the rise of religious needs and convictions. Since among the generality a "mental age" of thirteen years is, roughly, coincident with the age of pubescence, the two developments have been assumed to be casually related.

Although these questions come up vaguely and occasionally in the minds of children in general, they don’t really start needing logically coherent answers until around the mental age of twelve or thirteen. At that point, they begin to seek more or less systematic explanations. Because of these aspects of mental development, a misleading idea has long been circulated, even among psychologists, that puberty somehow triggers the emergence of religious needs and beliefs. Since for most people a "mental age" of thirteen roughly coincides with the onset of puberty, the two developments have been assumed to be casually related.

When we observe young gifted children, we discover that religious ideas and needs originate in them whenever they develop to a mental level past "twelve years mental age." Thus they show these needs when they are but eight or nine years old, or earlier. The higher the IQ the earlier does the pressing need for an explanation of the universe occur, the sooner does the demand for a concept of the origin and destiny of the self appear.

When we look at young gifted children, we find that religious ideas and needs start to emerge in them once they reach a mental level beyond "twelve years mental age." This means they can show these needs when they are as young as eight or nine years old, or even earlier. The higher the IQ, the sooner they feel the urgent need for an explanation of the universe, and the quicker they seek to understand the origin and purpose of the self.

In the cases of children who test above 180 IQ observed by the present writer, definite demand for a systematic philosophy of life and death developed when they were but six or seven years old. Similar phenomena appear in the childhood histories of eminent persons where data of childhood are available. Goethe, for example, at the age of nine constructed an altar and devised a religion of his own, in which God could be worshiped without the help of priests.

In the cases of children who score above 180 IQ, as observed by me, there was a clear need for a systematic understanding of life and death that emerged when they were just six or seven years old. Similar patterns can be seen in the childhood experiences of notable individuals where childhood data is accessible. For instance, Goethe, at the age of nine, built an altar and created his own religion, where God could be worshiped without the assistance of priests.

Much could be said of the special problems of the young gifted child in this period of immaturity when his intellectual needs are those of an adolescent while his emotional control and physical powers are still but those of a child. It would be of great interest to study the reactions of older persons to the insistent questions and searchings of these young children. "You are too young to understand." "You can't know all that till you grow older." "You unnatural child!" These are responses that have been heard incidentally, falling from the lips of undiscerning parents. A girl of eight years, of IQ 150, recently was heard to express a determination to join the "Agnostic Church," because she had asked, "What is it called when you can't make up your mind whether there is a God or not?" and had been told that this would be agnosticism.

Much could be said about the unique challenges faced by gifted young children during this immature stage when their intellectual needs resemble those of teenagers, while their emotional control and physical capabilities are still at a child's level. It would be fascinating to explore how older people react to the persistent questions and inquiries from these young children. "You're too young to understand." "You can't know all that until you get older." "You're such an unnatural child!" These are responses that have been heard casually from unaware parents. Recently, an eight-year-old girl with an IQ of 150 expressed her determination to join the "Agnostic Church" because she asked, "What do you call it when you can't decide if there's a God or not?" and was told that this is called agnosticism.

Part and parcel of these questionings concerning origin and destiny are those concerning birth and reproduction. At a "tender" age these children ask for an account of sex and reproduction and suffer much at the hands of parents and guardians who are shocked at what thus emanates from the mouths of babes. Lifelong problems of mental hygiene may be thus engendered by parents who cannot understand why a child should be "so unnatural" as to weep over questions of birth and death at six or seven years of age.

In the same way problems of right and wrong become troublesome for these young children in a way that does not happen except for the very able. For instance, a six-year-old boy of IQ 187 wept bitterly after reading "how the North taxed the South after the Civil War." The problem of evil in the abstract thus comes to trouble these children almost in their cradles, at an age when they are ill-suited to grapple with it from the point of view of emotional maturity. Special problems of mental hygiene are perhaps inherent in this situation which do not arise with the generality of children.

In the same way, issues of right and wrong become challenging for these young kids in a way that rarely affects those who are extremely gifted. For example, a six-year-old boy with an IQ of 187 cried intensely after reading "how the North taxed the South after the Civil War." The concept of evil in an abstract sense starts to trouble these children almost from infancy, at an age when they aren't emotionally prepared to deal with it. There may be specific mental health challenges that come with this situation that don’t typically arise for most children.

GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS

The list of problems that we have suggested here does not by any means exhaust the subject under discussion. However, the present writer believes that these are some of the more important problems of childhood that originate directly from the circumstance of being very highly intelligent among official guardians who are ignorant or careless of the fact. These problems of adjustment do not arise unless a child is gifted intellectually. They are conspicuous to the psychologist who studies children with "test knowledge" of them.

The list of issues we've mentioned here certainly doesn't cover everything about the topic we're discussing. However, I believe that these are some of the key problems faced by highly intelligent children, especially when their official guardians are unaware or indifferent to this fact. These adjustment issues only come up when a child is intellectually gifted. They are clear to psychologists who study children and have a strong understanding of these challenges.

It is especially to be noted that many of these problems are functions of immaturity. To have the intelligence of an adult and the emotions of a child combined in a childish body is to encounter certain difficulties. It follows that (after babyhood) the younger the child, the greater the difficulties, and that adjustment becomes easier with every additional year of age. The years between four and nine are probably the most likely to be beset with the problems mentioned.

It’s important to recognize that many of these issues stem from immaturity. Having the intelligence of an adult and the emotions of a child in a child’s body leads to certain challenges. This means that (after infancy) the younger the child, the more difficulties they face, and adjusting gets easier with each passing year. The years between four and nine are likely the most problematic.

The physical differences between a child of six whose IQ is 150 and children of nine years (whose mental age corresponds to his) are unabridgeable, and so are the differences of taste, due to differences in emotional maturity. The child of six graded with nine-year-olds is out of his element physically and socially, but the same thing is not true of a sixteen-year-old among nineteen-year-olds. The difference between six and nine is very great. The difference between sixteen and nineteen is small in terms of biological development.

The physical differences between a six-year-old with an IQ of 150 and nine-year-olds (whose mental age matches his) are vast, and so are the differences in taste because of variations in emotional maturity. The six-year-old grouped with nine-year-olds feels out of place both physically and socially, but the same doesn't apply to a sixteen-year-old among nineteen-year-olds. The gap between six and nine is significant. The gap between sixteen and nineteen is minor in terms of biological development.

Moreover, as the bright go forward in school, they find work increasingly adapted to their powers by the automatic developments of the established curriculum. Senior high schools are, we have discovered, adapted only to adolescents of superior intelligence. Classmates become automatically more congenial through being more highly selected. The dull bully, with his crude horseplay, has left school, and in any case the gifted, being older, can defend themselves physically.

Moreover, as the bright students progress through school, they find that the work increasingly matches their abilities due to the automatic changes in the established curriculum. We've found that senior high schools are tailored mainly for exceptionally intelligent teens. Classmates naturally become more compatible as they are more selectively chosen. The less capable bully, with his rough antics, has dropped out of school, and besides, the gifted students, being older, can hold their own physically.

By the time a gifted person is physically mature, many of the problems herein outlined automatically disappear as problems. What after-effects there may be of the poor solution of these childish problems we do not know. Apparently these superior organisms tolerate well the strains put upon them by reason of their deviation from the average. However, that an organism stands strain well is no reason for putting or leaving strain unnecessarily upon it.

By the time a talented person is fully grown, many of the issues discussed here naturally resolve themselves. We don't know what lingering effects there might be from poorly handling these childhood issues. It seems that these exceptional individuals cope well with the pressures caused by their differences from the norm. Still, just because someone can handle stress well doesn't mean we should create or maintain unnecessary stress for them.

As the gifted individual grows to maturity, he or she can achieve control of his or her own life, and can dispense to a relatively great extent with inadvertent cruelties and mistaken efforts of uninformed official guardians. It is during childhood that the gifted boy or girl is at the mercy of guardians whose duty it is to know his nature and his needs much more fully than they now do.

As the gifted person matures, they can take control of their own life and can largely move beyond the unintentional harshness and misguided actions of uninformed guardians. It is during childhood that the gifted child is vulnerable to guardians who are responsible for understanding their nature and needs much better than they currently do.

[1] Reprinted from Mental Hygiene: Vol. XI, No. 1, pages 3-16
(January, 1931). Read by Leta. S. Hollingworth at the First
International Congress of Mental Hygiene, Washington, D. C.,
May 8, 1930.

[1] Reprinted from Mental Hygiene: Vol. XI, No. 1, pages 3-16
(January, 1931). Read by Leta S. Hollingworth at the First
International Congress of Mental Hygiene, Washington, D. C.,
May 8, 1930.

[2] Terman, Lewis M. Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. I. Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1925.

[2] Terman, Lewis M. Genetic Studies of Genius: Vol. I. Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1925.

[3] Hartshorne, H., and May, M. A. Studies in Deceit. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1927.

[3] Hartshorne, H., and May, M. A. Studies in Deceit. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1927.

[4] Burt, C. The Young Delinquent. D. Appleton-Century Company, Inc., New York; 1924.

[4] Burt, C. The Young Delinquent. D. Appleton-Century Company, Inc., New York; 1924.

[5] Healy, W., and Bronner, A. F. Criminals and Delinquents: Their Making and Unmaking. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1928.

[5] Healy, W., and Bronner, A. F. Criminals and Delinquents: Their Making and Unmaking. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1928.

[6] The intelligence quotient is the ratio between the [chronological age] status achieved on tests by an individual and that achieved by the generality [of the same chronological age].

[6] The intelligence quotient is the ratio between the score an individual achieves on tests and the score that the average person of the same chronological age achieves.

[7] Hollingworth, Leta S. Gifted Children: Their Nature and Nurture. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926.

[7] Hollingworth, Leta S. Gifted Children: Their Nature and Nurture. The Macmillan Company, New York; 1926.

[8] Yoder, G. F. "A Study of the Boyhood of Great Men." Pedagogical Seminary (1894).

[8] Yoder, G. F. "A Study of the Boyhood of Great Men." Pedagogical Seminary (1894).

[9] This child attended a private school where a number of the pupils tested above 140 IQ.

[9] This child went to a private school where several students had an IQ above 140.

[10] This was written in 1931.

[10] This was written in 1931.

CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOLING OF VERY BRIGHT CHILDREN

In this chapter are presented selected relevant paragraphs from two of the later papers by the author: "An Enrichment Curriculum for Rapid Learners" [1] and "What We Know about the Early Selection and Training of Leaders." [2]

In this chapter, we present selected relevant paragraphs from two of the author's later papers: "An Enrichment Curriculum for Rapid Learners" [1] and "What We Know about the Early Selection and Training of Leaders" [2].

This is neither the time nor the place for discussion of the techniques of mental measurement, but rather for the discussion of results. What, first, do we know about the selection of children who stand in the upper ranges of intelligence? Facts of much importance have been established since 1905.

This isn't the right time or place to talk about the methods of measuring intelligence, but to focus on the results instead. So, what do we know about selecting children who are at the higher end of intelligence? Important facts have been established since 1905.

In the first place, we have proved that children who rate in the top one per cent of the juvenile population in respect to "judgment," as Binet called it, also possess much more often than others those additional qualities which thinkers have most frequently named as desirable in leaders. There is a strong probability that a child who rates as only one in a hundred for intelligence will also be endowed in superior degree with "integrity, independence, originality, creative imagination, vitality, forcefulness, warmth, poise, and stability."

First, we've shown that kids who rank in the top one percent of the youth population in terms of "judgment," as Binet described it, also tend to have more of the additional qualities that thinkers usually consider desirable in leaders. There's a strong chance that a child who scores as one in a hundred for intelligence will also have a greater degree of "integrity, independence, originality, creative imagination, vitality, forcefulness, warmth, poise, and stability."

These characteristics are identical with those set forth by Harvard College as the additional traits desired in boys, already proved by tests to be highly intelligent, who are to receive National Scholarships. I believe no one would wish to delete from the list any trait thus stipulated. I would, however, add to it audacity, capacity for nonconformity, love of beauty, and cold courage, as traits to cherish in leaders, although these are often uncongenial to teachers in the elementary school, and possibly to other educators.

These traits are the same as those outlined by Harvard College as additional qualities desired in boys, who have already been tested and proven to be highly intelligent and are eligible for National Scholarships. I don't think anyone would want to remove any of the traits listed. However, I would add audacity, a willingness to be nonconformist, appreciation for beauty, and calm courage as essential qualities to value in leaders, even though these traits may often clash with the preferences of elementary school teachers and possibly other educators.

We find all these qualities in superior measure among highly intelligent children, according to the ratings of those who know them. If one would call for a mathematical statement of the likelihood of finding these traits in combination with high intelligence, we could give it. I may say that the correlation coefficients hover around .50. This means that in selecting any child testing far up in the top one per cent—say at 160 IQ or above (100 IQ being par)—there is far more than an even chance of having thus automatically selected a tall, healthy, fine-looking, honest, and courageous child, with a great love of adventure and of beauty in his makeup. With a correlation so far from unity as .50, however, we cannot be at all certain of such a happy combination. We shall find a minority of cases where fine judgment is combined with an unstable temper, a crippled body, an ugly face, a ruthless disregard for others, malign chicanery, cowardice. (I would say there cannot be a very high intelligence without the love of beauty.)

We see all these qualities in a stronger form among highly intelligent kids, based on the opinions of those who know them. If we wanted to quantify the chances of finding these traits together with high intelligence, we could do that. I can say that the correlation coefficients are around .50. This means that when selecting any child who scores in the top one percent—say, 160 IQ or above (with 100 IQ being average)—there’s significantly more than a 50/50 chance that you've also picked a tall, healthy, attractive, honest, and brave child, who has a strong love for adventure and beauty in their character. However, with a correlation as low as .50, we can’t be very certain about such a fortunate combination. We will find some cases where good judgment comes with an unstable temperament, a disabled body, an unattractive face, a lack of concern for others, dishonest behavior, or cowardice. (I would argue that you can’t have very high intelligence without an appreciation for beauty.)

Educational psychology works constantly to find ways of knowing how to identify these additional elements. It will be a long time before we advance to a point where we can measure these as well as we can now measure intelligence. Some of these additional qualifications are undoubtedly as essential to leadership as intelligence is. A rascal, a coward, a liar, a tyrant, a panderer, a fanatic, an invalid, is not a desirable leader, no matter whether his IQ is 200. We must learn to select from among the highly intelligent those who have the greatest number of additional qualifications. We must learn what these additional qualifications are. One knows them when one sees them in action. For example, an eleven-year-old boy of IQ close to 180 decided to run for the office of class president in the senior high school to which he had been accelerated. His classmates were around sixteen years of age. During the electioneering a proponent of a rival candidate arose to speak against the eleven-year-old, and he said, among other things, "Fellows, we don't want a president in knee pants!"

Educational psychology is constantly looking for ways to identify these extra qualities. It will take a long time before we can measure these as accurately as we measure intelligence now. Some of these extra qualifications are definitely as important to leadership as intelligence. A scoundrel, coward, liar, tyrant, sycophant, fanatic, or someone who is weak is not a desirable leader, regardless of whether their IQ is 200. We need to learn to choose among the highly intelligent those who possess the most additional qualifications. We need to understand what these additional qualifications are. You can recognize them when you see them in action. For instance, an eleven-year-old boy with an IQ near 180 decided to run for class president in the senior high school where he had been advanced. His classmates were around sixteen years old. During the campaign, a supporter of a rival candidate stood up to speak against the eleven-year-old, and he said, among other things, "Guys, we don't want a president in knee pants!"

In the midst of the applause following this remark, the eleven-year-old arose, and waving his hand casually in the direction of the full-length portrait of George Washington on the wall, he said, "Fellows, try to remember that when George got to be the Father of our country he was wearing knee pants." The eleven-year-old was elected by a large majority. He gave evidence not only of an IQ of 180, but also of the additional qualities of political leadership in highest degree: audacity, presence of mind, good humor, grace, and, above all, the genuine desire to be a popular leader. He knew how to bridge, by a debonair gesture, the great gap between him and those to be led.

In the middle of the applause after this comment, the eleven-year-old stood up and casually waved his hand toward the full-length portrait of George Washington on the wall, saying, "Guys, remember that when George became the Father of our country, he was wearing knee pants." The eleven-year-old was elected by a large majority. He demonstrated not only an IQ of 180 but also the highest qualities of political leadership: boldness, quick thinking, a good sense of humor, charm, and, most importantly, a genuine desire to be a popular leader. He knew how to effortlessly connect the gap between himself and those he was leading.

This boy had qualities of political leadership. This limiting adjective opens the large subject of the different kinds of leaders. Leaders of whom, and for what ends? Observation of children suggests that there is a direct ratio between the intelligence of the leader and that of the led. To be a leader of his contemporaries, a child must be more intelligent, but not too much more intelligent, than those who are to be led. There are rare exceptions to this principle, as in the case we have cited. But, generally speaking, a leadership pattern will not form—or it will break up—when a discrepancy of more than about 30 points of IQ comes to exist between the leader and the led.

This boy had traits of political leadership. This limiting adjective opens up the broad topic of the different types of leaders. Leaders of whom, and for what purposes? Observing children suggests that there’s a direct correlation between the intelligence of the leader and that of the followers. To be a leader among his peers, a child must be smarter, but not too much smarter, than those he leads. There are rare exceptions to this rule, as seen in the example we've mentioned. But generally speaking, a leadership dynamic will not develop—or it will fall apart—when there’s more than about a 30-point difference in IQ between the leader and the followers.

This concept of an optimum which is not a maximum difference between the leader and the led has very important implications for selection and training. We cannot do more than to point to it here, in passing. Among school children—as among the peoples of all times—the great intellectual leaders are unrecognized, isolated, and even ridiculed by all but a few in the ordinary course of mass education. They can develop leadership of their sort only when placed in special classes.

This idea of an ideal that isn't about having the biggest gap between the leader and the followers has significant implications for choosing and training individuals. We can only briefly mention it here. Among school children—just like in all societies throughout history—the most brilliant intellectual leaders often go unnoticed, isolated, and even mocked by most during regular mass education. They can only cultivate their style of leadership when they are in specialized classes.

Observation and investigation prove that in the matter of their intellectual work these children are customarily wasting much time in the elementary schools. We know from measurements made over a three-year period that a child of 140 IQ can master all the mental work provided in the elementary school, as established, in half the time allowed him. Therefore, one-half the time which he spends at school could be utilized in doing something more than the curriculum calls for. A child of 170 IQ can do all the studies that are at present required of him, with top "marks," in about one-fourth the time he is compelled to spend at school. What, then, are these pupils doing in the ordinary school setup while the teacher teaches the other children who need the lessons?

Observation and investigation show that these kids are usually wasting a lot of time during their education in elementary schools. Data collected over three years indicates that a child with a 140 IQ can master all the mental tasks required in elementary school, as established, in half the time they are given. Therefore, half the time they spend at school could be used for activities beyond the regular curriculum. A child with a 170 IQ can complete all the required studies and achieve top marks in about a quarter of the time they are forced to spend in school. So, what are these students doing in the typical school setup while the teacher focuses on the other kids who need the lessons?

No exhaustive discussion of time-wasting can be undertaken here, except to say briefly that these exceptional pupils are running errands, idling, engaging in "busy work," or devising childish tasks of their own, such as learning to read backward—since they can already read forward very fluently. Many are the devices invented by busy teachers to "take up" the extra time of these rapid learners, but few of these devices have the appropriate character that can be built only on psychological insight into the nature and the needs of gifted children.

No extensive discussion about wasting time can be had here, other than to briefly mention that these exceptional students are running errands, goofing off, doing "busy work," or coming up with silly tasks for themselves, like learning to read backward—since they can already read forward quite fluently. Many strategies have been created by teachers to fill the extra time of these fast learners, but few of these strategies possess the right qualities that can only be developed through a psychological understanding of the nature and needs of gifted children.

Before education can discharge this most important task of all with economy and justice, it must become a science. The science which is fundamental to education is psychology. Psychology had to develop the methods of mental measurement before there could be accurate or humane dealing in a system of compulsory education. We must take "the measure of a man" before we can know how to educate him; and it remained for mental measurement to reveal the astonishing power of learning that is latent in an elementary school-child of IQ 170 or 180. How shall such pupils be taught? How shall we educate these rapid learners, these subtle thinkers, these children of potential genius in the elementary school?

Before education can effectively fulfill its most essential role with fairness and efficiency, it needs to become a science. The science that serves as the foundation for education is psychology. Psychology had to develop methods for measuring mental abilities before we could responsibly and accurately handle a system of mandatory education. We need to "take the measure of a man" before we can figure out how to educate him; mental measurements have shown us the incredible learning potential in an elementary school child with an IQ of 170 or 180. How should we teach these students? How can we educate these quick learners, these insightful thinkers, these children with potential genius in elementary school?

CONSIDERATIONS IN PLANNING THE CURRICULUM [3]

At the outset we must realize and admit that no absolute criteria exist by which to select from all aspects of human experience those which are most valuable for a group of gifted children. There is no body of "revealed" wisdom about this matter. Nevertheless, we are not altogether at sea. Common sense, accompanied by scientific facts of psychology, comes to our assistance, and we may note first such negative considerations as occur to us under this guidance.

At the beginning, we need to acknowledge that there are no absolute standards for choosing which aspects of human experience are the most valuable for a group of gifted children. There isn't a set of "revealed" wisdom on this topic. However, we’re not entirely lost. Common sense, along with psychological facts, helps us, and we can first point out some negative considerations that come to mind with this guidance.

It is useless to undertake extensive work in classical languages or in mathematics as "general discipline" for the minds of these rapid learners. The education given should be such as will function specifically and uniquely in their lives. It should afford them a rich background of ideas, in terms of which they may perceive the significant features of their own times.

It's pointless to do a lot of work in classical languages or math just as a "general discipline" for these fast learners. Education should be designed to be specific and relevant to their lives. It should provide them with a rich foundation of ideas that helps them understand the important aspects of their own time.

Another definitely negative consideration applies to the avoidance of all "subjects" which they will have occasion to encounter in high school and college in later years. These young children can learn algebra or Latin grammar or chemistry easily enough, but what is the use of having them do so? The opportunity and the prescribed necessity for this will come later.

Another clearly negative point relates to avoiding all "subjects" that they will encounter later in high school and college. These young kids can pick up algebra, Latin grammar, or chemistry easily enough, but what's the point in making them do it? They'll have the chance and the required need for this later on.

Turning to positive considerations, we know that these pupils—they and no others—will possess as adults those mental powers on which the learned professions depend for conservation and advancement. Also, we know that they will be the literary interpreters of the world of their generation. And they will be the ones who can think deeply and clearly about abstractions like the state, the government, and economics. We know this because we have seen a group like this "grow up" over a period of fifteen years, and we know what "became" of every one of them. Below an IQ of 130 no very large amount of effective thinking about complex abstractions can be done at any age. That, we are learning, is about the median mental caliber of college students in first-class colleges, taking it our country over. In many highly selected, first-class colleges, the boy or girl of IQ 140 finds himself or herself merely a good average student, steadily receiving "C's." In such colleges one must be a very good thinker in order to survive the course, but no one would consider median students in our first-rate colleges to be geniuses. The suggestion advanced about twenty years ago that 140 IQ represents "genius or near-genius" was premature. And when we remember that 120 IQ and 115 IQ are well below these median students in mental power, it becomes clear that at and below those levels conservation and advancement of the abstractions underlying the learned professions will be very inadequately handled. Really adequate conservation of the precious stores of knowledge laid up in medicine, law, theology, education, and the sciences depends on those not below 130 IQ.

Focusing on positive aspects, we know that these students—they and no one else—will have the mental abilities as adults that the learned professions rely on for maintenance and progress. Also, we know they will be the literary voices of their generation. They will be the ones capable of deep and clear thinking about ideas like the state, government, and economics. We know this because we've seen a group like this "grow up" over fifteen years, and we know what happened to each of them. Below an IQ of 130, not much effective thinking about complex ideas can happen at any age. We're learning that this is roughly the average mental ability of college students in top-tier colleges across our country. In many highly selective, first-class colleges, a student with an IQ of 140 finds themselves just an average student, consistently getting "C's." In such colleges, one has to be a very good thinker to make it through, but no one would consider the average students in our top colleges to be geniuses. The claim made about twenty years ago that an IQ of 140 indicates "genius or near-genius" was overly optimistic. And when we remember that an IQ of 120 and 115 are well below these average students in mental capability, it becomes clear that at and below those levels, the maintenance and advancement of the concepts underlying the learned professions will be poorly managed. Truly adequate conservation of the valuable knowledge in medicine, law, theology, education, and the sciences relies on individuals with an IQ of at least 130.

As for originations, whereby one generation progresses beyond another in control of the physical environment and of preventable evils, we are learning that only a few in the topmost ranges can produce them in the realm of abstractions. Only a few in the top one per cent can contribute to actual progress. As Franklin K. Lane has said, "Progress means the discovery of the capable. They are our natural masters. They lead because they have the right. And everything done to keep them from rising is a blow to what we call our civilization." To develop each according to his ability: this is democracy at its ideal best.

Regarding originations, where one generation advances beyond another in managing the physical world and addressing preventable problems, we're realizing that only a small number in the highest tiers can create them in the domain of ideas. Just a few in the top one percent can truly drive progress. As Franklin K. Lane stated, "Progress means the discovery of the capable. They are our natural leaders. They lead because they have the right. And everything done to keep them from rising is a blow to what we call our civilization." Developing each person according to their abilities: this represents democracy at its very best.

The education of the best thinkers should be an education for initiative and originality. Effective originality depends, first of all, upon sound and exhaustive knowledge of what the course of preceding events has been. To take their unique places in civilized society, it would seem, therefore, that the intellectually gifted need especially to know what the evolution of culture has been. And since at eight or nine years of age they are not as yet ready for specialization, what they need to know is the evolution of culture as it has affected common things. At present, this is not taught to children or to adolescents, except in fragmentary and casual ways. Persons typically graduate from elementary school, high school, and college, and take postgraduate degrees without learning much, if anything, about the evolution of lighting, of refrigeration, of shipping, of clothing, of etiquette, of trains, of libraries, and of a thousand things which have been contributed to the common life by persons in past times and which distinguish the life of civilized man from the existence of the savage. These things are vaguely taken for granted even by the intelligent, educated person. No systematic knowledge of how they came into being enriches his understanding. Nor is he aware of the biographies of those who have made his comfort and his safety possible. No more does he understand how dangerous and destructive forces came to be in the world. Of these vast fields the college graduate is typically ignorant, as has frequently been proved.

The education of the brightest minds should focus on fostering initiative and originality. True originality relies heavily on a solid and thorough understanding of past events. To find their unique roles in society, it seems that intellectually gifted individuals particularly need to grasp how culture has evolved. Since children around eight or nine years old aren't ready for specialized study, they should learn about cultural evolution as it impacts everyday life. Currently, this information is not presented to kids or teenagers, except in random and superficial ways. People often finish elementary school, high school, and college, and pursue postgraduate degrees without really learning much, if anything, about the history of lighting, refrigeration, shipping, clothing, etiquette, trains, libraries, and countless other contributions to everyday life made by individuals in the past, which set civilized life apart from that of savages. These aspects are often assumed by even educated, intelligent individuals. They lack systematic knowledge of how these developments came about, which would enhance their understanding. They are also unaware of the lives of those who have enabled their comfort and safety. Furthermore, they don't comprehend how dangerous and destructive forces emerged in the world. Typically, college graduates are ignorant of these vast areas, as has often been demonstrated.

The activities which make up the life of a civilized man may be variously organized and classified for purposes of study in the elementary school. A number of the progressive schools have undertaken projects in these fields. The pupils in such schools usually test at a median of about 118 IQ, and the work they have done, while it is helpful and suggestive, is not what is needed for pupils of the caliber with which we are here dealing.

The activities that shape the life of a civilized person can be organized and classified in different ways for study in elementary school. Several forward-thinking schools have launched projects in these areas. Students in these schools typically score around a median IQ of 118, and while their work is useful and insightful, it's not what is required for the type of students we are discussing here.

Topical classifications which have suggested themselves as areas for study might be stated as follows: food; shelter; clothing; transportation; sanitation and health; trade; time-keeping; illumination; tools and implements; communication; law; government; education; warfare; punishment; labor; recreation. Every one of these areas of human culture affords the opportunity and necessity for studying the evolution of common things, satisfying the intellectual curiosity, and challenging the power of learning of the children here considered.

Topical classifications that have emerged as study areas can be listed as follows: food; shelter; clothing; transportation; sanitation and health; trade; timekeeping; lighting; tools and equipment; communication; law; government; education; warfare; punishment; labor; and recreation. Each of these aspects of human culture offers the chance and need to explore the evolution of common things, satisfying the intellectual curiosity and challenging the learning abilities of the children being discussed.

ENRICHMENT UNITS AT SPEYER SCHOOL

Between the ages of seven and thirteen years, the minds of these children are occupied primarily with exploration of the world in which they have recently arrived. They are full of questions of fact, not yet being distracted by the emotional and dynamic interests that come with adolescence and adulthood. This is the golden age of the intellect. Why? How? When? Who? Where? What? are constantly on their tongues, as any parent of a child in our classes will testify.

Between the ages of seven and thirteen, these kids are mostly focused on exploring the world they’ve just entered. They have tons of questions about facts, not yet sidetracked by the emotional and intense interests that come with being a teenager or an adult. This is the golden age of the mind. Why? How? When? Who? Where? What? are always on their lips, as any parent of a child in our classes will confirm.

Now, in accordance with the philosophy and psychology which we have tried all too briefly to indicate, a series of "enrichment units" is being worked out at Speyer School day by day in our classrooms. These are being published in the form of teachers' handbooks, in a series designated "The Evolution of Common Things," the first numbers of which have been published. It will take five years to complete the series, at the end of which time we shall know from experience how much knowledge along the lines indicated can be organized and learned by children above 130 IQ in the years of the elementary school.

Now, based on the philosophy and psychology we've briefly mentioned, we're developing a series of "enrichment units" at Speyer School every day in our classrooms. These are being published as teachers’ handbooks in a series called "The Evolution of Common Things," with the first few volumes already released. It will take five years to finish the series, and by then, we’ll have learned from experience how much knowledge on these topics can be organized and taught to children with an IQ above 130 during their elementary school years.

The handbooks, as they appear in published form, will represent the actual work of the pupils themselves, guided by the teacher. The teachers did not discover and assemble the materials of instruction, and "give them out." The children did this work. In the end, the teacher organized the total work into an orderly sequence, and verbalized it in final form for presentation. But no teacher would have the time or energy to carry on the work of the school and also collect and compile the materials contained in one of these units.

The handbooks, as they are published, will reflect the actual work of the students themselves, with guidance from the teacher. The teachers didn’t discover or gather the instructional materials to simply hand them out. The students did that work. In the end, the teacher organized everything into a structured format and put it into final form for presentation. But no teacher would have the time or energy to manage the school's work and also collect and compile the materials in one of these units.

When an area of knowledge has been circumscribed by the children as one chosen for study by class discussion, the teacher participating in the thinking but not leading it, the pupils (there are twenty-five in each class) divide themselves into "committees." These various groups of three to five children each bring special knowledge to the class periods, and all share in the sum total of facts and ideas thus assembled. Libraries are thoroughly utilized in this process. Ninety-five per cent of the pupils who were admitted to our classes in February, 1936 (they were then between the ages of seven and nine), had and were using "library cards" from the New York Public Library. They are taken by their teachers to the nearest branch of the Public Library on days arranged for, and they "look up" their own materials, following the topics listed.

When a topic of knowledge has been selected by the students for class discussion, the teacher engages in the conversation without taking the lead. The students (there are twenty-five in each class) form "committees" of three to five children. Each group brings unique insights to the class sessions, and everyone contributes to the collection of facts and ideas. Libraries are extensively used in this process. Ninety-five percent of the students who joined our classes in February 1936 (ages seven to nine at the time) had library cards from the New York Public Library and were actively using them. Their teachers take them to the nearest branch of the Public Library on scheduled days, where they research their own materials based on the topics listed.

Librarians were at first skeptical as to the wisdom of admitting these very young children to the card indices and other facilities of the library. But librarians are an open-minded group, and they were persuaded to let the children try. No difficulty at all has been experienced. Stedman showed long ago that elementary school children of IQ above 140 can use a library and consult reference books as well as students in the normal school do.

Librarians were initially doubtful about the idea of allowing very young children to access the card catalogs and other resources in the library. However, librarians are a receptive group, and they were convinced to let the children give it a shot. There have been no issues at all. Stedman demonstrated long ago that elementary school children with an IQ above 140 can use a library and reference books just as effectively as students in regular school.

In addition to work in the Public Library, the classes have the right to use books from the Teachers College Library; and to the librarians of Teachers College much credit is due for their effective coöperation. Also, the library facilities of the public schools are thoroughly utilized. Current periodical literature, coming to the homes of the pupils, makes a constant contribution. It is surprising how few of the books found most useful were written by professed educators.

In addition to working in the Public Library, the classes have the right to use books from the Teachers College Library, and the librarians at Teachers College deserve a lot of credit for their effective cooperation. The library resources of the public schools are also fully utilized. Current magazines and journals that come to the students' homes provide ongoing contributions. It's surprising how few of the most useful books were actually written by professional educators.

Of the trips undertaken, the visual aids supplied, and other methods of instruction there is not space to tell here. These are described fully in the units as they appear.

Of the trips taken, the visual aids provided, and other teaching methods, there's not enough room to discuss them here. These are described in detail in the units as they come up.

"The Evolution of Common Things" is the chief enrichment project growing in our classes. However, much in addition to this work is incorporated in our curriculum. These additions may be described as follows.

"The Evolution of Common Things" is the main enrichment project being developed in our classes. However, there is much more included in our curriculum beyond this work. These additions can be described as follows.

First may be mentioned the study of Biography, because it is very closely allied to "The Evolution of Common Things." This is planned to continue for five years, though not being done in every term continuously. It is inevitable that it should become apparent to our pupils that all "common things" of the kind being studied have had their origins in the minds of people. Who these people were is answered by the study of biography. The question "Who?" is constantly in the air. During the year 1936-1937, about one hundred persons were "biografied" [4] by our pupils, most of them persons who have given us very important "common things."

First, we should mention the study of Biography, because it’s closely related to "The Evolution of Common Things." This is intended to be a five-year program, although it won’t be done every term consistently. It’s inevitable that our students will realize that all the "common things" being studied originated in the minds of people. The question of "Who were these people?" is answered through the study of biography. The question "Who?" is always present. During the year 1936-1937, about one hundred people were "biografied" [4] by our students, most of whom contributed significantly to the "common things" we have.

The idea that biography is a study well suited to young gifted children was given trial experimentally fifteen years ago at Public School 165, Manhattan, and its suitability was there proved. At the Speyer School we are able to build upon the previous experiment and to extend and improve the work, mainly because of the astonishing improvement in the writing of biography which has taken place in the recent past.

The idea that biography is a field of study that works well for young gifted children was tested fifteen years ago at Public School 165 in Manhattan, and it was proven to be effective there. At the Speyer School, we can build on that earlier experiment and enhance the work, largely due to the remarkable advancements in writing biographies that have occurred recently.

The French language and literature will be taught for the full five years. This is done for three reasons: (1) the pupils with whom we are dealing will, more than others, have occasion to meet foreign peoples, and to represent their country abroad in the realm of ideas; (2) it is thought that the earlier a language is studied, the more thoroughly it can be mastered, especially as regards pronunciation; (3) the teaching of a modern language enriches, without anticipating, the opportunities of the high school and college, since the pupils will have occasion to take various languages later, and may ultimately emerge with three, instead of the usual two, at their command. French rather than German, Spanish, or Italian was chosen because teachers of the French language were available on our staff, and we gladly adopted it.

The French language and literature will be taught for the full five years. This is done for three reasons: (1) the students we’re working with will, more than others, have the opportunity to meet foreign people and represent their country abroad in terms of ideas; (2) it’s believed that the earlier a language is studied, the better it can be mastered, especially concerning pronunciation; (3) teaching a modern language enriches, without limiting, the opportunities for high school and college, since students will have the chance to take various languages later on and may ultimately end up with three, instead of the usual two, at their command. French was chosen over German, Spanish, or Italian because we had teachers of the French language on our staff, and we happily adopted it.

Another of the important enrichment projects is the formulation of a curriculum in the Science of Nutrition. This, also, is a five-year plan, in the course of which a curriculum in nutrition will be set up in terms of the vocabulary, the concepts, and the capacity of thinking which are proper to these children.

Another important enrichment project is creating a curriculum in the Science of Nutrition. This is also a five-year plan, during which a nutrition curriculum will be developed based on the vocabulary, concepts, and thinking skills appropriate for these children.

SPECIAL WORK

Special work in general science has been carried on since the opening of the classes. For a time the "question-box" method was tried. A "question-box" dealing with science in any and all its aspects was opened once a week, and the children's questions found in it were discussed by a special teacher.

Special work in general science has been happening since the classes started. For a while, we tried the "question-box" method. A "question-box" focused on science in all its aspects was opened once a week, and the children's questions found in it were discussed by a special teacher.

Through the courtesy of the Music and Arts High School, special teachers of these subjects have been assigned, and many projects have been carried through. The pupils have made murals founded on their studies of common things. They have learned French songs, and have become familiar with many things in music.

Thanks to the Music and Arts High School, special teachers for these subjects have been assigned, and many projects have been completed. The students have created murals based on their studies of everyday life. They have learned French songs and have become familiar with various aspects of music.

Another teacher of the staff of the Speyer School is developing dramatics for our classes. It is evident that a large opportunity for the development of the creative abilities of our pupils lies here.

Another teacher on the staff of the Speyer School is working on incorporating drama into our classes. It's clear that there’s a big opportunity for our students to develop their creative skills here.

Handicrafts are taught at least once each week. The handwork of the rapid learners is very superior, contrary to the current superstition that highly intelligent children are "poor with their hands." During the year 1936-1937, the pupils made airplanes from blueprints, which involved very delicate operations with glue and small pieces of wood. They were then seven to nine years old.

Handicrafts are taught at least once a week. The work of the quick learners is quite impressive, debunking the common belief that highly intelligent kids are "clumsy with their hands." During the 1936-1937 school year, the students built airplanes from blueprints, which required very precise work with glue and tiny pieces of wood. They were then seven to nine years old.

One afternoon each week, the Games Club meets, and there the children learn games of intellectual skill. Chess and checkers are the favorites. It is believed that education for leisure time is a special responsibility of those who teach highly intelligent children. The most intelligent tend to become "isolates," through not finding in the ordinary course of life recreations congenial both to themselves and to contemporaries. A game like chess or checkers can be shared with pleasure, irrespective of age, by any two people who have a sufficient "mental nearness." Hence they help a very gifted child to "find company" and "enjoy himself" in all age groups—a very important factor in the social development of such a child. The interest in these games is kept within bounds by the restriction to one hour a week and to those pupils who are up to date in their school work. Possibly more time should be allowed for the Games Club as pupils grow older.

One afternoon every week, the Games Club meets, where the kids learn games that require thinking skills. Chess and checkers are the most popular. It's thought that teaching kids how to enjoy their free time is an important duty for those who work with very bright children. The smartest kids often become "isolated" because they don't find leisure activities that suit them and their peers in everyday life. Games like chess or checkers can be enjoyed together, regardless of age, as long as both players share a similar level of understanding. This allows gifted children to "find company" and "have fun" with others of all ages, which is a crucial part of their social development. The interest in these games is limited to one hour a week and only for students who are keeping up with their schoolwork. Maybe as students get older, more time should be allocated for the Games Club.

Having followed our description of the enriched curriculum to this point, readers who have no direct experience in the education of children of the caliber being considered may begin to be anxious for the welfare of "reading, writing, and arithmetic." Let them be reassured. Mornings are devoted to the established curriculum of the elementary school, the pupils working by "contracts." Achievement tests are given at regular intervals to determine conventional grade status in the various "subjects." In June, 1937, our pupils showed the "educational age" of pupils at the middle of the seventh grade of the elementary schools as measured by Stanford Achievement Tests. They were then nine years six months old, on the median. The "regular" grade status for them would have been the middle of the fourth grade. The most intelligent tenth of the pupils were already "through the ceiling" of Stanford Achievement and of other standard achievement tests in June, 1937.

Having followed our description of the enriched curriculum up to this point, readers who have no direct experience with educating children of this caliber may start to worry about the essentials of "reading, writing, and arithmetic." They can be reassured. Mornings are dedicated to the established elementary school curriculum, with students working under "contracts." Achievement tests are administered at regular intervals to assess conventional grade levels in various subjects. In June 1937, our students demonstrated an "educational age" equivalent to that of children at the middle of the seventh grade, as measured by Stanford Achievement Tests. At that time, they were, on average, nine years and six months old. Their "regular" grade level would have been around the middle of the fourth grade. The most intelligent tenth of the students had already exceeded the benchmark in Stanford Achievement and other standard tests by June 1937.

At this point, it should be mentioned that our pupils do not have and never have had homework assigned to them.

At this point, it's worth noting that our students don’t have and have never had homework assigned to them.

The intellectual interest and capacity of young children who test from 160 to 200 IQ is incredible to those who have had no experience with the teaching of such children. We have in our classes about a dozen of such extreme deviates. They are truly original thinkers and doers of their generation. A book could be made of the incidents constantly occurring which denote the qualities of their minds. It is these children who suffer most from ennui in the ordinary situation.

The intellectual curiosity and abilities of young children with an IQ between 160 and 200 are astonishing to those who haven’t worked with them. We have about a dozen of these exceptionally gifted kids in our classes. They are genuinely original thinkers and doers of their time. A whole book could be filled with the incidents that showcase the uniqueness of their minds. These children are the ones who struggle the most with boredom in typical situations.

For instance, recently in the discussion of the biography of Madame Curie, the question was raised by a pupil as to what "radium really is." One suggested that "radium is a stone." Another said that "radium is a metal." The person in charge of the class then said, "What is the difference between a stone and a metal?" A pupil of an extremely high degree of intelligence rose and said, "The main difference is that a metal is malleable and ductile, and a stone is not." He then enlarged very precisely upon "what these properties are." At the moment of this discussion, this boy was nine years six months old. The others listened attentively, and understood the elucidation.

For example, during a recent discussion about Madame Curie's biography, a student asked what "radium really is." One student suggested that "radium is a stone." Another said, "radium is a metal." The teacher in charge of the class then asked, "What’s the difference between a stone and a metal?" An exceptionally bright student raised his hand and replied, "The main difference is that a metal is malleable and ductile, while a stone is not." He then explained "what these properties are" in detail. At the time of this discussion, this boy was nine years and six months old. The other students listened carefully and understood the explanation.

Such incidents, occurring daily, give some idea of the level of minds being dealt with in our classes. The boy who thought and said what is set forth above was placed in the sixth grade when his principal recommended him to our classes. He had then been "skipped" to a point well out of his age group, and yet he had nothing whatever to learn from the work of the sixth grade.

Such incidents, happening every day, give an idea of the level of thinking in our classes. The boy who thought and said what is described above was put in the sixth grade when his principal recommended him to our classes. He had been "skipped" to a point far beyond his age group, yet he had nothing at all to learn from the sixth grade's work.

The pupils in the classes for rapid learners will go to senior high school when they are thirteen years old. In the meantime, they will be learning and thinking in the company of their contemporaries as regards age and social interests. They will have proper intellectual training, and will at no time idle their time away, be practiced in habits of laziness, or become the victims of boredom. They will emerge into high school with a background of knowledge richer and fuller by far than that of pupils of equal mentality, for whom no enrichment program has been provided.

The students in the advanced classes will go to high school when they're thirteen. In the meantime, they'll be learning and engaging with their peers in terms of age and social interests. They'll receive proper intellectual training and won't waste their time, develop habits of laziness, or fall into boredom. They'll enter high school with a much richer and fuller background of knowledge than students of similar ability who haven't had access to an enrichment program.

EMOTIONAL EDUCATION

Much more might be said of the program of intellectual training, but I must pass on to consider what may be even more important— their training in attitudes, emotions, and drives; in other words, their emotional education. How shall we avoid the conditions which, under the prevailing system of mass education, tend to produce emotional habits destructive of leadership?

Much more could be said about the program of intellectual training, but I need to move on to what might be even more important—training in attitudes, emotions, and motivations; in other words, their emotional education. How can we prevent the conditions that, under the current system of mass education, tend to create emotional habits that undermine leadership?

Of all the speical problems of general conduct which the most intelligent children face, I will mention five, which beset them in early years and may lead to habits subversive of fine leadership: (1) to find enough hard and interesting work at school; (2) to suffer fools gladly; (3) to keep from becoming negativistic toward authority; (4) to keep from becoming hermits; (5) to avoid the formation of habits of extreme chicanery.

Of all the unique challenges smart kids encounter, I want to highlight five that trouble them in their early years and can lead to habits that undermine strong leadership: (1) finding enough challenging and engaging work at school; (2) tolerating foolishness; (3) avoiding a negative attitude toward authority; (4) steering clear of isolation; (5) avoiding the development of deceitful habits.

In the ordinary elementary school situation children of 140 IQ waste half of their time. Those above 170 IQ waste practically all of their time. With little to do, how can these children develop power of sustained effort, respect for the task, or habits of steady work? I could entertain you for some time telling you the various sorts of bizarre and wasteful activities that were taking up the time of the most intelligent elementary school children in this nation yesterday in their classrooms, but we must pass on to other things.

In a typical elementary school setting, kids with a 140 IQ spend half their time unproductively. Those with an IQ over 170 waste almost all of their time. With so little to engage them, how can these children build the ability to focus, develop respect for their work, or establish consistent work habits? I could go on for a while recounting the strange and pointless activities that filled the time of the brightest elementary school kids in this country yesterday in their classrooms, but we should move on to other topics.

A lesson which many highly intelligent persons never learn as long as they live is that human beings in general are incorrigibly very different from themselves in thought, action, and desire. Many a reformer has died at the hands of a mob which he was trying to improve. The highly intelligent child must learn to suffer fools gladly—not sneeringly, not angrily, not despairingly, not weepingly—but gladly, if personal development is to proceed successfully in the world as it is. Failure to learn how to tolerate in a reasonable fashion the foolishness of others less gifted leads to bitterness, disillusionment, and misanthropy, which are the ruin of potential leaders.

A lesson that many very smart people never grasp throughout their lives is that human beings, in general, are stubbornly different from themselves in how they think, act, and what they desire. Many reformers have met their end at the hands of a crowd they were trying to help. The highly intelligent child must learn to deal with fools cheerfully— not with sneering, anger, despair, or tears—but cheerfully, if they want to grow personally in the world as it is. Failing to learn how to tolerate the foolishness of those less gifted in a reasonable way leads to bitterness, disillusionment, and a dislike for humanity, all of which can destroy the potential of future leaders.

Every day at school the opportunity presents itself to learn this lesson. Especially hard for these intelligent children to bear is the foolishness of accepted authority. For instance, our pupils found it stated in their encyclopedia that Mr. Orville Wright is dead. As is likely to be the case, a child in the group immediately identified error. "Mr. Orville Wright is as much alive as I am," declared this child. This was subsequently verified by the class as a whole. They wrote to Mr. Wright, fiercely protesting against the foolishness of the encyclopedia. They wanted to throw the false authority out at once.

Every day at school, there’s a chance to learn this lesson. It's especially tough for these bright kids to deal with the stupidity of accepted authority. For example, our students found in their encyclopedia that Mr. Orville Wright is dead. As often happens, a child in the group quickly pointed out the mistake. "Mr. Orville Wright is just as alive as I am," this kid declared. The class then confirmed this together. They wrote to Mr. Wright, strongly protesting the foolishness of the encyclopedia. They wanted to get rid of the false authority right away.

The teacher discussed the incident on the basis of "glad suffering." I can't take time to describe the conversation that pivoted on this incident, but I can say that it was valuable as emotional education. The pupils still have the offending encyclopedia.

The teacher talked about the incident in terms of "glad suffering." I can't take the time to explain the conversation that revolved around this incident, but I can say it was valuable for emotional learning. The students still have the offending encyclopedia.

As a form of failure to suffer fools gladly, negativism may develop. The foolish teacher who hates to be corrected by a child is unsuited to these children. Too many children of IQ 170 are being taught by teachers of IQ 120. Into this important matter of the selection of the teacher we cannot enter, except to illustrate the difficulty from recent conversation with a ten-year-old boy of IQ 165. This boy was referred to us as a school problem: "Not interested in the school work. Very impudent. A liar." The following is a fragment of conversation with this boy:

As a form of failing to tolerate foolishness, negativity can arise. A teacher who hates being corrected by a child is not right for these kids. Too many kids with an IQ of 170 are being taught by teachers with an IQ of 120. We can’t delve into the important issue of the selection of the teacher, but we can illustrate the difficulty through a recent conversation with a ten-year-old boy who has an IQ of 165. This boy was referred to us as a school problem: "Not interested in schoolwork. Very disrespectful. A liar." The following is a snippet of our conversation with this boy:

What seems to be your main problem in school?

What do you think is your main problem in school?

Several of them.

A few of them.

Name one.

Name one.

Well, I will name the teachers. Oh, boy! It is bad enough when the pupils make mistakes, but when the teachers make mistakes, oh, boy!

Well, I will name the teachers. Oh, man! It's bad enough when the students make mistakes, but when the teachers do, oh, man!

Mention a few mistakes the teachers made.

Mention a few mistakes the teachers made.

For instance I was sitting in 5A and the teacher was teaching 5B. She was telling those children that the Germans discovered printing, that Gutenberg was the first discoverer of it, mind you. After a few minutes I couldn't stand it. I am not supposed to recite in that class, you see, but I got up. I said, "No; the Chinese invented, not discovered, printing, before the time of Gutenberg—while the Germans were still barbarians."

For instance, I was sitting in 5A while the teacher was lecturing 5B. She was telling those kids that the Germans discovered printing and that Gutenberg was the first to do it. After a few minutes, I couldn't take it anymore. I'm not supposed to speak in that class, you know, but I stood up. I said, "No; the Chinese invented, not discovered, printing, long before Gutenberg—when the Germans were still barbarians."

Then the teacher said, "Sit down. You are entirely too fresh." Later on she gave me a raking-over before the whole class. Oh, boy! What teaching!

Then the teacher said, "Sit down. You are being way too disrespectful." Later on, she scolded me in front of the whole class. Oh, man! What a lesson!

It seemed to me that one should begin at once in this case the lesson about suffering fools gladly. So I said, "Ned, that teacher is foolish, but one of the very first things to learn in the world is to suffer fools gladly." The child was so filled with resentment that he heard only the word "suffer."

It seemed to me that we should dive right into the lesson about dealing with foolish people. So I said, "Ned, that teacher is foolish, but one of the first things you need to learn in life is to put up with fools gladly." The child was so full of resentment that he only heard the word "suffer."

"Yes, that's it. That's what I say! Make 'em suffer. Roll a rock on 'em."

"Yes, that's it. That's what I say! Make them suffer. Roll a rock on them."

I quote this to suggest how negativistic rebels may seize on the wrong idea. Before we finished the conversation Ned was straightened out on the subject of who was to do the suffering. He agreed to do it himself.

I mention this to show how negative rebels might latch onto the wrong idea. By the end of the conversation, Ned understood who was actually supposed to suffer. He agreed to take it on himself.

I will cite another conversation, this time with a nine-year-old, of IQ 183.

I will mention another conversation, this time with a nine-year-old with an IQ of 183.

What seems to be the main trouble with you at school?

What do you think is the main issue for you at school?

The teacher can't pronounce.

The teacher struggles with pronunciation.

Can't pronounce what?

Can't say what?

   Oh, lots of things. The teacher said "Magdalen College"—at
   Oxford, you know. I said, "In England they call it Môdlin
   College." The teacher wrote a note home to say I am rude and
   disorderly. She does not like me.

Oh, a lot of things. The teacher mentioned "Magdalen College"—at
Oxford, you know. I replied, "In England, they call it Môdlin
College." The teacher wrote a note home stating that I am rude and
disruptive. She doesn't like me.

Just one more conversation, this time with an eight-year-old, of IQ 178, Sent as a school problem:

Just one more conversation, this time with an eight-year-old, with an IQ of 178, sent as a school problem:

What is your main trouble at school?

What is your main issue at school?

My really main trouble is not at school.

My biggest problem isn’t at school.

Where is it, then?

Where is it, then?

It is the librarian.

It's the librarian.

How is that?

How is that?

Well, for instance, I go to the library to look for my books on mechanics. I am making a new way for engines to go into reverse gear. The librarian says, "Here, where are you going? You belong in the juvenile department." So I have to go where the children are all supposed to go. But I don't stay there long, because they don't have any real books there. Say, do you think you could get me a card to the other department?

Well, for example, I go to the library to find my books on mechanics. I'm creating a new way for engines to engage reverse gear. The librarian says, "Hey, where are you going? You should be in the kids' section." So, I have to go where all the kids are *supposed* to go. But I don't stay there long because they don't have any real books. By the way, do you think you could help me get a card for the other section?

This subject is inexhaustible, but we must go on to speak of the psychological isolation of these children when they drift unrecognized. The majority of children above 160 IQ play little with other children because the difficulties of social contact are almost insurmountable. Unless special facilities can be provided, these children tend to become isolates, a condition not conducive to leadership, except perhaps of a few rare sorts, later in life. Such children are ordinarily friendly and gregarious by nature, but their efforts at forming friendship tend to be defeated by the scarcity of like-minded contemporaries. The imaginary playmate as a solution of the problem of loneliness is fairly frequent, but far inferior to the real playmate, could one be found. Shaw makes Saint Joan say, "I was always alone."

This topic is endless, but we need to discuss the psychological isolation these children experience when they go unnoticed. Most children with an IQ over 160 play very little with their peers because the challenges of social interaction are nearly impossible to overcome. Unless special arrangements are made, these children often end up isolated, which isn’t ideal for developing leadership skills, except for a few rare cases later in life. Generally, these children are friendly and social by nature, but their attempts to make friends are often thwarted by the lack of similar-minded peers. Having an imaginary friend as a way to cope with loneliness is quite common, but it’s far less satisfying than having a real friend, if one could be found. Shaw makes Saint Joan say, "I was always alone."

This danger of becoming an isolate and a hermit is one that should be carefully studied in the interests of leadership. To combat it we must somehow supply the highly intelligent in their early years with companions, especially of their own age, who can understand what they say, and can answer. This difficulty of communication is illustrated by Voltaire's abortive attempt as an adult to get into contact with the peasants around him. In The Ignorant Philosopher, Voltaire says, "I discovered such a wide difference between thought and nourishment, without which I should not think that I believed that there was a substance in me that reasoned and another substance that digested. Nevertheless, by constantly endeavoring that we are two, I materially felt that I was only one: and this contradiction gave me infinite pain. I have asked some of my own likenesses, who cultivate the earth, our common mother, if they felt that they were two? If they had discovered by their philosophy that they possessed within them an immortal substance . . . acting upon their nerves without touching them, sent expressly into them six weeks after their conception? They thought that I was jesting and pursued the cultivation of their land without making me a reply."

The risk of becoming isolated and shutting oneself off from others is something that should be carefully examined for the sake of leadership. To counter this, we need to ensure that highly intelligent individuals, especially in their early years, have peers—particularly of their own age—who can understand and engage with them. This challenge of communication is exemplified by Voltaire's unsuccessful attempt as an adult to connect with the peasants near him. In The Ignorant Philosopher, Voltaire writes, "I discovered such a wide difference between thought and nourishment, without which I should not think that I believed that there was a substance in me that reasoned and another substance that digested. Nevertheless, by constantly endeavoring that we are two, I materially felt that I was only one: and this contradiction gave me infinite pain. I asked some of my own kind, who farm the land, our common mother, if they felt that they were two? If they had figured out through their philosophy that they held within them an immortal substance . . . acting upon their nerves without touching them, sent expressly into them six weeks after their conception? They thought I was joking and continued to tend to their crops without answering me."

Even so, the ten-year-old, of IQ 175, wishes to discuss with his "own likenesses" the events of medieval history, but he finds that they make him "no reply." And if he persists, they become annoyed, hurling at him the dreadful epithet, "Perfesser." If he still persists, they pull his hair, tear his shirt from his back, and hit him with a beer bottle. (I am speaking of real life.)

Even so, the ten-year-old, with an IQ of 175, wants to talk about medieval history with his "kindred spirits," but he finds that they give him "no response." And if he keeps insisting, they get irritated, throwing the nasty name "Professor" at him. If he continues, they pull his hair, rip his shirt off his back, and hit him with a beer bottle. (I’m talking about real life.)

Turning now to habits of chicanery, it would be a question for long and close debate, as to whether a highly gifted leader can ever live and do his work among the mass of men without developing a technique of benign chicanery. Many of the great political leaders have been past masters of benign chicanery, often exploiting the people for the good of the social order. Perhaps the arts of benign chicanery are absolutely necessary to a child of highest intelligence, compelled to find his spiritual way through mass education. Certain it is that these children learn all sorts of devious ways to self-preservation. For instance, two of our pupils of Public School 500 came to us followed by notes from teachers, saying they were hard-of-hearing. Both of them have very keen ears, but they had learned not to hear the insupportable drill on things they had known for years, and in self-defense they listened so little that their teachers thought them deaf. At Public School 500 their hearing is good—almost too good!

Turning now to deceptive habits, it raises an ongoing question about whether a highly talented leader can truly engage with the general public without developing a method of harmless deceit. Many great political figures have been experts in this art of benign deception, often taking advantage of people for the greater good of society. It seems that these skills are essential for exceptionally intelligent individuals who have to navigate their way through a mass education system. It’s clear that these individuals figure out various clever tactics for self-preservation. For example, two students from Public School 500 came to us with notes from their teachers stating they were hard of hearing. Both actually have very sharp hearing, but they had learned to tune out the unbearable repetition of material they had mastered long ago, and as a defensive measure, they listened so little that their teachers believed they were deaf. At Public School 500, their hearing is excellent—almost too excellent!

Guidance in regard to this matter of chicanery is absolutely necessary. Here we have one of the most delicate of all aspects of training of a leader. By teaching these children that they should at all times act with complete candor and straightforwardness, in all sorts of company, shall we be educating them for self-destruction? We could spend hours in discussing this. We cannot do much more here than mention it.

Guidance on this issue of deception is essential. We are dealing with one of the most sensitive aspects of training a leader. By teaching these kids to always act with total honesty and openness, no matter the situation, are we actually setting them up for failure? We could talk about this for hours, but we can only touch on it briefly here.

MATTERS OF GENERAL POLICY

I am unwilling to close these remarks without touching upon some matters of general policy, which go beyond selection and training. What of those children, gifted for leadership, who through accidents of fate are without means for the development of their gifts? At our school we are compelled to witness daily the sight of children of fine quality, who do not have enough to eat or wear, to say nothing of having about them beauty or comfort. It is thought by those who have given no precise attention to the matter that "bright children will take care of themselves." This is the routine answer given by foundations established to promote human welfare, when requests are made for grants to study and meet the need of such children. The concern of American philanthropy in the present state of public knowledge is for the chronic dependent, forever incapable of development. This criticism may be justly extended to include not only the leaders of philanthropy today, but political, educational, and other kinds of leaders, who would give all to the burdens of society and nothing to the burden-bearers. To such tendencies of those in power today some halt should be called. For a people to deny its natural aristocracy is a social error in the broader sense.

I don’t want to finish these comments without addressing some general policy issues that go beyond just selection and training. What about those children who are naturally talented for leadership but, due to unfortunate circumstances, lack the resources to develop their gifts? At our school, we see every day children who are exceptional but don’t have enough to eat or wear, let alone any beauty or comfort in their lives. Some people, who haven’t looked closely at this issue, believe that "smart kids will figure it out on their own." This is the typical response from foundations created to improve human welfare when requests come in for funding to help these children. Right now, American philanthropy mainly focuses on those who are chronically dependent and unable to progress. This critique applies not only to today’s philanthropic leaders but also to political, educational, and other leaders who would rather invest everything in societal burdens and nothing in those who bear them. We need to call out these tendencies among those in power today. For a society to deny its natural leaders is a significant social mistake.

Now the truth is that children of great ability are virtually as helpless as any others under authorities blind to their exceptionality. It would be an impossibly strong and shrewd child who could today conduct his own education under the compulsory school laws; make money to live on and accumulate funds for his own higher education under the child-labor laws—all in the first eighteen years of his life. Yet this seems to be what elderly society has vaguely in mind, when reiterating that "the bright will take care of themselves."

Now the truth is that highly capable kids are pretty much as defenseless as anyone else when faced with authorities who don’t recognize their uniqueness. It would take an incredibly strong and sharp child to manage their own education under the current compulsory school laws, earn a living, and save up for their own higher education under child labor laws—all within the first eighteen years of life. Yet, this seems to be what older generations vaguely suggest when they insist that "the bright will take care of themselves."

It is common to refer in this connection to the fact that Mr. John D. Rockefeller had earned and saved a large sum of money by the time he was sixteen years old. However, in this day and age Mr. Rockefeller would have been arrested on the double charge of truancy and violation of the child-labor law, and would have had no savings whatsoever at sixteen years of age. It is shocking to think of Mr. Rockefeller standing at ten years of age before the Juvenile Court, but such would be his situation were he a ten-year-old child today instead of having been such nearly a hundred years ago. In our day a ten-year-old acquires no merit by staying out of school and engaging in the egg business. He acquires, instead, a court summons.

It's often mentioned that Mr. John D. Rockefeller had earned and saved a significant amount of money by the time he was sixteen. However, today Mr. Rockefeller would likely be arrested for both truancy and breaking child labor laws, and he wouldn't have any savings at sixteen. It's shocking to imagine Mr. Rockefeller standing in front of the Juvenile Court at ten years old, but that would be his reality if he were a ten-year-old child today instead of nearly a hundred years ago. Nowadays, a ten-year-old doesn't gain any credit for skipping school to run an egg business. Instead, they receive a court summons.

What is needed for the support and development of those children whom we see before us daily, and who represent scores of others in the same economic condition, is what we may call a revolving foundation. By this is meant a fund from which the gifted young could draw at any age the means for their development, with the moral (not legal) obligation to repay according to ability to do so, after twenty years, without interest. By this plan the superior could invest in themselves; very little money would actually be spent, because it would come back again, and the nation would always benefit in ways not now fully foreseeable. The establishment of a revolving fund for the development of tested children would be another "new thing under the sun." It would be a great experiment in social science, now rendered possible for the first time by inventions and discoveries in the field of child psychology.

What we need to support and develop the children we see every day, who represent many others in similar economic situations, is what we can call a revolving foundation. This would be a fund that gifted young people could draw from at any age to aid their development, with a moral (not legal) obligation to pay it back based on their ability to do so after twenty years, without interest. This approach would allow those with potential to invest in themselves; very little money would actually be spent since it would be repaid, and the nation would always benefit in ways we can't fully predict now. Creating a revolving fund for the development of tested children would be another "new thing under the sun." It would be a significant experiment in social science, now made possible for the first time by advances in child psychology.

[1] Teachers College Record, Vol. 39, No. 4 (1938), pages 296-306.

[1] Teachers College Record, Vol. 39, No. 4 (1938), pages 296-306.

[2] Teachers College Record, Vol. 40 (1939). Also reprinted in Public Addresses of Leta S. Hollingworth, Science Press Printing Company, Lancaster, Pennsylvania; 1940.

[2] Teachers College Record, Vol. 40 (1939). Also reprinted in Public Addresses of Leta S. Hollingworth, Science Press Printing Company, Lancaster, Pennsylvania; 1940.

[3] The curriculum here described is that organized by Leta S. Hollingworth and her collaborators in Speyer School, P.S. 500, Manhattan, for two experimental classes of "rapid learners." For an early account of this project see "The Founding of Public School 500," Teachers College Record, Vol. 38, No. 2 (November, 1936). Also "What is Going On at Speyer School?" Chapter 21 of Public Addresses of Leta S. Hollingworth, Science Press Printing Company, Lancaster, Pennsylvania; 1940.

[3] The curriculum described here was created by Leta S. Hollingworth and her team at Speyer School, P.S. 500, in Manhattan, for two experimental classes of "rapid learners." For an early overview of this project, see "The Founding of Public School 500," Teachers College Record, Vol. 38, No. 2 (November, 1936). Also refer to "What is Going On at Speyer School?" Chapter 21 of Public Addresses of Leta S. Hollingworth, Science Press Printing Company, Lancaster, Pennsylvania; 1940.

[4] A word coined by the pupils.

[4] A term created by the students.

CHAPTER TWENTY-TWO PROBLEMS OF RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN ELEMENTARY AND SECONDARY SCHOOLS IN THE CASE OF HIGHLY INTELLIGENT PUPILS

   An address before the National Committee on Coördination
   of Secondary Education at a symposium on "The Education of
   Pupils of High Intelligence," Cleveland, February 27, 1939 [1]

An address before the National Committee on Coordination
of Secondary Education at a symposium on "The Education of
Pupils of High Intelligence," Cleveland, February 27, 1939 [1]

I shall not dwell here upon the present knowledge of gifted children as organisms. Our findings in follow-up studies on tested children in New York City confirm in all particulars Professor Terman's researches on the Pacific coast. Since these several studies have been carried on in complete independence, one in the East, the other in the West, for nearly twenty years, we may certainly feel justified in the conclusion that we are arriving at truth about the mental and physical traits and development of highly intelligent persons, coming as we do to the same results.

I won't focus on what we currently know about gifted children as individuals. Our follow-up studies on tested children in New York City completely confirm Professor Terman's research conducted on the Pacific coast. Since these studies have been done independently, one in the East and the other in the West, for nearly twenty years, we can confidently conclude that we're getting closer to the truth about the mental and physical traits and development of highly intelligent individuals, as we reach the same results.

My remarks here will deal, rather, with certain problems of the education of the highly intelligent. I may say at the outset that my direct contacts with the education of gifted pupils have all been on the level of the elementary school. I consider that the problems are most urgent on this level, because it is in the primary and elementary school that the very intelligent child most especially needs a supplement to the standard curriculum. The program of progress through the elementary grades is based on what pupils at, or only very slightly above, the average can master at given ages, so that the extremely intelligent child has little or nothing to do there. His interest is not engaged, and his power is not challenged. The situation of such children has been well exemplified in a recent biography [2] which sets forth the sense of futility from which many of them suffer at school in the early years.

My comments here will focus on some issues related to the education of highly intelligent students. I want to say right away that my direct experiences with educating gifted children have all been at the elementary school level. I believe these issues are most pressing at this stage because it is in primary and elementary schools that very intelligent kids especially need extra support beyond the standard curriculum. The advancement program through the elementary grades is designed for students who are at, or only slightly above, average ability for their ages, meaning that exceptionally intelligent children often have very little to engage with in that environment. Their interest isn’t piqued, and their abilities aren’t put to the test. This situation for these children has been clearly illustrated in a recent biography [2] that discusses the sense of futility many of them experience in school during their early years.

When the child reaches senior high school, however, the case is somewhat different. The college preparatory course of the secondary school was originated with and for pupils of college caliber. It is therefore based on what very intelligent adolescents, and they only, can learn. Hence it offers to the pupil at and above 130 IQ (S-B) tasks of sufficient interest and difficulty to engage his powers of learning.

When the child gets to high school, though, things change a bit. The college prep program at secondary schools was created for students who are college material. It’s designed around what very bright teenagers, and only they, can grasp. So, it gives students with an IQ of 130 and above tasks that are interesting and challenging enough to engage their learning abilities.

Laying aside, for purposes of the moment, argument as to whether the content of the college preparatory course is what it should be from all angles, we maintain that it is sufficiently abstract, complex, and difficult to operate as an intellectual stimulus for quite highly intelligent adolescents. I shall return to this point later, raising it here merely to explain why it has seemed to me especially important to work in the elementary school.

Putting aside, for the moment, the debate about whether the college preparatory curriculum is appropriate from all perspectives, we believe it is abstract, complex, and difficult enough to serve as an intellectual challenge for very smart teenagers. I'll come back to this point later, mentioning it here just to clarify why I think it's especially important to focus on elementary education.

One cannot work for long in the elementary school, however, without becoming involved in research which has to do with the secondary school. There are many problems of coördination that require for their adequate study the joint efforts of both elementary and secondary school. We are currently trying to find answers to these problems at Public School 500, Manhattan, for we shall begin sending pupils from there to the senior high schools in June, 1939.

One can't work in elementary school for long without getting involved in research related to secondary school. There are many coordination issues that need the combined efforts of both elementary and secondary schools for proper study. We're currently trying to find solutions to these issues at Public School 500 in Manhattan, as we'll start sending students there to senior high schools in June 1939.

THE ELEMENTARY SCHOOL

For some years, beginning about 1918, experimentation has been sporadically undertaken in New York City on the initiative of individual principals to find out what should be done in the elementary school for highly intelligent children. It was not, however, until January, 1936, that the Board of Education itself took official action in cognizance of the presence of these pupils in the school system. On January 28, 1936, Public School 500, Manhattan (Speyer School, [3] was founded by formal action of the Board of Education and Teachers College, jointly, for the study of intellectual deviates, other than the feeble-minded, in the elementary school.

For several years, starting around 1918, there were occasional experiments in New York City led by individual principals to figure out what should be done in elementary schools for highly intelligent children. However, it wasn't until January 1936 that the Board of Education officially recognized the existence of these students in the school system. On January 28, 1936, Public School 500, Manhattan (Speyer School, [3]) was established through a formal decision by the Board of Education and Teachers College, together, to study intellectually gifted students who are not considered feeble-minded in elementary schools.

Two classes for rapid learners were included in the setup of this school, to accommodate twenty-five pupils each. These classes have now (1939) been in progress for three years. Their chief purpose has been to find experimentally and to establish a curriculum that would provide a genuine education for children of mental calibers above 130 IQ (S-B); an education that would extend their minds and interest them in the interests of society during the years of the elementary school.

Two classes for advanced learners were set up in this school, each accommodating twenty-five students. These classes have now (1939) been running for three years. Their main goal has been to experiment and create a curriculum that provides a real education for children with an IQ above 130 (S-B); an education that would broaden their minds and engage them in societal interests during their elementary school years.

Pupils were selected for this experiment on the basis of three criteria: (1) they must test at or above 130 IQ (S-B); (2) they must be at least 7 years 0 months old, and at most 9 years 6 months old; (3) they must be representative as a group of the various ethnic stocks composing the population of New York City. This constitutes what we consider a perfectly democratic selection. Nothing "counts" toward selection except the tested quality of the pupil himself.

Pupils were chosen for this experiment based on three criteria: (1) they must score at or above a 130 IQ (S-B); (2) they must be at least 7 years old and at most 9 years and 6 months old; (3) they must represent the different ethnic backgrounds that make up the population of New York City. This is what we consider a perfectly democratic selection. Nothing "counts" toward selection except the tested abilities of the pupil themselves.

The organization is that of an 8B elementary school, designed to run for five years as an experiment. Promotion to the ninth grade of the senior high schools at the age of 13 years was planned for our pupils. The school also includes seven classes for slow learners (IQ 75-90), the pupils of which mingle freely with those of the rapid learner classes except for purposes of classroom instruction.

The organization is that of an 8B elementary school, set up to function for five years as an experiment. Our students were expected to move on to ninth grade at senior high schools at the age of 13. The school also offers seven classes for students with slower learning abilities (IQ 75-90), who interact freely with students in the advanced classes, except during instructional time.

The teachers were selected from a long list of applicants for the posts among licensed elementary-school teachers of New York City. Criteria for selection rested on personality, degree of education, and desire to undertake experimental work.

The teachers were chosen from a long list of applicants for the positions among licensed elementary school teachers in New York City. The selection criteria focused on personality, level of education, and willingness to engage in experimental work.

Enrichment of the curriculum has been going forward for three years. Pupils at and above 130 [IQ] (S-B) need, on the average, about one half of their time in the elementary school for mastering the standard curriculum set up for "all the children." "Mastering" here means not "passing" with a mark of 65 per cent, but genuine mastery with marks of 90 per cent and above.

Enrichment of the curriculum has been ongoing for three years. Students with an IQ of 130 and above need, on average, about half of their time in elementary school to truly master the standard curriculum designed for "all children." "Mastering" here means not just "passing" with a score of 65 percent, but achieving genuine mastery with scores of 90 percent and above.

In the half day thus left to spare, an enrichment curriculum has been pursued, which has elsewhere been described in some detail. [4] The chief features of this enrichment curriculum are a series of units, one each term in each class, on "The Evolution of Common Things" and the French language and literature.

In the remaining half day, an enrichment curriculum has been implemented, which has been described in more detail elsewhere. [4] The main components of this enrichment curriculum include a series of units, one per term in each class, focused on "The Evolution of Common Things" and the French language and literature.

TRANSITION FROM ELEMENTARY TO SECONDARY SCHOOL

The time comes when pupils thus selected and educated are to pass to the ninth grade of the senior high school. At this point questions arise which call urgently for discussion as a joint responsibility of both elementary and secondary schools. Some of these questions are as follows:

The time arrives when the students selected and educated are ready to move on to the ninth grade of senior high school. At this stage, questions come up that need to be discussed urgently as a shared responsibility between elementary and secondary schools. Some of these questions are as follows:

1. Why is 13 years to be chosen as the optimum age for the transition?

1. Why is 13 years considered the best age for the transition?

2. Why is junior high school omitted from the picture?

2. Why is junior high school left out of the picture?

3. What ceremony, if any, should mark the transition to senior high school?

3. What kind of ceremony, if any, should celebrate the transition to senior high school?

4. What items of cumulative record should accompany the pupil as he or she enters high school?

4. What records should follow the student as they enter high school?

5. What differences are there in the demands of high school, as compared with the elementary school, which would affect the minimum IQ at which enrichment is needed in the high school? Is enrichment needed in the high school at 130 IQ (S-B)?

5. What differences are there in the demands of high school compared to elementary school that would influence the minimum IQ at which enrichment is necessary in high school? Is enrichment needed in high school with an IQ of 130 (S-B)?

6. The point at which enrichment begins to be needed having been determined experimentally, how should the secondary school organize to provide a genuine education for pupils at and above that level?

6. Now that we’ve figured out when students need enrichment, how should the secondary school set up to provide a real education for students at and above that level?

7. Assuming an enrichment program for pupils above 150 IQ (S-B) desirable or imperatively necessary in high schools, what matters shall be agreed upon to enter into the curriculum?

7. If an enrichment program for students with an IQ above 150 (S-B) is seen as desirable or absolutely necessary in high schools, what topics should be agreed upon to include in the curriculum?

8. Shall we guide all of our highly intelligent elementary-school pupils into the college preparatory courses? Or shall some of them be so guided that they will end high school without the "credits" for college?

8. Should we guide all of our exceptionally bright elementary school students into college prep courses? Or should we guide only some of them, leaving others to finish high school without the necessary credits for college?

9. What can and should public schools do for those few pupils who test at or above 170 IQ (S-B), for whom no experimental work so far done is of much real effect, either in elementary or secondary school?

9. What can and should public schools do for those few students who test at or above a 170 IQ (S-B), for whom no experimental work done so far has had much real effect, either in elementary or secondary school?

CONSIDERATION OF THE QUESTIONS ARISING

Not all the foregoing questions proposed can be fully discussed here. Whatever is said, however, is an outgrowth of our own professional observations, extending over the past seventeen years. In particular these observations result from the current obligation at Public School 500, Manhattan (Speyer School), to promote to senior high school our first group of children now reaching the thirteenth birthday.

Not all of the questions mentioned earlier can be fully addressed here. However, everything discussed is based on our professional experiences over the past seventeen years. Specifically, these insights come from our current responsibility at Public School 500, Manhattan (Speyer School), to promote our first group of students who are now turning thirteen to senior high school.

It is obvious that we have to determine upon an age for promotion to the senior high school. This must take into consideration "the whole child." We cannot isolate the intellect for this purpose. "Body, mind, and soul" must pass as a unit to secondary school.

It’s clear that we need to set an age for promotion to senior high school. We have to consider “the whole child.” We can’t separate the intellect for this. “Body, mind, and soul” must move as a unit to secondary school.

The brightest of our pupils were fully ready for the scholastic work of the ninth grade when they were 8 years old; several others, when they were 10 years old. Ability to "pass examinations" set for 8B pupils cannot, therefore, reasonably become our criterion for promoting these children, unless we wish to assume responsibility for placing prepubescent, 8-, 9- and 10-year-old children in a scholastic milieu that is determined by the physical size and social maturity of adolescents.

The brightest of our students were completely prepared for the ninth-grade schoolwork when they were 8 years old; several others were ready at 10 years old. Being able to "pass exams" meant for 8B students shouldn't be our only standard for promoting these kids, unless we want to take responsibility for putting prepubescent 8-, 9-, and 10-year-olds into an academic environment that is shaped by the physical size and social maturity of teenagers.

After much discussion, we fixed upon 13 years as the age for transition to senior high school. We came to this largely as a result of our pooled professional experience, but not wholly on that basis. We gave considerable weight to the follow-up study of pupils identified in 1922, and kept together for three years in special classes at Public School 165, Manhattan. [5] There were 56 of these children whom we promoted to the ninth grade at an average age of 11 years; and the high-school careers of all of them were followed through sixteen different high schools. [6] In the course of this follow-up, the question was repeatedly asked, "What would be the best age to enter the ninth grade?"

After a lot of discussion, we agreed that 13 years old would be the right age to transition to senior high school. This decision came mainly from our combined professional experience, but that wasn't the only factor. We also placed significant importance on the follow-up study of students identified in 1922, who were kept together for three years in special classes at Public School 165 in Manhattan. [5] There were 56 of these kids that we promoted to the ninth grade at an average age of 11; we tracked the high school experiences of all of them across sixteen different high schools. [6] Throughout this follow-up, we frequently asked the question, "What is the best age to enter the ninth grade?"

Sixty per cent of these pupils gave 13 years as the "best age" to enter high school, and twenty-six per cent gave 14 years or older. Only one child gave an age younger than 12 years as optimum for entering high school. This group, as a whole, would have preferred to enter the ninth grade at an age older than that at which they entered, and gave cogent reasons for the preference during their high-school careers.

Sixty percent of these students said that 13 years old is the "best age" to start high school, while twenty-six percent said 14 years or older. Only one child suggested an age younger than 12 years as ideal for entering high school. Overall, this group would have preferred to start ninth grade at an older age than when they actually did, and they provided strong reasons for this preference throughout their high school experiences.

These ideas persisted through the college careers, especially among the boys, many of whom felt they were misplaced in college at 15 years of age. Entering high school near the thirteenth birthday, a child saves time, and yet is not made subject to the tensions which may result from trying to meet social and physical requirements for which he is too immature.

These ideas continued throughout college, especially among the boys, many of whom felt out of place starting college at 15. Entering high school around their thirteenth birthday lets a kid save time, while avoiding the pressure that comes from trying to meet social and physical expectations they're not ready for.

Junior high school is omitted from the picture as ours was a five-year plan. Such a plan of curriculum enrichment as ours fits best into the 8B setup, for such a program cannot be supervised if the pupils are scattered and the situation made subject to the transition from 6B to junior high school. In the metropolitan situation it is not feasible to take the pupils for special classes until they are at least 7 years old. The infrequency of their occurrence makes it necessary to assemble them from several districts, and they are not mature enough to come from a distance when they are 6 years of age. Parents cannot assume the burden of accompanying them twice a day. Our pupils were 8 years old, on the median, when they entered our rapid learner classes.

Junior high school is left out of the equation since our plan was based on five years. A curriculum enrichment plan like ours works best within the 8B setup because such a program can't be effectively managed if the students are spread out and transitioning from 6B to junior high school. In metropolitan areas, it's not practical to bring in students for special classes until they are at least 7 years old. Since these classes are infrequent, we need to gather students from various districts, and they aren't mature enough to travel from far away at 6 years old. Parents can't handle the responsibility of taking them back and forth twice a day. Our students were, on average, 8 years old when they started our rapid learner classes.

We have found it feasible to organize classes for 8-year-olds, give them a five-year program of special studies, and have them fully ready for senior high school at 13 years of age. This plan has worked out well, whereas, if we had had to consider a transition to the junior high school in the midst of our work, difficulties would have arisen, and it is not clear how our program could have been carried out at all. However, a field for experimentation lies here for those who would be predisposed to favor the junior-high-school plan of school organization.

We’ve found it practical to set up classes for 8-year-olds, provide them with a five-year program of special studies, and have them fully prepared for senior high school by the age of 13. This approach has been successful, whereas if we had to switch to a junior high school model during our process, challenges would have come up, and it's unclear how we could have implemented our program at all. However, there’s an opportunity for experimentation here for those who might prefer the junior high school system of organization.

We decided that no ceremony of graduation should mark the promotion to senior high school. Our pupils will make the transition not in a body, but a few at a time at the end of each term. Some informal social event may take place, but no ceremony of graduation as such.

We decided that there shouldn’t be a graduation ceremony for moving up to senior high school. Our students will transition not all at once, but a few at a time at the end of each term. There might be some informal social event, but no official graduation ceremony.

The question, "What items of cumulative record should accompany each child from the elementary school?" is one requiring much study. Here we are working quite experimentally. The public schools of Altoona, Elkins Park, and Fort Wayne, Pennsylvania, are reported to have formulated a cumulative record card for rapid learners, which we hope later to consult. The records of mental tests, the record of scholastic-achievement tests, and a statement of teachers' ratings on a variety of character traits should no doubt be included with the health record and attendance record in the elementary school.

The question, "What types of cumulative records should follow each child from elementary school?" needs a lot of careful thought. We're currently exploring this on a trial basis. The public schools in Altoona, Elkins Park, and Fort Wayne, Pennsylvania, have reportedly created a cumulative record card for accelerated learners, which we hope to review later. The records of mental tests, academic achievement tests, and feedback from teachers on various character traits should definitely be included along with health records and attendance records in elementary school.

Ideally, the secondary school should receive these pupils already tested mentally, with cumulative records; but, since in the existing state of affairs this is not possible, because such tests have not been generally made, the high schools are wondering what methods to use in selecting the highly intelligent as they arrive, in the ordinary course of events, for admission.

Ideally, the secondary school should get these students already assessed mentally, with complete records; however, since this isn't possible in the current situation because such assessments haven't been widely done, high schools are looking for ways to select the gifted students as they come in for admission.

We must agree that we have, in fact, no method at present generally available of distributing the top percentile of the adolescent population. The Army Alpha, which strictly speaking pertains to adults, is no doubt the most nearly appropriate instrument we have for distributing the top one per cent of adolescents. No other group test has sufficient "top" for this purpose, and no individual test has a "ceiling" high enough to prevent the best from "going through." Two forms of Army Alpha combined will give as good an approximation as is at present available to a correct distribution of adolescents at and above 130 IQ (S-B).

We have to acknowledge that right now, there's no method widely available for sorting out the top percentile of teenagers. The Army Alpha test, which is actually designed for adults, is probably the best tool we have for assessing the top one percent of adolescents. No other group test has a sufficient "top" range for this task, and no individual test has a high enough "ceiling" to keep the best from scoring above it. Using two versions of the Army Alpha together will provide the best approximation currently available for accurately distributing adolescents with an IQ of 130 and above (S-B).

There exist tests of scholastic aptitude which pertain to adolescents of college caliber, but these are not generally available, being limited to the organizations which make specific use of them.

There are tests for academic ability that are meant for college-level teenagers, but these aren't usually accessible, as they are restricted to the organizations that specifically use them.

From observations of the progress of highly intelligent children tested at an early age, I offer the hypothesis that pupils of 130 to 150 IQ (S-B) have quite enough to do in the truly efficient pursuit of the college preparatory curriculum of the senior high schools, and do not need any enrichment of this curriculum as far as challenge to ability is concerned. What these pupils need is merely freedom from the presence of great masses of classmates who are mentally unadapted to the college preparatory course, and the opportunity to work unhampered, in segregated groups, such as are now being formed in many secondary schools under the concept of the honor school.

From observations of the progress of highly intelligent children tested at an early age, I propose the idea that students with an IQ of 130 to 150 (S-B) have plenty to engage with in the efficient pursuit of the college preparatory curriculum in high schools. They don’t require any additional enrichment to challenge their abilities. What these students really need is simply to be free from being around large groups of classmates who aren't suited for the college preparatory course, along with the chance to work independently in smaller, focused groups, like those currently being established in many secondary schools under the concept of the honor school.

Pupils above 150 IQ (S-B) are, however, probably in definite need of an enrichment of even the college preparatory course as it exists currently in senior high schools. If experimental observation should prove this hypothesis to be true, how should the secondary school set about it to provide for the genuine education of such pupils? Should the huge high schools of a great city, like New York, organize an enrichment curriculum within the honor schools for these extreme deviates? Should honor schools have faculties proper to them only? Assuming an enrichment program for pupils above 150 IQ (S-B) to be found desirable or necessary in secondary school, what matters shall find place in such a curriculum?

Students with an IQ above 150 (S-B) likely need a more advanced curriculum than what is currently offered in high school college preparatory courses. If experiments support this idea, how should secondary schools go about ensuring these students receive a meaningful education? Should large high schools in major cities, like New York, create specialized enrichment programs within their honors schools for these exceptional students? Should honors schools have dedicated faculty for these advanced learners? If we determine that an enrichment program for students with an IQ above 150 (S-B) is beneficial or necessary, what subjects should be included in such a curriculum?

The answers to these questions cannot be stated from the swivel chair or the arm chair. Years of realistic hard and intelligent work will have to be done, by way of experiment with various groups of adolescents. As regards the question pertaining to enrichment of curriculum, I dare offer the suggestion that there are "common things" the evolution of which would be more properly worked out at the adolescent level than at the level of childhood by highly intelligent pupils. Thus at Public School 500, Manhattan (Speyer School), we often find ourselves wishing that we might have our pupils at adolescence in order to take up with them the evolution of law and order, of trade and money, of warfare, of punishment, and many other things concerning which no systematic instruction is ever given outside of professional schools.

The answers to these questions can't be figured out from a swivel chair or an armchair. Years of realistic, hard, and smart work will have to be done through experiments with different groups of teenagers. Regarding the question about enriching the curriculum, I suggest that there are "common things" whose development would be better addressed at the adolescent level rather than during childhood by highly intelligent students. For example, at Public School 500 in Manhattan (Speyer School), we often wish we could work with our students as teenagers to explore the development of law and order, trade and money, warfare, punishment, and many other topics that aren’t systematically taught outside of professional schools.

One may suggest that in the elementary school the enrichment curriculum might proceed by covering the evolution of "common things" which are concrete, as we have been doing, leaving for the secondary school those "common things" which are relatively abstract and involve especially concepts of social-economic consequence.

One might argue that in elementary school, the enrichment curriculum could focus on the evolution of "common things" that are tangible, as we have been doing, while leaving for secondary school those "common things" that are more abstract and particularly involve concepts related to social and economic outcomes.

It is to be considered, also, that each of these pupils, at and above 150 IQ (S-B), would have the capacity to master a manual trade, in addition to mastering a profession, if time were allowed during adolescence. At 13 years of age, the hand then being developed, such pupils might be trained for skilled trades, in their spare time, as an enrichment of curriculum. In a changing world it is perhaps a good thing for those who are capable of both profession and skilled manual craft to have both at their service as adults, and to be capable of serving society and themselves in more than one specialized vocation, as was and is actually the case with many able Americans, reared and educated under pioneering conditions of the nineteenth century and earlier.

It's also worth considering that each of these students, with an IQ of 150 and above (S-B), could master a manual trade alongside a profession if they had the time during their teenage years. At 13 years old, as their hands are developing, these students could be trained for skilled trades in their free time, enriching their education. In a world that's constantly changing, it's probably beneficial for those capable of excelling in both a profession and a skilled manual craft to have both skills available to them as adults, allowing them to contribute to society and themselves in multiple specialized roles, just like many capable Americans who were raised and educated under the pioneering conditions of the nineteenth century and earlier.

To this point we have been speaking of enrichments accompanying and supplementing the college preparatory course for pupils testing above 150 IQ (S-B). But shall we guide all our highly intelligent pupils into college preparatory courses? Or shall some of them be positively guided so that they will end high school without the "credits" for college? Shall all whose circumstances tend to force them into vocational high schools be allowed to drift in that direction? Here is a question of fundamental importance for society, which at this moment we hardly know enough to raise, much less answer. Only one in every hundred tests at or above 130 IQ (S-B). What does society most need from this little handful of persons? These can perform socially desired functions which none of the other ninety and nine can possibly perform. They can be educated in ways which are forever out of the reach of all who test below them. What should we, as educators, the publicly appointed guardians of their intellectual lives, do with these children for their own and society's best interests?

Until now, we've been discussing enhancements that come with and support the college prep program for students with an IQ above 150 (S-B). But should we direct all of our exceptionally bright students into college prep classes? Or should some of them be steered in a way that allows them to finish high school without the "credits" needed for college? Should those whose situations push them towards vocational high schools be allowed to follow that path? This is a crucial question for society, one that we barely know enough to ask, let alone answer. Only one in every hundred tests shows an IQ of 130 or above (S-B). What does society really need from this small group of individuals? They can fulfill socially valuable roles that the other ninety-nine cannot. They can receive an education that's always out of reach for those below them. As educators, tasked with overseeing their intellectual development, what should we do with these students for their benefit and the benefit of society?

There is no more serious question than this in all education. How shall a democracy educate the most educable? At present these children are to a great extent lost in the vast enterprises of mass education, and are left to handle their special problems as they may, by themselves, while the energies of teachers are bent upon the main business of dealing with the ninety-nine per cent who test below 130 IQ (S-B). Common sense would tell us that a child who tests as far above the average as a feeble-minded child tests below cannot escape having special problems under conditions of mass education. We cannot go into this matter in detail here. These problems have been set forth in another place. [7] It is for us to consider them carefully, for educators are the sole group appointed by society to guard the interests of children. We are their official guardians, adding our guidance to that of their natural guardians, parents, who are often helpless either to recognize these children's abilities or to develop them.

There is no more serious question in education than this: How can a democracy educate the most capable children? Right now, these kids are largely lost in the vast landscape of mass education and are left to deal with their unique challenges on their own, while teachers focus their efforts on the ninety-nine percent of students who score below 130 IQ (S-B). Common sense tells us that a child who scores significantly above average, just as a child with a mental disability scores below, will have unique challenges in a mass education system. We can’t dive into this issue in detail here. These challenges have been discussed elsewhere. [7] It’s important for us to examine them closely, as educators are the only group tasked by society with protecting the interests of children. We are their official guardians, supplementing the guidance of their natural guardians, the parents, who often struggle to recognize or nurture these children's talents.

WHAT ABOUT GENIUS?

We come finally to what may be the most important point of all—the point to where we inquire into the responsibility of the public schools for children who are as far above those of 130 IQ (S-B) as the latter are above 100 IQ (S-B). I refer to those very rarely occurring pupils who test at or above 170 IQ (S-B). These children are important for civilization in inverse ratio to their infrequency of occurrence. They are the ones who can not only conserve thought in its abstract reaches, but who can originate new thoughts, new inventions, new patterns, and who can solve problems.

We finally arrive at what might be the most important point of all—the question of the responsibility of public schools for children who are as far above those with a 130 IQ (S-B) as those with a 130 IQ are above those with a 100 IQ (S-B). I'm talking about those very rare students who test at or above a 170 IQ (S-B). These children are crucial for civilization in direct relation to how infrequently they appear. They are the ones who can not only preserve thought in its most abstract forms but who can also create new ideas, new inventions, new patterns, and who can solve complex problems.

When, about twenty years ago, Terman [8] began to attempt classifications of high deviates, on the basis of IQ, he called 140 IQ (S-B) "genius or near genius." The intervening years have proved that this idea must be revised. Seniors in many of our first-rate colleges test at a median of 140 IQ (S-B) or even higher, and about a quarter of all college graduates test at or above this level.

When Terman [8] first started trying to classify high achievers based on IQ about twenty years ago, he labeled a 140 IQ (S-B) as "genius or near genius." In the years since, it has become clear that this perspective needs to be changed. Students in many top colleges now have a median IQ of 140 (S-B) or even higher, and around a quarter of all college graduates score at or above this level.

That point in the distribution of IQ where mental products suggestive of genius, as defined by lexicographers, begin to appear, seems to be as far above 140 IQ as 140 IQ is above average. Somewhere between 170 and 180 IQ (S-B) we begin to see merging in early adulthood that "highly unusual power of invention or origination," that "original creative power, frequently working through the imagination," which is ordinarily called "genius." [9]

That point in the IQ distribution where signs of genius, as defined by dictionary writers, start to show up seems to be as much higher than 140 IQ as 140 IQ is above average. Between 170 and 180 IQ (S-B), we start to notice the emergence in early adulthood of that "highly unusual power of invention or creativity," that "original creative ability, often driven by imagination," which is usually referred to as "genius." [9]

This element in our juvenile population, so significant and so rarely found, passes unrecognized at present through the public schools. We have not even commenced to evolve an education suitable for a child who at 9 or 10 years of age is able to think on a college level. The idea that such children exist at all is even laughed at to scorn by teachers and principals who have a quarter of a century of "experience" behind them. These children have no way of making themselves known. The mental tests make them known. They become known only to those educators who "believe in" mental tests.

This group in our young population, which is both significant and rare, currently goes unnoticed in public schools. We haven't even started to develop an education that suits a child who, at 9 or 10 years old, is capable of thinking at a college level. The idea that such children exist is often mocked by teachers and principals with twenty-five years of "experience." These children have no means of revealing themselves. The mental tests bring them to light. They are recognized only by those educators who "believe in" mental tests.

The most interesting problem in education is to discover how these children, testing above 170 IQ (S-B) can and should be educated; to devise ways and means whereby these far deviates may get the full use of their abilities in school and society, especially when they have no money. The concept of democracy on which the United States was founded is one of equality of opportunity. The intention of our educational policy is that every child should have a chance to develop as his natural abilities may entitle him to do, all artificial distinctions being eliminated. Now at last psychological science has provided an effective instrument for achieving this democracy in education, namely the mental test, by means of which a child may be recognized for his own ability, regardless of age, sex, race, creed, or economic condition.

The most interesting challenge in education is figuring out how to educate children with an IQ above 170 (S-B) and how they should be educated. We need to come up with ways for these exceptionally gifted kids to fully utilize their abilities in school and society, especially when they lack financial resources. The idea of democracy, which the United States was built on, is about equal opportunity. Our educational policy aims for every child to have a chance to develop according to their natural abilities, with all artificial distinctions removed. Finally, psychological science has given us an effective tool to achieve this educational democracy: the mental test. This allows us to recognize a child's abilities, regardless of their age, gender, race, religion, or economic status.

How shall we as educators utilize this instrument of genuine democracy? How shall we proceed under conditions in which the founding fathers are now mistaken by many citizens to have proclaimed and promised biological equality!

How should we as educators use this tool of true democracy? How should we move forward in a situation where many citizens mistakenly believe that the founding fathers proclaimed and promised biological equality?

Perhaps we should take another leaf from the book of the French Republic, where the delusion of biological equality has always been successfully avoided; where the State continually reviews its attempt to secure equality of opportunity by explicit efforts to find and foster the natural élite, and to know where the gifted are located in the French population. [11]

Perhaps we should learn from the example of the French Republic, where the illusion of biological equality has always been effectively sidestepped; where the State consistently reassesses its efforts to ensure equality of opportunity by actively seeking out and nurturing the natural elite, and understanding where the talented individuals are within the French population. [11]

We may also consider the Belgian policies, with regard to subsidy of the gifted, [12] "Ce principe fondamental: Que chaque enfant, quelle que soit la situation de fortune des parents, soit mis en état d'acquérir par l'instruction tout le développement intellectuel et professionnel dont il est capable."

We can also look at the Belgian policies regarding subsidies for the gifted, [12] "This fundamental principle: That every child, regardless of their parents' financial situation, is given the opportunity to acquire through education all the intellectual and professional development they are capable of."

All the questions here raised call for definite answers at the present time. Such questions could not be effectively raised prior to the twentieth century, because psychologists had not previously advanced to a point of supplying a scientific method of determining intelligence in childhood. It is the most significant contribution of psychology to education, in this century—and perhaps in all centuries—that we are now enabled to know the mental caliber of a human being in his early years.

All the questions raised here need clear answers right now. These questions couldn't have been effectively raised before the twentieth century because psychologists hadn't developed a scientific method for measuring intelligence in childhood. The most significant contribution of psychology to education in this century—and maybe in all centuries—is that we can now understand a person's mental capacity in their early years.

More and more it becomes clear that human welfare on the whole is much more a matter of the activities of deviates than it is a matter of what the middle mass of persons does. Those educators who make a joke of the genius and regard the dullard as a mere figment of the imagination of psychologists, or who solve the educational problems which these children present by the simple device of "not believing in" them, fiddle while Rome burns. It is the deviate who takes the initiative and plays the primary part in social determination. How shall we, then, educate him in a democracy?

It's becoming increasingly clear that overall human well-being depends more on the actions of deviates than on what the average person does. Those educators who joke about genius and see the dullard as just a fictional concept dreamed up by psychologists, or who address the educational challenges posed by these children by simply "not believing" in them, are ignoring the real issues while everything falls apart. It's the deviate who leads the way and plays a key role in shaping society. So, how should we educate them in a democracy?

[1] Reprinted from The Journal of Educational Sociology (October, 1939), pages 90-102.

[1] Reprinted from The Journal of Educational Sociology (October, 1939), pages 90-102.

[2] Bridgman, Amy S. My Valuable Time: The Story of Paul Bridgman Boyd. (109 pages.) Stephen Daye Press, Brattleboro, Vermont; 1938.

[2] Bridgman, Amy S. My Valuable Time: The Story of Paul Bridgman Boyd. (109 pages.) Stephen Daye Press, Brattleboro, Vermont; 1938.

[3] Hollingworth, Leta S. "The Founding of Public School 500: Speyer School," Teachers College Record, Vol. 37 (November, 1936), pages 119-128.

[3] Hollingworth, Leta S. "The Founding of Public School 500: Speyer School," Teachers College Record, Vol. 37 (November, 1936), pages 119-128.

[4] Hollingworth, Leta S. "An Enrichment Curriculum for Rapid Learners at Public School 500: Speyer School," Teachers College Record, Vol. 39 (January, 1938), Pages 296-306. See also Chapter 21 of this book.

[4] Hollingworth, Leta S. "An Enrichment Curriculum for Gifted Students at Public School 500: Speyer School," Teachers College Record, Vol. 39 (January, 1938), Pages 296-306. See also Chapter 21 of this book.

[5] Lamson, E. E. "A Study of Young Gifted Children in Senior
High School." Contributions to Education No. 424 (117 pages).
Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University,
New York; 1930.

[5] Lamson, E. E. "A Study of Young Gifted Children in Senior
High School." Contributions to Education No. 424 (117 pages).
Bureau of Publications, Teachers College, Columbia University,
New York; 1930.

[6] Lamson, E. E. "High School Achievement of Fifty-Six Gifted Children." Journal of Genetic Psychology, Vol. 47 (1935), pages 233-238.

[6] Lamson, E. E. "High School Achievement of Fifty-Six Gifted Children." Journal of Genetic Psychology, Vol. 47 (1935), pages 233-238.

[7] Hollingworth, Leta S. "The Child of Very Superior Intelligence as a Special Problem in Social Adjustment." Proceedings of the First International Congress on Mental Hygiene, Vol. II, pages 47-69. The International Committee for Mental Hygiene, Inc., New York; 1932.

[7] Hollingworth, Leta S. "The Child of Very Superior Intelligence as a Special Problem in Social Adjustment." Proceedings of the First International Congress on Mental Hygiene, Vol. II, pages 47-69. The International Committee for Mental Hygiene, Inc., New York; 1932.

[8] Terman, Lewis M. The Measurement of Intelligence (362 pages). Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1916. Also, Terman, Lewis M. Genetic Studies of Genius, Vol. I (663 pages). Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1925.

[8] Terman, Lewis M. The Measurement of Intelligence (362 pages). Houghton Mifflin Company, Boston; 1916. Also, Terman, Lewis M. Genetic Studies of Genius, Vol. I (663 pages). Stanford University Press, Stanford University, California; 1925.

[9] Webster's New International Dictionary, 1935.

[9] Webster's New International Dictionary, 1935.

[10] Butler, Nicholas Murray. "Is Thomas Jefferson the Forgotten Man?" Address delivered at the Parrish Art Museum, Southampton, September 1, 1935. Published at 405 West 117th Street, New York.

[10] Butler, Nicholas Murray. "Is Thomas Jefferson the Forgotten Man?" Address delivered at the Parrish Art Museum, Southampton, September 1, 1935. Published at 405 West 117th Street, New York.

[11] Bouglé, C. Enquêtes sur le Baccalauréat. (120 pages.) Librairie Hachette, Paris; 1935.

[11] Bouglé, C. Enquêtes sur le Baccalauréat. (120 pages.) Librairie Hachette, Paris; 1935.

[12] Bauwens, Léon. Fonds des mieux doués. (Cinquième édition, 77 pages.) Librairie Albert Dewit, Bruxelles; 1927.

[12] Bauwens, Léon. Fund of the Best Gifted. (Fifth edition, 77 pages.) Albert Dewit Bookstore, Brussels; 1927.


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