This is a modern-English version of History of Ancient Pottery: Greek, Etruscan, and Roman. Volume 1 (of 2), originally written by Walters, H. B. (Henry Beauchamp), Birch, Samuel.
It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling,
and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If
you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.
Scroll to the bottom of this page and you will find a free ePUB download link for this book.
Transcriber’s Note:
Transcription Note:
Minor errors in punctuation and formatting have been silently corrected. Please see the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details regarding the handling of any textual issues encountered during its preparation. The end note also discusses the handling of the many Greek inscriptions.
Minor punctuation and formatting errors have been quietly fixed. Please check the transcriber’s note at the end of this text for details about how any textual issues were addressed during its preparation. The end note also talks about how the various Greek inscriptions were handled.
References to Volume II are linked as well for ease of navigation.
References to Volume II are also linked for easier navigation.
HISTORY OF ANCIENT POTTERY

KYLIX BY DURIS.
THE LABOURS OF THESEUS.
(British Museum).
KYLIX BY DURIS.
THE LABORS OF THESEUS.
(British Museum).

PREFACE
In 1857 Dr. Samuel Birch issued his well-known work on ancient pottery, at that time almost the first attempt at dealing with the whole subject in a comprehensive manner. Sixteen years later, in 1873, he brought out a second edition, in some respects condensed, in others enlarged and brought up to date. But it is curious to reflect that the succeeding sixteen years should not only have doubled or even trebled the material available for a study of this subject, but should even have revolutionised that study. The year 1889 also saw the completion of the excavations of the Acropolis at Athens, which did much to settle the question of the chronology of Attic vases. Yet another sixteen years, and if the increase in actual bulk of material is relatively not so great, yet the advance in the study of pottery, especially that of the primitive periods, has been astounding; and while in 1857, and even in 1873, it was impossible to do much more than collect and co-ordinate material, in 1905 Greek ceramics have become one of the most advanced and firmly based branches of classical archaeology.
In 1857, Dr. Samuel Birch published his famous work on ancient pottery, which was one of the first comprehensive attempts to cover the entire subject. Sixteen years later, in 1873, he released a second edition that was condensed in some areas and expanded and updated in others. It's interesting to note that the following sixteen years not only doubled or even tripled the available material for studying this topic but also completely changed the approach to it. The year 1889 also marked the completion of the excavations of the Acropolis at Athens, which greatly helped to clarify the timeline of Attic vases. Another sixteen years passed, and while the increase in material wasn't as significant, the progress in the study of pottery, particularly from the primitive periods, has been remarkable. While in 1857 and even in 1873 it was mainly about gathering and organizing material, by 1905, Greek ceramics have become one of the most advanced and well-established areas of classical archaeology.
It therefore implies no slur on the reputation of Samuel Birch’s work that it has become out of date. Up till now it has remained the only comprehensive treatise, and therefore the standard work, on the subject; but of late years there has been a crying need, especially in England, of a book which should place before students a condensed and up-to-date account of Greek vases and of the present state of knowledge of the subject. The present volumes, while following in the main the plan adopted by Dr. Birch, necessarily deviate therefrom in some important particulars. It has been decided to omit entirely the section relating to Oriental pottery, partly from considerations of space, partly from the impossibility of doing justice to the subject except in a separate treatise; for the same reason the pottery of the Celts and of Northern Europe has been ignored. Part I. of the present work, dealing chiefly with the technical aspect of the subject, remains in its main outlines much as it was thirty years ago; but the other sections have been entirely re-written. For the historical account of vase-painting in Birch’s second edition one chapter of forty pages sufficed; it now extends to six chapters, or one quarter of the work. The subjects on the vases, again, occupy four chapters instead of two; and modern researches have made it possible to treat the subjects of Etruscan and Roman pottery with almost the same scientific knowledge as that of Greece.
It doesn’t reflect poorly on Samuel Birch’s work that it’s become outdated. Until now, it has been the only comprehensive study and thus the standard reference on the topic; however, in recent years, there has been a significant demand, especially in England, for a book that presents a concise and up-to-date overview of Greek vases and the current state of research on the subject. The current volumes, while mainly following the approach taken by Dr. Birch, differ in some key areas. It has been decided to completely exclude the section on Oriental pottery, partly due to space considerations and partly because it would require a separate study to do it justice; for the same reason, the pottery of the Celts and Northern Europe has also been left out. Part I of this work, which focuses primarily on the technical aspects, remains largely unchanged from thirty years ago; however, the other sections have been completely rewritten. In Birch’s second edition, one chapter of forty pages was enough for the historical account of vase-painting; it now spans six chapters, which is a quarter of the total work. The topics on the vases now take up four chapters instead of two, and recent research has enabled a treatment of Etruscan and Roman pottery with nearly the same level of scientific understanding as that of Greece.
A certain amount of repetition in the various sections will, it is hoped, be pardoned on the ground that it was desirable to make each section as far as possible complete in itself; and another detail which may provoke unfavourable criticism is the old difficulty of the spelling of Greek names and words. In regard to the latter the author admits that consistency has not been attained, but his aim has been rather to avoid unnecessary Latinising on the one hand and pedantry on the other.
A certain amount of repetition in the various sections is hoped to be forgiven because it was important to make each section as complete as possible on its own. Another aspect that might draw criticism is the ongoing challenge of spelling Greek names and words. The author acknowledges that consistency hasn't been achieved, but the goal has been to avoid unnecessary Latinization on one side and pretentiousness on the other.
Finally, the author desires to express his warmest acknowledgments to all who have been of assistance to him in his work, by their writings or otherwise, especially to a friend, desiring to be nameless, who has kindly read through the proofs and made many useful suggestions; to the invaluable works of many foreign scholars, more particularly those of M. Pottier, M. Salomon Reinach, and M. Déchelette, he owes a debt which even a constant acknowledgment in the text hardly repays. Thanks are also due to the Trustees of the British Museum for kind permission to reproduce their blocks for Figs. 75, 109, 118, 125, 128, 131, 138, 185, 191, and 197, to M. Déchelette for permission to reproduce from his work the vases given in Figs. 224, 226, and to the Committee of the British School at Athens for similar facilities in regard to Plate XIV. (pottery from Crete). Lastly, but by no means least, the author desires to express to Mr. Hallam Murray his deep sense of obligation for the warm interest he has shown in the work throughout and for the pains he has taken to ensure the success of its outward appearance.
Finally, the author wants to express his heartfelt thanks to everyone who has helped him with his work, whether through their writings or in other ways. He especially wants to thank a friend, who prefers to remain anonymous, for kindly reviewing the proofs and offering many valuable suggestions. He acknowledges a significant debt to the essential works of many foreign scholars, particularly M. Pottier, M. Salomon Reinach, and M. Déchelette, which even frequent mention in the text can't fully repay. He also thanks the Trustees of the British Museum for allowing the use of their blocks for Figs. 75, 109, 118, 125, 128, 131, 138, 185, 191, and 197, to M. Déchelette for permission to reproduce the vases shown in Figs. 224 and 226, and to the Committee of the British School at Athens for similar permission regarding Plate XIV. (pottery from Crete). Lastly, but certainly not least, the author wants to express his deep gratitude to Mr. Hallam Murray for the genuine interest he has shown in the work throughout and for his efforts to ensure its visual appeal.
London, January 1905.
London, January 1905.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I
PAGE | |
PREFACE | v |
CONTENTS OF VOLUME I | ix |
LIST OF PLATES IN VOLUME I | xiii |
LIST OF TEXT-ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME I | xv |
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT POTTERY | xix |
NOTE ON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS WORK | xxxvi |
PART I | |
GREEK POTTERY IN GENERAL | |
CHAPTER I | |
INTRODUCTORY | |
Importance of study of ancient monuments—Value of pottery as evidence of early civilisation—Invention of the art—Use of brick in Babylonia—The potter’s wheel—Enamel and glazes—Earliest Greek pottery—Use of study of vases—Ethnological, historical, mythological, and artistic aspects—Earliest writings on the subject—The “Etruscan” theory—History of the study of Greek vases—Artistic, epexegetic, and historical methods—The vase-collections of Europe and their history—List of existing collections | 1–30 |
CHAPTER II | |
SITES AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF DISCOVERY OF GREEK VASES | |
Historical and geographical limits of subject—Description of Greek tombs—Tombs in Cyprus, Cyrenaica, Sicily, Italy—Condition of vases when found—Subsequent restorations—Imitations and forgeries—Prices of vases—Sites on which painted vases have been found: Athens, Corinth, Boeotia, Greek islands, Crimea, Asia Minor, Cyprus, North Africa, Italy, Etruria—Vulci discoveries—Southern Italy, Sicily | 31–88 |
CHAPTER III | |
THE USES OF CLAY | |
Technical terms—Sun-dried clay and unburnt bricks—Use of these in Greece—Methods of manufacture—Roof-tiles and architectural decorations in terracotta—Antefixal ornaments—Sicilian and Italian systems—Inscribed tiles—Sarcophagi—Braziers—Moulds—Greek lamps—Sculpture in terracotta—Origin of art—Large statues in terracotta—Statuettes—Processes of manufacture—Moulding—Colouring—Vases with plastic decoration—Reliefs—Toys—Types and uses of statuettes—Porcelain and enamelled wares—Hellenistic and Roman enamelled fabrics | 89–130 |
CHAPTER IV | |
USES AND SHAPES OF GREEK VASES | |
Mention of painted vases in literature—Civil and domestic use of pottery—Measures of capacity—Use in daily life—Decorative use—Religious and votive uses—Use in funeral ceremonies—Shapes and their names—Ancient and modern classifications—Vases for storage—Pithos—Wine-amphora—Amphora—Stamnos—Hydria—Vases for mixing—Krater—Deinos or Lebes—Cooking-vessels—Vases for pouring wine—Oinochoë and variants—Ladles—Drinking-cups—Names recorded by Athenaeus—Kotyle—Skyphos—Kantharos—Kylix—Phiale— Rhyton—Dishes—Oil-vases—Lekythos—Alabastron—Pyxis—Askos—Moulded vases | 131–201 |
CHAPTER V | |
TECHNICAL PROCESSES | |
Nature of clay—Places whence obtained—Hand-made vases—Invention of potter’s wheel—Methods of modelling—Moulded vases and relief-decoration—Baking—Potteries and furnaces—Painted vases and their classification—Black varnish—Methods of painting—Instruments and colours employed—Status of potters in antiquity | 202–233 |
PART II | |
HISTORY OF GREEK VASE-PAINTING | |
CHAPTER VI | |
PRIMITIVE FABRICS | |
Introductory—Cypriote Bronze-Age pottery—Classification—Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus—Graeco-Phoenician fabrics—Shapes and decoration—Hellenic and later vases—Primitive pottery in Greece—Troy—Thera and Cyclades—Crete—Recent discoveries—Mycenaean pottery—Classification and distribution—Centres of fabric—Ethnography and chronology | 234–276 |
CHAPTER VII | |
RISE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREECE | |
Geometrical decoration—Its origin—Distribution of pottery—Shapes and ornamentation of vases—Subjects—Dipylon vases—Boeotian Geometrical wares—Chronology—Proto-Attic fabrics—Phaleron ware—Later Boeotian vases—Melian amphorae—Corinth and its pottery—“Proto-Corinthian” vases—Vases with imbrications and floral decoration—Incised lines and ground-ornaments—Introduction of figure-subjects—Chalcidian vases—“Tyrrhenian Amphorae” | 277–327 |
CHAPTER VIII | |
VASE-PAINTING IN IONIA | |
General characteristics—Classification—Mycenaean influence—Rhodian pottery—“Fikellura” ware—Asia Minor fabrics—Cyrenaic vases—Naukratis and its pottery—Daphnae ware—Caeretan hydriae—Other Ionic fabrics—“Pontic” vases—Early painting in Ionia—Clazomenae sarcophagi | 328–367 |
CHAPTER IX | |
ATHENIAN BLACK-FIGURED VASES | |
Definition of “black-figured”—The François vase—Technical and stylistic details—Shapes—Decorative patterns—Subjects and types—Artists’ signatures—Exekias and Amasis—Minor Artists—Nikosthenes—Andokides—“Affected” vases—Panathenaic amphorae—Vases from the Kabeirion—Opaque painting on black ground—Vase-painting and literary tradition—Early Greek painting and its subsequent development | 368–399 |
CHAPTER X | |
RED-FIGURED VASES | |
Origin of red-figure style—Date of introduction—Good-names and historical personages—Technical characteristics—Draughtsmanship—Shapes—Ornamentation—Subjects and types—Subdivisions of style—Severe period and artists—Strong period—Euphronios—Duris, Hieron, and Brygos—Fine period—Influence of Polygnotos—Later fine period—Boeotian local fabric | 400–453 |
CHAPTER XI | |
WHITE-GROUND AND LATER FABRICS | |
Origin and character of white-ground painting—Outline drawing and polychromy—Funeral lekythi—Subjects and types—Decadence of Greek vase-painting—Rise of new centres—Kertch, Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy—Characteristics of the latter fabrics—Shapes—Draughtsmanship—Influence of Tragedy and Comedy—Subjects—Paestum fabric—Lucanian, Campanian, and Apulian fabrics—Gnathia vases—Vases modelled in form of figures—Imitations of metal—Vases with reliefs—“Megarian” bowls—Bolsena ware and Calene phialae | 454–504 |
LIST OF PLATES IN VOLUME I
PLATE | ||
I. | Kylix signed by Duris: Labours of Theseus (colours) | Frontispiece |
TO FACE PAGE | ||
II. | Archaic terracotta antefixes | 98 |
III. | Restoration of temple at Civita Lavinia | 100 |
IV. | Greek lamps and “brazier-handles” | 106 |
V. | Moulds for terracotta figures | 114 |
VI. | Terracotta vases from Southern Italy | 118 |
VII. | “Melian” reliefs | 120 |
VIII. | Archaic terracotta figures | 122 |
IX. | Terracotta figures of fine style | 124 |
X. | Porcelain and enamelled wares | 128 |
XI. | Cypriote Bronze-Age pottery | 242 |
XII. | Mycenaean vases found in Cyprus | 246 |
XIII. | Cypriote “Graeco-Phoenician” pottery | 252 |
XIV. | Example of Kamaraes ware from Palaiokastro, Crete (from Brit. School Annual) | 266 |
XV. | Mycenaean vases (colours) | 272 |
XVI. | Subjects from the Aristonoös krater in the Vatican (from Vienna Preprint) | 296 |
XVII. | Phaleron, Boeotian, and Photo-Corinthian vases | 300 |
XVIII. | Melian amphora in Athens (from Conze) | 302 |
XIX. | Proto-Corinthian and Early Corinthian vases | 308 |
XX. | Corinthian pyxis and Rhodian oinochoë (colours) | 312 |
XXI. | Later Corinthian vases with figure subjects | 316 |
XXII. | Chalcidian vase in Bibl. Nat., Paris: Herakles and Geryon; chariot | 320 |
XXIII. | “Tyrrhenian” Amphora: The death of Polyxena | 324 |
XXIV. | Rhodian and Naucratite wares | 336 |
XXV. | Situla from Daphnae; later Ionic vase in South Kensington | 352 |
XXVI. | Caeretan hydria (colours) | 354 |
XXVII. | Painted sarcophagus from Clazomenae | 364 |
XXVIII. | The François vase in Florence, general view (from Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm.) | 370 |
XXIX. | Attic black-figured amphorae | 380 |
XXX. | Vases by Nikosthenes | 384 |
XXXI. | Obverse of vase by Andokides: Warriors playing draughts (B.F.) | 386 |
XXXII. | Reverse of vase by Andokides: Herakles and the Nemean lion (R.F.) | 386 |
XXXIII. | Panathenaic amphora, earlier style | 388 |
XXXIV. | Panathenaic amphora, later style | 390 |
XXXV. | Vases with opaque figures on black ground (Brit. Mus. and Louvre) | 394 |
XXXVI. | Red-figured “Nolan” amphorae and lekythos | 412 |
XXXVII. | Cups of Epictetan style | 422 |
XXXVIII. | Kylix at Munich signed by Euphronios: Herakles and Geryon (from Furtwaengler and Reichhold) | 432 |
XXXIX. | Kylikes by Duris at Berlin and in the style of Brygos at Corneto (from Baumeister) | 436 |
XL. | Vases signed by Sotades (Brit. Mus. and Boston) | 444 |
XLI. | Hydria signed by Meidias | 446 |
XLII. | Vases of “late fine” style (colours) | 448 |
XLIII. | Polychrome white-ground vases (colours) | 456 |
XLIV. | Campanian and Apulian vases | 484 |
XLV. | Apulian sepulchral vase (colours) | 486 |
XLVI. | Vases modelled in various forms | 492 |
XLVII. | Archaic vase in Athens with reliefs (from Archaeological Journal) | 496 |
XLVIII. | Vases of black ware with reliefs (Hellenistic period) | 500 |
LIST OF TEXT-ILLUSTRATIONS IN
VOLUME I
FIG. | PAGE | ||
1. | Coffin containing vases, from Athens | Stackelberg | 34 |
2. | Bronze-Age tombs in Cyprus | Ath. Mitth. | 35 |
3. | Tomb at Gela (Sicily) with vases | Ashmol. Vases | 37 |
4. | Campana tomb at Veii | Campana | 39 |
5. | Map of Greece | 47 | |
6. | Map of Asia Minor and the Archipelago | 63 | |
7. | Map of Cyprus | 66 | |
8. | Map of Italy | 70 | |
9. | Diagram of roof-tiling, Heraion, Olympia | Durm | 93 |
10. | Antefix from Marathon | Brit. Mus. | 99 |
11. | Inscribed tiles from Acarnania and Corfu | Brit. Mus. | 102 |
12. | Ostrakon of Megakles | Benndorf | 103 |
13. | Ostrakon of Xanthippos | Yearbook | 103 |
14. | Hemikotylion from Kythera | Brit. Mus. | 135 |
15. | Child playing with jug | Brit. Mus. | 137 |
16. | Dedication to Apollo (Naukratis) | Brit. Mus. | 139 |
17. | Youth with votive tablet | Benndorf | 140 |
18. | Vases used in sacrifice | Furtwaengler and Reichhold | 141 |
19. | Funeral lekythos with vases inside tomb | Brit. Mus. | 143 |
20. | Vases placed on tomb (Lucanian hydria) | Brit. Mus. | 144 |
21. | Pithos from Knossos | 152 | |
22. | Greek wine-jars | Brit. Mus. | 154 |
23. | Amphora-stamps from Rhodes | Dumont. | 156 |
24. | Amphora-stamps from Thasos | Dumont. | 158 |
25. | “Tyrrhenian” amphora | 160 | |
26. | Panathenaic amphora | 160 | |
27. | Panel-amphora | 161 | |
28. | Red-bodied amphora | 161 | |
29. | “Nolan” amphora | 162 | |
30. | Apulian amphora | 162 | |
31. | “Pelike” | 163 | |
32. | Stamnos | 164 | |
33. | “Lekane” | 164 | |
34. | Hydria | 166 | |
35. | Kalpis | 166 | |
36. | Krater with column-handles | 169 | |
37. | Volute-handled krater | 170 | |
38. | Calyx-krater | 170 | |
39. | Bell-krater | 170 | |
40. | Lucanian krater | 172 | |
41. | Psykter | 173 | |
42. | Deinos or lebes | 173 | |
43. | Oinochoë (7th century) | 177 | |
44. | Oinochoë (5th century) | 177 | |
45. | Prochoös | 178 | |
46. | Olpe | 178 | |
47. | Epichysis | 179 | |
48. | Kyathos | 179 | |
49. | Kotyle | 184 | |
50. | Kantharos | 188 | |
51. | Kylix (earlier form) | 190 | |
52. | Kylix (later form) | 191 | |
53. | Phiale | 191 | |
54. | Rhyton | 193 | |
55. | Pinax | 194 | |
56. | Lekythos | 196 | |
57. | Lekythos (later form) | 196 | |
58. | Alabastron | 197 | |
59. | Aryballos | 197 | |
60. | Pyxis | 198 | |
61. | Epinetron or Onos | 199 | |
62. | Askos | 200 | |
63. | Apulian askos | 200 | |
64. | Guttus | 200 | |
65. | Potter’s wheel, from Corinthian pinakes | Ant. Denkm. | 207 |
66. | Potter’s wheel (vase of about 500 BCE) | Ath. Mitth. | 208 |
67. | Boy polishing vase; interior of pottery | Blümner | 213 |
68. | Seilenos as potter | 216 | |
69. | Interior of furnace (Corinthian pinax) | Ant. Denkm. | 217 |
70. | Interior of pottery | Ath. Mitth. | 218 |
71. | Red-figured fragment, incomplete | 222 | |
72. | Studio of vase-painter | Blümner | 223 |
73. | Vase-painter varnishing cup | Yearbook | 227 |
74. | Vase-painter using feather-brush | Yearbook | 228 |
75. | Cypriote jug with concentric circles | Brit. Mus. | 251 |
76. | Cypriote vase from Ormidhia | Baumeister | 254 |
77. | “Owl-vase” from Troy | Schliemann | 258 |
78. | Deep cup from Troy | Schliemann | 259 |
79. | Vase in form of pig from Troy | Schliemann | 259 |
80. | Double-necked vase from Troy | Schliemann | 259 |
81. | Vases from Thera | Baumeister | 261 |
82. | Mycenaean vases with marine subjects | Brit. Mus. | 273 |
83. | Ornamentation on Geometrical vases | Perrot | 283 |
84. | Geometrical vase with panels | Brit. Mus. | 284 |
85. | Boeotian Geometrical vases | Annual Report | 288 |
86. | Coffer from Thebes (Boeotian Geometrical) | Yearbook | 289 |
87. | Burgon lebes | Brit. Mus. | 296 |
88. | Warrior vase from Mycenae | Schliemann | 297 |
89. | Proto-Attic vase from Vourva | Ath. Mitth. | 299 |
90. | The Dodwell pyxis (cover) | Baumeister | 316 |
91. | Vases of Samian or “Fikellura” style | Brit. Mus. | 337 |
92. | The Arkesilaos cup (Bibl. Nat.) | Baumeister | 342 |
93. | Cyrenaic cup with Kyrene | Brit. Mus. | 344 |
94. | Naukratis fragment with “mixed technique” | Brit. Mus. | 346 |
95. | “Egyptian situla” from Daphnae | Brit. Mus. | 351 |
96. | Kylix by Exekias | Wiener Vorl. | 381 |
97. | Vase by Amasis: Perseus slaying Medusa | Brit. Mus. | 382 |
98. | Vase from Temple of Kabeiri | Brit. Mus. | 392 |
99. | Diagram of rendering of eye on Attic vase | Brit. Mus. Cat. | 408 |
100. | Palmettes under handles (early R.F.) | Yearbook | 414 |
101. | Palmettes under handles (later R.F.) | Riegl | 415 |
102. | Development of maeander and cross pattern | Brit. Mus. Cat. | 416 |
103. | Krater of Polygnotan style: Slaying of Niobids (Louvre) | Mon. of the Inst. | 442 |
104. | Boeotian kylix | Brit. Mus. | 452 |
105. | Burlesque scene: Herakles and Auge | Yearbook | 474 |
106. | Apulian sepulchral vase | Brit. Mus. | 477 |
107. | Vase by Assteas in Madrid | Baumeister | 480 |
108. | Lucanian krater: Departure of warrior | Brit. Mus. | 482 |
109. | Hydria with opaque painting on black ground | Brit. Mus. | 489 |
110. | Phiale with Latin inscription | Brit. Mus. | 490 |
BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ANCIENT POTTERY
American Journal of Archaeology. Baltimore and Boston, 1885, etc. In progress. (Amer. Journ. of Arch.)
American Journal of Archaeology. Baltimore and Boston, 1885, etc. In progress. (Amer. Journ. of Arch.)
Annali dell’ Instituto di corrispondenza archeologica. Rome, 1829–85. (Ann. dell’ Inst.) Plates of vases re-edited by S. Reinach in Répertoire des Vases, vol. i. (1899).
Annals of the Archaeological Correspondence Institute. Rome, 1829–85. (Ann. dell’ Inst.) Plates of vases revised by S. Reinach in Vase Directory, vol. i. (1899).
Annual of the British School at Athens. London, 1894, etc. In progress. (Brit. School Annual.)
Annual of the British School at Athens. London, 1894, etc. In progress. (Brit. School Annual.)
Antike Denkmäler, herausgegeben vom kaiserl. deutschen Institut. Berlin, 1887, etc. In progress. A supplementary atlas to the Jahrbuch. (Ant. Denkm.)
Ancient Monuments, published by the Imperial German Institute. Berlin, 1887, etc. In progress. A supplementary atlas to the Yearbook. (Ant. Denkm.)
Archaeologia, or miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity. London, 1770, etc. Issued by the Society of Antiquaries. In progress.
Archaeologia, or various studies related to the past. London, 1770, etc. Released by the Society of Antiquaries. Ongoing.
Archaeological Journal, issued by the Royal Archaeological Institute. London, 1845, etc. In progress. Numerous articles on Roman pottery, etc. in Britain. (Arch. Journ.)
Archaeological Journal, published by the Royal Archaeological Institute. London, 1845, and ongoing. Many articles about Roman pottery and more in Britain. (Arch. Journ.)
Archaeologische Zeitung. Berlin, 1843–85. Vols. vii.–xxv. have the secondary title Denkmäler, Forschungen und Berichte. (Arch. Zeit.) Plates of vases re-edited by S. Reinach in Répertoire, vol. i. (1899).
Archaeological Journal. Berlin, 1843–85. Volumes vii.–xxv. have the subtitle Memorials, Research, and Reports. (Arch. Zeit.) Plates of vases re-published by S. Reinach in Directory, volume i. (1899).
Archaeologischer Anzeiger. Berlin, 1886, etc. In progress; a supplement bound up with the Jahrbuch (new acquisitions of museums, reports of meetings, etc.). (Arch. Anzeiger.)
Archaeological Journal. Berlin, 1886, etc. Currently ongoing; includes a supplement connected with the Yearbook (new museum acquisitions, meeting reports, etc.). (Arch. Anzeiger.)
Archaeologische-epigraphische Mittheilungen aus Oesterreich-Ungarn. Vienna, 1877–97. Now superseded by Jahreshefte. (Arch.-epigr. Mitth. aus Oesterr.)
Archaeological and Epigraphic Communications from Austria-Hungary. Vienna, 1877–97. Now replaced by Annual Reports. (Arch.-epigr. Comm. from Austria.)
Athenische Mittheilungen. Athens, 1876, etc. In progress. Organ of the German Archaeological Institute at Athens. (Ath. Mitth.)
Athenian News. Athens, 1876, etc. In progress. Official publication of the German Archaeological Institute in Athens. (Ath. Mitth.)
Berichte der sächsischen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften. Leipzig, 1846, etc. In progress. Important articles by O. Jahn, 1853–67. (Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch.)
Reports of the Saxon Society of Sciences. Leipzig, 1846, etc. In progress. Important articles by O. Jahn, 1853–67. (Rep. of the Saxon Soc.)
Bonner Jahrbücher. Jahrbücher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden im Rheinlande. Bonn, 1842, etc. In progress. Important for notices of pottery, etc., found in Germany, and for recent articles by Dragendorff and others on Roman pottery (Arretine and provincial wares, vols. xcvi., ci., cii., ciii.). (Bonner Jahrb.)
Bonner Yearbooks. Yearbooks of the Association of Antiquity Friends in the Rhineland. Bonn, 1842, etc. Ongoing. Significant for information on pottery and other findings in Germany, as well as for recent articles by Dragendorff and others on Roman pottery (Arretine and provincial wares, vols. xcvi., ci., cii., ciii.). (Bonner Jahrb.)
Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. Athens and Paris, 1877, etc. In progress. (Bull. de Corr. Hell.)
Greek Correspondence Bulletin. Athens and Paris, 1877, etc. In progress. (Bull. of Corr. Hell.)
Bullettino archeologico Napolitano. Naples, 1842–62. Ser. i. 1842–48. New ser. 1853–62. Re-edited by S. Reinach, 1899. (Bull. Arch. Nap.)
Naples Archaeological Bulletin. Naples, 1842–62. Ser. i. 1842–48. New ser. 1853–62. Re-edited by S. Reinach, 1899. (Bull. Arch. Nap.)
Bullettino dell’ Instituto di corrispondenza archeologica. Rome, 1829–85. Chiefly records of discoveries in Italy and elsewhere. (Bull. dell’ Inst.)
Bulletin of the Archaeological Correspondence Institute. Rome, 1829–85. Mainly documents findings in Italy and other places. (Bull. dell' Inst.)
Classical Review. London, 1887, etc. In progress. Reviews of archaeological books and records of discoveries.
Classical Review. London, 1887, etc. In progress. Reviews of archaeology books and records of discoveries.
Comptes-Rendus de la Commission impériale archéologique. Petersburg, 1859–88. Edited by L. Stephani. With folio atlas, re-edited by S. Reinach in Répertoire, vol. i. (1899). (Stephani, Comptes-Rendus.)
Reports of the Imperial Archaeological Commission. Petersburg, 1859–88. Edited by L. Stephani. With folio atlas, re-edited by S. Reinach in Directory, vol. i. (1899). (Stephani, Proceedings.)
Ἐφημερὶς Ἀρχαιολογική. Athens, 1883, etc. (new series). In progress. Plates of vases, 1883–94, re-edited by S. Reinach in Répertoire, vol. i. (1899). (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.)
Archaeological Journal. Athens, 1883, etc. (new series). Ongoing. Plates of vases, 1883–94, re-edited by S. Reinach in Directory, vol. i. (1899). (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.)
Gazette archéologique. Paris, 1875–89. (Gaz. Arch.)
Archaeological Gazette. Paris, 1875–89. (Arch. Gaz.)
Hermes. Zeitschrift für classische Philologie. Berlin, 1866, etc. In progress.
Hermes. Journal of Classical Philology. Berlin, 1866, etc. Ongoing.
Jahrbuch des kaiserlichen deutschen archaeologischen Instituts. Berlin, 1886, etc. In progress. With Arch. Anzeiger (q.v.) as supplement and Antike Denkmäler (q.v.) as atlas. (Jahrbuch.)
Yearbook of the Imperial German Archaeological Institute. Berlin, 1886, etc. In progress. With Arch. Anzeiger (see above) as a supplement and Antique Monuments (see above) as an atlas. (Yearbook.)
Jahreshefte des oesterreichischen archaeologischen Institutes. Vienna, 1898, etc. In progress. (Jahreshefte.)
Yearbook of the Austrian Archaeological Institute. Vienna, 1898, etc. In progress. (Annual issues.)
Journal of Hellenic Studies. London, 1880, etc. In progress. With atlas in 4to of plates to vols. i.–viii., and supplementary papers (No. 4 on Phylakopi). (J.H.S.)
Journal of Hellenic Studies. London, 1880, etc. In progress. With an atlas in 4to of plates to vols. i.–viii., and supplementary papers (No. 4 on Phylakopi). (J.H.S.)
Journal of the British Archaeological Association. London, 1845, etc. In progress. A few articles on Roman pottery in Britain. (Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.)
Journal of the British Archaeological Association. London, 1845, etc. In progress. A few articles on Roman pottery in Britain. (Journ. Brit. Arch. Assoc.)
Monumenti antichi, pubblicati per cura della R. Accad. dei Lincei. Milan, 1890, etc. In progress. (Mon. antichi.)
Ancient Monuments, published by the R. Accad. dei Lincei. Milan, 1890, etc. In progress. (Ancient coins.)
Monumenti inediti dell’ Instituto di corrispondenza archeologica. Rome, 1829–85 (with supplementary volume, 1891). Re-edited (the plates of vases) by S. Reinach in Répertoire, vol. i. (1899). (Mon. dell’ Inst.)
Recently Discovered Monuments of the Archaeological Correspondence Institute. Rome, 1829–85 (with supplementary volume, 1891). Re-edited (the plates of vases) by S. Reinach in Setlist, vol. i. (1899). (Mon. dell’ Inst.)
Monuments Grecs, publiés par l’Association pour l’encouragement des Études grecques. Paris, 1872–98. (Mon. Grecs.)
Monuments Grecs, published by the Association for the Promotion of Greek Studies. Paris, 1872–98. (Mon. Grecs.)
Monuments Piot. Fondation Eugène Piot. Monuments et mémoires publiés par l’Académie des Inscriptions. Paris, 1894, etc. In progress.
Monuments Piot. Eugène Piot Foundation. Monuments and memories published by the Academy of Inscriptions. Paris, 1894, etc. In progress.
Museo italiano di antichità classica. 3 vols. Florence, 1885–90. Plates of vases re-edited by S. Reinach in Répertoire, vol. i. (1899). (Ath. Mitth.)
Italian Museum of Classical Art. 3 vols. Florence, 1885–90. Plates of vases re-edited by S. Reinach in Repertoire, vol. i. (1899). (Ath. Mitth.)
Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, communicate alla R. Accademia dei Lincei. Rome and Milan, 1876, etc. In progress. Important as a record of recent discoveries in Italy and Sicily. (Notizie degli Scavi.)
Notizie degli Scavi di Antichità, shared with the R. Accademia dei Lincei. Rome and Milan, 1876, etc. Ongoing. Significant as a record of recent discoveries in Italy and Sicily. (Excavation News.)
Philologus. Zeitschrift für das klassische Alterthum. Göttingen, 1846, etc. In progress. With occasional supplementary volumes.
Philologus. Journal for Classical Antiquity. Göttingen, 1846, etc. In progress. With occasional supplementary volumes.
Revue archéologique. Paris, 1844, etc. In progress (four series, each numbered separately). (Rev. Arch.)
Archaeological Review. Paris, 1844, etc. Ongoing (four series, each numbered separately). (Rev. Arch.)
Römische Mittheilungen. Rome, 1886, etc. In progress. Organ of German Institute at Rome. (Röm. Mitth.)
Roman Communications. Rome, 1886, etc. Ongoing. Publication of the German Institute in Rome. (Röm. Mitth.)
Adamek (L.). Unsignierte Vasen des Amasis. Prague, 1895 (Prager Studien, Heft v.).
Adamek (L.). Unsigned Amasis Vases. Prague, 1895 (Prague Studies, Issue v.).
Amelung (W.). Personnificierung des Lebens in der Natur in den Vasenbildern der hellenistischen Zeit. Munich, 1888. See also Florence.
Amelung (W.). Personification of Life in Nature in the Vase Images of the Hellenistic Era. Munich, 1888. See also Florence.
Anderson (W. F. C.). See Engelmann and Schreiber.
Anderson (W. F. C.). See Engelmann and Schreiber.
Arndt (P.). Studien zur Vasenkunde. Leipzig, 1887. Adopts Brunn’s theory of the late Italian origin of black-figured vases.
Arndt (P.). Research on Vase Science. Leipzig, 1887. Supports Brunn’s theory that black-figured vases originated in late Italy.
Aus der Anomia. Collected articles, some relating to vases. Berlin, 1890.
From the Anomia. Collected articles, some about vases. Berlin, 1890.
Baumeister (A.). Denkmäler des klassischen Alterthums. 3 vols. Munich, 1884–88. Excellent illustrations of numerous vases accompanying the articles, which are arranged alphabetically in dictionary-form. The article Vasenkunde, by Von Rohden, is useful, but now somewhat out of date. (Baumeister.)
Baumeister (A.). Monuments of Classical Antiquity. 3 vols. Munich, 1884–88. Great illustrations of various vases accompany the entries, which are organized alphabetically in a dictionary format. The entry Vasenkunde, by Von Rohden, is helpful, but it's a bit outdated now. (Baumeister.)
Beger (L.). Thesaurus Brandenburgicus selectus. 3 vols. Köln, 1696, fol. Publishes vases belonging to the Elector of Brandenburg (see Vol. I. p. 16).
Beger (L.). Thesaurus Brandenburgicus selectus. 3 vols. Cologne, 1696, fol. It showcases vases that belong to the Elector of Brandenburg (see Vol. I. p. 16).
Benndorf (O.). Griechische und sicilische Vasenbilder. Berlin, 1869–83, fol. Chiefly funerary vases and later fabrics. (Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.) See also Wiener Vorlegeblätter.
Benndorf (O.). Greek and Sicilian Vase Art. Berlin, 1869–83, fol. Mainly funerary vases and later fabrics. (Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.) See also Vienna Sample Plates.
Bloch (L.). Die zuschauenden Götter in den rothfig. Vasengemälden. Leipzig, 1888.
Bloch (L.). The Watching Gods in the Red-Figured Vase Paintings. Leipzig, 1888.
Blümner (H.). Technologie und Terminologie der Gewerbe und Künste. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1875–86. (Vol. ii. Arbeit in Thon, for pottery and terracottas; vol. iii. for building construction.) Out of date in some particulars, but still exceedingly useful, and fairly well illustrated. (Blümner, Technologie.)
Blümner (H.). Technology and Terminology of Trades and Arts. 4 vols. Leipzig, 1875–86. (Vol. ii. Working with Clay, covering pottery and terracottas; vol. iii. focusing on building construction.) Some details may be outdated, but it's still incredibly useful and fairly well illustrated. (Blümner, Tech.)
Boeckh (A.) and others. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. 4 vols. Berlin, 1828–77, fol. Vol. iv. contains many vase-inscriptions. (Boeckh, C.I.G.)
Boeckh (A.) and others. Corpus Inscriptionum Graecarum. 4 vols. Berlin, 1828–77, fol. Vol. iv. includes many vase inscriptions. (Boeckh, C.I.G.)
Böhlau (J.). Aus ionischen und italischen Nekropolen. Leipzig, 1898, 4to. Indispensable for the study of Ionic vase-fabrics. (Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop.)
Böhlau (J.). From Ionian and Italian necropolises. Leipzig, 1898, 4to. Essential for studying Ionic vase styles. (Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop.)
Bolte (J.). De monumentis ad Odysseam pertinentibus capita selecta. Berlin, 1882, 8vo.
Bolted (J.). Chosen subjects regarding the monuments connected to the Odyssey. Berlin, 1882, 8vo.
Bonner Studien. Aufsätze aus der Alterthumswissenschaft R. Kekulé gewidmet. Berlin, 1890. Collected papers, including several on Greek vases.
Bonner Studien. Essays dedicated to R. Kekulé in the field of ancient studies. Berlin, 1890. A collection of papers, including several about Greek vases.
Boston. Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman vases in the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston, 1893. By E. Robinson. Now withdrawn, owing to re-numbering and extensive subsequent accessions, for which see Boston Museum Reports (below).
Boston. Catalogue of Greek, Etruscan, and Roman vases in the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston, 1893. By E. Robinson. Now removed due to re-numbering and numerous additions, for which see Boston Museum Reports (below).
Boston Museum Reports, 1895, etc. In progress from 1896. Issued annually, with full details of new acquisitions, describing many unique specimens. (Boston Mus. Report.)
Boston Museum Reports, 1895, etc. In progress from 1896. Issued annually, with comprehensive details of new acquisitions, describing many unique specimens. (Boston Mus. Report.)
Böttiger (C. A.). Griechische Vasengemälde. Weimar and Magdeburg, 1797–1800.
Böttiger (C. A.). Greek Vase Art. Weimar and Magdeburg, 1797–1800.
—— Kleine Schriften. 3 vols. Dresden, 1837–39.
Kleine Schriften. 3 vols. Dresden, 1837–39.
Bourguignon Collection. Sale Catalogue, 18 March 1901. Paris, 1901. (Best vases not included.)
Bourguignon Collection. Sale Catalogue, March 18, 1901. Paris, 1901. (Best vases not included.)
Branteghem (A. van). See Froehner.
Branteghem (A. van). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
British Museum. Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases. Vol. i., by C. Smith, in preparation. Vol. ii., Black-figured vases, by H. B. Walters (1893). Vol. iii., Red-figured vases, by C. Smith (1896). Vol. iv., Vases of the later period, by H. B. Walters (1896). (Referred to as B. M. Cat. of Vases, or B.M. with number of vase.)
British Museum. Catalogue of the Greek and Etruscan Vases. Vol. i., by C. Smith, in preparation. Vol. ii., Black-figured vases, by H. B. Walters (1893). Vol. iii., Red-figured vases, by C. Smith (1896). Vol. iv., Vases of the later period, by H. B. Walters (1896). (Referred to as B. M. Cat. of Vases, or B.M. with vase number.)
—— Designs on Greek Vases, by A. S. Murray and C. Smith. 1894, fol. (Plates of interiors of R.F. kylikes.)
—— Designs on Greek Vases, by A. S. Murray and C. Smith. 1894, fol. (Plates of interiors of R.F. kylikes.)
—— White Athenian Vases, by A. S. Murray and A. H. Smith. 1896, fol.
—— White Athenian Vases, by A. S. Murray and A. H. Smith. 1896, fol.
—— Terracotta Sarcophagi, by A. S. Murray. 1898, fol. (The sarcophagi from Clazomenae, Kameiros, and Cervetri; see Chapters VIII. and XVIII.)
—— Terracotta Sarcophagi, by A. S. Murray. 1898, fol. (The sarcophagi from Clazomenae, Kameiros, and Cervetri; see Chapters VIII. and XVIII.)
—— Excavations in Cyprus (Enkomi, Curium, Amathus). 1900. By A. S. Murray, H. B. Walters, and A. H. Smith.
—— Excavations in Cyprus (Enkomi, Curium, Amathus). 1900. By A. S. Murray, H. B. Walters, and A. H. Smith.
Bröndsted (P. O.). A brief description of 32 ancient Greek painted vases, lately found at Vulci by M. Campanari. London, 1832, 8vo.
Brøndsted (P. O.). A brief description of 32 ancient Greek painted vases, recently discovered at Vulci by M. Campanari. London, 1832, 8vo.
Brongniart (A.). Traité des Arts Céramiques, ou des Poteries considerées dans leur Histoire, leur Pratique, et leur Théorie. 3rd edn., 1877. 2 vols., with Atlas. (Brongniart, Traité.) See also Sèvres.
Brongniart (A.). Treatise on Ceramic Arts, or Pottery Examined in Its History, Practice, and Theory. 3rd ed., 1877. 2 vols., with Atlas. (Brongniart, Treatise.) See also Sèvres.
Brunn (H.). Geschichte der griechischen Künstler. 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1859. The second volume has some account of the vase-painters then known.
Brunn (H.). History of Greek Artists. 2 vols. Stuttgart, 1859. The second volume includes information about the vase painters who were known at that time.
—— Probleme in der Geschichte der Vasenmalerei. Munich, 1871, 4to. Theory of Italian origin of B.F. vases.
—— Problems in the History of Vase Painting. Munich, 1871, 4to. Theory of Italian origin of B.F. vases.
—— Neue Probleme in der Geschichte der Vasenmalerei. Munich, 1886.
—— New Issues in the History of Vase Painting. Munich, 1886.
—— Griechische Kunstgeschichte. 2 vols. (incomplete). Munich, 1893–97. Deals with some of the earlier fabrics.
—— Greek Art History. 2 vols. (incomplete). Munich, 1893–97. Covers some of the earlier fabrics.
—— Kleine Schriften. Vol. i. Leipzig, 1898. In progress. See also Lau.
—— Short Writings. Vol. i. Leipzig, 1898. In progress. See also Lau.
Bulle (H.). Die Silene in der archaischen Kunst. Munich, 1893.
Bulle (H.). The Silene in Ancient Art. Munich, 1893.
—— Catalogue of Exhibition of Ancient Greek Art, 1903, by E. Strong and others. A revised édition de luxe (1904) with plates.
—— Catalogue of Exhibition of Ancient Greek Art, 1903, by E. Strong and others. A revised premium edition (1904) with plates.
Canessa (C. and E.). Collection d’Antiquités, à l’Hôtel Drouot, 11 May 1903, 4to. Paris, 1903. A sale catalogue of an anonymous collection containing several interesting vases.
Canessa (C. and E.). Antiques Collection at Hôtel Drouot, 11 May 1903, 4to. Paris, 1903. A catalog for the auction of an anonymous collection featuring several noteworthy vases.
Canino (Prince Lucien Bonaparte of). Muséum Étrusque de L. Bonaparte, prince de Canino. Fouilles de 1828 à 1829. Vases peints avec inscriptions. Viterbo, 1829, 4to. With atlas of plates, of which only one part was published.
Dog (Prince Lucien Bonaparte of). Etruscan Museum of L. Bonaparte, Prince of Canino. Excavations from 1828 to 1829. Painted vases with inscriptions. Viterbo, 1829, 4to. Includes a plate atlas, of which only one part was published.
—— Catalogo di scelte Antichità Etrusche trovate negli Scavi del Pr. di Canino, 1828–29. Viterbo, 1829, 4to.
—— Catalog of Etruscan Artifacts Discovered in the Prince of Canino's Excavations, 1828–29. Viterbo, 1829, 4to.
Caylus (A. C. P. de). Recueil d’antiquités égyptiennes, étrusques, grecques et romaines. 7 vols. Paris, 1752–67, 4to. (Vases given in vols. i. and ii.)
Caylus (A. C. P. de). Collection of Egyptian, Etruscan, Greek, and Roman Antiques. 7 vols. Paris, 1752–67, 4to. (Vases included in vols. i. and ii.)
Cesnola (L. P. di). Cyprus: its ancient cities, tombs, and temples. (With a chapter on the pottery, by A. S. Murray.) London, 1877, 8vo.
Cesnola (L. P. di). Cyprus: its ancient cities, tombs, and temples. (Including a chapter on pottery by A. S. Murray.) London, 1877, 8vo.
Christie (J.). Disquisitions upon the Painted Vases, and their connection with the Eleusinian Mysteries. London, 1825, 4to. (See Vol. I. p. 21.)
Christy (J.). Disquisitions upon the Painted Vases, and their connection with the Eleusinian Mysteries. London, 1825, 4to. (See Vol. I. p. 21.)
Collignon (M.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Commentationes philologae in honorem T. Mommseni. Berlin, 1877, 4to. Several useful papers on vases.
Philological Essays in Honor of T. Mommsen. Berlin, 1877, 4to. Several valuable articles on vases.
Conze (A.). Melische Thongefässe. Leipzig, 1862. Folio plates.
Conze (A.). Melische Thongefässe. Leipzig, 1862. Large format plates.
—— Zur Geschichte der Anfänge griechischer Kunst. Vienna, 1870, 8vo. See also Wiener Vorlegeblätter.
—— The History of the Origins of Greek Art. Vienna, 1870, 8vo. See also Vienna Illustrated Sheets.
Corey (A. D.). De Amazonum antiquissimis figuris. Berlin, 1891, 8vo.
Corey (A. D.). De Amazonum antiquissimis figuris. Berlin, 1891, 8vo.
Couve (L.). See Athens.
Couve (L.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Daremberg (C.) and Saglio (E.), and subsequently E. Pottier. Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines. Paris, 1873, etc. In progress (to M in 1904). (Daremberg and Saglio.) Special reference should be made to the articles Figlinum, Forma, Lucerna, and those on vase-shapes. The bibliographies are very exhaustive.
Daremberg (C.) and Saglio (E.), and later E. Pottier. Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Paris, 1873, etc. Ongoing (to M in 1904). (Daremberg and Saglio.) Special attention should be given to the articles Figlinum, Forma, Lucerna, and those on vase shapes. The bibliographies are very detailed.
Dennis (G.). The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria. 2 vols. London, 1878 (2nd edn.), 8vo. Introductory matter on vases antiquated; useful as record of discoveries, etc. (Dennis, Etruria.)
Dennis (G.). The Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria. 2 vols. London, 1878 (2nd edn.), 8vo. The introductory content on vases is outdated; it's helpful as a record of discoveries, etc. (Dennis, Etruria.)
Des Vergers (N.). Étrurie et les Étrusques. 2 vols. and atlas. Paris, 1862–64. Some fine vases published.
The Orchards (N.). Etruria and the Etruscans. 2 vols. and atlas. Paris, 1862–64. Some great vases published.
Disney (J.). Museum Disneianum, being a description of a collection of various ancient fictile vases in the possession of J. D. (now at Cambridge). London, 1846, 4to.
Disney+ (J.). Disney Museum, a description of a collection of various ancient pottery vases owned by J. D. (currently in Cambridge). London, 1846, 4to.
Dubois-Maisonneuve (A.). Introduction à l’étude des vases antiques d’argile peints. Paris, 1817, fol. (Dubois-Maisonneuve, Introd.)
Dubois-Maisonneuve (A.). Introduction to the Study of Painted Ancient Clay Vases. Paris, 1817, fol. (Dubois-Maisonneuve, Introd.)
—— Vases peints de la Grèce propre. Paris, 1873. (Reprinted from the Gazette des Beaux Arts.)
—— Greece's Painted Vases. Paris, 1873. (Reprinted from the Fine Arts Gazette.)
—— Les Céramiques de la Grèce propre; histoire de la peinture des vases grecs depuis les origines jusqu'au V. siècle avant Jésus-Christ. Illustrations by J. Chaplain. Revised by E. Pottier. 2 vols. Paris, 1888–90. Vol. i., on earlier vase fabrics (now becoming out of date); plates mostly of later vases. Vol. ii., miscellaneous papers (vases, terracottas, etc.). (Dumont-Pottier.)
—— The Ceramics of Greece Proper; a history of Greek vase painting from its origins to the 5th century BC. Illustrated by J. Chaplain. Revised by E. Pottier. 2 volumes. Paris, 1888–90. Vol. I discusses earlier vase styles (which are becoming outdated); the plates mainly feature later vases. Vol. II contains various papers (vases, terracottas, etc.). (Dumont-Pottier.)
Endt (J.). Beiträge zur ionischen Vasenmalerei. Prague, 1899, 8vo. (Endt, Ion. Vasenm.)
End (J.). Contributions to Ionic Vase Art. Prague, 1899, 8vo. (Endt, Ionic Vase Art.)
Engelmann (R.). Bilder-Atlas zum Homer. Leipzig, 1889. Translated by W. F. C. Anderson: Pictorial Atlas to Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, London, 1892. (Engelmann-Anderson.)
Engelmann (R.). Homer's Pictorial Atlas. Leipzig, 1889. Translated by W. F. C. Anderson: Pictorial Atlas to Homer’s Iliad and Odyssey, London, 1892. (Engelmann-Anderson.)
—— Archaeologische Studien zu den Tragikern. Berlin, 1900. Eranos Vindobonensis (collected papers). Vienna, 1893, 8vo.
—— Archaeological Studies on the Playwrights. Berlin, 1900. Eranos Vindobonensis (collection of papers). Vienna, 1893, 8vo.
Fea (C.). Storia dei vasi fittili dipinti che si trovano nell’ antica Etruria. Rome, 1832. (Dealing with “Etruscan” theory.)
Fea (C.). History of the Painted Clay Vases Discovered in Ancient Etruria. Rome, 1832. (Discussing "Etruscan" theory.)
Festschrift für Johannes Overbeck (collected papers). Leipzig, 1893, 4to.
Festschrift for Johannes Overbeck (collected papers). Leipzig, 1893, 4to.
Festschrift für Otto Benndorf zu seinem 60. Geburtstage gewidmet (collected papers). Vienna, 1898, 4to.
Festschrift for Otto Benndorf dedicated to his 60th birthday (collected papers). Vienna, 1898, 4to.
Fiorelli (G.). Notizia dei vasi dipinti rinvenuti a Cuma nel 1856. Naples, 1857. Plates reproduced in Bull. Arch. Nap. (q.v.).
Fiorelli (G.). Details about the painted vases discovered in Cuma in 1856. Naples, 1857. Plates reproduced in Arch. Nap. Bulletin. (see above.).
Flasch (A.). Angebliche Argonautenbilder. Munich, 1870.
Flasch (A.). Alleged Argonaut Images. Munich, 1870.
—— Die Polychromie der griechischen Vasenbilder. Würzburg, 1875.
—— The colorful designs of Greek vase painting. Würzburg, 1875.
Florence. Führer durch die Antiken in Florenz, by W. Amelung. Munich, 1897.
Florence. Guide to the Antiquities in Florence, by W. Amelung. Munich, 1897.
Förster (P. R.). Hochzeit des Zeus und der Hera, Relief der Schaubert’schen Sammlung in .... Breslau. Breslau, 1867, 4to.
Forester (P. R.). The Wedding of Zeus and Hera, Relief from the Schaubert Collection in .... Wrocław. Wrocław, 1867, 4to.
—— Der Raub und die Rückkehr der Persephone. Stuttgart, 1873.
—— The Kidnapping and Return of Persephone. Stuttgart, 1873.
—— Deux peintures de vases grecs de la nécropole de Kameiros. Paris, 1871, fol.
—— Two paintings of Greek vases from the burial site of Kameiros. Paris, 1871, fol.
—— Musées de France. Recueil de monuments antiques. Paris, 1873, fol.
—— Museums of France. Collection of Historical Monuments. Paris, 1873, fol.
—— Collection de M. Albert B(arre). Paris, 1878, 4to. (Sale catalogue.)
—— Collection of Mr. Albert B(arre). Paris, 1878, 4to. (Sale catalogue.)
—— Collection Eugène Piot, Antiquités. Paris, 1890. (Sale catalogue.)
—— Eugène Piot Collection, Antiques. Paris, 1890. (Sale catalog.)
—— Collection van Branteghem. Brussels, 1892, fol., with plates. (Sale catalogue.)
—— Branteghem Collection. Brussels, 1892, folio, with illustrations. (Sale catalog.)
—— Collection d’antiquités du Comte Michael Tyszkiewicz. Paris, 1898. (Sale catalogue.)
—— Collection of Antiquities by Count Michael Tyszkiewicz. Paris, 1898. (Sale catalog.)
And see Burlington Fine Arts Club, Marseilles Mus.
And check out __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Furtwaengler (A.). Eros in der Vasenmalerei. Munich, 1875, 8vo.
Furtwängler (A.). Eros in vase painting. Munich, 1875, 8vo.
—— Collection Sabouroff. 2 vols. (the first giving vases). Berlin, 1883–87, 4to. (Also a German edition; the vases now in Berlin.)
—— Collection Sabouroff. 2 vols. (the first featuring vases). Berlin, 1883–87, 4to. (There’s also a German edition; the vases are currently in Berlin.)
—— Orpheus, Attische Vase aus Gela (in 50tes Winckelmannsfestprogr., 1890).
—— Orpheus, Attic Vase from Gela (in 50th Winckelmann Festival Schedule., 1890).
—— Neuere Fälschungen von Antiken. Munich, 1899, 4to.
—— Recent Antiquities Forgeries. Munich, 1899, 4to.
—— and Loeschcke (G.). Mykenische Thongefässe. Berlin, 1879, obl. fol.
—— and Loeschcke (G.). Mycenaean clay vessels. Berlin, 1879, obl. fol.
—— —— Mykenische Vasen: Vorhellenische Thongefässe aus dem Gebiete des Mittelmeeres. Berlin, 1886, 4to, with atlas in fol.
—— —— Mycenaean Vases: Pre-Hellenic clay vessels from the Mediterranean region. Berlin, 1886, large format, with atlas in folio.
Gardner (E. A.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.
Gardner (P.). See Oxford.
Gardner (P.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
—— Raccolta de Monumenti più interessanti del Real Mus. Borb. Naples, 1825–3-. 2 vols. of plates.
—— Collection of the Most Fascinating Monuments from the Royal Museum of Bourbon. Naples, 1825–3-. 2 volumes of plates.
Gerhard (E.). Antike Bildwerke. Munich, 1828–44. Text in 8vo and plates in fol.
Gerard (E.).
—— Berlins antike Bildwerke. Berlin, 1836, 8vo.
Berlins antike Bildwerke. Berlin, 1836, 8vo.
—— Griechische und etruskische Trinkschalen des königl. Museums zu Berlin. Berlin, 1840, fol.
—— Greek and Etruscan drinking bowls from the Royal Museum in Berlin. Berlin, 1840, fol.
—— Auserlesene griechische Vasenbilder. 4 vols. Berlin, 1840–58. (Gerhard, A. V.) Re-edited by S. Reinach, Répertoire, vol. ii. (1900).
—— Greek Vase Paintings Collection. 4 vols. Berlin, 1840–58. (Gerhard, A. V.) Revised by S. Reinach, Catalog, vol. ii. (1900).
—— Etruskische und campanische Vasenbilder des königl. Museums zu Berlin. Berlin, 1843, fol.
—— Etruscan and Campanian Vase Paintings from the Royal Museum in Berlin. Berlin, 1843, fol.
—— Apulische Vasenbilder des königl. Museums zu Berlin. Berlin, 1845, fol.
—— Apulische Vasenbilder from the Royal Museum in Berlin. Berlin, 1845, fol.
—— Trinkschalen und Gefässe des königl. Museums zu Berlin und anderer Sammlungen. Berlin, 1848–50, fol.
—— Cups and Vessels from the royal museum in Berlin and other collections. Berlin, 1848–50, fol.
—— Gesammelte akademische Abhandlungen und kleine Schriften. 2 vols. in 8vo and atlas in 4to. Berlin, 1866–68. (Chiefly papers on mythology, illustrated by vases.)
—— Compiled Academic Papers and Brief Writings. 2 vols. in 8vo and atlas in 4to. Berlin, 1866–68. (Mostly articles on mythology, illustrated with vases.)
Girard (P.). La Peinture antique. Paris, 1892. Vases as illustrative of Greek painting.
Girard (P.). Ancient Art. Paris, 1892. Vases as examples of Greek painting.
Gori (A. F.). Museum Etruscum. 3 vols. Florence, 1737–43, fol.
Gori (A. F.). Etruscan Museum. 3 vols. Florence, 1737–43, fol.
Gsell (S.). Fouilles dans la nécropole de Vulci, exécutées et publiées aux frais de Prince Torlonia. Paris, 1891, 4to.
Gsell (S.). Excavations at the Necropolis of Vulci, carried out and published at the expense of Prince Torlonia. Paris, 1891, 4to.
Hancarville (P. F. Hugues, pseud. D’). Antiquités étrusques, grecques, et romaines, tirées du cabinet de M. Hamilton. 4 vols. folio, 1766–67.
Hancarville (P. F. Hughes, pen name D’). Etruscan, Greek, and Roman Antiquities, from Mr. Hamilton's collection. 4 volumes, folio, 1766–67.
—— Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens (with translation from Pausanias, by M. de G. Verrall). London, 1890. Introduction important for vases relating to Attic cults.
—— Mythology and Monuments of Ancient Athens (translated from Pausanias by M. de G. Verrall). London, 1890. Introduction is important for vases related to Attic cults.
—— Prolegomena to Greek Religion. Cambridge, 1903. Numerous vases interpreted with reference to mythology and religion.
—— Prolegomena to Greek Religion. Cambridge, 1903. Many vases explained in relation to mythology and religion.
—— and MacColl (D. S.). Greek Vase-paintings. London, 1894.
—— and MacColl (D. S.). Greek Vase Paintings. London, 1894.
Harrow School Museum. Catalogue of the classical antiquities from the collection of the late Sir G. Wilkinson, by Cecil Torr. Harrow, 1887, 8vo.
Harrow School Museum. Catalogue of the classical antiquities from the collection of the late Sir G. Wilkinson, by Cecil Torr. Harrow, 1887, 8vo.
Hartwig (P.). Die griechischen Meisterschalen des strengen rothfigurigen Stils. Stuttgart, 1893, 4to, with atlas in fol. Invaluable for a study of cups of R.F. period.
Hartwig (P.). The Greek Master Vases of the Strict Red-Figure Style. Stuttgart, 1893, 4to, with atlas in fol. Essential for studying cups from the R.F. period.
Helbig (W.). Das homerische Epos, aus den Denkmälern erlautert. 2nd edn. Leipzig, 1884, 8vo. (Vases used to illustrate civilisation of Homeric poems.)
Helbig (W.). The Homeric Epic Explained through the Artifacts. 2nd ed. Leipzig, 1884, 8vo. (Vases used to illustrate the civilization in Homeric poems.)
—— Les vases du Dipylon et les naucraries. Paris, 1898, 4to.
—— The Dipylon vases and the naucraries. Paris, 1898, 4to.
—— Eine Heerschau des Peisistratos oder Hippias auf einer schwarzfigurigen Schale. Munich, 1898, 8vo.
—— A depiction of Peisistratos or Hippias on a black-figure bowl. Munich, 1898, 8vo.
—— Les Ἱππεῖς Athéniens. Paris, 1902, 4to. And see Rome.
—— The Counterculture movement Athenians. Paris, 1902, 4to. And see Rome.
Hermann (P.). Das Gräberfeld von Marion auf Cypern. Berlin, 1888, 4to. An account of the finds by O. Richter and others at Poli, Cyprus. (48tes Winckelmannsfestprogr.)
Hermann (P.). The Grave Field of Marion in Cyprus. Berlin, 1888, 4to. An account of the discoveries made by O. Richter and others at Poli, Cyprus. (48th Winckelmann Festival Program.)
Heydemann (H.). Iliupersis auf einer Trinkschale des Brygos. Berlin, 1866, fol.
Heydemann (H.). Iliupersis on a Drinking Cup by Brygos. Berlin, 1866, fol.
—— Humoristische Vasenbilder aus Unteritalien. Berlin, 1870. (30tes Winckelmannsfestprogr.)
—— Funny Vase Pictures from Southern Italy. Berlin, 1870. (30th Winckelmann Festival Schedule.)
—— Griechische Vasenbilder. Berlin, 1870, fol. (Chiefly vases at Athens.)
—— Greek Vase Art. Berlin, 1870, fol. (Mostly vases in Athens.)
—— Nereiden mit den Waffen des Achill. Halle, 1879, fol.
—— Nymphs with Achilles' Weapons. Halle, 1879, fol.
—— Satyr und Bakchennamen. Halle, 1880. (5tes hallische Festprogr.). Numerous other monographs, chiefly Hallische or Winckelmannsfestprogramme. And see Naples.
—— Satyr and Bacchus names. Halle, 1880. (5th Halle Celebration Agenda). Many other monographs, mainly from Halle or Winckelmann Festival Lineup. And see Naples.
Hirschfeld (G.). Athena und Marsyas. Berlin, 1872.
Hirschfeld (G.). Athena and Marsyas. Berlin, 1872.
Hoppin (J. C.). Euthymides; a study in Attic vase-painting. Leipzig, 1896.
Hoppin' (J. C.). Euthymides; a study in Attic vase painting. Leipzig, 1896.
Huddilston (J. H.). Greek Tragedy in the light of vase-paintings. London and New York, 1892.
Huddilston (J. H.). Greek Tragedy in the Light of Vase Paintings. London and New York, 1892.
—— Lessons from Greek Pottery. London and New York, 1902. With bibliography.
—— Lessons from Greek Pottery. London and New York, 1902. With bibliography.
Inghirami (F.). Monimenti etruschi o di etrusco nome. Ser. 5. Vasi fittili. Fiesole, 1824, 4to.
Inghirami (F.). Etruscan Monuments or Etruscan Names. Ser. 5. Terracotta Vases. Fiesole, 1824, 4to.
—— Galeria Omerica. 3 vols. Fiesole, 1831–36.
—— Galeria Omerica. 3 volumes. Fiesole, 1831–36.
—— Etrusco Museo Chiusino. 2 vols. Fiesole, 1832–34, 4to.
—— Etrusco Chiusino Museum. 2 vols. Fiesole, 1832–34, 4to.
—— Pitture di vasi fittili. 4 vols. Fiesole, 1833–37.
—— Images of Clay Vases. 4 vols. Fiesole, 1833–37.
—— Pitture di vase etruschi. 4 vols. Florence, 1852–56. (A second edition of the preceding work.)
—— Etruscan Vase Art. 4 vols. Florence, 1852–56. (A second edition of the previous work.)
Jahn (O.). Telephos und Troilos. Kiel, 1841, 8vo.
Jahn (O.). Telephos und Troilos. Kiel, 1841, 8vo.
—— Ueber Darstellungen griechischer Dichter auf Vasenbildern. Leipzig, 1861. (From Abhandl. des sächs. Gesellsch. viii.)
—— On Representations of Greek Poets in Vase Paintings. Leipzig, 1861. (From Journal of the Saxon Society. viii.)
—— Archaeologische Aufsätze. Greifswald, 1845, 8vo.
—— Archaeological Essays. Greifswald, 1845, 8vo.
—— Archaeologische Beiträge.Berlin, 1847, 8vo.
—— Archaeological Contributions.Berlin, 1847, 8vo.
—— Beschreibung der Vasensammlung Königs Ludwigs in der Pinakothek zu München. Munich, 1854, 8vo. (Vasens. zu München.) The Einleitung (Introduction) gives a résumé of the whole subject.
—— A description of King Ludwig's vase collection at the Pinakothek in Munich. Munich, 1854, 8vo. (Vases in Munich.) The Intro provides an overview of the entire topic.
—— Ueber bemalte Vasen mit Goldschmuck. Leipzig, 1865, 4to.
—— On painted vases with gold decorations. Leipzig, 1865, 4to.
—— Die Entführung der Europa auf antiken Kunstwerken. Vienna, 1870, 4to.
—— The Kidnapping of Europa in ancient artworks. Vienna, 1870, 4to.
Jatta (G.). Catalogo del Museo Jatta (at Ruvo). Naples, 1869, 8vo.
Jatta (G.). Jatta Museum Catalog (in Ruvo). Naples, 1869, 8vo.
Karo (G.). De arte vascularia antiquissima quaestiones. Bonn, 1896, 8vo.
Karo (G.). Ancient questions about vascular art. Bonn, 1896, 8vo.
Kekulé (R. von, now Kekule von Stradonitz). See Bonn.
Kekulé (R. von, now Kekulé von Stradonitz). See Bonn.
Kirchhoff (A.). Studien zur Geschichte des griechischen Alphabets. 4th edn. Gütersloh, 1887.
Kirchhoff's Laws (A.). Research on the History of the Greek Alphabet. 4th edn. Gütersloh, 1887.
Klein (W.). Euphronios; eine Studie zur Geschichte der griechischen Malerei. 2nd edn. Vienna, 1886, 8vo.
Klein (W.). Euphronios; a Study of the History of Greek Painting. 2nd ed. Vienna, 1886, 8vo.
—— Die griechischen Vasen mit Meistersignaturen. 2nd edn. Vienna, 1887, 8vo.
—— The Greek Vases with Master Signatures. 2nd ed. Vienna, 1887, 8vo.
—— Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsinschriften. 2nd edn. Vienna, 1898.
—— The Greek Vases with Popular Inscriptions. 2nd edn. Vienna, 1898.
Knapp (P.). Nike in der Vasenmalerei. Tübingen, 1876, 8vo.
Knapp (P.). Nike in vase painting. Tübingen, 1876, 8vo.
Kramer (G.). Ueber den Styl und die Herkunft der bemalten griechischen Thongefässe. Berlin, 1837.
Kramer (G.). On the Style and Origin of Painted Greek Clay Vessels. Berlin, 1837.
Krause (J. H.). Angeiologie. Halle, 1854, 8vo. (Study of vase-shapes and their names.)
Krause (J. H.). Angiology. Halle, 1854, 8vo. (Study of vase shapes and their names.)
Kretschmer (P.). Die griechischen Vaseninschriften ihrer Sprache nach untersucht. Gütersloh, 1894.
Kretschmer (P.). Exploring Greek Vase Inscriptions Through Their Language. Gütersloh, 1894.
La Chausse (M. A. de = Caussius). Romanum Museum. Rome, 1690; 3rd edn., 1746.
La Chausse (M. A. de = Caussius). Roman Museum. Rome, 1690; 3rd edn., 1746.
Lanzi (L.). Dei vasi antichi dipinti volgarmente chiamati Etruschi. Florence, 1806.
Lanzi (L.). The Vases from Ancient Etruria, Often Referred to as Etruscan Painted Vases. Florence, 1806.
Lau (Th.), Brunn (H.), and Krell (P.). Die griechischen Vasen, ihre Formen und Decorationssystem. Plates and text. From originals at Munich. Leipzig, 1877. (Brunn-Lau, Gr. Vasen.)
Lau (T.), Brunn (H.), and Krell (P.). The Greek Vases, Their Shapes and Decoration System. Plates and text. From originals in Munich. Leipzig, 1877. (Brunn-Lau, Gr. Vases.)
Letronne (J. A.). Observations sur les noms de vases grecs. Paris, 1833.
Letronne (J. A.). Observations on the Names of Greek Vases. Paris, 1833.
London. See British Museum.
London. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Longpérier (H. A. Prévost de). Musée Napoléon III. Choix de monuments antiques ... Texte explicatif par A. de L. Paris, unfinished, 1868–74, 4to.
Longpérier (H. A. Prévost de). Napoleon III Museum. Selection of ancient monuments ... Explanatory text by A. de L. Paris, unfinished, 1868–74, 4to.
Louvre. See Paris.
Louvre. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Lützow (C. von). Zur Geschichte des Ornaments an den bemalten griechischen Thongefässen. Munich, 1858.
Lützow (C. von). The History of Decoration on Painted Greek Clay Vessels. Munich, 1858.
MacColl (D. S.). See Harrison.
MacColl (D. S.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Macpherson (D.). Antiquities of Kertch, and researches in the Cimmerian Bosphorus, etc. London, 1857, 4to. (Discoveries in the Crimea.)
Macpherson (D.). Antiquities of Kertch, and studies in the Cimmerian Bosporus, etc. London, 1857, 4to. (Discoveries in the Crimea.)
Madrid (Museo arquelogico nacional). Catalogo del Museo, by A. G. Gutierrez and J. de D. de la Rada y Delgado. Part i. Madrid, 1883, 8vo.
Madrid (National Archaeological Museum). Museum Catalog, by A. G. Gutierrez and J. de D. de la Rada y Delgado. Part I. Madrid, 1883, 8vo.
Martha (J.). L'Art Étrusque. Paris, 1889, 4to.
Martha (J.). Etruscan Art. Paris, 1889, 4to.
Masner (K.). See Vienna.
Masner (K.). See Vienna.
Mayer (M.). Die Giganten und Titanen in der antiken Sage und Kunst. Berlin, 1886.
Mayer (M.). The Giants and Titans in Ancient Myth and Art. Berlin, 1886.
Mélanges Perrot. Paris, 1902, 4to. (Collected papers in honour of Perrot.) (Recueil de mémoires concernant l’archéologie classique, la littérature, et l’histoire anciennes, dedié à Georges Perrot.)
Mélanges Perrot. Paris, 1902, 4to. (Collected papers in honor of Perrot.) (A collection of essays on classical archaeology, literature, and ancient history dedicated to Georges Perrot.)
Micali (G.). Storia degli antichi popoli Italiani. 3 tom. Firenze, 1832, 8vo. With atlas entitled Monumenti per servire alla storia, etc. Fol.
Micali (G.). History of the Ancient Italian Peoples. 3 vols. Florence, 1832, 8vo. With an atlas titled Historic Monuments, etc. Fol.
——— Monumenti inediti a illustrazione della storia degli antichi popoli italiani. Florence, 1844, 8vo, plates in fol. Vases found in Etruria. (Micali, Mon. Ined.)
——— New Monuments Showcasing the History of Ancient Italian Peoples. Florence, 1844, 8vo, plates in fol. Vases found in Etruria. (Micali, New Monday.)
Milchhoefer (A.). Die Anfänge der Kunst in Griechenland. Leipzig, 1883, 8vo.
Milchhoefer (A.). The Origins of Art in Greece. Leipzig, 1883, 8vo.
Milliet (P.). Études sur les premières périodes de la céramique grecque. Paris, 1891.
Milliet (P.). Research on the Early Periods of Greek Pottery. Paris, 1891.
——— Peintures antiques de vases grecs, tirées de diverses collections. Rome, 1813, fol. Re-edited by S. Reinach in 4to, Paris, 1891. (Millingen-Reinach.)
——— Ancient Paintings of Greek Vases, from Different Collections. Rome, 1813, fol. Reissued by S. Reinach in 4to, Paris, 1891. (Millingen-Reinach.)
——— Peintures antiques de vases grecs de la collection de Sir J. Coghill. Rome, 1817, fol. Re-edited by S. Reinach in Répertoire, ii. (1900).
——— Antique Paintings of Greek Vases from Sir J. Coghill's Collection. Rome, 1817, fol. Updated by S. Reinach in Directory, ii. (1900).
Morgenthau (J. C.). Ueber den Zusammenhang der Bilder auf griechischen Vasen. I. Die schwarzfigurigen Vasen. Leipzig, 1886. 8vo.
Morgenthau (J. C.). On the Connection of Images on Greek Vases. I. The Black-Figure Vases. Leipzig, 1886. 8vo.
Moses (H.). A collection of antique vases, etc., from various museums and collections. London, 1814.
Moses (H.). A collection of antique vases, etc., from various museums and collections. London, 1814.
——— Vases from the collection of Sir Henry Englefield. London, 1848.
——— Vases from the collection of Sir Henry Englefield. London, 1848.
Mueller (E.). Drei griechische Vasenbilder. Zurich, 1887. 4to.
Mueller, E. Drei griechische Vasenbilder. Zurich, 1887. 4to.
Müller (K. O.). Denkmäler der Alten Kunst. 1832–69, obl. fol. 2 vols. (2nd re-edited by F. Wiestler).
Müller (K. O.). Ancient Art Monuments. 1832–69, oversized folio. 2 volumes. (2nd edition revised by F. Wiestler).
—— —— Theil ii. 3rd edn., 1877. Text 4to; plates, 1881, obl. fol.
—— —— Theil ii. 3rd ed., 1877. Text 4to; plates, 1881, obl. fol.
Munich. Beschreibung der Vasensammlung König Ludwigs in der Pinakothek, by O. Jahn. Munich, 1855. With admirable introduction. See also the guide (Führer) published in 1895. A new catalogue by Furtwaengler said to be in progress.
Munich. Description of King Ludwig's Vase Collection in the Pinakothek, by O. Jahn. Munich, 1855. With an excellent introduction. See also the guide (Guide) published in 1895. A new catalog by Furtwaengler is said to be in progress.
Murray (A. S.). Handbook of Greek Archaeology. London, 1892. (Chaps. i. and ii. deal with vases.) And see British Museum.
Murray (A. S.). Handbook of Greek Archaeology. London, 1892. (Chapters i. and ii. focus on vases.) Also check the British Museum.
Museo Borbonico. Naples, 1824–57. 16 vols., 4to. Illustrations of the collections in the Naples Museum (Real Museo Borbonico). See also Gargiulo.
Bourbon Museum. Naples, 1824–57. 16 volumes, 4to. Illustrations of the collections in the Naples Museum (Royal Bourbon Museum). See also Gargiulo.
Myres, J. L. See Nicosia.
Myres, J. L. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Naples. Die Vasensammlungen des Museo Nazionale zu Neapel, by H. Heydemann. Berlin, 1872. See also Gargiulo, Museo Borbonico.
Naples. The Vase Collections at the National Museum in Naples, by H. Heydemann. Berlin, 1872. See also Gargiulo, Museo Borbonico.
Ohnefalsch-Richter (M.). Kypros, the Bible, and Homer. 2 vols., text and plates. Berlin, 1893. Also a German edition. Useful for collected examples of Cypriote pottery and terracottas. See also Nicosia.
OhneFalsch Judge (M.). Kypros, the Bible, and Homer. 2 vols., text and plates. Berlin, 1893. Also available in a German edition. Useful for examples of Cypriote pottery and terracottas. See also Nicosia.
Overbeck (J.). Die Bildwerke zum thebischen und troischen Heldenkreis. 2 vols., text and atlas. Brunswick and Stuttgart, 1853–57. Lists of vases illustrating Theban and Trojan legends. (Overbeck, Her. Bildw.)
Overbeck (J.). The artworks related to the Theban and Trojan hero circles. 2 vols., text and atlas. Brunswick and Stuttgart, 1853–57. Includes lists of vases showcasing Theban and Trojan legends. (Overbeck, Her. Bildw.)
—— Griechische Kunstmythologie. Vols. ii.–iv. only published (Zeus, Hera, Poseidon, Demeter, Apollo, and myths connected with them). Leipzig, 1871–89. With atlas in fol. (Overbeck, Kunstmythol.)
—— Greek Art Mythology. Only volumes ii–iv published (Zeus, Hera, Poseidon, Demeter, Apollo, and related myths). Leipzig, 1871–89. With a folio atlas (Overbeck, Kunstmythol.)
—— Musée Blacas. Paris, 1829, fol. Vases mostly in B.M.
—— Musée Blacas. Paris, 1829, fol. Vases mainly in B.M.
—— Recherches sur les véritables noms des vases grecs. Paris, 1829.
—— Research on the Real Names of Greek Vases. Paris, 1829.
—— Antiques du cabinet du comte Pourtalès-Gorgier. Paris, 1834, 4to. (Panofka, Cab. Pourtalès.)
—— Antiques from Count Pourtalès-Gorgier's cabinet. Paris, 1834, 4to. (Panofka, Cab. Pourtalès.)
—— Bilder antiken Lebens. Berlin, 1843, 4to.
Images of Ancient Life. Berlin, 1843, 4to.
—— Griechinnen und Griechen nach Antiken skizzirt. Berlin, 1844, 4to.
—— Greeks as depicted from Antiquity. Berlin, 1844, 4to.
—— Der Vasenbilder Panphaios. Berlin, 1848.
Der Vasenbilder Panphaios. Berlin, 1848.
—— Von den Namen der Vasenbildner in Beziehung zu ihren bildlichen Darstellungen. Berlin, 1849, 4to.
—— On the Names of Vase Painters and Their Visual Representations. Berlin, 1849, 4to.
—— Die griechischen Eigennamen mit καλός in Zusammenhang mit dem Bilderschmuck auf bemalten Gefässen. Berlin, 1850.
—— The Greek proper names that are related to good related to the decorative images on painted vessels. Berlin, 1850.
(And many other pamphlets with publication of vases, chiefly from the mythological point of view, but now out of date.)
(And many other pamphlets featuring vases, mainly from a mythological perspective, but now outdated.)
Paris (Louvre). Catalogue des vases antiques de terre cuite, by E. Pottier. Paris, 1896, etc. In progress (two volumes issued, dealing with earlier fabrics). With accompanying atlas of photographic plates (2 vols., down to Euphronios).
Paris (Louvre). Catalog of Ancient Terracotta Vases, by E. Pottier. Paris, 1896, etc. In progress (two volumes published, covering earlier styles). Includes a related atlas of photographic plates (2 vols., up to Euphronios).
Paris (Bibliothèque Nationale). Catalogue des vases dans le Cabinet des Médailles, by A. de Ridder. Paris, 1901–02. 2 vols. With plates.
Paris (National Library). Vase Collection in the Coin Cabinet, by A. de Ridder. Paris, 1901–02. 2 volumes. With illustrations.
Passeri (J. B.). Picturae Etruscorum in Vasculis. 3 vols. Rome, 1767–75, fol.
Passeri (J. B.). Etruscan Paintings on Vessels. 3 vols. Rome, 1767–75, fol.
Patroni (G.). Ceramica antica nell’ Italia meridionale. Naples, 1897. A useful study of Greek and local fabrics of Southern Italy.
Patrons (G.). Ancient Pottery in Southern Italy. Naples, 1897. A helpful study of Greek and local ceramics from Southern Italy.
Pellegrini (G.). See Bologna.
Pellegrini (G.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Perrot (G.) and Chipiez (C.). Histoire de l’art dans l’antiquité. (Text by Perrot, plates by Chipiez.) In progress: 8 vols, published in 1882–1904. Vol. iii., Cypriote pottery; vol. vi., Mycenaean; vol. vii., Dipylon. (Perrot, Hist. de l’Art.)
Perrot (G.) and Chipiez (C.). Art History in Antiquity. (Text by Perrot, illustrations by Chipiez.) In progress: 8 volumes, published between 1882 and 1904. Volume III: Cypriote pottery; Volume VI: Mycenaean; Volume VII: Dipylon. (Perrot, Art History)
Petersburg. Vasensammlung der kaiserlichen Ermitage, by L. Stephani. Petersburg, 1869. 2 vols.
Petersburg. Vase Collection of the Imperial Hermitage, by L. Stephani. Petersburg, 1869. 2 vols.
Pollak (L.). Zwei Vasen aus der Werkstatt Hierons. Leipzig, 1900.
Pollak (L.). Two Vases from Hierons' Workshop. Leipzig, 1900.
—— La peinture industrielle chez les Grecs. Paris, 1898, 8vo.
—— Industrial Painting in Ancient Greece. Paris, 1898, 8vo.
—— and Reinach (S.). La Nécropole de Myrina. 2 vols. Paris, 1887.
—— and Reinach (S.). The Necropolis of Myrina. 2 vols. Paris, 1887.
See also __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_2__.
Raoul-Rochette. Monumens inédits d’antiquité figurée. Paris, 1833, fol.
Raoul-Rochette. Unpublished figurative antiquity monuments. Paris, 1833, fol.
—— Peintures antiques inédites. Paris, 1836, 4to.
New Antique Paintings. Paris, 1836, 4to.
Ravestein (E. de M. de). Musée de Ravestein; Catalogue descriptif. 2 vols. Liège, 1871–72, 8vo.
Ravestein (E. de M. de). Ravestein Museum; Descriptive catalog. 2 vols. Liège, 1871–72, 8vo.
Reinach (S.). Chroniques d’Orient. Paris, 1891–96. 2 vols. Reprinted from the Revue Archéol. (1883–95). Notes of discoveries, etc.
Reinach (S.). Chronicles of the East. Paris, 1891–96. 2 vols. Reprinted from the Archaeological Review (1883–95). Notes on discoveries, etc.
—— Répertoire des Vases Peints. Paris, 1899–1900. 2 vols. An invaluable re-editing, with outline reductions of the plates, of many publications of vases, with bibliographical notes and explanations appended. See Laborde, de Luynes, Tischbein, etc., and list of periodicals. (Referred to as Reinach, with number of volume and page. In Chapters XII.-XV. the references are all to this publication in preference to the original works.)
—— Directory of Painted Vases. Paris, 1899–1900. 2 vols. A valuable re-edition, with simplified versions of the plates, of many vase publications, including bibliographical notes and explanations. See Laborde, de Luynes, Tischbein, etc., and the list of periodicals. (Referred to as Reinach, with volume and page numbers. In Chapters XII.-XV., all references are from this publication rather than the original works.)
See also Millin, Millingen, Ant. du Bosph. Cimm., and Pottier.
See also __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__, Ant. du Bosph. Cimm., and __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_3__.
Reisch (E.). See Rome.
Reisch (E.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Ridder (A. de). See Paris.
Ridder (A. de). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Riegl (A.). Stilfragen. Grundlegungen zu einer Geschichte der Ornamentik. Berlin, 1893, 8vo. A valuable study of early vegetable ornament on vases.
Riegl (A.). Design questions. Foundations for a History of Ornamentation. Berlin, 1893, 8vo. A valuable study of early plant decoration on vases.
Robert (C.). Thanatos. Berlin, 1879, 4to. (39tes Winckelmannsfestprogr.)
Robert (C.). Thanatos. Berlin, 1879, 4to. (39th Winckelmann Festival Program.)
—— Bild und Lied. Berlin, 1881, 8vo. On the relation of vase-paintings to the Homeric poems.
—— Image and Song. Berlin, 1881, 8vo. On the connection between vase paintings and the Homeric poems.
—— Archaeologische Märchen aus alter und neuer Zeit. Berlin, 1886, 8vo. Papers on various subjects, more or less controversial.
—— Archaeological Stories from ancient and modern times. Berlin, 1886, 8vo. Papers on different topics, some of which are quite debatable.
—— Homerische Becher. (50tes Winckelmannsfestprogr.) Berlin, 1890.
—— Homeric Cups. (50th Winckelmann Festival Program.) Berlin, 1890.
Robert (C). Scenen der Ilias und Aithiopis auf einer Vase der Sammlung des Grafen M. Tyszkiewicz. Halle, 1891, fol. (15tes Hall. Winckelmannsprogr.)
Robert (C). Scenes from the Iliad and Aithiopis on a vase from the collection of Count M. Tyszkiewicz. Halle, 1891, fol. (15th Hall. Winckelmann's agenda.)
—— Die Nekyiades Polygnot. Halle, 1892. (16tes Hallisches Festprog.; a restoration of the painting on the basis of vases.)
—— The Nekyiades Polygnotus. Halle, 1892. (16th Annual Hall Festival Program.; a restoration of the painting based on vases.)
—— Die Iliupersis des Polygnot. Halle, 1893. (17tes Hallisches Festprogr.; dealing similarly with that painting.)
—— The Iliupersis by Polygnotus. Halle, 1893. (17th Halle Festival Program.; dealing similarly with that painting.)
—— Die Marathonschlacht in der Poikile und weiteres über Polygnot. (18tes Hallisches Festprogr.) Halle, 1895.
—— The Marathon Battle in the Poikile and more about Polygnot. (18th Halle Festival Program.) Halle, 1895.
Roberts (E. S.). An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part i. The archaic inscriptions and the Greek alphabet. Cambridge, 1887, 8vo.
Roberts (E. S.). An Introduction to Greek Epigraphy. Part 1. The archaic inscriptions and the Greek alphabet. Cambridge, 1887, 8vo.
Robinson (E.). See Boston.
Robinson (E.). See Boston.
Roehl (H.). Inscriptiones Graecae antiquissimae praeter Atticas in Attica repertas. Berlin, 1882, fol. (Roehl, I.G.A.)
Roehl (H.). Ancient Greek Inscriptions other than Attic inscriptions found in Attica. Berlin, 1882, fol. (Roehl, I.G.A.)
Rohden (H. von). See Baumeister.
Rohden (H. von). See Baumeister.
Rome (Vatican, Museo Gregoriano). Führer durch die öffentlichen Sammlungen in Rom, by W. Helbig and E. Reisch. 2nd edn., 1899. 2 vols. In vol. ii. is given a full description of the best vases (about 250) in this collection; they are quoted as Helbig 1, 2, 3, etc., according to the numbers of the book. See also Museo Gregoriano.
Rome (Vatican, Museo Gregoriano). Guide to the Public Collections in Rome, by W. Helbig and E. Reisch. 2nd ed., 1899. 2 vols. Volume II contains a complete description of the finest vases (about 250) in this collection; they are referenced as Helbig 1, 2, 3, etc., according to the book's numbering. See also Gregoriano Museum.
Roscher (W. H.). Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie. Leipzig, 1884, etc. In progress (down to P in 1904). Many vases published in the later parts.
Roscher (W. H.). Comprehensive Dictionary of Greek and Roman Mythology. Leipzig, 1884, etc. Ongoing (up to P in 1904). Many vases featured in the later sections.
Ross (L.). Reisen auf die griechischen Inseln des ägäischen Meeres. Halle, 1840–52, 4 vols., 8vo.
Ross (L.). Journeys to the Greek Islands of the Aegean Sea. Halle, 1840–52, 4 vols., 8vo.
—— Archaeologische Aufsätze. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1855–61. With plates in fol.
—— Archival Essays. 2 vols. Leipzig, 1855–61. With plates in folio.
Roulez (J.). Choix de vases peints du Musée d’antiquités de Leyde. Gand, 1854. Re-edited by S. Reinach, Répertoire, vol. ii., 1900.
Ride (J.). Selection of painted vases from the Museum of Antiquities in Leiden. Ghent, 1854. Re-released by S. Reinach, Directory, vol. ii., 1900.
Ruvo (Museo Jatta). See Jatta.
Ruvo (Museo Jatta). See Jatta.
Salzmann (A). Nécropole de Camiros. Paris, 1866–75, fol. Plates only.
Salzmann (A). Cemetery of Camiros. Paris, 1866–75, fol. Plates only.
Schliemann (H.). See Vol. I. p. 269.
Schliemann (H.). See Vol. I. p. 269.
Schneider (A.). Der troische Sagenkreis in der älteren griechischen Kunst. Leipzig, 1886.
Schneider (A.). The Trojan Legend in Early Greek Art. Leipzig, 1886.
Schneider (F. J.). Die zwölf Kämpfe des Herakles in der älteren griechischen Kunst. Leipzig, 1888.
Schneider (F. J.). The Twelve Labors of Hercules in Early Greek Art. Leipzig, 1888.
Schneider (R.). Die Geburt der Athena. Vienna, 1880, 8vo.
Schneider (R.). The Birth of Athena. Vienna, 1880, 8vo.
Schöne (R.). Le antichità del Museo Bocchi di Adria. Rome, 1878, 4to.
Nice (R.). The Artifacts of the Bocchi Museum in Adria. Rome, 1878, 4to.
Schreiber (Th.) and Anderson (W. C. F.). Atlas of Classical Antiquities. London, 1895, obl. 8vo. (Schreiber-Anderson.)
Schreiber (Th.) and Anderson (W. C. F.). Atlas of Classical Antiquities. London, 1895, obl. 8vo. (Schreiber-Anderson.)
Schulz (H. W.). Die Amazonenvase von Ruvo, erklärt und in Kunsthistorischer Beziehung betrachtet. Leipzig, 1851, fol. See Reinach, Répertoire, vol. ii.
Schulz (H. W.). The Amazon Vase from Ruvo, explained and analyzed in an art historical context. Leipzig, 1851, fol. See Reinach, Directory, vol. ii.
Sèvres Museum. Description méthodique du Musée Céramique de Sèvres, by A. Brongniart and D. Riocreux. Paris, 1845. 2 vols., with atlas of plates.
Sèvres Museum. Detailed Overview of the Sèvres Ceramic Museum, by A. Brongniart and D. Riocreux. Paris, 1845. 2 vols., with atlas of plates.
Sittl (K.). Die Phineusschale und ähnliche Vasen mit bemalten Flachreliefs. Würzburg, 1892.
Sittl (K.). The Phineus Bowl and similar vases with painted flat reliefs. Würzburg, 1892.
Smith (A. H.). See British Museum.
Smith (A. H.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Smith (Cecil). Catalogue of the Forman Collection of Antiquities (illustrated). London, 1899. And see British Museum.
Smith (Cecil). Catalogue of the Forman Collection of Antiquities (illustrated). London, 1899. And see British Museum.
Smith (S. B.). See Kopenhagen.
Smith (S. B.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Stackelberg (O. M. von). Die Gräber der Hellenen. Berlin, 1836, fol.
Stackelberg (O. M. von). The graves of the Greeks. Berlin, 1836, fol.
Stephani (L.). See Petersburg and Compte-Rendu.
Stephani (L.). See Petersburg and Report.
Strena Helbigiana. (Collected papers in honour of W. Helbig.) Leipzig, 1900, 8vo.
Strena Helbigiana. (Collected papers in honor of W. Helbig.) Leipzig, 1900, 8vo.
Studniczka (F.). Kyrene, eine altgriechische Göttin. Leipzig, 1890.
Studniczka (F.). Kyrene, an ancient Greek goddess. Leipzig, 1890.
Tanis II. Fourth Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund (Tell-Nebesheh and Defenneh). London, 1887. By W. M. F. Petrie and F. L. Griffith, with notes on the Daphnae pottery by A. S. Murray.
Tanis II. Fourth Memoir of the Egypt Exploration Fund (Tell-Nebesheh and Defenneh). London, 1887. By W.M.F. Petrie and F.L. Griffith, with notes on the Daphnae pottery by A. S. Murray.
Thiersch (F.). Ueber die hellenischen bemalten Vasen, mit besonderer Rücksicht auf die Sammlung des Königs Ludwigs von Bayern. Munich, 1849. From Abhandl. d. k. bayer. Akad., Philosoph.-philol. Classe, vol iv.
Thiersch (F.). On the Greek Painted Vases, with special regard to the collection of King Ludwig of Bavaria. Munich, 1849. From Proceedings of the Royal Bavarian Academy, Philosophical-Philological Class, vol iv.
Thiersch (H.). Tyrrhenische Amphoren. Eine Studie zur Geschichte der altattischen Vasenmalerei. Leipzig, 1899.
Thiersch (H.). Tyrrhenian Amphorae. An Examination of the History of Ancient Attic Vase Painting. Leipzig, 1899.
Treu (W.). Griechische Thongefässe in Statuetten- und Büstenformen. Berlin, 1875, 4to. (35tes Winckelmannsfestprogr.)
True (W.). Greek Clay Vessels in Figurine and Bust Shapes. Berlin, 1875, 4to. (35th Winckelmann Festival Program.)
Tyszkiewicz (Count M.). See Froehner.
Tyszkiewicz (Count M.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Urlichs (C. L. von). Der Vasenmaler Brygos und die ruland’sche Münzsammlung. Würzburg, 1875, fol.
Urlichs (C. L. Von). The vase painter Brygos and the Ruland coin collection. Würzburg, 1875, fol.
—— Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte. Leipzig, 1884, 8vo. See also Würzburg.
—— Art History Contributions. Leipzig, 1884, 8vo. See also Würzburg.
Ussing (J.). De nominibus vasorum graecorum disputatio. Copenhagen, 1844.
Using (J.). Discourse on the names of Greek vases. Copenhagen, 1844.
Vienna. Die Sammlung antiker Vasen und Terracotten im k. k. Oesterreichischen Museum für Kunst und Industrie, by K. Masner. Vienna, 1892. With plates.
Vienna. The Collection of Ancient Vases and Terracottas at the Imperial and Royal Austrian Museum of Art and Industry, by K. Masner. Vienna, 1892. With plates.
Vogel (K. J.). Scenen euripideischer Tragödien in griechischen Vasengemälden. Leipzig, 1886.
Vogel (K. J.). Scenes from Euripides' Tragedies in Greek Vase Paintings. Leipzig, 1886.
Vorlegeblätter für archäologische Übungen. Vienna, 1869–91, fol. Plates without text. Series i.–viii. 1869–75, ed. A. Conze (chiefly R.F. kylikes, by Euphronios, Hieron, Duris). Series A-E, 1879–86, ed. O. Benndorf (chiefly R.F. kylikes). Third series, 1888–91 (3 vols.), ed. Benndorf and others (chiefly signed B.F. vases). (Wiener Vorl.)
Display sheets for archaeology activities. Vienna, 1869–91, fol. Plates without text. Series i.–viii. 1869–75, ed. A. Conze (mainly R.F. kylikes, by Euphronios, Hieron, Duris). Series A-E, 1879–86, ed. O. Benndorf (mainly R.F. kylikes). Third series, 1888–91 (3 vols.), ed. Benndorf and others (mainly signed B.F. vases). (Viennese Preview)
Wallis (H.). Pictures from Greek Vases. The White Athenian lekythi. London, 1896.
Wallis (H.). Pictures from Greek Vases. The White Athenian lekythi. London, 1896.
Walters (H. B.). See British Museum.
Walters (H. B.). See British Museum.
Watzinger (C). De vasculis pictis tarentinis capita selecta. Darmstadt, 1899, 8vo.
Watzinger (C). Selected Heads from the Painted Vases of Taranto. Darmstadt, 1899, 8vo.
Welcker (F. G.). Alte Denkmäler. 5 vols, and atlas. Göttingen, 1849–64.
Welcker (F. G.). Historic Landmarks. 5 volumes, plus atlas. Göttingen, 1849–64.
Wernicke (K.). Die griechischen Vasen mit Lieblingsnamen. Berlin, 1890.
Wernicke's area (K.). The Greek Vases with Popular Names. Berlin, 1890.
—— and Graef (B.). Denkmäler der antiken Kunst. Leipzig, 1899, etc. In progress. A new edition of Müller and Wieseler’s well-known work. Text and atlas.
—— and Graef (B.). Ancient Art Monuments. Leipzig, 1899, etc. In progress. A new edition of Müller and Wieseler’s famous work. Text and atlas.
Westropp (H. M.). Epochs of painted vases, an introduction to their study. London, 1856.
Westropp (H. M.). Epochs of Painted Vases: An Introduction to Their Study. London, 1856.
Wilisch (E. G.). Die altkorinthische Thonindustrie. Leipzig, 1892.
Wilisch (E. G.). The ancient Corinthian ceramic industry. Leipzig, 1892.
Winkler (A.). De inferorum in vasis Italiae inferioris repraesentationibus. Breslau, 1888, 8vo.
Winkler (A.). Depictions of the Underworld on the Vases from Lower Italy. Breslau, 1888, 8vo.
Winnefeld (H.). See Karlsruhe.
Winnefeld (H.). See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Winter (F.). Die jüngeren attischen Vasen und ihr Verhaltniss zur grossen Kunst. Berlin, 1885.
Winter (F.). The Younger Attic Vases and Their Relation to the Great Art. Berlin, 1885.
Witte (J. J. A. M. de, Baron). Description des antiquités et objects d’art qui composent le cabinet de feu M. E. Durand. Paris, 1836, 8vo.
Witte (Baron J. J. A. M. de). Description of the antiques and art objects that make up the collection of the late Mr. E. Durand. Paris, 1836, 8vo.
—— Description d’une collection de vases peints et bronzes antiques provenant des fouilles de l’Étrurie. Paris, 1837, 8vo. [Another edition, 1857.]
—— Description of a collection of painted vases and antique bronze pieces from the excavations in Etruria. Paris, 1837, 8vo. [Another edition, 1857.]
—— Noms des fabricants et dessinateurs de vases peints. Paris, 1848, 8vo.
—— Manufacturers and designers of painted vases. Paris, 1848, 8vo.
—— Études sur les vases peints. Paris, 1865, 8vo. (Extract from the Gazette des Beaux-Arts.)
—— Research on Painted Vases. Paris, 1865, 8vo. (Excerpt from the Fine Arts Gazette.)
—— Description des collections d’antiquités conservées à l’Hôtel Lambert (the Czartoryski collection). Paris, 1886, 4to. (Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert.) See also Lenormant.
—— Description of the Antiquities Collections at Hôtel Lambert (the Czartoryski collection). Paris, 1886, 4to. (Collections at the Hôtel Lambert.) See also Lenormant.
Zannoni (A.). Gli Scavi della Certosa di Bologna. 2 vols., text and plates. Bologna, 1876, fol. (An account of excavations at Bologna; many illustrations of tombs and Greek vases.)
Zannoni (A.). The Excavations of the Certosa in Bologna. 2 vols., text and plates. Bologna, 1876, fol. (A report on the excavations in Bologna; many illustrations of tombs and Greek vases.)
Athens. See Martha.
Athens. See __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
Berlin Museum. Ausgewählte griechische Terrakotten im Antiquarium des königliches Museum zu Berlin, herausgegeben von der Generalverwaltung. Berlin, 1903. See also Panofka.
Berlin Museum. Selected Greek Terracottas in the Antiquarium of the Royal Museum in Berlin, published by the General Administration. Berlin, 1903. See also Panofka.
Blümner (H.). Technologie und Terminologie. See above, p.xxi. Vol. ii. deals with method of working in clay (Thonplastik, p. 113 ff.).
Blümner (H.). Technology and Terms. See above, p.xxi. Vol. ii. discusses methods for working with clay (clay sculpture, p. 113 ff.).
Borrmann (R.). Die Keramik in der Baukunst. Durm’s Handbuch der Architektur, part i. vol. 4. Stuttgart, 1897. On the use of terracotta in classical architecture. See also Dörpfeld.
Borrmann (R.). The Role of Ceramic in Architecture. Durm’s Architectural Handbook, part i. vol. 4. Stuttgart, 1897. On the use of terracotta in classical architecture. See also Dörpfeld.
British Museum. Terracotta Sarcophagi, by A. S. Murray. London, 1898. See above, p. xxii.
British Museum. Terracotta Sarcophagi, by A. S. Murray. London, 1898. See above, p. xxii.
—— Catalogue of the Terracottas in the British Museum, by H. B. Walters. London, 1903. See also Combe.
—— Catalogue of the Terracottas in the British Museum, by H. B. Walters. London, 1903. See also Combe.
Campana (G. P.). Antiche opere in plastica. Rome, 1842–52, fol. Text incomplete; plates of architectural terracottas of the Roman period.
Campana (G. P.). Old plastic artworks. Rome, 1842–52, fol. Text incomplete; illustrations of architectural terracottas from the Roman period.
Daremberg (C.), Saglio (E.), and Pottier (E.). Dictionnaire des Antiquités. See above, p. xxiii. The article Figlinum in vol. ii. will be found useful.
Daremberg (C.), Saglio (E.), and Pottier (E.). Dictionary of Antiquities. See above, p. xxiii. The article Figlinum in vol. ii. will be helpful.
Furtwaengler (A.). Collection Sabouroff. See above, p. xxiv. Vol. ii. contains plates of Tanagra figures, with useful text to each.
Furtwängler (A.). Collection Sabouroff. See above, p. xxiv. Vol. ii. contains images of Tanagra figures, along with helpful explanations for each one.
Heuzey (L.). Les Figurines antiques de terre cuite du Musée du Louvre. Paris, 1883, 4to. Plates, with brief text.
Heuzey (L.). The ancient clay figurines from the Louvre Museum. Paris, 1883, 4to. Plates, with brief text.
—— Catalogue des figurines antiques de terre cuite du Musée du Louvre. Vol. i. Paris, 1891. Deals with archaic terracottas (Rhodes and Cyprus). No more published.
—— Catalog of Ancient Terracotta Figurines from the Louvre Museum. Vol. i. Paris, 1891. Covers archaic terracottas (Rhodes and Cyprus). No further volumes published.
Huish (M. B.). Greek Terracotta Statuettes, their origin, evolution, and uses. London, 1900. (The plates include some doubtful specimens.)
Huish (M. B.). Greek Terracotta Statuettes, their origin, evolution, and uses. London, 1900. (The plates include some questionable examples.)
Hutton (Miss C.A.). Greek Terracotta Statuettes. (Portfolio monograph, No. 49.) London, 1899. An excellent résumé of the subject, with good illustrations.
Hutton (Ms. C.A.). Greek Terracotta Statuettes. (Portfolio monograph, No. 49.) London, 1899. A great summary of the topic, with quality illustrations.
Kekulé (R., now Kekule von Stradonitz). Griechische Thonfiguren aus Tanagra. Stuttgart, 1878, fol.
Kekulé (R., now Kekulé von Stradonitz). Tanagra Greek Clay Figures. Stuttgart, 1878, fol.
—— Die antiken Terracotten, im Auftrag des archäologischen Institutes des deutschen Reichs, herausgegeben von R. K. Stuttgart, 1880, etc., fol. In progress.
—— The Ancient Terracottas, published on behalf of the Archaeological Institute of the German Empire by R. K. Stuttgart, 1880, etc., fol. In progress.
Vol. i. Terracotten von Pompeii, by A. von Rohden. 1880. Chiefly architectural.
Vol. i. Terracotta from Pompeii, by A. von Rohden. 1880. Mainly architectural.
Vol. ii. Terracotten von Sicilien, by R. Kekulé. 1884.
Vol. ii. Terracotta from Sicily, by R. Kekulé. 1884.
Vol. iii. Typen der griechischen Terrakotten, by F. Winter. 1903. In two parts. A Corpus of all known types of terracotta statuettes, with numerous illustrations and other useful information.
Vol. iii. Types of Greek Terracotta Figures, by F. Winter. 1903. In two parts. A Corpus of all known types of terracotta statuettes, with many illustrations and other helpful information.
Minervini (G.). Terre cotte del Museo Campano. Vol. i. Naples, 1880. Illustrations of architectural terracottas.
Minervini (G.). Terracotta of the Campanian Museum. Vol. 1. Naples, 1880. Illustrations of architectural terracottas.
Panofka (T.). Terracotten des königlichen Museums zu Berlin. Berlin, 1842, 4to.
Panofka (T.). Terracotta from the Royal Museum in Berlin. Berlin, 1842, 4to.
Pottier (E.). Les Statuettes de Terre Cuite dans l’Antiquité. Paris, 1890. (Bibliothèque des Merveilles.)
Pottier (E.). Clay Statues in Ancient Times. Paris, 1890. (Library of Wonders.)
Pottier (E.) and Reinach (S.). La Nécropole de Myrina. 2 vols., text and plates. Paris, 1887.
Pottier (E.) and Reinach (S.). The Myrina Necropolis. 2 volumes, text and plates. Paris, 1887.
Rohden (H. von). See Kekulé.
Rohden (H. von). See Kekulé.
Schöne (R.). Griechische Reliefs aus athenischen Sammlungen, herausgegeben von R. S. Leipzig, 1872, fol. Illustration and discussion of the “Melian” reliefs (see pls. 30–34).
Nice (R.). Greek Reliefs from Athenian Collections, edited by R. S. Leipzig, 1872, fol. Illustration and discussion of the “Melian” reliefs (see pls. 30–34).
Winter (F.). See Kekulé.
Winter (F.). See Kekulé.
Artis (E. T.). The Durobrivae of Antoninus identified and illustrated. London, 1828, fol. Plates only; for accompanying text (by C. Roach-Smith) see Journ. of Brit. Arch. Assoc. i. p. 1 ff. Deals with pottery and kilns of Castor and neighbourhood.
Artist (E. T.). The Durobrivae of Antoninus identified and illustrated. London, 1828, fol. Plates only; for accompanying text (by C. Roach-Smith) see Journ. of Brit. Arch. Assoc. i. p. 1 ff. Covers pottery and kilns of Castor and the surrounding area.
Blanchet (A.). Mélanges d’Archéologie gallo-romaine, ii. Paris, 1902, 8vo. (Lists of potteries in Gaul on p. 90 ff.)
Blanchet (A.). Gallo-Roman Archaeology Miscellany, ii. Paris, 1902, 8vo. (Lists of potteries in Gaul on p. 90 ff.)
Blümner (H.). Technologie und Terminologie, etc. See above, p. xxi.
Blümner (H.). Technology and Terms, etc. See above, p. xxi.
Brongniart (A.). Traité de la Céramique. See above, p. xxii.
Brongniart (A.). Ceramics Handbook. See above, p. xxii.
Buckman (J.) and Newmarch (C. H.). Illustrations of the remains of Roman Art in Cirencester, the ancient Corinium. London and Cirencester, 1850, 4to. (Now somewhat out of date.)
Buckman (J.) and Newmarch (C. H.). Illustrations of the Remains of Roman Art in Cirencester, the Ancient Corinium. London and Cirencester, 1850, 4to. (Now a bit outdated.)
Caumont (A. de). Cours d’antiquités monumentales; histoire de l’art dans l’Ouest de la France. 6 vols. Paris and Caen, 1830–41, 8vo, with atlas in oblong 4to.
Caumont (A. de). Courses on Ancient Monuments; history of art in the West of France. 6 volumes. Paris and Caen, 1830–41, 8vo, with atlas in oblong 4to.
Choisy (A.). L'Art de Bâtir chez les Romains. Paris, 1873, 4to. (For the use of bricks and tiles.)
Choisy (A.). The Art of Building in Ancient Rome. Paris, 1873, 4to. (For using bricks and tiles.)
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1863, etc., fol. In progress. The portions of the published volumes giving the inscriptions on vases, tiles, and lamps, under the heading Instrumentum Domesticum, are invaluable, especially vol. xv. (by H. Dressel) relating to Rome. (C.I.L.)
Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum. Berlin, 1863, etc., fol. Ongoing. The sections of the published volumes that provide the inscriptions on vases, tiles, and lamps, under the title Home Tool, are invaluable, especially volume xv. (by H. Dressel) concerning Rome. (C.I.L.)
Déchelette (J.). Les Vases céramiques ornés de la Gaule romaine (Narbonnaise, Aquitaine, et Lyonnaise). 2 vols. Paris, 1904, 4to. An invaluable survey of the pottery of Central and Southern Gaul, with much new material. (Déchelette.)
Recycling center (J.). Decorative Ceramic Vases from Roman Gaul (Narbonnaise, Aquitaine, et Lyonnaise). 2 vols. Paris, 1904, 4to. An invaluable overview of the pottery from Central and Southern Gaul, featuring a lot of new material. (Déchelette.)
Fabroni (A.). Storia degli antichi vasi fittili aretini. Arezzo, 1841, 8vo. (On the Arretine wares.)
Fabroni (A.). History of the Ancient Aretine Clay Vases. Arezzo, 1841, 8vo. (On the Arretine wares.)
Guildhall Museum. See London.
Guildhall Museum. See London.
Hölder (O.). Formen der römische Thongefässe, diesseits und jenseits der Alpen. Stuttgart, 1897, 8vo.
Hölder (O.). Types of Roman Clay Pots, on This Side and Beyond the Alps. Stuttgart, 1897, 8vo.
Koenen (K.). Gefässkunde der vorrömischen, römischen, und frankischen Zeit in den Rheinlanden. Bonn, 1895, 8vo.
Koenen (K.). Vascular Studies of Pre-Roman, Roman, and Frankish Periods in the Rhineland. Bonn, 1895, 8vo.
London (Guildhall Museum). Catalogue of the Collection of London Antiquities in the Guildhall Museum. London, 1903, 8vo.
London (Guildhall Museum). Catalogue of the Collection of London Antiquities in the Guildhall Museum. London, 1903, 8vo.
—— (Museum of Practical Geology). Handbook to the collection of British Pottery and Porcelain in the Museum. London, 1893, 8vo.
—— (Museum of Practical Geology). Handbook to the Collection of British Pottery and Porcelain in the Museum. London, 1893, 8vo.
Marini (G.). Iscrizioni antiche doliari, edited by G. B. de Rossi and H. Dressel. Rome, 1884, 4to.
Marini (G.). Ancient inscriptions on dolia, edited by G. B. de Rossi and H. Dressel. Rome, 1884, 4to.
Marquardt (J.). Handbuch der römischen Alterthümer (with T. Mommsen). Bd. vii., Privatalterthümer. Leipzig, 1879–82, 8vo. See p. 616 ff. for Roman pottery.
Marquardt (J.). Guide to Roman Antiquities (with T. Mommsen). Vol. vii., Private Antiquities. Leipzig, 1879–82, 8vo. See p. 616 ff. for Roman pottery.
Mazard (H. A.). De la connaissance par les anciens des glaçures plombifères. Paris, 1879, 8vo. (On the enamelled Roman wares described in Vol. I. p. 129.)
Mazard (H. A.). On Ancient Knowledge of Lead Glazes. Paris, 1879, 8vo. (On the enamelled Roman wares described in Vol. I. p. 129.)
Middleton (J. H.). The Remains of Ancient Rome. 2 vols. London, 1892, 8vo. (On the use of bricks and tiles at Rome.)
Middleton (J. H.). The Remains of Ancient Rome. 2 vols. London, 1892, 8vo. (On the use of bricks and tiles in Rome.)
Plicque (A. E.). Étude de Céramique arverno-romaine. Caen, 1887, 8vo. (On the potteries of Lezoux.)
Plicque (A. E.). Arverni-Roman Ceramics Study. Caen, 1887, 8vo. (On the potteries of Lezoux.)
Roach-Smith (C). Collectanea Antiqua; etchings and notices of ancient remains, etc. 7 vols. London, 1848–80, 8vo. Useful for records of discoveries of Roman remains in Gaul and Britain.
Roach-Smith (C). Collectanea Antiqua; etchings and details of ancient remains, etc. 7 volumes. London, 1848–80, 8vo. Helpful for documentation of discoveries of Roman remains in Gaul and Britain.
—— Illustrations of Roman London. London, 1859, 4to.
—— Illustrations of Roman London. London, 1859, 4to.
Steiner (J. W. C). Codex Inscriptionum Romanarum Danubii et Rheni. 4 vols. Darmstadt, etc., 1851–61, 8vo. Contains many inscriptions on pottery and tiles not as yet published in the C.I.L.
Steiner (J. W. C). Codex Inscriptionum Romanarum Danubii et Rheni. 4 vols. Darmstadt, etc., 1851–61, 8vo. Includes many inscriptions on pottery and tiles that haven't been published in the C.I.L. yet.
Victoria County History of England, ed. by W. Page, etc. In progress. London, 1900, etc. Articles in the first volume of each separate county history, by F. Haverfield, dealing with all known Roman remains. Those of Northants and Hampshire are especially useful and complete.
Victoria County History of England, ed. by W. Page, etc. In progress. London, 1900, etc. Articles in the first volume of each separate county history, by F. Haverfield, covering all known Roman remains. The sections on Northants and Hampshire are particularly useful and thorough.
Wright (T.). The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon. Fourth edn., 1885. Still useful as a summary of Roman Britain, though out of date and inaccurate in many particulars.
Wright (T.). The Celt, the Roman, and the Saxon. Fourth edn., 1885. Still valuable as an overview of Roman Britain, although it's outdated and incorrect in many details.
Reference should also be made to the Bonner Jahrbücher (see above, p. xix), especially to the treatise by Dragendorff in vol. xcvi., and for German pottery to Von Hefner’s article in Oberbayrische Archiv für vaterlandische Geschichte, xxii. (1863), p. 1 ff.
Reference should also be made to the Bonner Yearbooks (see above, p. xix), especially to the essay by Dragendorff in vol. xcvi, and for German pottery to Von Hefner’s article in Oberbayrisches Archiv für Heimatgeschichte, xxii. (1863), p. 1 ff.
NOTE ON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THIS WORK
B.F. = Black-figured vases.
B.F. = Black-figure vases.
R.F. = Red-figured vases.
R.F. = Red-figure vases.
B.M. = British Museum.
B.M. = British Museum.
Reinach = Reinach’s Répertoire des Vases (see Bibliography).
Reinach = Reinach’s Vase Directory (see Bibliography).
In the cases where particular vases are cited, as in Chapters XII.-XV., the name of the museum is given with the catalogue number attached, as B.M. B 1; Louvre G 2; Berlin 2000, etc. The vases in the Vatican Museum at Rome are quoted as Helbig, 1, 2, 3, etc. (see Bibliography, under Rome).
In the instances where specific vases are mentioned, like in Chapters XII.-XV., the name of the museum is provided along with the catalogue number, such as B.M. B 1; Louvre G 2; Berlin 2000, etc. The vases in the Vatican Museum in Rome are referenced as Helbig, 1, 2, 3, etc. (see Bibliography, under Rome).
All other abbreviations will be found in the Bibliography.
All other abbreviations can be found in the Bibliography.
PART I
GREEK POTTERY IN GENERAL
CHAPTER I
INTRODUCTORY
Importance of study of ancient monuments—Value of pottery as evidence of early civilisation—Invention of the art—Use of brick in Babylonia—The potter’s wheel—Enamel and glazes—Earliest Greek pottery—Use of study of vases—Ethnological, historical, mythological, and artistic aspects—Earliest writings on the subject—The “Etruscan” theory—History of the study of Greek vases—Artistic, epexegetic, and historical methods—The vase-collections of Europe and their history—List of existing collections.
Importance of studying ancient monuments—Value of pottery as evidence of early civilization—Invention of the art—Use of brick in Babylonia—The potter’s wheel—Enamel and glazes—Earliest Greek pottery—Benefits of studying vases—Ethnological, historical, mythological, and artistic aspects—Earliest writings on the subject—The “Etruscan” theory—History of the study of Greek vases—Artistic, explanatory, and historical methods—The vase collections of Europe and their history—List of existing collections.
The present age is above all an age of Discovery. The thirst for knowledge manifests itself in all directions—theological, scientific, geographical, historical, and antiquarian. The handiwork of Nature and of Man alike are called upon to yield up their secrets to satisfy the universal demand which has arisen from the spread of education and the ever-increasing desire for culture which is one of the characteristics of the present day. And though, perhaps, the science of Archaeology does not command as many adherents as other branches of learning, there is still a very general desire to enquire into the records of the past, to learn what we can of the methods of our forefathers, and to trace the influence of their writings or other evidences of their existence on succeeding ages.
The current era is, above all, an age of Discovery. The desire for knowledge appears in all areas—religious, scientific, geographical, historical, and antique. Both Nature and Humanity are urged to reveal their secrets to meet the widespread demand that has arisen from the expansion of education and the growing thirst for culture that defines our time. And although the field of Archaeology may not attract as many followers as other areas of study, there is still a strong interest in exploring the records of the past, understanding the methods of our ancestors, and tracing how their writings or other evidence of their existence have influenced later generations.
To many of us what is known as a classical education seems perhaps in these utilitarian times somewhat antiquated and unnecessary, but at the same time “the glory that was Greece and the grandeur that was Rome” have not lost their interest for us, and can awaken responsive chords in most of our hearts. Nor can we ever be quite forgetful of the debt that we owe to those nations in almost every branch of human learning and industry. To take the most patent instance of all, that of our language, it is not too much to say that nearly every word is either directly derived from a classical source or can be shown to have etymological affinities with either of the two ancient tongues. Nor is it necessary to pursue illustrations further. We need only point to the evidences of classical influence on modern literature, modern philosophy, and modern political and social institutions, to indicate how our civilisation is permeated and saturated with the results of ancient ideas and thoughts. The man of science has recourse to Greek or Latin for his nomenclature; the scholar employs Latin as the most appropriate vehicle for criticism; and modern architecture was for a long time only a revival (whether successful or not) of the principles and achievements of the classical genius.
To many of us, what we call a classical education might seem a bit outdated and unnecessary in today's practical world. However, the beauty of Greece and the greatness of Rome still captivate us and resonate with many of our hearts. We cannot forget the debt we owe those civilizations in almost every area of human knowledge and industry. For example, in our language, it's fair to say that nearly every word comes from classical sources or has connections to those two ancient languages. There's no need to find more examples. Just look at the evidence of classical influence on modern literature, philosophy, and political and social systems to see how deeply our civilization is influenced by ancient ideas and thoughts. Scientists rely on Greek or Latin for naming things; scholars use Latin as the best way to critique; and for a long time, modern architecture was simply a revival (whether successful or not) of the principles and achievements of classical genius.
Now, those who would pursue the study of a nation’s history cannot be content with the mere perusal of such literary records as it may have left behind. It needs brief consideration to realise that this leaves us equipped with very little real knowledge of an ancient race, inasmuch as the range of literature is necessarily limited, and deals with only a few sides of the national character: its military history, its political constitution, or its intellectual and philosophical bent—in short, its external and public life alone. He who would thoroughly investigate the history of a nation instinctively desires something more; he will seek to gain a comprehensive acquaintance with its social life, its religious beliefs, its artistic and intellectual attainments, and generally to estimate the extent of its culture and civilisation. But to do this it is necessary not only to be thoroughly conversant with its literary and historical records, but to turn attention also to its monuments. It need hardly be said that the word “monument” is here used in the quasi-technical sense current among archaeologists (witness the German use of the word Denkmäler), and that it must bear here a much wider signification than is generally accorded to it nowadays. It may, in fact, be applied to any object which has come down to us as a memorial and evidence of a nation’s productive capacity or as an illustration of its social or political life. The student of antiquity can adopt no better motto than the familiar line of Terence:
Now, those who want to study a nation’s history can’t just rely on the literary records it has left behind. It takes a moment to realize that this approach provides very little real knowledge of an ancient people because the range of literature is naturally limited and only covers a few aspects of the national character: its military history, political structure, or intellectual and philosophical leanings—in short, only its external and public life. Anyone who truly wants to explore a nation’s history instinctively seeks more; they will look to understand its social life, religious beliefs, artistic and intellectual achievements, and generally assess the depth of its culture and civilization. But to achieve this, it's essential not only to be familiar with its literary and historical records but also to pay attention to its monuments. It goes without saying that the term “monument” is used here in a quasi-technical sense common among archaeologists (consider the German term Monuments), and it must have a broader meaning here than what it typically has today. It can actually refer to any object that has survived as a memorial and evidence of a nation’s productive capacity or as an illustration of its social or political life. A student of antiquity can adopt no better motto than the well-known line from Terence:
For the very humblest product of the human brain or hand, a potsherd or a few letters scratched on a stone, may throw the most instructive light on the history of a race.
For even the simplest creation from the human mind or hand, like a broken piece of pottery or a few letters carved into a stone, can provide valuable insights into the history of a people.
In no instance is this better seen than in the case of Assyria, where almost all that we know of that great and wonderful people is derived from the cuneiform inscriptions scratched on tablets of baked clay. Or, again, we may cite the stone and bronze implements of the primitive peoples of Europe as another instance where “the weak and base things of the world and the things that are despised” have thrown floods of light on the condition of things in a period about which we should have been completely in the dark so long as we looked only to literary records for our information. Nothing is so common that it may be overlooked, and we may learn more from a humble implement in daily use than from the finest product of a poetic or artistic intellect, if we are really desirous of obtaining an intimate acquaintance with the domestic life of a people.
This is best illustrated by the case of Assyria, where almost everything we know about that great and remarkable civilization comes from the cuneiform writings carved on baked clay tablets. Similarly, we can look at the stone and bronze tools of early European societies as another example where “the weak and lowly things of the world and the things that are overlooked” have provided significant insights into a period we would have been entirely ignorant of if we only relied on literary sources for information. Nothing is so common that it can be ignored, and we can learn more from a simple tool used in everyday life than from the most exquisite work of poetry or art, if we truly want to gain a deep understanding of a people's domestic life.
Among the simplest yet most necessary adjuncts of a developing civilisation Pottery may be recognised as one of the most universal. The very earliest and rudest remains of any people generally take the form of coarse and common pots, in which they cooked their food or consumed their beverages. And the fact that such vast quantities of pottery from all ancient civilisations have been preserved to us is due partly to its comparatively imperishable nature, partly to the absence of any intrinsic value which saved it from falling a prey to the ravages of fire, human greed, or other causes which have destroyed more precious monuments, such as gold ornaments, paintings, and statues of marble or bronze. Moreover, it is always in the pottery that we perceive the first indications of whatever artistic instinct a race possesses, clay being a material so easy to decorate and so readily lending itself to plastic treatment for the creation of new forms or development from simple to elaborate shapes.
Among the simplest yet most essential parts of a growing civilization, pottery stands out as one of the most universal. The earliest and most basic remains of any group of people usually come in the form of rough and common pots, which they used to cook their food or enjoy their drinks. The fact that so much pottery from all ancient civilizations has survived is partly because it is relatively durable, and partly because it lacks any intrinsic value, which protected it from destruction by fire, human greed, or other factors that have ruined more valuable items like gold jewelry, paintings, and marble or bronze statues. Additionally, it’s in pottery that we first see any artistic talent a culture may have, as clay is a material that is easy to decorate and can easily be shaped into new forms, evolving from simple to more complex designs.
To trace the history of the art of working in clay, from its rise amongst the oldest nations of antiquity to the period of the decline of the Roman Empire, is the object of the present work. The subject resolves itself into two great divisions, which have engaged the attention of two distinct classes of enquirers: namely, the technical or practical part, comprising all the details of material, manipulation, and processes; and, secondly, the historical portion, which embraces not only the history of the art itself, and the application of ancient literature to its elucidation, but also an account of the light thrown by monuments in clay on the history of mankind. Such an investigation is therefore neither trifling in character nor deficient in valuable results.
This work aims to explore the history of clay art, from its beginnings with the oldest civilizations to the decline of the Roman Empire. The topic can be divided into two main sections that have captured the interest of two different groups of researchers: first, the technical or practical side, which includes all the details related to materials, techniques, and processes; and second, the historical side, which not only covers the art's history and the use of ancient texts to explain it but also examines how clay artifacts contribute to our understanding of human history. Therefore, this investigation is neither insignificant nor lacking in valuable insights.
It is impossible to determine when the manufacture of pottery was invented. Clay is a material so generally diffused, and its plastic nature is so easily discovered, that the art of working it does not exceed the intelligence of the rudest savage. Even the most primitive graves of Europe and Western Asia contain specimens of pottery, rude and elementary indeed, but in sufficient quantities to show that it was at all times reckoned among the indispensable adjuncts of daily life.
It’s impossible to know exactly when pottery was first made. Clay is a material that’s found almost everywhere, and its moldable nature is easy to recognize, so making things from it isn’t beyond the understanding of even the simplest person. Even the earliest burial sites in Europe and Western Asia have examples of pottery—basic and simple, yes, but enough to show that it has always been considered a necessary part of daily life.
It is said that the very earliest specimens of pottery, hand-made and almost shapeless, have been discovered in the cave-dwellings of Palaeolithic Man, such as the Höhlefels cave near Ulm, and that of Nabrigas, near Toulouse; and pottery has also been found in the “kitchen-middens” of Denmark, which belong to this period. Such relics are, however, so rude and fragmentary, and so much doubt has been cast on the circumstances of their discovery, that it is better to be content with the evidence afforded by the Neolithic Age, of which perhaps the best authenticated is the predynastic pottery of Egypt.[1]
It’s said that the earliest pieces of pottery, which were handmade and quite misshapen, have been found in the cave dwellings of Palaeolithic humans, like the Höhlefels cave near Ulm and the Nabrigas cave near Toulouse. Pottery has also been discovered in the “kitchen-middens” of Denmark from this time period. However, these relics are so crude and fragmented, and there is so much uncertainty about how they were found, that it’s better to rely on the evidence from the Neolithic Age, of which the best-documented example is probably the predynastic pottery of Egypt.[1]
Abundant specimens of pottery have been found in long barrows in all parts of Western Europe; these are supposed to be the burial-places of the early dolichocephalic races, now represented by the Finns and Lapps, which preceded the Aryan immigration. The chief characteristic of this pottery is the almost entire absence of ornamentation. Neolithic man appears to have been far less endowed with the artistic instinct than his palaeolithic predecessor. Where ornament does occur, it appears to have a quite fortuitous origin: for instance, a kind of rope-pattern that appears on the earliest pottery of Britain and Germany, and also in America, owes its origin to the practice of moulding the clay in a kind of basket of bark or thread. It is also possible that cords of some kind were used for carrying the pots; and this reminds us of another characteristic of the earliest pottery, which, indeed, lasts down to the Bronze Age—namely, the absence of handles.
Abundant pottery has been discovered in long barrows throughout Western Europe; these are thought to be burial sites of the early dolichocephalic races, now represented by the Finns and Lapps, who existed before the Aryan migration. The main feature of this pottery is its almost complete lack of decoration. Neolithic people seemed to have had much less artistic instinct than their Paleolithic predecessors. When decoration does appear, it seems to originate by chance; for example, a type of rope pattern seen on the earliest pottery in Britain and Germany, as well as in America, comes from the practice of shaping clay in a basket made of bark or thread. It’s also possible that some type of cord was used to carry the pots, which highlights another feature of the earliest pottery that persisted into the Bronze Age—namely, the absence of handles.
The baking of clay, so as to produce an indestructible and tenacious substance, was probably also the result of accident rather than design. This was pointed out as long ago as the middle of the eighteenth century by M. Goguet. In most countries the condition of the atmosphere precludes the survival of sun-dried clay for any length of time; moreover, such a material was more suitable for architecture (as we shall see later) than for vessels destined to hold liquids. Thus it is that Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia alone have transmitted to posterity the early efforts of workers in sun-dried clay.
The process of baking clay to create a durable and strong material likely happened by accident rather than intentional design. This observation was made back in the mid-eighteenth century by M. Goguet. In many places, the climate does not allow for sun-dried clay to last very long; in addition, that type of material was more fitting for building (as we will discuss later) than for containers meant to hold liquids. As a result, only Egypt, Assyria, and Babylonia have passed down to future generations the initial attempts of craftsmen using sun-dried clay.
To return to the new invention. The savage conceivably found that the calabash or gourd in which he boiled the water for his simple culinary needs was liable to be damaged by the action of fire; and it required no very advanced mental process to smear the exterior of the vessel with some such substance as clay in order to protect it. As he found that the surface of the clay was thereby rendered hard and impervious, his next step would naturally be to dispense with the calabash and mould the clay into a similar form. These two simple qualities of clay, its plastic nature and its susceptibility to the action of fire, are the two elements which form the basis of the whole development of the potter’s art.
To go back to the new invention. The early person probably noticed that the calabash or gourd he used to boil water for cooking could be damaged by fire; it didn’t take much thought to coat the outside of the vessel with something like clay to protect it. When he realized that the clay surface became hard and waterproof, his next move would naturally be to skip the calabash and shape the clay into a similar form. These two basic properties of clay, its malleability and its reaction to fire, are the foundation of the entire development of pottery.
From the necessity for symmetrical buildings arose the invention of the brick, which must have superseded the rude plastering of the hut with clay, to protect it against the sun or storm. In the history of the Semitic nations the brick appears among the earliest inventions, and its use can be traced with various modifications, from the building of the Tower of Babel to the present day. It is essential that bricks should be symmetrical, and their form is generally rectangular. Their geometrical shape affords us a clue to ancient units of measurement, and the various inscriptions with which they have been stamped have elevated them to the dignity of historical monuments. Thus the bricks of Egypt not only afford testimony, by their composition of straw and clay, that the writer of Exodus was acquainted with that country, but also, by the hieroglyphs impressed upon them, transmit the names of a series of kings, and testify to the existence of edifices, all knowledge of which, except for these relics, would have utterly perished. Those of Assyria and Babylon, in addition to the same information, have, by their cuneiform inscriptions, which mention the locality of the edifices for which they were made, afforded the means of tracing the sites of ancient Mesopotamia and Assyria with an accuracy unattainable by any other means. The Roman bricks have also borne their testimony to history. A large number of them present a series of the names of consuls of imperial Rome; while others show that the proud nobility of the eternal city partly derived their revenues from the kilns of their Campanian and Sabine estates.
From the need for symmetrical buildings came the invention of brick, which must have replaced the crude plastering of huts with clay to protect them from the sun and storms. In the history of Semitic nations, brick is one of the earliest inventions, and its use can be traced through various modifications, from the construction of the Tower of Babel to today. It's important for bricks to be symmetrical, and they are usually rectangular. Their geometric shape gives us clues about ancient units of measurement, and the various inscriptions on them have made them valuable historical artifacts. For example, the bricks from Egypt not only show, through their mixture of straw and clay, that the writer of Exodus was familiar with that region, but also, through the hieroglyphs stamped on them, they record the names of several kings and confirm the existence of buildings that would have been completely forgotten without these relics. The bricks from Assyria and Babylon provide similar information, and their cuneiform inscriptions, which name the locations of the structures they were made for, have allowed us to pinpoint the sites of ancient Mesopotamia and Assyria with an accuracy that can't be achieved by any other means. Roman bricks have also contributed to history, with many carrying the names of consuls from imperial Rome, while others reveal that the proud nobility of the eternal city partially made their wealth from the kilns on their estates in Campania and Sabine.
From the next step in the progress of the manufacture—namely, that of modelling in clay the forms of the physical world—arose the plastic art. Delicate as is the touch of the finger, which the clay seems to obey, almost as if comprehending the intention of the potter’s mind, yet certain forms and ornaments which require a finer point than the nail gave rise to the use of pieces of horn, wood, and metal, and thus contributed to the invention of tools. But modelling in clay was soon superseded by sculpture in stone and metal, and at length only answered two subordinate ends: that of enabling the sculptor to elaborate his first conceptions in a material which could be modified at will; and that of readily producing works of a small and inexpensive form, for some transitory purpose. The invention of the mould carried this last application to perfection, and the terracottas of antiquity were as numerous and as cheap as the plaster casts now sold by itinerants.
From the next step in the progress of manufacturing—specifically, shaping the forms of the physical world in clay—came the art of sculpture. The delicate touch of the finger seems to make the clay respond, almost as if it understands the potter’s intent. However, certain designs and details that require more precision than a fingernail led to the use of materials like horn, wood, and metal, which contributed to the invention of tools. Eventually, shaping clay was replaced by sculpture in stone and metal, and it primarily served two secondary purposes: allowing the sculptor to refine initial ideas in a material that could be easily adjusted and enabling the production of small and affordable works for temporary use. The invention of the mold perfected this last use, making the terracottas of ancient times as plentiful and inexpensive as the plaster casts sold by street vendors today.
The materials used for writing have varied in different ages and nations. Stone and bronze, linen and papyrus, wax and parchment, have all been used. But the Assyrians and Babylonians employed for their public archives, their astronomical computations, their religious dedications, their historical annals, and even for title-deeds and bills of exchange, tablets, cylinders, and hexagonal prisms of terracotta. Some of these cylinders, still extant, contain the history of the Assyrian monarchs Tiglath-pileser and Assurbanipal, and the campaign of Sennacherib against the kingdom of Judah; and others, excavated from the Birs Nimrud, give a detailed account of the dedication of the great temple by Nebuchadnezzar to the seven planets. To this indestructible material, and to the happy idea of employing it in this manner, the present age is indebted for a detailed history of the Assyrian monarchy; whilst the decades of Livy, the plays of Menander, and the lays of Anakreon, confided to a more perishable material, have either wholly or partly disappeared.
The materials used for writing have changed over time and across different cultures. Stone and bronze, linen and papyrus, wax and parchment have all been utilized. However, the Assyrians and Babylonians relied on tablets, cylinders, and hexagonal prisms made of terracotta for their public records, astronomical calculations, religious inscriptions, historical records, and even for legal documents and bills of exchange. Some of these cylinders that still exist contain the histories of Assyrian kings Tiglath-pileser and Assurbanipal, as well as the military campaign of Sennacherib against the kingdom of Judah. Others, dug up from Birs Nimrud, provide a detailed account of Nebuchadnezzar's dedication of the grand temple to the seven planets. Thanks to this durable material and the clever idea of using it in this way, we have a detailed history of the Assyrian monarchy today; meanwhile, the decades of Livy, the plays of Menander, and the poems of Anacreon, recorded on less durable materials, have largely or completely vanished.
The application of clay to the making of vases was made effective by the invention of the potter’s wheel. Before the introduction of the wheel only vessels fashioned by the hand, and of rude unsymmetrical shape, could have been made. But the application of a circular table or lathe, laid horizontally and revolving on a central pivot, on which the clay was placed, and to which it adhered, was in its day a truly wonderful advance. As the wheel spun round, all combinations of oval, spherical, and cylindrical forms could be produced, and the vases not only became symmetrical in their proportions, but truthfully reproduced the potter’s conception. The invention of the wheel has been ascribed to all the great nations of antiquity. It is represented in full activity in the Egyptian sculptures; it is mentioned in the Scriptures, and was certainly in use at an early period in Assyria. The Greeks and Romans attributed it to a Scythian philosopher, and to the states of Athens, Corinth, and Sikyon, the first two of which were great rivals in the ceramic art. But, as will be explained hereafter, it was introduced at a very early stage in the history of civilisation upon Greek soil (see p. 206).
The use of clay to create vases became practical with the invention of the potter’s wheel. Before the wheel came along, only handcrafted vessels with rough, uneven shapes could be made. The introduction of a circular table or lathe, placed horizontally and rotating on a central pivot, where the clay was positioned and stuck, represented a remarkable advancement for its time. As the wheel turned, various shapes like ovals, spheres, and cylinders could be created, and the vases not only became proportionately symmetrical but also accurately reflected the potter’s vision. The invention of the wheel has been credited to several great ancient civilizations. It is depicted in action in Egyptian sculptures, mentioned in the Scriptures, and was definitely in use early on in Assyria. The Greeks and Romans attributed it to a Scythian philosopher and to the city-states of Athens, Corinth, and Sikyon, the first two of which were significant competitors in ceramic art. However, as will be discussed later, it was introduced very early in the history of civilization in Greece (see p. 206).
Although none of the very ancient kilns have survived the destructive influence of time, yet among all the great nations baked earthenware is of the highest antiquity. In Egypt, in the tombs of the first dynasties, vases and other remains of baked earthenware are abundantly found; and in Assyria and Babylon even the oldest bricks and tablets have passed through the furnace. The oldest remains of Hellenic pottery in all cases owe their preservation to their having been subjected to the action of fire. To this process, as to the consummation of the art, the other processes of preparing, levigating, kneading, drying, and moulding the clay were necessarily ancillary.
Though none of the very ancient kilns have survived the destructive effects of time, baked earthenware is among the oldest forms of craft in all the great nations. In Egypt, the tombs from the earliest dynasties reveal plenty of vases and other remnants of baked earthenware; and in Assyria and Babylon, even the oldest bricks and tablets were fired in a kiln. The oldest examples of Hellenic pottery have survived mainly because they were exposed to fire. This firing process, as the pinnacle of the art, was supported by the other steps of preparing, grinding, kneading, drying, and shaping the clay.
The desire of rendering terracotta less porous, and of producing vases capable of retaining liquids, gave rise to the covering of it with a vitreous enamel or glaze. The invention of glass was attributed by the ancients to the Phoenicians; but opaque glass or enamels, as old as the Eighteenth Dynasty, and enamelled objects as early as the Fourth, have been found in Egypt. The employment of copper to produce a brilliant blue-coloured enamel was very early both in Babylonia and Assyria; but the use of tin for a white enamel, as discovered in the enamelled bricks and vases of Babylonia and Assyria, anticipated by many centuries the rediscovery of that process in Europe in the fifteenth century, and shows the early application of metallic oxides. This invention apparently remained for many centuries a secret among the Eastern nations only, enamelled terracotta and glass forming articles of commercial export from Egypt and Phoenicia to every part of the Mediterranean. Among the Egyptians and Assyrians enamelling was used more frequently than glazing; hence they used a kind of faience consisting of a loose frit or body, to which an enamel adheres after only a slight fusion. After the fall of the Roman Empire, the art of enamelling terracotta disappeared except amongst the Arab and Moorish races, who had retained a traditionary knowledge of the process. The application of a transparent vitreous coating, or glaze, to the entire surface, like the varnish of a picture, is also to be referred to a high antiquity. Originally intended to improve the utility of the vase, it was used by Greeks and Romans with a keen sense of the decorative effects that could be derived from its use.
The desire to make terracotta less porous and create vases that could hold liquids led to covering it with a glassy enamel or glaze. The invention of glass was credited to the Phoenicians by ancient people; however, opaque glass or enamels, some as old as the Eighteenth Dynasty, and enameled objects dating back to the Fourth Dynasty have been discovered in Egypt. The use of copper to create a bright blue enamel was seen very early on in Babylonia and Assyria; however, using tin for white enamel, as found in the enameled bricks and vases of Babylonia and Assyria, predates the revival of that technique in Europe by many centuries and shows the early use of metallic oxides. This invention seemed to remain a secret among Eastern nations for many centuries, with enameled terracotta and glass becoming key exports from Egypt and Phoenicia to various parts of the Mediterranean. In Egypt and Assyria, enameling was more commonly used than glazing, leading to the creation of a type of faience made from a loose frit or body, to which enamel adhered with just a slight heat application. After the Roman Empire fell, the art of enameling terracotta disappeared except among the Arab and Moorish peoples, who maintained an inherited knowledge of the process. The application of a transparent glassy coating, or glaze, over the entire surface, similar to the varnish on a painting, also dates back to ancient times. Initially intended to enhance the vase's usefulness, the Greeks and Romans began using it with a strong appreciation for the decorative effects it could create.
In Greece, although nearly all traces of the Stone Age are wanting, and little pottery has been found which can be referred to that period,[2] yet the earliest existing remains of civilisation are, as we shall see later, in the form of pottery; and Greece is no exception to the general rule. But the important difference between the pottery of Asia and Egypt and that of Greece is that only in the latter was there any development due to artistic feeling. Of the Greek it may be said, as of the medieval craftsman, nihil tetigit quod non ornavit. In the commonest vessel or implement in every-day use we see almost from the first the workings of this artistic instinct, tending to exalt any and every object above the mere level of utilitarianism, and to make it, in addition to its primary purpose of usefulness, “a thing of beauty and a joy for ever.” Feeble and rude it may be at first, and hampered by imperfect knowledge of technique or capacity for expression—but still the instinct is there.
In Greece, although almost all traces of the Stone Age are missing and little pottery from that period has been found,[2] the earliest existing remains of civilization are, as we will see later, in the form of pottery; and Greece follows the general trend. However, the significant difference between the pottery of Asia and Egypt and that of Greece is that only in Greece was there any development driven by artistic sentiment. About the Greeks, it can be said, just like with the medieval craftsman, he touched nothing that he did not beautify. In the most ordinary vessel or tool used every day, we can see from the very beginning the influence of this artistic instinct, which aims to elevate every object beyond mere functionality and to turn it, in addition to its primary purpose of usefulness, into “a thing of beauty and a joy forever.” It may be weak and crude at first, and limited by inadequate knowledge of technique or ability to express it—but the instinct is definitely there.
There is indeed at first but little in Greek pottery to differentiate it from that of other nations possessing any decorative instincts. As M. Pottier[3] has pointed out, there is a universal law which manifests itself in nascent art all over the world: “More than once men have remarked the extraordinary resemblance which the linear decoration of Peruvian, Mexican, and Kabyle vases bears to the ornamentation of the most ancient Greek pottery. There is no possibility of contact between these different peoples, separated by enormous distances of time and space. If they have this common resemblance at the outset of their artistic evolution, it is because all must pass through a certain phase, resulting in some measure from the structure of the human brain. Even so at the present day there are savages in Polynesia who, by means of a point applied to the soft clay, produce patterns exactly similar to those found on Greek or Cypriote pottery of fifteen or twenty centuries before our era.” Or to take a later stage of development, the compositions of vase-paintings of the sixth century B.C. are governed by the same immutable laws of convention and principles of symmetry as the carvings of the Middle Ages. Instances might be multiplied ad infinitum; but the principle is universal.
At first glance, there's not much in Greek pottery that sets it apart from that of other cultures with decorative instincts. As M. Pottier[3] noted, there's a universal principle evident in the early art around the world: “People have often pointed out the striking similarity between the linear designs on Peruvian, Mexican, and Kabyle vases and the decoration of the oldest Greek pottery. There's no chance of these different cultures having communicated, as they're separated by vast distances of time and space. If they share this common similarity in the early stages of their artistic development, it's because all cultures go through a certain phase, influenced in part by the structure of the human brain. Even today, there are Indigenous peoples in Polynesia who, using a pointed tool on soft clay, create patterns that are exactly like those found on Greek or Cypriote pottery from fifteen or twenty centuries before our era.” Or looking at a later stage in development, the designs of vase paintings from the sixth century BCE follow the same unchanging rules of convention and principles of symmetry as the carvings of the Middle Ages. There are countless examples forever; but the principle is universal.
A question that may be well asked by any visitor to a great museum is, What is the use of the study of Greek vases? The answer is, that no remains of Greek art have come down to us in such large quantities, except perhaps coins, and certainly none cover so long a period. Portraying as they do both the objective and subjective side of Greek life, they form perhaps the best introduction to the study of Greek archaeology in general. In no other class of monuments are the daily life and religious beliefs of the Greeks so vividly presented as in the painted vases. Their value to the modern student may be treated under four separate heads: (1) Ethnological; (2) Historical; (3) Mythological; (4) Artistic.
A question that any visitor to a great museum might ask is, what’s the point of studying Greek vases? The answer is that no other remains of Greek art have survived in such large numbers, except maybe coins, and certainly none span such a long period. Because they represent both the objective and subjective aspects of Greek life, they are probably the best introduction to the study of Greek archaeology as a whole. No other type of monument presents the daily life and religious beliefs of the Greeks so vividly as the painted vases. Their value to modern students can be looked at in four distinct ways: (1) Ethnological; (2) Historical; (3) Mythological; (4) Artistic.
(1) Ethnological.—On this subject we have already touched in this chapter, pointing out that pottery has an exceptional importance, not only as one of the most universal and instructive illustrations of the early developments of a single nation, but for purposes of comparison of one nation with another. Sculpture, painting, architecture, and other arts have a more limited range, and tell us nothing of domestic life or social progress; but the common utensils of daily life, like flint implements or bronze weapons, are of incalculable value for the light that they throw on the subject, and the evidence which, in the absence of historical data, they afford. We have also called attention to the prevalence of universal laws acting on the development of the early art of all nations.
(1) Ethnological.—We've already touched on this topic in this chapter, noting that pottery is exceptionally important, not only as one of the most universal and informative examples of the early developments of a single nation, but also for comparing one nation with another. Sculpture, painting, architecture, and other arts have a more limited scope and provide no insights into domestic life or social progress; however, everyday items like flint tools or bronze weapons are invaluable for the insights they offer and the evidence they provide in the absence of historical records. We've also highlighted the existence of universal laws influencing the development of early art across all nations.
Thus in dealing with the early history of Greece, before historical records are available, we are enabled by the pottery-finds to trace the extent of the Mycenaean civilisation, from Egypt to the Western Mediterranean; we may see Homeric customs reflected in the vases of the Geometrical period from Athens; and in the decorative patterns of the succeeding period we may see signs of close intercourse with Assyria and a knowledge of Oriental textile fabrics. The finds in Rhodes, Cyprus, and the islands off Asia Minor also testify to a continued and extensive intercourse between the mainland of Greece and the Eastern Aegean.
So, when looking at the early history of Greece, before we have any historical records, we can use the pottery discoveries to track the reach of Mycenaean civilization, from Egypt to the Western Mediterranean; we can observe Homeric traditions reflected in the vases from the Geometric period in Athens; and in the design patterns of the following period, we can see signs of close connections with Assyria and knowledge of Eastern textiles. The discoveries in Rhodes, Cyprus, and the islands off the coast of Asia Minor also show a lasting and extensive interaction between the mainland of Greece and the Eastern Aegean.
(2) Historical.—The historical value of Greek vases rests partly on the external, partly on the internal evidence that they afford. In the former aspect those of historic times, like those of the primitive age, confirm, if they do not actually supplement, literary records of Greek history. Thus the numerous importations of vases from Corinth to Sicily and Italy in the seventh century B.C. show the maritime importance of that city and the extent of her commercial relations; while in the succeeding century the commercial rivalry between her and Athens is indicated by the appearance of large numbers of Attic fabrics in the tombs of Italy along with the Corinthian; the final supremacy of Athens by the gradual disappearance of the Corinthian wares, and the consequent monopoly enjoyed by the rival state. The fact that after the middle of the fifth century the red-figured Attic vases are seldom found in Sicilian or Italian tombs shows clearly the blow dealt at Athenian commerce by the Peloponnesian War, and the enforced cessation of exports to the west, owing to the hostility of Sicily and the crippling of Athenian navies; and the gradual growth of local fabrics shows that the colonists of Magna Graecia at that time began themselves to supply local demands. Instances might be multiplied.
(2) Historical.—The historical value of Greek vases is partly based on the external and partly on the internal evidence they provide. In terms of external evidence, vases from historical times, like those from the early period, support and often add to the literary records of Greek history. For example, the many imports of vases from Corinth to Sicily and Italy in the seventh century BCE highlight the maritime significance of Corinth and the breadth of its commercial connections. In the following century, the commercial competition between Corinth and Athens is shown by the large number of Attic vases found in Italian tombs alongside Corinthian ones; the eventual dominance of Athens is reflected in the decline of Corinthian pottery and the resulting monopoly held by Athens. The fact that after the mid-fifth century, red-figured Attic vases are rarely found in Sicilian or Italian tombs clearly demonstrates the impact of the Peloponnesian War on Athenian trade, leading to a halt in exports to the west due to the hostility from Sicily and the weakening of Athenian naval power; simultaneously, the growth of local pottery indicates that the settlers in Magna Graecia began to meet their own needs. Many more examples could be noted.
But the internal evidence of the vases is of even greater value, not only for the political, but still more for the social history of Greece. By the application of painting to vases the Greeks made them something more than mere articles of commercial value or daily use. Besides the light they throw on the Greek schools of painting, they have become an inexhaustible source for illustrating the manners, customs, and literature of Greece. A Greek vase-painting—to quote M. Pottier— is not only a work of art, but also an historical document. Even when all artistic qualities are lacking, and the vase at first sight is liable to be regarded as a worthless and uninteresting production, a closer inspection will often reveal some small point which throws light on a question of mythology, or of costume or armour. Or, again, an inscription painted or even scratched on a vase may be of surpassing philological or palaeographical importance. For instance, the earliest inscription known in the Attic alphabet is a graffito on a vase of the seventh century B.C. (see Chapter XVII.), which of itself would command no consideration; but this inscription is valuable not only as evidence for early forms of lettering, but from its subject-matter. It is true that it need not necessarily be contemporary with the vase itself, as it may have been scratched in after it was made, but this cannot detract from its importance or affect its chronological value.
But the information gathered from the vases is even more important, not just for politics, but even more so for the social history of Greece. By applying painting to vases, the Greeks turned them into something more than simple items for trade or everyday use. In addition to shedding light on the Greek schools of painting, they have become an endless source for illustrating Greek customs, traditions, and literature. A Greek vase painting—quoting M. Pottier— is not just a work of art, but also a historical document. Even when it lacks artistic qualities, and the vase might initially seem like a worthless or uninteresting object, a closer look often reveals some detail that offers insight into mythology, costume, or armor. Alternatively, an inscription painted or scratched on a vase can hold significant philological or paleographical importance. For example, the earliest known inscription in the Attic alphabet is a graffito on a seventh-century vase BCE (see Chapter XVII.), which on its own wouldn’t draw much attention; however, this inscription is valuable not just as evidence of early lettering forms but also due to its subject matter. While it doesn't have to be contemporary with the vase itself—it could have been added after it was made—this doesn’t lessen its importance or affect its chronological significance.
(3) Mythological.—On this head reference must again be made to the chapters on Subjects, as affording ample evidence of the importance of the vases not only for the elucidation of Greek mythology and legend, but also for religious cults and beliefs. One other point, however, is worth noting here. Our knowledge of Greek mythology, if only derived from literary records, rests largely on the compilations of Roman or late writers, such as Ovid, Hyginus, and Apollodoros. It has been aptly pointed out by a recent writer[4] that in these authors we have mythology in a crystallised form, modified and systematised, and perhaps confused with Latin elements, and that our popular modern notions are mainly derived from these sources as they have been filtered down to us through the medium of Lemprière’s Dictionary and similar works. But vase-paintings are more or less original and contemporary documents. Granted that it is possible to run to the opposite extreme and accept art traditions to the utter neglect of the literary tradition as derived from Homer and the Tragedians, the fact still remains that for suggestions, and for raising problems that could never have arisen through a literary medium, the evidence of vases is of inestimable value.
(3) Mythological.—In this regard, we should refer again to the chapters on Subjects, which provide clear evidence of the significance of the vases not just for understanding Greek mythology and legends, but also for recognizing religious practices and beliefs. One more point is worth mentioning here. Our understanding of Greek mythology, if derived solely from literary sources, mainly comes from the compilations of Roman or later writers like Ovid, Hyginus, and Apollodoros. A recent writer[4] has rightly noted that these authors present mythology in a fixed form, altered and organized, and possibly mixed with Latin elements, and that our modern popular ideas are largely based on these sources as they have been passed down to us through works like Lemprière’s Dictionary. However, vase paintings serve as more or less original and contemporary documents. While it is possible to go to the other extreme and overlook the literary tradition from Homer and the Tragedians in favor of art traditions, it remains true that for suggestions and for raising questions that could never emerge from literary sources, the evidence of vases is incredibly valuable.
In regard to Greek religious beliefs, it should be borne in mind that with the Greeks art was the language by which they expressed their ideas of the gods. It was thus largely due to their religion that they attained supremacy in the plastic art, and their absolute freedom of treatment of their religious beliefs almost eliminated the hieratic and conventional character of Oriental art from their own, with its infinite variety of conceptions. The vase-paintings, almost more than any other class of monuments, reveal the universal religious sentiment which pervaded their life—the δεισιδαιμονία which prevailed even in Romanised Athens. Thus the vases constitute a pictorial commentary on all aspects of Greek life and thought.[5]
Regarding Greek religious beliefs, it's important to remember that for the Greeks, art was the way they expressed their ideas about the gods. Their religion played a major role in their mastery of sculpture, and their complete freedom in representing their beliefs nearly removed the rigid and conventional aspects of Eastern art, offering a vast range of interpretations instead. The vase paintings, perhaps more than any other type of monument, reveal the deep religious feelings that influenced their lives—the superstition that even existed in Romanized Athens. Therefore, the vases serve as a visual commentary on all facets of Greek life and thought.[5]
(4) Artistic.—(a) Form. In the grace of their artistic forms the Greeks have excelled all nations, either past or present. The beauty and simplicity of the shapes of their vases have caused them to be taken as models; but as every civilised people has received from other sources forms sanctioned by time, and as many of the Greek forms cannot be adapted to the requirements of modern use, they have not been extensively imitated. Yet to every eye familiar with works of art of the higher order their beauty is fully apparent.
(4) Artistic.—(a) Form. The Greeks have surpassed all nations, both past and present, in the grace of their artistic forms. The beauty and simplicity of their vase shapes have made them models for others. However, since every civilized people has adopted forms from various sources that have stood the test of time, and since many Greek forms are not suitable for modern needs, they haven't been widely imitated. Still, to anyone acquainted with higher-order art, their beauty is clearly evident.
(b) Decoration. It is at first difficult to realise how little we actually know of Greek painting. Our modern museums are so full of specimens of Greek sculpture, either originals or ancient copies of masterpieces, that we feel it possible to obtain an adequate idea of the genius of Pheidias or Praxiteles at first-hand, so to speak. But ancient literature clearly shows that painting was held by the Greeks in equally high estimation with sculpture, if not even higher. Consult the writings of the elder Pliny on ancient art. A considerable space is there devoted to the account of the great painters Zeuxis, Apelles, and Parrhasios, while Pheidias is barely mentioned, and the account of Praxiteles’ works is far from complete. Yet we look in vain through most modern collections for any specimen of Greek painting on fresco or panel.
(b) Decoration. It’s initially hard to understand how little we actually know about Greek painting. Our modern museums are filled with examples of Greek sculpture, either originals or ancient replicas of masterpieces, making it seem possible to get a clear picture of the genius of Pheidias or Praxiteles up close. However, ancient literature clearly indicates that the Greeks valued painting just as highly as sculpture, if not more. Take a look at the writings of the elder Pliny on ancient art. A significant portion is dedicated to the great painters Zeuxis, Apelles, and Parrhasios, while Pheidias is barely mentioned, and the information on Praxiteles’ works is far from complete. Yet, we search in vain through most modern collections for any examples of Greek painting on fresco or panel.
This is, of course, due to the perishable character of pictures and the destruction of the buildings on the walls of which the great frescoes were preserved. But the fact remains that we have to look in other directions for the evidence we require to find. We have here and there a painted Greek tombstone, a Pompeian fresco, or the decoration of an Etruscan sepulchre to give us a hint; but while the first-named are far too inconsiderable in number to give us any idea of the art of their time, the two latter are merely products of an imitative art, giving but a faint echo of the originals.
This is mainly because pictures fade over time and the buildings that held the great frescoes have been destroyed. However, we still need to search elsewhere for the evidence we need to find. Here and there, we have painted Greek tombstones, a Pompeian fresco, or decorations from an Etruscan tomb to provide some clues; but while the first type is far too few in number to give us any real insight into the art of that era, the other two are just imitations, offering only a faint reflection of the originals.
Now, in the vases we have, as noted in regard to mythology, contemporary evidence. It must never be forgotten that vase-painting is essentially a decorative art; but, as we shall see later in tracing its historical development, there is always a tendency to ignore the essential subserviency of design to use, and to give the decoration a more pictorial character. Many of the late vases are, in fact, pictures on terracotta. Again, there is a class of fifth-century vases with polychrome paintings on white ground which actually recall the method we know to have been employed by the great master of that century, Polygnotos. And with regard to the late vases we shall hope to show in a future chapter that, like the Pompeian paintings, they often reflect the spirit, if not the exact likeness, of some well-known painting of which we have record.
Now, in the vases we have, as mentioned regarding mythology, there’s contemporary evidence. It’s important to remember that vase-painting is primarily a decorative art; however, as we will see later when exploring its historical development, there’s always a tendency to overlook the fundamental role of design in its function, and to give the decoration a more pictorial quality. Many of the later vases are, in fact, images on terracotta. Additionally, there’s a group of fifth-century vases with colorful paintings on a white background that actually remind us of the technique used by the great master of that century, Polygnotos. Regarding the later vases, we hope to demonstrate in a future chapter that, similar to the Pompeian paintings, they often embody the spirit, if not the exact representation, of some well-known artwork of which we have a record.
It is not necessary here to say more of the importance of a study of Greek vases on the several lines that we have pointed out. It is sufficient to say that specialists in all these branches of Archaeology instinctively turn to vases for the main source of their information.
It’s not necessary to elaborate further on the importance of studying Greek vases in the various ways we’ve mentioned. It’s enough to say that experts in all these areas of Archaeology naturally rely on vases as their primary source of information.
The earliest date at which public attention was directed to the painted vases was the end of the seventeenth century. In those days, it need hardly be said, systematic excavation was a thing quite unknown, while archaeology as a science was non-existent. Beyond a few sculptures which had been handed down at Rome or elsewhere through many vicissitudes, cabinets of gems which had been preserved by cardinals and other dignitaries who employed them for signet-rings, chiefly for ecclesiastical purposes, and some collections of coins of the Renaissance period, there were no specimens of ancient art preserved. During the seventeenth century, however, the fashion arose of making voyages to Italy or Greece, and bringing back any spoils that might attract the notice of the traveller. In this way the collection of Arundel Marbles at Oxford was made, and the nucleus of many of the famous private collections of England formed. But the painted vases, which for the most part lay buried in tombs, escaped notice almost entirely—and, perhaps even where specimens were preserved, they attracted little notice—until with Winckelmann arose a gradual hankering after the possession of artistic treasures and the formation of collections of antiques.
The first time the public really paid attention to painted vases was at the end of the seventeenth century. Back then, it’s hardly necessary to point out, systematic excavation was completely unheard of, and archaeology as a science didn’t exist. Other than a few sculptures that had survived in Rome or elsewhere through various ups and downs, collections of gems kept by cardinals and other dignitaries primarily for making signet rings, mainly for church purposes, and some Renaissance coins, there were no preserved examples of ancient art. However, during the seventeenth century, it became popular to travel to Italy or Greece and bring back any attractive finds. This is how the Arundel Marbles collection at Oxford was created, forming the core of many famous private collections in England. Still, the painted vases, most of which were buried in tombs, were mostly overlooked—perhaps even when they were preserved, they got little attention—until Winckelmann sparked a growing interest in acquiring artistic treasures and building collections of antiques.
The earliest allusion to be found to painted vases is in the works of La Chausse (Caussius),[12] and in the Thesaurus of Graevius,[13] while the oldest existing catalogue is that of the collection of the Elector of Brandenburg, compiled by L. Beger in 1696–1701.[14] Some few are illustrated in these works, while others were given later by Montfaucon,[15] Dempster,[16] Gori,[17] and Caylus.[18] Winckelmann published several vases in his Histoire de l’Art (1764) and Monumenti Antichi (1769), and the industrious Passeri in 1767–75 published, besides a supplement to Dempster, three volumes containing coloured engravings of vases in various collections.
The first reference to painted vases can be found in the works of La Chausse (Caussius),[12] and in the Thesaurus of Graevius,[13] while the oldest existing catalogue is from the collection of the Elector of Brandenburg, compiled by L. Beger between 1696 and 1701.[14] A few vases are illustrated in these works, while others were later presented by Montfaucon,[15] Dempster,[16] Gori,[17] and Caylus.[18] Winckelmann published several vases in his History of Art (1764) and Ancient Monuments (1769), and the diligent Passeri published, in addition to a supplement to Dempster, three volumes with colored engravings of vases from various collections between 1767 and 1775.
Sir William Hamilton, who was for some time English Ambassador at Naples, formed there a considerable collection of Greek and Roman antiquities, mostly painted vases, which had been discovered in various tombs in Southern Italy and Etruria. All these he brought with him to England and sold to the newly instituted British Museum in 1767. A Frenchman named Hugues or D'Hancarville compiled a magnificent work in four volumes[19] illustrating the vases in this collection, with elaborate diagrams of the shapes; but the representations of the subjects are often marred by the imaginary ornamental borders in which they are framed, while the whole work, like others of the same period, is marked by a tendency to ignore all but the artistic interest, and instead of an accurate reproduction to aim merely at giving a pretty picture.
Sir William Hamilton, who served as the English Ambassador in Naples for a time, built a substantial collection of Greek and Roman antiquities there, mostly painted vases that had been found in various tombs in Southern Italy and Etruria. He brought all these back to England and sold them to the newly established British Museum in 1767. A Frenchman named Hugues or D'Hancarville created an impressive four-volume work[19] that illustrates the vases in this collection, complete with detailed diagrams of their shapes. However, the depictions of the subjects are often ruined by the fanciful decorative borders surrounding them, and like many works from that era, it tends to overlook anything but the artistic appeal, prioritizing a visually pleasing image over an accurate reproduction.
A second collection of vases belonging to Hamilton was mostly lost at sea, but a record of it has been preserved in Tischbein’s work, Vases d’Hamilton[20] in four volumes, which is more accurate and useful than that of D'Hancarville. It is believed that many of these vases are now in the Hope collection at Deepdene, which is unfortunately inaccessible to archaeologists.
A second collection of vases owned by Hamilton was mostly lost at sea, but a record of it has been kept in Tischbein’s work, Hamilton Vases[20] in four volumes, which is more accurate and useful than D'Hancarville's. Many of these vases are believed to be in the Hope collection at Deepdene, which is unfortunately off-limits to archaeologists.
The Hamilton collection formed, as we have said, the nucleus of the magnificent array of vases in the British Museum. Most of them, it is true, belong to the later period or decadence of vase-painting, and were not only found, but had also been manufactured, in Italy. Although the time for a scientific study and classification was not yet to be for some sixty years, the interest in the subject was decidedly on the increase, and many English noblemen and gentlemen were forming collections, as well as such foreigners as the Duc de Blacas, the Duc de Luynes, and M. Millin. It became the fashion to produce large folio works embodying the contents of these collections in series of coloured illustrations, and thus we have, besides those already mentioned, the imposing publications of Millin,[21] Millingen[22], Laborde[23], and others. On the same lines, but mostly of later date, are the publications of De Rossi[24], Christie[25], Moses[26], Inghirami[27], Lanzi[28], Böttiger[29], Micali[30], Raoul-Rochette[31], Stackelberg[32], and the Duc de Luynes[33], who published either their own vases, as De Luynes, or some well-known collection like that of the Duc de Blacas, or some particular class of vases: e.g. Micali, those found in Etruria; Raoul-Rochette and Inghirami, those illustrating Homer; and Stackelberg, those found in tombs in Greece Proper. Few of these, it will be seen, were published in England, where neither public patronage nor private enterprise were found prepared to rival the achievements of the Continent.
The Hamilton collection, as we mentioned, was the core of the stunning display of vases in the British Museum. While it's true that most of them come from the later period or decline of vase-painting and were both discovered and produced in Italy, interest in the topic was significantly increasing, even though it would take about sixty more years for a scientific study and classification to begin. Many English noblemen and gentlemen, along with foreigners like the Duc de Blacas, the Duc de Luynes, and M. Millin, were starting to build their own collections. It became trendy to create large folio works showcasing these collections with a series of colored illustrations. Besides those already mentioned, we have the impressive publications by Millin,[21] Millingen[22], Laborde[23], and others. Similarly, but mostly later, are the publications by De Rossi[24], Christie[25], Moses[26], Inghirami[27], Lanzi[28], Böttiger[29], Micali[30], Raoul-Rochette[31], Stackelberg[32], and the Duc de Luynes[33], who either published their own vases, like De Luynes, or a notable collection such as that of the Duc de Blacas, or focused on specific types of vases: for instance, Micali on those found in Etruria; Raoul-Rochette and Inghirami on those depicting Homer; and Stackelberg on those discovered in tombs in Greece. It will be noted that few of these were published in England, where neither public support nor private initiative was ready to match the accomplishments of the Continent.
In most of these works the vases are styled “Etruscan” as a matter of course. Even nowadays it is a very common experience to hear vases spoken of as “Etruscan” or even as “Etruscan urns,” as if every vase was used as a receptacle for the ashes of the dead. This error has lasted, with all the perseverance of a popular fallacy, for over a century, and cannot now be too strongly denounced. But at the beginning of the last century the Etruscan origin of painted vases was most strongly maintained by erudite scholars, chiefly Italians who desired to champion the credit of their own country, and the controversy raged with varying force till Greece was able to substantiate her own case by the numbers of vases that came forth from her tombs to proclaim their Hellenic origin.
In most of these works, the vases are commonly referred to as “Etruscan.” Even today, it’s a frequent occurrence to hear people call vases “Etruscan” or even “Etruscan urns,” as if every vase was used as a container for the ashes of the deceased. This misconception has persisted, much like a popular myth, for over a century and deserves to be strongly condemned. However, at the beginning of the last century, the Etruscan origin of painted vases was strongly defended by knowledgeable scholars, mainly Italians who wanted to promote the reputation of their country. The debate continued with varying intensity until Greece was able to prove its case with the many vases discovered in its tombs that confirmed their Greek origin.
The “Etruscan” theory was first promulgated by Montfaucon, Gori, Caylus, and Passeri, between 1719 and 1752; their arguments being based on the plausible ground that up till that time the vases had been found almost exclusively in Etruria. So the term “Etruscan vase” passed into the languages of Europe, and has survived in spite of a century of refutation. But in 1763 Winckelmann, the father of scientific archaeology, conceived the idea that the spirit and character of the vase-paintings were wholly Greek; and he proposed to call them Italo-Greek or Graeco-Sicilian, indicating Magna Graecia as the true place of their manufacture. This was a step in the right direction, and he was supported later by Lanzi, Millin, Millingen, and others (1791–1813). A further attempt was made to define the particular places of their fabric, and Nola, Locri, and Agrigentum were suggested as the most important centres. Meanwhile, the discoveries of vases in Attica, at Corinth, and elsewhere in Greece, and subsequently the publication of Stackelberg’s work, helped to confirm the position of Winckelmann’s followers.
The “Etruscan” theory was first introduced by Montfaucon, Gori, Caylus, and Passeri between 1719 and 1752; their arguments were based on the reasonable observation that until that point, the vases had been found almost exclusively in Etruria. This led to the term “Etruscan vase” becoming common in European languages, and it has persisted despite a century of challenges. However, in 1763, Winckelmann, the father of scientific archaeology, proposed that the spirit and style of the vase paintings were entirely Greek and suggested calling them Italo-Greek or Graeco-Sicilian, pointing to Magna Graecia as the actual place of their production. This was a positive development, and he was later backed by Lanzi, Millin, Millingen, and others (1791–1813). Further efforts were made to pinpoint their specific places of creation, with Nola, Locri, and Agrigentum identified as the main centers. Meanwhile, discoveries of vases in Attica, Corinth, and other parts of Greece, along with the publication of Stackelberg’s work, helped solidify the views of Winckelmann’s supporters.
In 1828 came what M. Pottier terms “an objectionable revival of Etruscomania,” with the extensive and marvellously fruitful excavations at Vulci under the direction of the Prince of Canino, Lucien Bonaparte, on whose estates most of the tombs were found. Several thousand vases were the yield of this site, mostly of the best periods of Greek art. This was a great epoch in the history of the study of Greek vases. A flood of fresh light was thrown on the subject by the mass of new material, and a whole new literature arose in consequence. Hitherto vases of the archaic and fine periods had only been known in isolated instances, and the bulk of the existing collections was formed of the florid vases of the Decadence; but now it became possible to fill up the gaps and trace the whole development of the art from the simplest specimens with decorative patterns or figures of animals down to the very last stages of painting.
In 1828, what M. Pottier calls “an objectionable revival of Etruscomania” occurred with the extensive and remarkably productive excavations at Vulci, led by Prince Lucien Bonaparte, on whose estates most of the tombs were discovered. Thousands of vases were uncovered at this site, primarily from the peak periods of Greek art. This marked a significant era in the study of Greek vases. The influx of new material shed a lot of fresh light on the topic, resulting in the emergence of a whole new body of literature. Until then, vases from the archaic and classic periods were known only in isolated cases, and most existing collections consisted mostly of the elaborate vases from the Decline; however, it became possible to fill in the gaps and trace the entire development of the art from the simplest pieces with decorative patterns or animal figures all the way to the very latest stages of painting.
These discoveries prompted Prince Lucien Bonaparte to revive the theory of Etruscan origin, in which he was supported by D'Amatis and De Fea. It is probable that all three were animated more by patriotic motives than by intellectual conviction. At any rate their arguments appealed but little to scholars, although not a few inclined to take a middle course, and maintained that there existed, not only in Etruria but also in Southern Italy, various local centres of manufacture under Greek superintendence and in close connection with Athens and her influences. These ideas were upheld by Gerhard, Welcker, the Duc de Luynes, and Ch. Lenormant. But the preponderating arguments were to be found on the other side, from Kramer (1837), who attributed all vases but those of the Decadence to an Attic origin, O. Müller, who limited this to the finer examples from Vulci, and Raoul-Rochette, who pinned his faith to Sicily, to Otto Jahn[34], who may be said to have founded the modern comparative study of Greek ceramics on its present basis (1854).
These discoveries led Prince Lucien Bonaparte to revive the theory that the Etruscans had Greek origins, supported by D'Amatis and De Fea. It's likely that all three were motivated more by national pride than by solid intellectual belief. In any case, their arguments didn’t resonate much with scholars, though some took a more moderate stance, arguing that there were, beyond Etruria, also various local centers of production in Southern Italy that operated under Greek oversight and maintained close ties with Athens and its influences. These ideas were supported by Gerhard, Welcker, the Duc de Luynes, and Ch. Lenormant. However, the strongest arguments came from the opposing side, particularly from Kramer (1837), who claimed that all vases except those from the Decadence were of Attic origin, O. Müller, who restricted this idea to the finest pieces from Vulci, and Raoul-Rochette, who placed his confidence in Sicily. Otto Jahn[34] is often credited with laying the groundwork for the modern comparative study of Greek ceramics in 1854.
Jahn pronounced decisively for the Greek origin of all but the later fabrics, and his principles have been adopted by all succeeding archaeologists, with the exception of Brunn, and one or two of the latter’s disciples, who have swung back to the Italian theory in some respects. Up to his time all had been in chaos, and each writer worked on his own particular line without regard to others, both as regards the origin of the vases and the subjects depicted thereon; but Jahn, in his epoch-making catalogue of the vases at Munich, was the first to make a serious and scientific attempt to reduce the chaos to order, not only by adopting a rational system of interpretation, but by systematising and reducing to one common denominator all previous contributions to knowledge.
Jahn firmly stated that almost all the vases, except the later ones, originated in Greece, and his views have been accepted by all subsequent archaeologists, except for Brunn and a couple of his followers, who have partially returned to the Italian theory. Before Jahn, the field was a mess, with each writer pursuing their own agenda without considering others, both in terms of the vases' origins and the images they portrayed. However, in his groundbreaking catalog of the vases in Munich, Jahn was the first to make a serious and scientific effort to bring order to the chaos, not only by using a logical system of interpretation but also by organizing and consolidating all earlier contributions to knowledge into one coherent framework.
We may say that the study of Greek vases has passed through three main stages: (1) Artistic; (2) Epexegetic; (3) Historical.
We can say that the study of Greek vases has gone through three main stages: (1) Artistic; (2) Explanatory; (3) Historical.
(1) Artistic (1690—1770).—In the first stage, as we have seen, the artistic merit of the vases and the aim of producing a pretty picture were alone regarded. Hence, too, arose the fashion of making copies of Greek vases, and many specimens were produced by Wedgwood[35], bearing, however, no more than a superficial likeness to the originals.
(1) Artistic (1690—1770).—In the first stage, as we've seen, the focus was solely on the artistic quality of the vases and the goal of creating an attractive image. This led to the trend of making copies of Greek vases, and many examples were produced by Wedgwood[35], which, however, only resembled the originals on a superficial level.
(2) Epexegetic (1770—1854).—In the second stage it seems to have been suddenly discovered that the figures on the vases were not mere meaningless groups, like the Watteau shepherds and shepherdesses on Dresden china, and many strange theories were at first promulgated as to the purposes for which the vases were made and the subjects thereon depicted. Three main lines of interpretation seem to have been adopted by the writers of this period:—
(2) Epexegetic (1770—1854).—During the second stage, it became clear that the figures on the vases weren’t just random groups, like the Watteau shepherds and shepherdesses on Dresden china. Many unusual theories were initially proposed about the purposes for which the vases were created and the subjects portrayed on them. Three main approaches to interpretation seem to have been embraced by the writers of this time:—
(a) Passeri, Millin, Lanzi, and Visconti supposed that allusions were made to the life of the deceased person in whose tomb they were found; allegorical representations were given of his childish games, his youthful pastimes, or the religious and social ceremonies in which he took part.
(a) Passeri, Millin, Lanzi, and Visconti believed that references were made to the life of the deceased individual in whose tomb they were found; symbolic depictions illustrated his childhood games, his youthful activities, or the religious and social ceremonies he participated in.
(b) Italynski, in his preface to Tischbein’s work, enunciates the strange notion that they allude to events of Greek and Roman history: for instance, three draped men represent the three chief archons of Athens, or three women conversing, Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, with her daughter and daughter-in-law, considering whether she should appear as a suppliant before her son. The utterly fantastic and unscientific nature of these explanations was self-evident; the writers of the first group at any rate had a sounder basis for their theories, and on the analogy of the sculptured Greek tombstones might well have been near the truth.
(b) Italynski, in his preface to Tischbein’s work, presents the strange idea that they refer to events from Greek and Roman history: for example, three draped men symbolize the three main archons of Athens, or three women talking—Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, with her daughter and daughter-in-law—debating whether she should go as a supplicant to her son. The completely unrealistic and unscientific nature of these interpretations was obvious; the writers of the first group at least had a more solid foundation for their theories, and based on the sculpted Greek tombstones, they might have been closer to the truth.
(c) Another theory, which attained great popularity, and was even adhered to partially for some years afterwards by Panofka, Gerhard, and Lenormant, was that the subjects bore allusion to the Mysteries, more particularly the Eleusinian. The vases were regarded as presents given to the initiated, and the reason why their interpretation was so difficult was that they related to the secrets unfolded in those ceremonies. Many attempts were made to unlock those secrets and to show the mystic moral purport of the pictures; but all is the merest guesswork. The height of fantastic explanation is perhaps reached by Christie, whose work is quite worth perusal as a literary curiosity. Panofka, on the other hand, turned his attention to the inscriptions on the vases,[36] and discerned a symbolical meaning in these, reading into the names of artists rebuses on the subjects over which they were inscribed, e.g. Douris is indicated by Athena with a spear (δόρυ) or Hermaios by a figure of Hermes.
(c) Another theory that became quite popular and was even partially followed for several years by Panofka, Gerhard, and Lenormant was that the subjects referred to the Mysteries, especially the Eleusinian ones. The vases were seen as gifts given to those who were initiated, and the reason their interpretation was so challenging was that they related to the secrets revealed in those ceremonies. Many attempts were made to uncover those secrets and demonstrate the mystical moral meaning of the pictures; however, all of it is pure speculation. The peak of imaginative explanation is perhaps reached by Christie, whose work is definitely worth reading as a literary curiosity. On the other hand, Panofka focused on the inscriptions on the vases,[36] and identified a symbolic meaning in them, interpreting the names of artists as rebuses related to the subjects they were inscribed on, e.g. Douris is represented by Athena with a spear (spear) or Hermaios by a figure of Hermes.
(3) Historical.—The historical or scientific method of studying Greek vases consists mainly in classifying them according to different periods, and within that period to different schools. To these main considerations the artistic merits of the vases and the explanation of the subjects are subordinated. The reason for this is obvious. The artistic and mythological interest of the vases is soon exhausted, and receives no new impetus from new discoveries. Now, with the comparative study of vases this is not the case. Any day may bring forth a new discovery which will completely revolutionise all preconceived theories; hence there is the constant necessity for being “up-to-date,” and for the adjustment of old beliefs to new.
(3) Historical.—The historical or scientific method for studying Greek vases mainly involves classifying them by different periods, and within those periods, by different schools. The artistic qualities of the vases and the interpretation of the themes take a backseat to these primary considerations. This is understandable. The artistic and mythological appeal of the vases quickly diminishes and doesn’t get renewed through new discoveries. However, with the comparative study of vases, that's not the case. Any day could bring a new find that completely changes all existing theories, which is why there’s a constant need to stay “up-to-date” and adjust old beliefs to new information.
But the historical method is not entirely of modern growth. As long ago as 1767 the first attempt was made by D'Hancarville[37] to classify vases according to their age. Taking such scanty data as were available, he divided Italian vases into five classes, ranging from “some centuries before the foundation of Rome” down to the reigns of Trajan, the Antonines, and Septimius Severus, which “announc’d the total decadency of the Art.” The earlier vases he sought to fix more precisely by reference to the history of painting as told by Pliny.
But the historical method isn’t completely a modern development. As far back as 1767, D'Hancarville[37] made the first attempt to classify vases based on their age. Using the limited data available, he divided Italian vases into five categories, ranging from “a few centuries before the founding of Rome” to the reigns of Trajan, the Antonines, and Septimius Severus, which “marked the complete decline of the Art.” He aimed to pinpoint the dates of the earlier vases more accurately by referencing the history of painting as described by Pliny.
The Duc de Luynes, writing in 1832,[38] hesitates to define the exact age of the various styles, though he arranges them generally in six classes, ranging from the “Doric” or “Phoenician” vases down to barbaric imitations by the natives of Italy. According to him the red-figured vases lasted from the time of Perikles down to that of Pyrrhos. Millingen was content with three periods only, his division[39] being: (1) ancient style, 700–450 B.C.; (2) fine style, 450–228 B.C.; (3) late style, 228 to Social War. Kramer distinguishes five epochs: (A) Egyptian style, 580–500 B.C.; (B) older style, 500–460 B.C.; (C) severe style, 460—420 B.C.; (D) fine style, 420–380 B.C.; (E) rich style, 380–200 B.C.[40] Gerhard[41] surmised that the earliest vases might date from the ninth or tenth century B.C., the fine style extending over the fifth and fourth, while the decadence culminated in the second, and in the first century fictile vases were entirely supplanted by those of metal.
The Duc de Luynes, writing in 1832,[38] is unsure about the exact age of the different styles, but he generally organizes them into six categories, from the “Doric” or “Phoenician” vases down to crude imitations by the natives of Italy. He claims that the red-figured vases lasted from the time of Perikles to that of Pyrrhos. Millingen only recognized three periods, dividing them into: (1) ancient style, 700–450 BCE; (2) fine style, 450–228 BCE; (3) late style, 228 to the Social War. Kramer identified five periods: (A) Egyptian style, 580–500 BCE; (B) older style, 500–460 B.C.; (C) severe style, 460—420 BCE; (D) fine style, 420–380 BCE; (E) rich style, 380–200 BCE[40] Gerhard[41] estimated that the earliest vases might have come from the ninth or tenth century BCE, with the fine style spanning the fifth and fourth centuries, while the decline peaked in the second century, and by the first century, clay vases were completely replaced by metal ones.
De Witte made a more detailed classification, extending to nine groups, and based rather on technical differences, as several of the groups are contemporaneous; but his classification is essentially a practical one, and may be regarded as forming a sound basis for all succeeding catalogues and treatises, as also for the arrangement of museums.
De Witte created a more detailed classification, expanding it to nine groups, based primarily on technical differences, since several of the groups exist at the same time; however, his classification is fundamentally practical and can be seen as a solid foundation for all subsequent catalogs and studies, as well as for organizing museums.
Jahn in his Introduction is content with four main headings, which for a general classification of a large collection is convenient enough, and has, in fact, been adopted in the Vase Rooms of the British Museum. Under this system the four divisions are: (1) Primitive; (2) Black-figured; (3) Red-figured; (4) Vases of the Decadence. In the Louvre, on the other hand, the arrangement is mainly geographical, according to the sites from which the vases have come.
Jahn in his Introduction is satisfied with four main headings, which are quite convenient for a general classification of a large collection and have actually been adopted in the Vase Rooms of the British Museum. In this system, the four categories are: (1) Primitive; (2) Black-figured; (3) Red-figured; (4) Vases of the Decadence. In the Louvre, however, the arrangement is mostly geographical, based on the locations where the vases originated.
It is recognised by modern archaeologists,[42] working on the lines laid down by Jahn in the three main divisions of his Introduction, that in dating and classifying a vase or series of vases three points must be taken into consideration: (1) circumstances of discovery; (2) technique and style; (3) inscriptions (when present). The various questions with which the modern study of vase-paintings has mainly to deal will be fully investigated in subsequent chapters, and it is not necessary to say more on this head. But we trust that sufficient attention has been drawn to the many-sided interests presented by—it is not necessary to say a collection of vases, but—a single vase[43].
Modern archaeologists,[42] following Jahn's three main divisions in his Introduction, recognize that when dating and classifying a vase or a group of vases, three things must be considered: (1) the circumstances of discovery; (2) the technique and style; (3) inscriptions (if present). The various issues that modern studies of vase paintings primarily address will be thoroughly explored in the upcoming chapters, so there’s no need to elaborate further on this topic. However, we hope that enough emphasis has been placed on the diverse interests presented by—not just a collection of vases, but—a single vase[43].
It may be worth while here to turn aside for a moment and study the rise and growth of the various great vase-collections of Europe. We may with pardonable pride regard the British Museum as standing at the head of these collections, possessing as it does the most representative collection of any, if not the largest. Hardly any known fabric is unrepresented, nor the work of any known artist; though here and there another museum may have the advantage—as, for instance, the Louvre in early black-figured fabrics, Naples in vases of Southern Italy (especially the large specimens), or Athens in various fabrics peculiar to Greece, such as the early vases of Thera and Melos, or the marvellous specimens of “transitional” handiwork found on the Acropolis of Athens.
It’s worth taking a moment to look at the rise and growth of the major vase collections in Europe. We can proudly consider the British Museum as one of the best, as it has the most representative collection, if not the largest. Almost every known type of pottery is included, as well as the work of every known artist; although occasionally, another museum may have an edge—like the Louvre with early black-figured pottery, Naples with vases from Southern Italy (especially the larger pieces), or Athens with various styles unique to Greece, like the early vases from Thera and Melos, or the stunning examples of “transitional” craftsmanship found on the Acropolis of Athens.
The nucleus of the British Museum collection was, as has been indicated, formed by the vases obtained from Sir W. Hamilton in 1767, supplemented by those of Towneley and Payne Knight (1805–24): these are nearly all vases of the late period from Southern Italy. Between the years 1837 and 1845 a large quantity of fine black-figured and red-figured vases was acquired from the Canino collection, having been found on that estate at Vulci, and in 1836 acquisitions from M. Durand’s sale had helped to swell the number of vases representing that site, including some very fine examples. In 1842 came the Burgon collection, mostly of small vases from Athens and the Greek islands; in 1856 the bequest by Sir William Temple of his collection, formed at Naples, added greatly to the value of the collection of later vases. In 1860–64 large numbers of vases of all periods from 700 B.C. to 400 B.C. were excavated by Salzmann and Biliotti at Kameiros in Rhodes; and from Ialysos in the same island came a number of Mycenaean vases by the generosity of Prof. Ruskin in 1870. Meanwhile, the Blacas collection, purchased in 1867, had added a large number, chiefly of red-figured and Italian vases, and in 1873 many more fine specimens from Capua, Nola, and elsewhere were acquired from M. Castellani. Of late years the chief additions have been from Cyprus, beginning with a few vases from Cesnola in 1876 down to the Turner Bequest excavations in 1894–96, and from the Egypt Exploration Fund’s excavations at Naukratis and Daphnae (1884–86). Other acquisitions have been mostly in the form of isolated purchases, especially of the white lekythi and similar classes; some have come from important collections, such as those of Forman, Tyszkiewicz, and Van Branteghem.
The core of the British Museum's collection was formed by the vases obtained from Sir W. Hamilton in 1767, along with those from Towneley and Payne Knight (1805–24); these are mostly late period vases from Southern Italy. Between 1837 and 1845, a significant number of fine black-figured and red-figured vases were acquired from the Canino collection, which had been found on that estate at Vulci. In 1836, acquisitions from M. Durand’s sale also increased the number of vases representing that site, including some exceptional examples. In 1842, the Burgon collection was acquired, mainly consisting of small vases from Athens and the Greek islands. In 1856, a bequest from Sir William Temple of his collection formed in Naples greatly enhanced the value of the later vases collection. From 1860 to 1864, a large number of vases from all periods, dating from 700 B.C. to 400 B.C., were excavated by Salzmann and Biliotti at Kameiros in Rhodes, and in 1870, several Mycenaean vases were donated by Prof. Ruskin from Ialysos on the same island. Meanwhile, the Blacas collection, purchased in 1867, added a significant number, mainly red-figured and Italian vases, and in 1873, many more fine specimens from Capua, Nola, and other places were acquired from M. Castellani. In recent years, the main additions have come from Cyprus, starting with a few vases from Cesnola in 1876 and continuing to the Turner Bequest excavations from 1894 to 1896, along with finds from the Egypt Exploration Fund’s excavations at Naukratis and Daphnae (1884–86). Other acquisitions have mostly involved isolated purchases, particularly of the white lekythi and similar categories; some have come from significant collections, like those of Forman, Tyszkiewicz, and Van Branteghem.
In 1870, when the old Catalogue was completed, the collection must have numbered over 2,000 painted vases, besides 1,000 undecorated; at the present day the total cannot be computed at less than 5,000, of which about 4,000 may be described as painted vases.
In 1870, when the old Catalogue was finished, the collection must have had over 2,000 painted vases, along with 1,000 unadorned ones; today, the total is estimated to be no less than 5,000, of which around 4,000 can be classified as painted vases.
The Louvre collection in Paris[44] started life about a century ago under the first Napoleon, who established a ceramic section about 1797. Other vases were added from the Vatican and Naples; and meanwhile the Royal collection went to form the present Cabinet of Antiquities in the Bibliothèque Nationale. In 1818 the very limited collection was augmented by 564 vases from M. Tochon, and in 1825 came a magnificent acquisition of about 2,000 vases (mostly painted) from M. Durand. From this time till 1863 the growth was very slow, and the Louvre does not seem to have profited like other museums by the excavations at Vulci. In the latter year, however, another splendid collection of 2,000 painted and 1,400 unpainted vases was acquired from Count Campana, which necessitated the building of new galleries. The early B.F. fabrics, in which the Louvre is so pre-eminently rich, were all in this collection. During the last thirty years the only acquisitions of importance have been representative specimens from Greece and Cyprus; but the total number is now reckoned at 6,000.
The Louvre collection in Paris[44] started around a century ago under the first Napoleon, who set up a ceramic section around 1797. Additional vases were brought in from the Vatican and Naples, while the Royal collection contributed to what is now the Cabinet of Antiquities in the Bibliothèque Nationale. In 1818, the originally small collection was expanded by 564 vases from M. Tochon, and in 1825, a stunning addition of around 2,000 vases (mostly painted) came from M. Durand. From that point until 1863, growth was pretty slow, and it seems the Louvre didn’t benefit like other museums from the excavations at Vulci. However, in 1863, another impressive collection of 2,000 painted and 1,400 unpainted vases was obtained from Count Campana, which required the construction of new galleries. The early B.F. fabrics, in which the Louvre is particularly rich, were all included in this collection. Over the last thirty years, the only significant acquisitions have been representative pieces from Greece and Cyprus; the current total is estimated at 6,000.
The growth of the Berlin collection has been much more slow and consistent.[45] Its nucleus was derived from the collection of the Elector of Brandenburg described by Beger in 1701. Up to 1830 most of the vases acquired were from Southern Italy and Campania, including 1,348 from the Koller collection in 1828. In 1831, 442 vases and 179 specimens of Etruscan plain ware were acquired from the Dorow collection, and from 1833 to 1867 the activity of Gerhard procured fine specimens from time to time, while 174 were bequeathed by him at his death. When Levezow’s Catalogue was published in 1834, it included 1,579 specimens; the next one by Furtwaengler in 1885 describes more than 4,000. Of late years many valuable specimens have been derived from various parts of Greece.
The growth of the Berlin collection has been much slower and steadier.[45] Its core originated from the collection of the Elector of Brandenburg, as described by Beger in 1701. Up until 1830, most of the vases acquired were from Southern Italy and Campania, including 1,348 from the Koller collection in 1828. In 1831, 442 vases and 179 pieces of Etruscan plain ware were acquired from the Dorow collection. From 1833 to 1867, Gerhard periodically acquired fine specimens, and he bequeathed 174 at his death. When Levezow’s Catalogue was published in 1834, it included 1,579 specimens; the next one by Furtwaengler in 1885 described over 4,000. In recent years, many valuable specimens have come from various parts of Greece.
These three may be regarded as the typical representative collections of Europe; those of Athens, Munich, Naples, and Petersburg are all of great merit and value, but chiefly strong in one particular department—Athens in early vases and Attic lekythi, Petersburg in late red-figured vases, and Naples in the fabrics of Southern Italy. Many of the finest specimens, however, are to be found in the smaller collections in the Paris Bibliothèque, at Florence, Vienna, Madrid, and in Rome. Of late years Europe has found a formidable rival in America, especially in the Museum of Fine Arts at Boston, which, backed by almost inexhaustible private benefactions, is gradually acquiring a large proportion of the signed vases and other chefs-d’œuvre which from time to time find their way into the market. The Metropolitan Museum at New York, on the other hand, rests its claim to distinction on the possession of General Cesnola’s enormous collections of Cypriote pottery of all periods.
These three are seen as the main representative collections of Europe; those in Athens, Munich, Naples, and Petersburg are all significant and valuable but are especially strong in one specific area—Athens in early vases and Attic lekythi, Petersburg in late red-figured vases, and Naples in the fabrics from Southern Italy. However, many of the finest pieces can be found in the smaller collections at the Paris Bibliothèque, in Florence, Vienna, Madrid, and in Rome. Recently, Europe has faced tough competition from America, particularly with the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston, which, supported by nearly endless private donations, is gradually acquiring a substantial number of signed vases and other masterpieces that pop up on the market from time to time. The Metropolitan Museum in New York, on the other hand, claims its distinction through General Cesnola’s vast collections of Cypriote pottery from all periods.
The gradual centralising of vases into public museums is a noteworthy feature at the present day. The private collections formed by so many amateurs at the beginning of the century have nearly all been long since dispersed and incorporated with the various national collections[46]; and those formed more recently are rapidly sharing the same fate. Hardly a year passes now without seeing the dispersion of some notable collection like those of M. Sabouroff, M. van Branteghem, Colonel Brown (Forman collection), or M. Bourguignon; and almost the only important one that still remains intact is that of Sig. Jatta at Ruvo (consisting almost entirely of South Italian vases). Now that the days are past when it was the custom for rich collectors to publish magnificently illustrated atlases of their possessions, this tendency to centralisation can only be welcomed both by artists and students. For the latter now it only remains to be desired that a scientific and well-illustrated catalogue of every public museum should be available.
The gradual centralization of vases in public museums is a significant trend today. Most private collections created by various collectors at the beginning of the century have long been dispersed and merged with national collections[46]; and those formed more recently are quickly facing the same fate. Hardly a year goes by without the dispersion of some notable collection, like those of M. Sabouroff, M. van Branteghem, Colonel Brown (Forman collection), or M. Bourguignon; and the only major collection that still remains intact is that of Sig. Jatta at Ruvo (mostly featuring South Italian vases). Now that the era of wealthy collectors publishing beautifully illustrated catalogs of their treasures is over, this trend toward centralization is a positive development for both artists and students. For students, all that is left to wish for is a scientific and well-illustrated catalog for every public museum.
We append here a list of the principal museums and collections in Europe, which may form a supplement to that given by Jahn in 1854. The more important ones are printed in heavier type.
We include a list of the main museums and collections in Europe, which can serve as an addition to the one provided by Jahn in 1854. The more significant ones are printed in bold type.
I. GREAT BRITAIN.
I. UK.
1. London. British Museum (see p. 24). Catalogue by C. Smith and Walters.
1. London. British Museum (see p. 24). Catalogue by C. Smith and Walters.
South Kensington Museum (a few isolated specimens; also some from the Museum of Practical Geology Jermyn Street).
South Kensington Museum (a few isolated specimens; also some from the Museum of Practical Geology on Jermyn Street).
Soane Museum (the Cawdor Vase).
Soane Museum (Cawdor Vase).
2. Oxford. Ashmolean Museum. Catalogue by P. Gardner (1893).
2. Oxford. Ashmolean Museum. Catalogue by P. Gardner (1893).
3. Cambridge. Fitzwilliam Museum. Catalogue by E. A. Gardner (1896).
3. Cambridge. Fitzwilliam Museum. Catalogue by E. A. Gardner (1896).
4. Deepdene (Dorking). Hope Collection. Inaccessible to students. Consists entirely of late vases from Southern Italy.
4. Deepdene (Dorking). Hope Collection. Off-limits to students. Contains only late vases from Southern Italy.
5. Numerous private collections, among the more important being—
5. Many private collections, with several of the more significant being—
Richmond. The late Sir F. Cook.
Richmond. The late Sir F. Cook.
Castle Ashby. Marquis of Northampton.
Castle Ashby. Marquis of Northampton.
6. Harrow School Museum (a fine “Theseus” Kylix and Krater with Centaurs). Catalogue by C. Torr (1887).
6. Harrow School Museum (a great “Theseus” Kylix and Krater with Centaurs). Catalogue by C. Torr (1887).
7. Edinburgh.
7. Edinburgh.
II. FRANCE.
II. FRANCE.
1. Paris. The Louvre (see p. 25). Catalogue by Pottier (in progress).
1. Paris. The Louvre (see p. 25). Catalogue by Pottier (in progress).
Bibliothèque Nationale. Catalogue by A. de Ridder (1902).
National Library. Catalog by A. de Ridder (1902).
Dzialynski Collection. See De Witte, Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert.
Dzialynski Collection. See De Witte, Collection at Hotel Lambert.
2. Marseilles Museum. Catalogue by Froehner (1897).
2. Marseilles Museum. Catalogue by Froehner (1897).
3. Rouen Museum.
Rouen Museum.
4. Boulogne Museum.
Boulogne Museum.
5. Compiègne Museum.
Compiègne Museum.
6. Sèvres Museum.
Sèvres Museum.
III. BELGIUM AND HOLLAND.
III. Belgium and the Netherlands.
1. Brussels.[47] See Cat. of Musée de Ravestein. Somzée Collection (now dispersed).
1. Brussels.[47] See Catalog of Musée de Ravestein. Somzée Collection (now scattered).
2. Amsterdam. Six Collection.
Amsterdam. Six Collection.
3. Leyden Museum. See Roulez, Vases de Leyde.
3. Leyden Museum. See Roulez, Leyden vases.
IV. GERMANY.
IV. GERMANY.
1. Berlin. Antiquarium (see p. 25). Catalogue by Furtwaengler (1885).
1. Berlin. Antiquarium (see p. 25). Catalogue by Furtwaengler (1885).
2. Altenburg.
2. Altenburg.
3. Bonn.
3. Bonn.
4. Breslau.
4. Wrocław.
5. Brunswick.
Brunswick.
6. Dresden.
Dresden.
7. Frankfurt. Museum Städel.
7. Frankfurt. Städel Museum.
8. Gotha.
Gotha.
9. Heidelberg.
Heidelberg.
10. Karlsruhe. Catalogue by Winnefeld (1887).
10. Karlsruhe. Catalogue by Winnefeld (1887).
11. Leipzig.
Leipzig.
12. Munich. Catalogue by Jahn (1854).
12. Munich. Catalog by Jahn (1854).
13. Schwerin.
13. Schwerin.
14. Würzburg. Antikenkabinet. Coll. Bankó.
14. Würzburg. Antique Cabinet. Collection Bankó.
V. DENMARK AND SWEDEN.
V. Denmark and Sweden.
1. Kopenhagen. Catalogue by Smith (1862).
1. Copenhagen. Catalogue by Smith (1862).
2. Stockholm.
Stockholm.
VI. RUSSIA.
VI. RUSSIA.
1. Petersburg. Hermitage. Catalogue by Stephani (1869).
Petersburg. Hermitage. Catalogue by Stephani (1869).
Stroganoff Coll.
Stroganoff Collection
Pisareff Coll.
Pisareff Collection.
2. Dorpat (University).
2. Tartu University.
VII. AUSTRIA.
VII. AUSTRIA.
1. Vienna. Oesterreichisches Museum. Catalogue by Masner (1891). K. K. Kabinet. University.
1. Vienna. Austrian Museum. Catalogue by Masner (1891). K. K. Cabinet. University.
2. Cracow. Czartoryski Coll.
2. Krakow. Czartoryski Collection.
3. Prague. Pollak Coll.
3. Prague. Pollak Collection.
4. Trieste. Museum.
4. Trieste. Museum.
VIII. SWITZERLAND.
VIII. SWITZERLAND.
2. Geneva
3. Zurich.

IX. SPAIN.
IX. SPAIN.
Madrid.
Madrid.
X. ITALY AND SICILY.
X. Italy and Sicily.
1. Acerra. Spinelli Coll.
Acerra. Spinelli Collection.
2. Adria. Museo Bocchi. Publication by Schöne.
2. Adria. Bocchi Museum. Published by Schöne.
3. Arezzo. Chiefly Roman Arretine ware.
3. Arezzo. Mainly Roman Arretine ceramics.
4. Bologna. Museo Civico. Catalogue by Pellegrini (1900). Università.
4. Bologna. Civic Museum. Catalogue by Pellegrini (1900). University.
5. Capua. Campana Coll.
5. Capua. Campana Collection.
6. Cervetri. Ruspoli Coll.
6. Cervetri. Ruspoli Collection.
7. Chiusi. Museum. Casucchini Coll. (but see p. 73).
7. Chiusi. Museum. Casucchini Collection (but see p. 73).
8. Corneto. Museum. Bruschi Coll.
8. Corneto. Museum. Bruschi Collection.
9. Florence. Museum.
9. Florence. Art museum.
10. Naples. Museo Nazionale. Catalogue by Heydemann (1872).
10. Naples. National Museum. Catalogue by Heydemann (1872).
11. Orvieto. Museum. Faina Coll.
11. Orvieto. Museum. Faina Collection.
12. Palermo. Museum.
12. Palermo. Museum.
13. Parma.
Parma.
14. Perugia. Museum.
14. Perugia. Art museum.
15. Ruvo. Jatta Coll. Catalogue by Sig. G. Jatta (1869).
15. Ruvo. Jatta Coll. Catalogue by Mr. G. Jatta (1869).
16. Taranto. Museum.
16. Taranto. Museum.
17. Terranuova (Gela). Private collections.
17. Terranuova (Gela). Personal collections.
18. Rome. Vatican (Mus. Gregoriano). Guide by Helbig. Museo Capitolino. Museo Papa Giulio. Numerous private collections: Hartwig, Torlonia, Castellani, etc., and Deutsches Arch. Inst.
18. Rome. Vatican (Mus. Gregoriano). Guide by Helbig. Museo Capitolino. Museo Papa Giulio. Numerous private collections: Hartwig, Torlonia, Castellani, etc., and Deutsches Arch. Inst.
XI. GREECE.
XI. GREECE.
1. Athens. National Museum. Catalogue by Couve and Collignon (1902). Do. (Acropolis Collection). Catalogue in progress. Trikoupis Coll. Other private collections.
1. Athens. National Museum. Catalogue by Couve and Collignon (1902). Do. (Acropolis Collection). Catalogue in progress. Trikoupis Collection. Other private collections.
2. Eleusis. Museum (local finds).
2. Eleusis. Local Finds Museum.
3. Candia (Crete).
3. Candia (Crete).
XII. ASIA MINOR.
XII. Asia Minor.
Smyrna. Various private collections.
Smyrna. Multiple private collections.
XIII. CYPRUS.
XIII. CYPRUS.
Nicosia. Cyprus Museum. Catalogue by Myres and Richter (1899).
Nicosia. Cyprus Museum. Catalog by Myres and Richter (1899).
Private collections at Larnaka, Nicosia, and Limassol.
Private collections in Larnaca, Nicosia, and Limassol.
XIV. EGYPT.
XIV. EGYPT.
Cairo. Ghizeh Museum.
Cairo. Giza Museum.
XV. AMERICA.
XV. USA.
1. Boston. Catalogue by Robinson.
Boston. Catalog by Robinson.
2. New York. Metropolitan Museum. Atlas of Cesnola Collection from Cyprus published.
2. New York. Metropolitan Museum. Atlas of Cesnola Collection from Cyprus published.
3. Baltimore.
3. Baltimore.
4. Chicago.
4. Chi-Town.
1. B.M. Guide to First and Second Egyptian Rooms (1904), p. 22; for early Neolithic pottery from Ireland see Guide to Antiqs. of Stone Age, p. 84.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Guide to First and Second Egyptian Rooms (1904), p. 22; for early Neolithic pottery from Ireland see Guide to Antiques of the Stone Age, p. 84.
2. Remains of Neolithic pottery have recently been found in Crete (J.H.S. xxiii. p. 158) and in the Cyclades.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Recently, remains of Neolithic pottery have been discovered in Crete (J.H.S. xxiii. p. 158) and in the Cyclades.
3. Cat. des Vases Antiques du Louvre i. p. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Catalog of Antique Vases from the Louvre i. p. 18.
4. Miss Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Athens, preface, p. ii. The Introduction to this work contains some excellent examples of the modern method of using vase-paintings to elucidate mythology.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Miss Harrison, Myths and Monuments of Athens, preface, p. ii. The Introduction to this work includes some great examples of the modern approach to using vase paintings to explain mythology.
5. For the use of vase-paintings in illustration of Greek religious beliefs and customs, reference may be made to Miss Harrison’s Prolegomena to Greek Religion (Cambridge Press, 1903), containing many interesting interpretations of scenes on the vases which may bear on the subject.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.To understand how vase paintings illustrate Greek religious beliefs and customs, you can refer to Miss Harrison’s Introduction to Greek Religion (Cambridge Press, 1903), which includes many fascinating interpretations of scenes on the vases relevant to the topic.
7. Ant. Denkm. i. 57.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ant. Denkm. i. 57.
8. Cf. for instance Berlin 2154 (Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 29).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See, for example, Berlin 2154 (Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 29).
9. Collignon, Hist. de la Sculpt. Grecque, i. p. 362.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Collignon, History of Greek Sculpture, i. p. 362.
10. Gerhard, Auserl. Vasenb. 81.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Gerhard, Selected Vases 81.
11. As, for instance, the subjects of Odysseus and Philoktetes; Orestes slaying Aegisthos; the death of Polyxena; Theseus fetching the ring from Amphitrite. Cf. Huddilston, Lessons from Greek Pottery, p. 28.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, the stories of Odysseus and Philoktetes; Orestes killing Aegisthos; the death of Polyxena; Theseus retrieving the ring from Amphitrite. See Huddilston, Insights from Greek Pottery, p. 28.
12. Museum Romanum, Rome, 1690, fol.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Museum Romanum, Rome, 1690, fol.
13. Thesaur. Antiq. Rom. xii. 955.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Thesaur. Antiq. Rom. 12. 955.
14. Thesaur. regii Brandenb. vol. iii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Thesaur. regii Brandenb. vol. 3.
15. Ant. Expliq. iii. pls. 71–77 (1719).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ant. Expliq. iii. pls. 71–77 (1719).
16. Etr. Regal. 1723, fol.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Etr. Regal. 1723, fol.
17. Mus. Etr. 1737–43.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mus. Etr. 1737–43.
18. Recueil, 1752–67 (especially vols. i.–ii.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Collection, 1752–67 (especially vols. i.–ii.).
19. Antiqs. Étr. Gr. et Rom., tirées du Cabinet de M. H., fol. 1766–67.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Antiques. Ancient Greek and Roman, taken from the Collection of Mr. H., fol. 1766–67.
20. 1791–1803. Plates for a fifth volume were prepared, but never regularly published (see Reinach, Répertoire des Vases Peints, ii. p. 334).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.1791–1803. Plates for a fifth volume were created but were never officially published (see Reinach, Painted Vases Catalog, ii. p. 334).
21. Peintures des Vases Antiques, edited by M. Dubois-Maisonneuve, in two volumes, with Introduction (1808–10); now re-edited by S. Reinach (1891).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ancient Vase Paintings, edited by M. Dubois-Maisonneuve, in two volumes, with an Introduction (1808–10); now reedited by S. Reinach (1891).
22. Vases Grecs, Rome, 1813; Vases de Coghill, Rome, 1817; Ancient Uned. Monuments, London, 1822; the two former now re-edited by S. Reinach, 1891 and 1900.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Greek Vases, Rome, 1813; Vases by Coghill, Rome, 1817; Ancient Unedited Monuments, London, 1822; the first two have been reissued by S. Reinach, 1891 and 1900.
23. Vases de Lamberg, Paris, 1813–25; re-edited by S. Reinach, 1900.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lamberg Vases, Paris, 1813–25; reissued by S. Reinach, 1900.
24. Vasi de Blacas. This was never actually published: see Reinach, Répertoire, ii. p. 383.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vasi de Blacas. This was never actually published: see Reinach, Directory, ii. p. 383.
25. Disquisitions on the Painted Vases, 1806.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Talks about the Painted Vases, 1806.
26. Coll. of Antique Vases, London, 1814.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Antique Vase Collection, London, 1814.
27. Vasi Fittili, 4 vols. 1833; Mon. Etruschi (1824), vol. v.; Gal. Omerica, 3 vols. 1831–36, etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vasi Fittili, 4 vols. 1833; Mon. Etruschi (1824), vol. v.; Gal. Omerica, 3 vols. 1831–36, etc.
28. De’ vasi antichi dipinti, 1806.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ancient Painted Vases, 1806.
29. Gr. Vasengemälde, 1797–1800.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Large Vase Painting, 1797–1800.
30. Monumenti per servire alla storia degli ant. pop. ital. 2nd edn. 1833; Monumenti inediti, 1844.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Monuments to Honor the History of the Ancient Italian People 2nd ed. 1833; Unpublished Monuments, 1844.
31. Mon. Inéd. 1828.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mon. Inéd. 1828.
32. Gräber der Hellenen, Berlin, 1837.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Graves of the Hellenes, Berlin, 1837.
33. Descr. de quelques vases peints, 1840.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Description of some painted vases, 1840.
34. Die Vasensammlung zu München, Introduction.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. The Vase Collection in Munich, Introduction.
35. He gave the name of Etruria to the place in Staffordshire where he set up his pottery, after the supposed origin of the ancient vases.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.He named the location in Staffordshire where he established his pottery "Etruria," after the believed origin of the ancient vases.
36. Namen der Vasenbilder, 1849.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Namen der Vasenbilder, 1849.
37. Vol. ii. p. 108.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Vol. 2, p. 108.
38. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1832, p. 145 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ann. dell’ Inst. 1832, p. 145 ff.
39. Peintures, p. viii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Paintings, p. viii.
40. Der Stil u. Herkunft der gr. Vasen, p. 46 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Style and Origin of the Large Vases, p. 46 ff.
41. Rapporto Volcente, in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1831, p. 98 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Volcente Report, in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1831, p. 98 ff.
42. The names of the chief modern writers on the subject are given in the Bibliography, and in the notes to the Historical Chapters (VI.-XI.), where also brief bibliographies are given.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The names of the main contemporary writers on the topic are listed in the Bibliography and in the notes for the Historical Chapters (VI.-XI.), which also include brief bibliographies.
43. The writer is indebted to the Introduction to M. Pottier’s admirable little Catalogue of the Vases in the Louvre for many ideas worked up in the foregoing pages.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The author is grateful to the Introduction of M. Pottier’s excellent little Catalogue of the Vases in the Louvre for many ideas developed in the previous pages.
44. See Pottier’s Catalogue, i. p. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier’s Catalogue, vol. 1, p. 59.
45. See the Introduction to Furtwaengler’s Catalogue.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the Introduction to Furtwaengler’s Catalogue.
46. Cf. the lists given by Jahn, Vasens. zu München, pp. xi, xiv, with (for instance) the notes appended to the pages of Reinach’s Répertoire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the lists provided by Jahn, Vasens. to Munich, pages xi, xiv, along with (for example) the notes included on the pages of Reinach’s Directory.
47. The collection made by Baron Hirsch in Paris is now incorporated with this Museum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The collection put together by Baron Hirsch in Paris is now part of this Museum.
CHAPTER II
SITES AND CIRCUMSTANCES OF DISCOVERY OF GREEK VASES
Historical and geographical limits of subject—Description of Greek tombs—Tombs in Cyprus, Cyrenaica, Sicily, Italy—Condition of vases when found—Subsequent restorations—Imitations and forgeries—Prices of vases—Sites on which painted vases have been found: Athens, Corinth, Boeotia, Greek islands, Crimea, Asia Minor, Cyprus, North Africa, Italy, Etruria—Vulci discoveries—Southern Italy, Sicily.
Historical and geographical boundaries of the topic—Overview of Greek tombs—Tombs in Cyprus, Cyrenaica, Sicily, Italy—Condition of vases upon discovery—Later restorations—Imitations and forgeries—Cost of vases—Locations where painted vases have been uncovered: Athens, Corinth, Boeotia, Greek islands, Crimea, Asia Minor, Cyprus, North Africa, Italy, Etruria—Vulci discoveries—Southern Italy, Sicily.
Before dealing with Greek vases in further detail, it may be as well to say something of the circumstances under which, and the localities in which, they have been discovered. And further, we must clearly define the limits of our subject, both historically and geographically.
Before diving deeper into Greek vases, it's important to mention the conditions and locations where they have been found. Additionally, we need to clearly outline the boundaries of our topic, both historically and geographically.
(1) Historical.—It may seem somewhat paradoxical to doubt whether the primitive pottery found on Greek soil ought, strictly speaking, to be called Greek. In a succeeding chapter we shall have occasion to touch upon the question of the ethnological origin of this pottery, which, in the opinion of some authorities, is not the product of Greeks as we understand the term, but of some Oriental nation, such as the Phoenicians. It is, however, enough for our present purpose that it has been found on Greek soil, and that it forms a stage which we cannot omit from a study of the development of Greek pottery, seeing that its influence can be plainly traced on later fabrics.
(1) Historical.—It might seem a bit contradictory to question whether the ancient pottery discovered in Greece should be classified as Greek. In a later chapter, we’ll address the debate about the ethnic origins of this pottery, which some experts believe isn’t made by the Greeks as we define them, but rather by an Eastern nation, like the Phoenicians. However, for our current focus, it's enough that it has been found in Greece and represents a phase we must consider in studying the evolution of Greek pottery, as its influence can clearly be seen in later styles.
Turning to the other limit of the subject, we find that nearly all the latest vases, belonging to the period of the Decadence, were manufactured in Southern Italy or Etruria. But nearly all bear so unmistakably the stamp of Greek influence, however degenerate and obscured, that we can only regard them as made by Greek artists settled in the colonies of Magna Graecia, or at any rate by native workers in direct imitation of the Greeks.
Looking at the other end of the topic, we see that almost all the newest vases from the Decadence period were made in Southern Italy or Etruria. However, they all clearly show Greek influence, even if it's somewhat diluted and hard to recognize, so we can only think of them as created by Greek artists living in the colonies of Magna Graecia, or at least by local artisans directly copying the Greeks.
We may roughly define our historical limits as from 2500 B.C., the approximate age of the early pottery of Crete, Cyprus, and Hissarlik, down to 200 B.C., when the manufacture of painted vases came to an end under the growing dominion of Rome. It was formerly supposed that the senatorial edict of 186 B.C., forbidding the performance of Bacchanalian ceremonies in Italy, was the means of putting an end to this industry, but this is hardly borne out by facts; it rather died a natural death owing to the growing popularity of relief-work both in terracotta and in metal (see Chapters XI. and XXII.).
We can roughly define our historical limits as starting from 2500 BCE, the estimated time of the early pottery of Crete, Cyprus, and Hissarlik, up to 200 BCE, when the production of painted vases ended due to the increasing control of Rome. It was previously believed that the senatorial decree in 186 B.C., which banned Bacchanalian ceremonies in Italy, was responsible for ending this industry, but the facts don’t really support that; it likely faded away naturally because of the rising popularity of relief-work in both terracotta and metal (see Chapters XI. and XXII.).
(2) Geographical.—Having defined our historical limits, it remains to consider the extent of Greek civilisation during that period, as attested by archaeological or other evidence. Besides the mainland of Greece and the islands of the Aegean Sea, the whole of Asia Minor may be regarded as in a measure Greek, although practically speaking only a strip of territory along the western coast became really Hellenised, and we shall not be concerned with pottery-finds in any other part of the country.[48] To the north-east, Greek colonisation penetrated as far as Kertch and other places in the Crimea, known to the ancients as Panticapaeum and the Bosphoros respectively. In the Eastern Mediterranean the island of Cyprus will demand a large share of our attention. Egypt, again, has yielded large numbers of vases, mostly from the two Greek settlements of Naukratis and Daphnae; and farther to the west along the north coast of Africa was the Greek colony of Kyrene, also a fruitful site for excavators.
(2) Geographical.—Having established our historical boundaries, we now need to look at the reach of Greek civilization during that time, based on archaeological and other evidence. In addition to the mainland of Greece and the islands of the Aegean Sea, much of Asia Minor can be considered somewhat Greek, although in practice, only a narrow portion along the western coast truly became Hellenized, and we won’t focus on pottery finds in any other regions of the country.[48] To the northeast, Greek colonization extended as far as Kertch and other locations in Crimea, known in ancient times as Panticapaeum and the Bosphoros, respectively. In the Eastern Mediterranean, the island of Cyprus will require significant attention. Egypt, too, has produced many vases, primarily from the two Greek settlements of Naukratis and Daphnae; and to the west, along the northern coast of Africa, was the Greek colony of Kyrene, which is also a rich site for excavators.
The rest of the ground is covered by the island of Sicily and the peninsular portion of Italy from Bologna southwards. Greek vases have occasionally turned up in Spain, Gaul (i.e. France and North Italy), as at Marseilles (Massilia), where primitive Greek pottery has been found, and also in Sardinia; but the Western Mediterranean sites are chiefly confined to Southern Italy and Etruria. In fact, till recent years these regions were almost our only source of information on Greek pottery, as has already been pointed out.
The rest of the area is covered by the island of Sicily and the southern part of Italy from Bologna downwards. Greek vases have sometimes been found in Spain, Gaul (which means France and North Italy), like in Marseilles (Massilia), where early Greek pottery has been discovered, as well as in Sardinia; but the sites in the Western Mediterranean are mainly limited to Southern Italy and Etruria. In fact, until a few years ago, these regions were nearly our only source of information on Greek pottery, as was mentioned earlier.
Generally speaking, it may be said that all Greek vases have been found in tombs, but the circumstances under which they have been found differ according to locality. We propose in the succeeding section to say something of the nature of the ancient tombs, and the differences between those of Greece, Cyprus, Italy, and other sites.
Generally speaking, it can be said that all Greek vases have been found in tombs, but the conditions of their discovery vary by location. In the next section, we plan to discuss the nature of ancient tombs and the differences between those in Greece, Cyprus, Italy, and other sites.
Of finds on the sites of temples and sanctuaries it is not necessary to say much here; the explanation of such discoveries will receive some attention in Chapter IV., and the individual sites will also be noted in the next section of this chapter. It is a rare occurrence to find complete vases under these circumstances, as they generally owe their preservation to the fact that they have been broken in pieces and cast away as rubbish into holes and pits. The most notable instance is the remarkable series of fragments discovered on the Acropolis at Athens.
Of discoveries at temple and sanctuary sites, there's not much to say here; the explanation of these finds will be discussed in Chapter IV, and the specific sites will also be mentioned in the next section of this chapter. It's quite unusual to find complete vases in these situations, as they usually survive because they were broken into pieces and discarded as trash into holes and pits. The most notable example is the impressive set of fragments found on the Acropolis in Athens.
Greek tombs are not usually very remarkable in character,[49] being for the most part small and designed for single corpses; this may possibly account for the comparatively small size of the vases discovered on most Hellenic sites. In the earlier tombs at Athens and Corinth the pottery was found at a very great depth below the soil. The six shaft-graves in the circle at Mycenae are of great size, and contained large quantities of painted pottery; an exact reproduction of the sixth, found by M. Stamatakis in 1878, with its contents, is in the National Museum at Athens. Here also are reproductions of two typical fifth-century Greek tombs containing sepulchral lekythi,[50] and showing how the vases were arranged round the corpse.[51]
Greek tombs are generally not very impressive,[49] being mostly small and made for single bodies; this might explain the relatively small size of the vases found at most Greek sites. In the earlier tombs at Athens and Corinth, the pottery was discovered at a significant depth beneath the ground. The six shaft graves in the circle at Mycenae are quite large and contained many pieces of painted pottery; an exact replica of the sixth grave, found by M. Stamatakis in 1878, along with its contents, is displayed in the National Museum at Athens. Here, there are also replicas of two typical fifth-century Greek tombs that include sepulchral lekythi,[50] and show how the vases were arranged around the body.[51]
Rock-graves are seldom found in Greece, the normal form of tomb being a hole or trench dug in the earth, either filled in with earth or covered with tiles (as at Tanagra). The rock-grave is almost exclusively Asiatic, but some fine specimens were found at Kertch in the Crimea.[52] Some large ones have also been found in Rhodes,[53] but the most typical form of tomb there is a square chamber cut out of the hard clayey earth, approached by a square vertical shaft and a door. They generally contained single bodies, round which were ranged vases and terracotta figures. Sir A. Biliotti, in his diary of the excavations at Kameiros (1864), also records the finding of tombs cut in the clay in the form of longitudinal trenches, covered with flat stones forming a vaulted roof. Others were merely troughs cut in the surface of the rock and covered with stones and earth. In the shafts of the first type of tomb large jars or πίθοι were often found containing the bones of children (see page 152). Nearly all these tombs have yielded Greek vases of all dates. In the island of Karpathos[54] Mr. J. T. Bent found tombs containing early pottery, consisting of two or three chambers with stone benches round the sides.
Rock-graves are rarely found in Greece; the common type of tomb is a hole or trench dug into the ground, either filled with dirt or covered with tiles (like at Tanagra). The rock-grave is mostly found in Asia, but some impressive examples were discovered at Kertch in Crimea. Some large ones have also been found in Rhodes, but the most typical tomb there is a square chamber carved out of hard clay, accessed by a square vertical shaft and a door. These tombs usually held single bodies, surrounded by vases and terracotta figures. Sir A. Biliotti noted in his diary of the excavations at Kameiros (1864) that he found tombs cut in the clay shaped like long trenches, covered with flat stones that formed a vaulted roof. Others were simply troughs carved into the rock and covered with stones and dirt. In the shafts of the first type of tomb, large jars or πίθοι were often found holding the bones of children (see page 152). Nearly all these tombs have produced Greek vases from various periods. On the island of Karpathos, Mr. J. T. Bent discovered tombs that contained early pottery, featuring two or three chambers with stone benches along the sides.

FIG. 1. INTERIOR OF COFFIN FOUND AT ATHENS, SHOWING ARRANGEMENT OF VASES.
FIG. 1. INSIDE OF COFFIN DISCOVERED IN ATHENS, DISPLAYING ARRANGEMENT OF VASES.
The tombs of Cyprus are especially interesting for two reasons: firstly, that they exhibit types not found elsewhere; and, secondly, that they vary in size and character at different periods of the island’s history. In the earliest tombs of the Bronze Age period (down to about 800 B.C.) we find a very simple type, consisting of a mere oven-like hole a few feet below the surface of the ground, with a short sloping δρόμος leading to it (Fig. 2). These tombs have very rarely been found intact, and in most cases are full of fallen earth, so that exact details of their original arrangement can seldom be obtained. Each tomb generally contained a few exported Mycenaean vases and a large number of local fabric, usually hand-made and rude in character. The rich cemetery of Enkomi is, however, an exception, for here we find large built tombs, with roofs and walls of stone. Sometimes the Bronze Age tombs were in the form of a deep well.[55]
The tombs of Cyprus are particularly fascinating for two reasons: first, they showcase styles not seen anywhere else; and second, they differ in size and design throughout the island's history. In the earliest tombs from the Bronze Age period (up to about 800 BCE), we encounter a very straightforward type, consisting of a simple oven-like pit a few feet below ground, with a short sloping road leading to it (Fig. 2). These tombs have rarely been found intact, and in most cases, they are filled with fallen earth, making it difficult to gather precise details about their original setup. Typically, each tomb contained a few imported Mycenaean vases and many locally made items, usually hand-crafted and basic in style. The rich cemetery at Enkomi is an exception, where we find large built tombs with stone roofs and walls. Sometimes, the Bronze Age tombs were shaped like deep wells.[55]

From Ath. Mitth.
FIG. 2. DIAGRAM OF BRONZE AGE TOMBS, AGIA PARASKEVI, CYPRUS.
From Ath. Mitth.
FIG. 2. DIAGRAM OF BRONZE AGE TOMBS, AGIA PARASKEVI, CYPRUS.
In the Graeco-Phoenician period (about 700–300 B.C.) the “oven” type of tomb is preserved, but on a larger scale and at a greater depth, and often reached by a long flight of stone steps. These tombs usually contain large quantities of the local geometrical pottery, as many as eighty or a hundred vases being sometimes found in one tomb. At Curium and elsewhere, where the tombs contain Greek painted vases, they are sometimes in the form of narrow ramifying passages.
In the Graeco-Phoenician period (around 700–300 B.C.), the “oven” type of tomb is still found, but on a larger scale and at a greater depth, often accessed by a long flight of stone steps. These tombs typically hold a lot of local geometric pottery, with as many as eighty or a hundred vases sometimes discovered in a single tomb. At Curium and other locations, where the tombs contain Greek painted vases, they are sometimes designed as narrow, branching passages.
The tombs of the Hellenistic period are of a very elaborate character, especially those of Roman date, with long narrow δρόμος leading to a chamber some ten by twenty feet or more, round the walls of which are sarcophagi and niches; but these tombs seldom contain any but plain and inferior pottery, the manufacture of painted vases in the island having come to an end, as in the rest of Greece.
The tombs from the Hellenistic period are quite elaborate, especially those from the Roman era, featuring long narrow road that leads to a chamber that measures about ten by twenty feet or more. The walls of these chambers are lined with sarcophagi and niches; however, these tombs rarely contain anything but simple and low-quality pottery, as the production of painted vases on the island has ceased, just like it has in the rest of Greece.
Frequently a tomb was found to contain pottery of widely different periods, especially in cemeteries such as Amathus and Curium, where the finds are of all dates, showing that the tombs were used again and again for burials.[56]
Frequently, a tomb was found to hold pottery from various periods, especially in cemeteries like Amathus and Curium, where the finds date from different times, indicating that the tombs were reused multiple times for burials.[56]
The tombs in the Cyrenaica, which were explored by Mr. Dennis and contained many Greek vases, he describes as follows[57]: “The great majority of the tombs were sunk in the rock, in the form of pits, from 6 to 7 feet long, from 3½ to 4½ feet wide, and from 5 to 6 feet deep.... Vases were sometimes placed in all four corners of the sepulchre, but this was rare; they were generally confined to two corners, often to one. The most usual place was the corner to the right of the head, and this was the place of honour; for here a Panathenaic vase in the tomb of a victor, a ribbed amphora of glazed black ware, or more commonly an ordinary wine-diota, would be deposited upright, with a number of smaller vases within it, or at its foot, either figured or of black or plain ware, according to the circumstances of the deceased. Occasionally small vases, or sometimes terracotta figures, were placed along the sides of the tomb, between the head and feet of the corpse; but I do not remember ever to have found vases deposited on the breast, or under the arms of the deceased, as was often the case in the Greek tombs of Sicily.”
The tombs in Cyrenaica, which were examined by Mr. Dennis and contained many Greek vases, are described as follows[57]: “Most of the tombs were carved into the rock, shaped like pits, measuring about 6 to 7 feet long, 3½ to 4½ feet wide, and 5 to 6 feet deep. Vases were sometimes placed in all four corners of the tomb, but this was uncommon; they were usually found in two corners, often just one. The most common spot was the corner to the right of the head, which was considered the place of honor; here, a Panathenaic vase in the tomb of a victor, a ribbed black-glazed amphora, or more commonly, a regular wine-diota, would be placed upright, often filled with smaller vases inside or at its base, either decorated or plain, depending on the deceased’s status. Occasionally, small vases or sometimes terracotta figures would be positioned along the sides of the tomb, between the head and feet of the corpse; however, I don’t recall ever finding vases placed on the chest or under the arms of the deceased, as was often seen in Greek tombs in Sicily.”
Mr. Arthur Evans has given an interesting account of the tombs at Gela (Terranuova) in Sicily, from which he has excavated many fine vases for the Ashmolean Museum.[58] Chronologically the limits of their date can be ascertained, between the foundation of Gela in 589 B.C. and its depopulation by the Carthaginians in 409 B.C., but a few tombs belong to the subsequent period down to 284 B.C., when it was finally destroyed by the Mamertines. In the early graves containing B.F. vases skeletons were found; these tombs were in the form of terracotta cists with gabled covers and tiled floors. The next stage, containing R.F. vases, has vaulted roofs made of two pieces of stone. During this period cremation-pits containing ashes and bones are sometimes found; the burnt bones were placed in kraters and covered with shallow vessels. In these were found white lekythi, in some respects rivalling those of Athens; but the subjects are domestic rather than sepulchral, and they are probably, like many of the B.F. and R.F. vases, local fabrics. Some of the tombs with B.F. vases are in the form of chambers with vaulted cement roofs. In the earlier tombs the disposition was usually as follows: a kylix on the left side of the head, an alabastron under the right arm, and a lekythos under the left (Fig. 3.). The tombs of Selinus, which are all of early date, have been described by a local explorer.[59]
Mr. Arthur Evans has provided an intriguing account of the tombs at Gela (Terranuova) in Sicily, from which he has unearthed many beautiful vases for the Ashmolean Museum.[58] The dates of these tombs can be determined to be between the founding of Gela in 589 BCE and its depopulation by the Carthaginians in 409 B.C., although a few tombs date to the following period, lasting until 284 BCE, when it was finally destroyed by the Mamertines. In the early graves containing B.F. vases, skeletons were discovered; these tombs were made as terracotta cists with sloped lids and tiled floors. The next phase, which includes R.F. vases, features vaulted roofs constructed from two stone pieces. During this time, cremation pits containing ashes and bones were occasionally found; the burned remains were placed in kraters and covered with shallow vessels. Inside these, white lekythi were found, which in some ways rival those from Athens; however, the themes depicted are more domestic than funerary, and they likely represent local productions, similar to many of the B.F. and R.F. vases. Some tombs with B.F. vases are designed as chambers featuring vaulted cement roofs. In the earlier tombs, the arrangement was usually as follows: a kylix on the left side of the head, an alabastron under the right arm, and a lekythos under the left (Fig. 3.). The tombs of Selinus, all dating from early periods, have been documented by a local explorer.[59]

From Ashmolean Vases.
FIG. 3. DISPOSITION OF VASES IN TOMB AT
GELA, SICILY.
From Ashmolean Vases.
FIG. 3. LAYOUT OF VASES IN TOMB AT
GELA, SICILY.
We next review the types of tombs in Italy from which vases have been obtained. Those at Vulci, and in the Etruscan territory generally, from which the finest and largest vases have been extracted, are chambers hewn in the rocks. The early tombs of Civita Vecchia and Cervetri are tunnelled in the earth; in Southern Italy, especially in Campania, they are large chambers, about two feet under the surface. In D'Hancarville’s work (see p. 17) an illustration is given[60] of a tomb in Southern Italy, which is constructed of large blocks of stone, arranged in squared masses, called the Etruscan style of masonry, in contradistinction to the Cyclopean. The walls are painted with subjects, the body is laid upon the stone floor, and the larger vases, such as the kraters, are placed round it. The jugs are hung upon nails round the walls. Fig. 4. gives an example of a tomb of this kind from Veii. A full account, with illustrations, of the tombs excavated in the Certosa at Bologna about thirty years ago, has been given by Signor Zannoni.[61] The tombs of Southern and Central Italy were made upon the same plan, and the same description applies to both sites.[62]
We will now look at the types of tombs in Italy that have yielded vases. The ones at Vulci, and generally throughout the Etruscan territory, are rock-hewn chambers from which the finest and largest vases have been found. The early tombs of Civita Vecchia and Cervetri are dug into the ground; in Southern Italy, especially in Campania, they consist of large chambers located about two feet underground. In D'Hancarville’s work (see p. 17), there's an illustration of a tomb in Southern Italy, built from large stone blocks arranged in squared formations, known as the Etruscan style of masonry, as opposed to the Cyclopean style. The walls are adorned with paintings, the body is placed on the stone floor, and large vases, like kraters, are positioned around it. Jugs are hung on nails around the walls. Fig. 4 shows an example of this type of tomb from Veii. A comprehensive account, along with illustrations, of the tombs excavated in the Certosa at Bologna about thirty years ago has been provided by Signor Zannoni. The tombs of Southern and Central Italy were constructed in the same way, and the same description applies to both areas.
The most ordinary tombs were constructed of rude stones or tiles, of a dimension sufficient to contain the body and five or six vases; a small one near the head and others between the legs, and on each side, more often on the right than on the left side. An oinochoe and phiale were usually found in every tomb; but the number, size, and quality of the vases varied, probably according to the rank or wealth of the person for whom the tomb was made. The better sort of tombs were of larger size, and constructed with large hewn stones, generally without, but sometimes completed with, cement; the walls were stuccoed, and sometimes ornamented with painted patterns.
The most basic tombs were made from rough stones or tiles, big enough to hold the body along with five or six vases; a small one placed near the head and others positioned between the legs and on each side, usually more on the right than the left. An oinochoe and phiale were typically found in every tomb; however, the number, size, and quality of the vases varied, likely based on the status or wealth of the individual whose tomb it was. The better-quality tombs were larger and built with big cut stones, generally without cement but sometimes finished with it; the walls were coated with stucco and sometimes decorated with painted designs.
In these tombs, which were like small chambers, the body lay face upwards on the floor, with the vases placed round it; sometimes vases have been found hanging upon nails of iron or bronze, attached to the side walls. The vases in the larger tombs were always more numerous, of a larger size, and of a superior quality in every respect to those of the ordinary tombs, which had little to recommend them except their form.
In these tombs, which resembled small rooms, the body rested face up on the floor, surrounded by vases; at times, vases have been discovered hanging on iron or bronze nails attached to the side walls. The vases in the larger tombs were consistently more numerous, larger in size, and of better quality in every way compared to those in ordinary tombs, which had little to offer aside from their shape.
Many of the larger and more important Etruscan tombs have also been described and illustrated by Dennis in his work on Etruria, especially those of Vulci and Corneto, which are famous both for their contents and for the paintings which adorn their walls.[63] In the basement of the British Museum may be seen large models of Etruscan tombs in which the arrangement is carefully reproduced.
Many of the larger and more significant Etruscan tombs have also been detailed and illustrated by Dennis in his work on Etruria, particularly those in Vulci and Corneto, which are renowned both for their contents and the paintings that decorate their walls.[63] In the basement of the British Museum, large models of Etruscan tombs are displayed, with the arrangement faithfully recreated.
The vases, as we have already mentioned, are often ranged round the dead, being hung upon or placed near the walls, or piled up in the corners. Some hold the ashes of the deceased; others, small objects used during life. They are seldom perfect, having generally either been crushed into fragments by the weight of the superincumbent earth, or else broken into sherds, and thrown into corners. Some exhibit marks of burning, probably from having accompanied the deceased to the funeral pyre. Sometimes they are dug up in a complete state of preservation, and still full of the ashes of the dead.[64] These are sometimes found inside a large and coarser vase of unglazed clay, which forms a case to protect them from the earth.
The vases, as we've mentioned before, are often arranged around the dead, either hung on or placed near the walls, or stacked in the corners. Some hold the ashes of the deceased; others contain small items that were used in life. They are rarely intact, usually either shattered into pieces by the weight of the soil above, or broken into shards and tossed into corners. Some show signs of burning, likely from being taken to the funeral pyre with the deceased. Occasionally, they are found in perfect condition, still filled with the ashes of the dead.[64] These are sometimes discovered inside a larger, coarser vase made of unglazed clay, which serves as a protective case from the earth.

FIG. 4. THE CAMPANA TOMB AT VEII, AS IT APPEARED WHEN OPENED.
FIG. 4. THE CAMPANA TOMB AT VEII, AS IT LOOKED WHEN IT WAS OPENED.
Almost all the vases in the museums of Europe have been mended, and the most skilful workmen at Naples and Rome were employed to restore them to their pristine perfection. Their defective parts were scraped, filed, rejoined, and supplied with pieces from other vases, or else completed in plaster of Paris, over which coating the restored portions were painted in appropriate colours, and varnished, so as to deceive the inexperienced eye. But either through carelessness, or else owing to the difference of process, the restorations had one glaring technical defect: the inner lines are not of the glossy hue of the genuine vases, and there is no indication of the thick raised line which follows the original outline in the old paintings. Sometimes the restorer pared away the ancient incrustation, and cut down to the dull-coloured paste of the body of the vase. Sometimes he even went so far as to paint figures in a light red or orange oil paint on the black ground, or in black paint of the same kind on orange ground. But in all these frauds the dull tone of colour, the inferior style of art, and the wide difference between modern and ancient drawing and treatment of subjects, disclose the deception. The calcareous incrustation deposited on the vases by the infiltration into the tombs of water, containing lime in solution, can be removed by soaking the vases in a solution of hydrochloric acid.[65]
Almost all the vases in Europe's museums have been repaired, and the most skilled workers in Naples and Rome were hired to restore them to their original beauty. Their damaged parts were scraped, filed, reattached, and filled with pieces from other vases, or sometimes completed with plaster of Paris, which was then painted in the right colors and varnished to fool the untrained eye. However, due either to negligence or differences in technique, the restorations had one obvious flaw: the inner lines don't have the glossy sheen of the authentic vases, and there's no sign of the thick raised line that follows the original outline in the old paintings. Occasionally, the restorer removed the old buildup and cut down to the dull-colored paste of the vase's body. Sometimes they went as far as to paint figures in light red or orange oil paint on a black background, or in black paint on an orange background. But in all these attempts at deception, the dull color tone, the lower quality of artistry, and the stark difference between modern and ancient drawing styles reveal the trick. The lime-based buildup on the vases, caused by water containing dissolved lime seeping into tombs, can be taken off by soaking the vases in a solution of hydrochloric acid.
In other cases vases with subjects have been counterfeited by taking an ancient vase covered entirely with black glaze, tracing upon it the subject and inscription intended to be fabricated, and cutting away all the black portions surrounding these tracings, so as to expose the natural colour of the clay for the fictitious ground. When red figures were intended to be counterfeited, the contrary course was adopted, the part for the figures only being scraped away, and the rest left untouched. Vases, indeed, in which the ground or figures are below the surface should always be regarded with suspicion, and their genuineness can only be determined by the general composition and style of the figures, and by the peculiarities of the inscriptions. The latter also are often fictitious, being painted in with colours imitating the true ones, and often incised; indeed, nearly all inscriptions incised after the vase has been baked are liable to give rise to suspicion. The difference of style in the composition of groups, and especially small points in the drawing, such as the over-careful drawing of details, the indication of nails, and various other minute particulars, are also criteria for detecting false or imitated vases. Water, alcohol, and acids will remove false inscriptions, but leave the true ones intact.
In other cases, vases with designs have been faked by taking an ancient vase that is fully covered in black glaze, tracing the intended design and inscription onto it, and scraping away all the black areas around these tracings to reveal the natural color of the clay for the fake background. When red figures were meant to be faked, the opposite approach was taken, with only the areas for the figures being scraped away while the remaining parts stayed untouched. Vases where the background or figures are below the surface should always be viewed with suspicion, and their authenticity can only be determined by the overall composition and style of the figures, along with the unique features of the inscriptions. The inscriptions themselves are often fake, painted in colors that mimic the real ones, and are frequently incised; in fact, nearly all inscriptions that are incised after the vase has been fired can raise doubts. Differences in the style of group compositions, especially small drawing details like overly precise details, the depiction of nails, and various other tiny specifics, are also indicators for spotting fake or imitated vases. Water, alcohol, and acids can remove false inscriptions while leaving the genuine ones intact.
Greek vases are not so easy to imitate as terracotta figures, the main difficulty being the black varnish, which can never be successfully reproduced. Acids or alcohol will always remove modern counterfeits, but cannot touch the original substance. Since the discovery in Greece of white-ground vases forgers have had a better chance, and they have often ingeniously availed themselves of genuine ancient vases on which to place modern paintings. But the antique drawing is exceedingly difficult to imitate. In former times Pietro Fondi established manufactories at Venice and Corfu, and the Vasari family at Venice, for fictitious vases,[66] and many such imitations have been made at Naples for the purpose of modern decoration.
Greek vases are harder to replicate than terracotta figures, primarily because of the black varnish, which can't be duplicated successfully. Acids or alcohol can always erase modern fakes, but they won't affect the original material. Since white-ground vases were found in Greece, forgers have had a better opportunity and have often cleverly used real ancient vases to create modern paintings. However, replicating the antique design is extremely challenging. In the past, Pietro Fondi set up shops in Venice and Corfu, and the Vasari family in Venice also made fake vases, and many imitations have been produced in Naples for contemporary decoration.[66]
The first to make such an attempt in England was the famous potter Wedgwood, whose copy of the Portland Vase is well known. His paste is, however, too heavy, and his drawings far inferior to the antique in freedom and spirit. At Naples, chiefly through the researches and under the direction of Gargiulo, vases were produced, which in their paste and glaze resembled the antique, although the drawings were vastly inferior, and the imitation could be at once detected by a practised eye. They were, indeed, far inferior in all essential respects to the ancient vases. Even soon after the acquisition of the Hamilton collection by the public, the taste created for these novelties caused various imitations to be produced. Some of the simplest kind were made of wood, covered with painted paper, the subjects being traced from the vases themselves, and this was the most obvious mode of making them. Battam also made very excellent facsimiles of these vases, but they were produced in a manner very different from that of the ancient potters, the black colour for the grounds or figures not being laid on with a glaze, but merely with a cold pigment which had not been fired, and their lustre was produced by a polish. In technical details they did not equal the imitations made at Naples, some of the best of which deceived both archaeologists and collectors.
The first person to try this in England was the famous potter Wedgwood, whose version of the Portland Vase is widely recognized. However, his material is too heavy, and his designs fall short compared to the original antique in terms of freedom and spirit. In Naples, mainly due to the research and guidance of Gargiulo, vases were created that mimicked the antique in both material and glaze, although the designs were significantly inferior, and a trained eye could easily spot the imitation. They were indeed much weaker than the ancient vases in all important aspects. Shortly after the public acquired the Hamilton collection, the interest in these new styles led to various imitations being made. Some of the simpler ones were crafted from wood and covered with painted paper, with the designs traced directly from the vases, which was the most straightforward method. Battam also created very good replicas of these vases, but they were made in a way quite different from the ancient potters, as the black color for the backgrounds or figures was applied with a cold pigment that hadn’t been fired, while their shine came from a polish. In technical details, they didn't match the imitations made in Naples, some of which fooled both archaeologists and collectors.
Sometimes illustrations of vases which never had any real
existence have appeared in publications. One of the most
remarkable of these fabricated engravings was issued by
Bröndsted and Stackelberg in a fit of archaeological jealousy.
A modern archaeologist is seen running after a draped woman
called
,
or “Fame,” who flies from him exclaiming,
,
“A long way off, my fine fellow!” This
vase, which never existed except upon paper, deceived the
credulous Inghirami, who too late endeavoured to cancel it
from his work. Other vases, evidently false, have also been
published.[67]
Sometimes, images of vases that never actually existed have appeared in publications. One of the most notable of these fake engravings was created by Bröndsted and Stackelberg out of archaeological envy. A modern archaeologist is shown chasing after a draped woman named
, or "Fame," who is fleeing from him while exclaiming,
, "A long way off, my fine fellow!" This vase, which only exists on paper, fooled the gullible Inghirami, who tried too late to remove it from his work. Other clearly fake vases have also been published.[67]
M. Tyszkiewicz, the great collector, in his entertaining Souvenirs,[68] gives some interesting illustrations of the methods of Italian forgers of vases, of which he had frequent experience. “The Neapolitans,” he says, “excel above all others in this industry; and it is in ancient Capua, now Sta. Maria di Capua Vetere, that the best ateliers for the manufacture of painted vases are situated.” But “even the famous connoisseur Raimondi, who was considered the master of his art at Sta. Maria—even he could never invent altogether the decoration of a vase so as to make it pass for an antique. Only if this talented artist could get just a few fragments of a fine vase, he was clever enough to be able, by the aid of illustrations of vases in museums or in private collections, to reconstruct the whole subject. He replaced the missing parts, and threw such an air of uniformity over the vase that it was almost impossible to tell what was modern. But if you tried to wash a vase faked up in this manner, in pure alcohol chemically rectified, you would find that the modern portions would vanish, while the ancient paintings would remain. Neither Raimondi nor any one else could ever manage to discover the secret of the ancient potters—how to obtain the background of a brilliant black colour, improperly known as the varnish of Nola. To disguise their failure in this respect, the forgers are obliged, when the vase is entirely reconstructed and repainted, to cover it all over with a varnish of their own invention; but the surface of this varnish, although brilliant, lacks the freshness and brightness of that used by the ancients. Relatively this surface appears dull, and vanishes the moment it is washed with alcohol.”
M. Tyszkiewicz, the great collector, in his engaging Memorabilia,[68] shares some fascinating insights into the techniques used by Italian vase forgers, which he often encountered. “The Neapolitans,” he notes, “are the best in this trade, and it’s in ancient Capua, now Sta. Maria di Capua Vetere, that you’ll find the top workshops for making painted vases.” However, “even the renowned connoisseur Raimondi, acclaimed as a master at Sta. Maria, could never fully create a vase design convincing enough to pass as ancient. If this skilled artist could obtain just a few fragments of a fine vase, he had the talent to reconstruct the entire piece using illustrations from museums or private collections. He would fill in the missing sections and create such a uniform look that it became nearly impossible to tell what was modern. But if you attempted to wash a vase created in this way with pure, chemically-refined alcohol, you would see that the modern parts would disappear, leaving only the ancient decorations. Neither Raimondi nor anyone else could uncover the ancient potters’ secret—how to achieve that brilliant black background, mistakenly called the varnish of Nola. To cover up their shortcomings here, the forgers have to coat the entirely reconstructed and repainted vase with a varnish of their own making; however, while this varnish has a shine, it lacks the freshness and brilliance of the ancient variety. Relatively, this surface appears dull, and it disappears as soon as it is washed with alcohol.”
At Athens also, says M. Tyszkiewicz, laboratories have been established for making vases, of which he was acquainted with three. These forgers excel in turning out the white-ground vases, which, even when antique, cannot resist the action of alcohol. For the same reason they apply gilding to their black-and-red vases, because this also yields to its action. The large prices fetched by the white vases (see below) have stimulated their activity in this direction, and their efforts have not been without artistic merit, though failing in technique.[69]
At Athens, M. Tyszkiewicz reports, there are workshops set up for creating vases, and he is aware of three of them. These artisans are particularly skilled at producing white-ground vases, which, even if they are antique, can’t withstand the effects of alcohol. Similarly, they apply gilding to their black-and-red vases since it also succumbs to those effects. The high prices fetched by the white vases (see below) have encouraged their work in this area, and while their efforts have resulted in some artistic merit, they still lack in technique.[69]
On the subject of forgeries in relation to Greek vases the literature is very scanty; but reference may be made to Prof. Furtwaengler’s Neuere Fälschungen von Antiken, which raises some very interesting questions in regard to forgeries, though his conclusions may sometimes be thought rather arbitrary.
When it comes to forgeries of Greek vases, the literature is quite limited; however, you can refer to Prof. Furtwaengler’s Newer Fakes of Antiques, which brings up some really interesting issues about forgeries, even if his conclusions might sometimes seem a bit arbitrary.
We propose now to give a survey of the principal localities in which the fictile products of the Greeks have been discovered, and the excavations which have taken place on these sites. It need hardly be said, however, that it is quite impossible to detail all the places where specimens of common pottery have been found.
We now propose to provide an overview of the main locations where Greek pottery has been discovered, as well as the excavations that have occurred at these sites. However, it goes without saying that it's nearly impossible to list all the places where examples of everyday pottery have been found.

FIG. 5. MAP OF GREECE.
FIG. 5. MAP OF GREECE.
I. GREECE
We naturally begin with Greece, following the geographical order observed by Jahn,[81] as the mainland and centre of Hellenic civilisation; and since Athens was not only the principal, for many years the only, centre of the manufacture of Greek vases, but has also been the most prolific source of recent discoveries, it is to Athens that we first turn our attention.
We start naturally with Greece, following the geographical order noted by Jahn,[81] as the main land and center of Hellenic civilization. Since Athens was not only the main center for many years, but also the only center for producing Greek vases, and has been the most fruitful source of recent discoveries, we will first focus on Athens.
Athens was duly celebrated in ancient times as the chief
home of the ceramic industry.[82] The clay of Cape Kolias is
eulogised by Suidas for its excellent qualities, and the extent
of the Κεραμεικός, or potters’ quarter, is still visible beyond
the Dipylon gate. One of the earliest painted vases found
on Attic soil was the famous Panathenaic amphora discovered
by Burgon in 1813 outside the Acharnian gate, and now in
the British Museum.[83] The tomb in which it was found also
contained remains of burnt bones, a lekythos, and other small
vases. The subjects are: on one side Athena brandishing a
spear, with the inscription
,
“I am a prize from the games at Athens”; on the other, a
man driving a biga, or two-horse chariot. The date is usually
considered to be about 560 B.C. It was rightly identified by
the early writers as one of the prize-vases described by Pindar
in the passage we have quoted elsewhere (p. 132), and was the
means of identifying many other vases similarly painted and
inscribed, but found on other sites, as belonging to the same
class. A considerable number of vases found on Greek soil,
mostly at Athens, were published by Stackelberg in 1837,[84] but
little was done for many years in the way of systematic
excavation. The National Museum was opened shortly after
the declaration of Greek independence, and assisted by royal
benefactions. The law forbidding the export of antiquities has
now been in force for many years, but unfortunately has had a
bad as well as a good effect, in that the vendors of surreptitious
finds are wont to give imaginary accounts of the circumstances
of their discoveries, in order to screen themselves.
Athens was well-known in ancient times as the main center for the ceramic industry.[82] The clay from Cape Kolias is praised by Suidas for its remarkable qualities, and the area of the Kerameikos, or potters’ quarter, is still visible beyond the Dipylon gate. One of the earliest painted vases found in Attica was the famous Panathenaic amphora discoveredby Burgon in 1813 just outside the Acharnian gate, and it is now in the British Museum.[83] The tomb where it was discovered also contained remains of burnt bones, a lekythos, and other small vases. The designs include: on one side Athena holding a spear, with the inscription
,
“I am a prize from the games in Athens”; on the other side, a man driving a biga, or two-horse chariot. The date is generally thought to be around 560 BCE It was correctly recognized byearly writers as one of the prize-vases mentioned by Pindar in the passage we have cited elsewhere (p. 132), and helped identify many other similarly painted and inscribed vases found at different locations as belonging to the same category. A significant number of vases found on Greek soil, mostly in Athens, were published by Stackelberg in 1837,[84] but for many years, there was little action taken towards systematic excavation. The National Museum opened shortly after Greece declared its independence, aided by royal donations. The law prohibiting the export of antiquities has been in effect for many years now, but unfortunately, it has had both positive and negative effects, as sellers of illegal finds often provide fictitious accounts of how they discovered them to protect themselves.
To give anything like a description of the vases found at Athens would be useless here, where so many classes are illustrated by the finds; it may, however, be worth while to note a few of the most typically Athenian groups of pottery. (1) Earliest in date are the Dipylon vases, which were found outside the gate of that name, and have from their conspicuous character given a name to a whole class. They are, however, fully treated of in Chapter VII. (2) The numerous fragments of vases found on the Acropolis, which can all be dated anterior to 480 B.C., include many exceedingly beautiful and unique specimens of the transitional period of vase-painting, some having black, some red figures.[85] Although in few cases anything more than fragments have been preserved, yet these fragments are enough to show that the originals were masterpieces surpassing even the finest examples from the Italian cemeteries. They will, it is to be hoped, shortly be made known to the world by means of an exhaustive catalogue. (3) The white lekythi, discussed at length elsewhere (Chapter XI.), besides forming a class by themselves, are specially remarkable as being almost peculiar to Athens. It is not, however, certain that they were not made also at Eretria, where many fine ones have been found of late years; but otherwise none have been found outside Attica, with the exception of a few importations to Cyprus, Locri in Italy, or Sicily. (4) A group of late R.F. vases of the “fine” style, mostly of small size and sometimes with polychrome decoration. The drawing is free and graceful, but tends to carelessness; the subjects are drawn chiefly from the life of women and children. Some of the smaller specimens were no doubt actually children’s playthings.
To describe the vases found in Athens would be pointless here, as there are so many types illustrated by the finds. However, it’s worth mentioning a few of the most typical Athenian pottery groups. (1) The oldest are the Dipylon vases, discovered outside the Dipylon Gate, which have given their name to an entire class due to their distinctive style. These are thoroughly covered in Chapter VII. (2) The many fragments of vases found on the Acropolis, all dated before 480 BCE, include many exceptionally beautiful and unique examples from the transitional period of vase-painting, with some featuring black figures and others red figures.[85] Although in many cases only fragments remain, these are enough to show that the originals were masterpieces that surpassed even the finest examples from Italian cemeteries. It is hoped that they will soon be revealed to the world through a comprehensive catalogue. (3) The white lekythi, discussed in detail elsewhere (Chapter XI.), form a distinct class by themselves and are especially notable for being almost exclusive to Athens. However, it’s uncertain if they were also made in Eretria, where many fine examples have been discovered in recent years; otherwise, none have been found outside Attica, except for a few imports to Cyprus, Locri in Italy, or Sicily. (4) A group of late R.F. vases in the “fine” style, mostly small in size and sometimes decorated with multiple colors. The drawing is free and graceful but can appear careless; the subjects primarily depict the lives of women and children. Some of the smaller pieces were likely intended as children’s toys.
Elsewhere in Attica vases have not been numerous. Eleusis has yielded some interesting fragments,[86] including a plaque of about 400 B.C., with an interesting representation of the local deities, found in 1895; at Marathon the grave of the fallen warriors has been recently explored, and was found to contain both B.F. and R.F. vases, but none of particular merit.[87] The find was, however, important, as illustrating Greek methods of burial. The tombs of Phaleron are important, as having yielded a special class of early vases which are known by the name of the site.[88] These Phaleron vases combine in an interesting manner the characteristics of the Geometrical and Rhodian or Oriental styles, being akin to the so-called Proto-Corinthian. The beehive tombs at Menidi and Spata and other tombs at Haliki, near Marathon, have yielded Mycenaean pottery of the usual types, and an instructive find of early Geometrical pottery has been made at Aphidna.[89] There are vases in the museums of Athens and Berlin of various dates, to which the following provenances are assigned: Alike, Alopeke, Hymettos,[90] Kephissia, Cape Kolias,[91] Pikrodaphni,[92] Peiraeus,[93] Sunium,[94] Thorikos,[95] Trakhones,[96] Vari,[97] Velanideza, and Vourva, the two latter near Marathon.[98] Megara[99] has produced little beyond specimens of a class of late bowls with designs in relief, sometimes known as “Megarian bowls,” but more probably of Boeotian origin (see p. 53).
Elsewhere in Attica, vases have been relatively few. Eleusis has produced some intriguing fragments,[86] including a plaque from around 400 BCE that features a fascinating depiction of local deities, discovered in 1895; at Marathon, the grave of the fallen warriors has been recently examined and was found to include both B.F. and R.F. vases, though none of special significance.[87] Nevertheless, the find was important for illustrating Greek burial practices. The tombs of Phaleron are notable for yielding a unique category of early vases that are named after the site.[88] These Phaleron vases interestingly blend characteristics of the Geometrical and Rhodian or Oriental styles, resembling the so-called Proto-Corinthian style. The beehive tombs at Menidi and Spata, as well as other tombs at Haliki near Marathon, have produced Mycenaean pottery of the usual types, and an informative discovery of early Geometrical pottery has been made at Aphidna.[89] There are vases in the museums of Athens and Berlin from various periods, attributed to the following locations: Alike, Alopeke, Hymettos,[90] Kephissia, Cape Kolias,[91] Pikrodaphni,[92] Peiraeus,[93] Sunium,[94] Thorikos,[95] Trakhones,[96] Vari,[97] Velanideza, and Vourva, the last two near Marathon.[98] Megara[99] has yielded little more than examples of a type of late bowls with relief designs, sometimes referred to as “Megarian bowls,” but more likely of Boeotian origin (see p. 53).
Corinth, as a centre of the manufacture of vases, occupied in early times a position in Greece only second to Athens. Down to the first half of the sixth century it actually seems to have held the pre-eminence; but after the rise of Athens it sank altogether into obscurity, and ceased to produce any pottery at all after about 520 B.C. But we know from Strabo[100] that the fame of Corinthian wares still existed in Roman times, for in the days of Julius Caesar the tombs of the new Colonia Julia were ransacked for the vases which were the admiration of the rich nobles of Rome. The expression used by Strabo, ὀστράκινα τορεύματα, seems to imply that these were probably specimens of the later relief-ware which did not become popular in Greece before the fourth century, but then gradually ousted the painted fabrics.
Corinth, known for its vase-making, was, in ancient times, only second to Athens in Greece. Until the first half of the sixth century, it actually seemed to be the leader, but after Athens rose to prominence, Corinth faded into obscurity and stopped producing pottery altogether around 520 BCE However, we know from Strabo[100] that Corinthian wares were still famous during Roman times. In the days of Julius Caesar, tombs in the new Colonia Julia were looted for vases that were admired by the wealthy nobles of Rome. The term used by Strabo, ceramic currents, suggests that these were likely examples of the later relief-ware, which didn’t become popular in Greece until the fourth century, gradually replacing the painted styles.
Corinth, like Athens, claimed the invention of pottery and of the wheel; it was also one of the supposed centres of the origin of painting in Greece. We read, moreover, that when Demaratos fled thence to Italy he took with him two artists named Eucheir and Eugrammos, who doubtless helped to develop the art of vase-making in Etruria. The vases found here are nearly all of the early archaic and B.F. periods, from the so-called Proto-Corinthian wares down to ordinary B.F. fabrics. The Mycenaean and Geometrical styles are practically unrepresented, but occasional finds have been made of Attic B.F. and R.F. vases. With these exceptions all were actually made at Corinth, as is shown in many cases by the inscriptions in the local alphabet painted upon the vases.
Corinth, like Athens, claimed to have invented pottery and the wheel; it was also considered one of the main centers for the origin of painting in Greece. Additionally, we read that when Demaratos fled to Italy, he brought along two artists named Eucheir and Eugrammos, who likely contributed to the development of vase-making in Etruria. The vases found there are mostly from the early archaic and B.F. periods, ranging from the so-called Proto-Corinthian wares to regular B.F. fabrics. The Mycenaean and Geometrical styles are almost not represented, but occasional finds of Attic B.F. and R.F. vases have been made. With these exceptions, all were actually made in Corinth, as indicated in many cases by the inscriptions in the local alphabet painted on the vases.
The earliest discovery, and in some respects one of the most remarkable, was the vase known as the Dodwell pyxis (see p. 315), which was acquired by that traveller in 1805, and is now at Munich. In 1835 a large number of vases were found by peasants at Chiliomodi, the ancient Tenea,[101] one of which represented Herakles and the Centaur Nessos; most of these are now at Athens. In 1843 Ross[102] records the discovery of over a thousand at various sites, on the Isthmus and at or near Tenea, and ever since that time tomb-digging has been carried on without intermission. The best collections of Corinthian vases are those at Athens, Berlin, and the British Museum. But the most noteworthy find at Corinth has been that of the series of plaques (πίνακες) or votive tablets discovered at Penteskouphia in 1879, most of which are now at Berlin. They are all of votive character, and come from the rubbish-heap of a temple of Poseidon; most of them are painted with figures of and inscribed with dedications to that deity, and they belong to the late seventh or early sixth century B.C.[103] The British Museum possesses a R.F. “pelike” from Solygea, near Corinth, and isolated finds are also recorded from Sikyon.[104]
The earliest discovery, and in many ways one of the most incredible, was the vase known as the Dodwell pyxis (see p. 315), which was acquired by that traveler in 1805 and is now located in Munich. In 1835, a large number of vases were found by peasants at Chiliomodi, the ancient Tenea, one of which depicted Herakles and the Centaur Nessos; most of these are now in Athens. In 1843, Ross records the discovery of over a thousand at various sites on the Isthmus and at or near Tenea, and since then, tomb excavation has continued without interruption. The best collections of Corinthian vases are in Athens, Berlin, and the British Museum. However, the most significant find at Corinth has been the series of plaques (tables) or votive tablets discovered at Penteskouphia in 1879, most of which are now in Berlin. They are all votive in nature and come from the debris of a temple of Poseidon; most of them are painted with images and inscribed with dedications to that deity, dating back to the late seventh or early sixth century BCE The British Museum has a R.F. “pelike” from Solygea, near Corinth, and isolated finds have also been reported from Sikyon.
Turning to the adjoining state of Argolis, we find three sites of special importance in early times—Mycenae, Tiryns, and Argos. Of these the two former had ceased to have any importance in historic times, but this is amply compensated for by the wonderful discoveries of the Mycenaean period.[105] At Mycenae large quantities of painted pottery were found in the six shaft-tombs in the Agora, five of which were excavated by Dr. Schliemann; outside the Acropolis, and possibly belonging to a later period, was found the remarkable vase with figures of warriors marching.[106] The finds at Tiryns were chiefly fragmentary, but at Nauplia, where considerable quantities were found, there were some fragments with painted designs of chariots like the vases from Cyprus (p. 246).[107] Mycenaean pottery has also been found at Asine,[108] and the site of the Heraion at Argos, recently excavated by the American School, has yielded an exhaustive series of fragments of pottery, representative of nearly every known fabric from Mycenaean times down to the best Greek period. They have not as yet been published, but may be expected to yield important results. Other occasional finds are reported from Argos, including a curious archaic vase with a representation of Herakles and Kerberos.[109] At Kleonae, on the northern frontier of the state, was found a Corinthian vase signed by Timonidas, and there are vases from Hermione in the museum at Athens.[110]
Looking at the neighboring state of Argolis, we come across three sites of significant importance in ancient times—Mycenae, Tiryns, and Argos. The first two lost their significance in historical times, but this is more than made up for by the amazing discoveries from the Mycenaean period.[105] At Mycenae, a large amount of painted pottery was found in the six shaft-tombs in the Agora, five of which were excavated by Dr. Schliemann; a remarkable vase depicting warriors marching was discovered outside the Acropolis, likely from a later period.[106] The finds at Tiryns were mostly fragmentary, but at Nauplia, where many items were unearthed, there were some pieces with painted designs of chariots similar to those from Cyprus (p. 246).[107] Mycenaean pottery has also been discovered at Asine,[108] and the Heraion site at Argos, recently excavated by the American School, has produced an extensive collection of pottery fragments, representing nearly every known type from Mycenaean times through to the finest Greek period. While these have not yet been published, they are expected to provide important insights. Additional occasional finds have been reported from Argos, including an intriguing archaic vase showing Herakles and Kerberos.[109] At Kleonae, on the northern edge of the state, a Corinthian vase signed by Timonidas was found, and there are vases from Hermione in the museum in Athens.[110]
In the rest of the Peloponnese finds of painted vases have been exceedingly rare. The Berlin Museum possesses a B.F. vase found at Megalopolis,[111] and isolated finds are also recorded from Magoula in Laconia and Amyklae near Sparta.[112] At Olympia painted vases were very rare, but several different fabrics from the Proto-Corinthian downwards are represented by fragments.[113]
In the rest of the Peloponnese, discoveries of painted vases have been extremely rare. The Berlin Museum has a B.F. vase found at Megalopolis,[111] and there are also isolated finds reported from Magoula in Laconia and Amyklae near Sparta.[112] At Olympia, painted vases were very uncommon, but several different types from Proto-Corinthian onward are represented by fragments.[113]
In Central and Northern Greece the only fruitful region has been Boeotia, particularly its capital, Thebes. This city, like Corinth, has principally yielded early vases. As has been shown elsewhere (pp. 286, 300), Boeotia was the home of more than one indigenous fabric, notably the local variety of Geometrical ware, partly parallel with that of Athens and other sites, partly a degenerate variety with local peculiarities, forming a transition to the Phaleron and Proto-Corinthian fabrics. The last-named have frequently been found at Thebes, notably the Macmillan lekythos in the British Museum. Signed vases of local fabric, with the names of Gamedes, Menaidas, and Theozotos, are in the British Museum and in the Louvre. On the site of the Temple of the Kabeiri, near Thebes, a remarkable series of late B.F. pottery came to light, evidently a local fabric, with dedicatory inscriptions and subjects of a grotesque or caricatured nature.[114] They are quite peculiar to the site, and seem to have had a close connection with its religious rites. Besides many examples of the Geometrical and Corinthian fabrics, there have been found at Thebes several specimens of the so-called Megarian bowls with reliefs, of the second century B.C.; the proportion to other sites is such that Thebes has been thought to be the centre of the fabric. Another local fabric is that produced by Tanagra about the end of the fifth century B.C., consisting of small cups, toilet-boxes, etc., with somewhat naïve outlined designs.[115] The vase-finds here have served as evidence for the dating of the terracotta statuettes, with which no painted fabrics were found, but only ribbed or moulded black-glaze wares, characteristic of the fourth and third centuries B.C.[116] Where painted vases have been found, the accompanying statuettes were all of an archaic or even primitive type.[117]
In Central and Northern Greece, the only productive area has been Boeotia, especially its capital, Thebes. This city, like Corinth, has mainly produced early vases. As mentioned elsewhere (pp. 286, 300), Boeotia was home to more than one local pottery style, notably the regional version of Geometrical ware, which parallels that of Athens and other locations but also includes a less refined variety with local characteristics, creating a bridge to the Phaleron and Proto-Corinthian styles. The latter have often been discovered at Thebes, including the Macmillan lekythos in the British Museum. Vases made in the local style, bearing the names of Gamedes, Menaidas, and Theozotos, can be found in the British Museum and the Louvre. At the site of the Temple of the Kabeiri, near Thebes, a striking collection of late B.F. pottery was unearthed, clearly a local style, featuring dedicatory inscriptions and themes that are grotesque or caricatured in nature.[114] They are unique to the site and appear to be closely related to its religious practices. In addition to numerous examples of Geometrical and Corinthian pottery, several pieces of the so-called Megarian bowls with reliefs from the second century BCE have been found at Thebes; the ratio of these finds to those at other sites has led to the belief that Thebes is the center of this pottery style. Another local style is that produced by Tanagra around the end of the fifth century BCE, consisting of small cups, toiletry boxes, etc., with somewhat simplistic outlined designs.[115] The vase discoveries here have provided evidence for dating the terracotta statuettes, which were not found with any painted pottery, but only with ribbed or molded black-glaze wares typical of the fourth and third centuries BCE[116] When painted vases have been found, the accompanying statuettes were all of an archaic or even primitive style.[117]
In excavations at Orchomenos in 1893[118] the French School unearthed large numbers of fragments, Mycenaean, Boeotian Geometrical, Proto-Corinthian, Corinthian, and Attic black-figured; Mycenaean vases have been found at Lebadea, and Thespiae, Thisbe, and Akraiphiae are also mentioned as sites where painted vases have been found.[119] Very few sites in Northern Greece have yielded finds of pottery, but the Athens Museum contains R.F. vases from Lokris, Phokis, and Lamia[120] on the Malian Gulf, and finds are also recorded from Anthedon,[121] Atalante,[122] Exarchos, and Galaxidi in Lokris, from Elateia,[123] Abae,[124] and Daulis in Phokis, and from Thessaly. Fragments of painted pottery were seen by early travellers at Delphi.[125] At Daulis the pottery was of Mycenaean character,[126] as also that from the beehive-tombs of Volo in Thessaly and its neighbourhood. A recent excavation at Dimini is reported to have yielded very early painted vases of a quite new, probably local ware, with affinities to the Cycladic types of Thera and elsewhere.[127]
In the excavations at Orchomenos in 1893[118], the French School discovered a large number of fragments, including Mycenaean, Boeotian Geometrical, Proto-Corinthian, Corinthian, and Attic black-figured pottery. Mycenaean vases have been found at Lebadea, and Thespiae, Thisbe, and Akraiphiae are also mentioned as places where painted vases have been located.[119] Very few sites in Northern Greece have produced pottery finds, but the Athens Museum has R.F. vases from Lokris, Phokis, and Lamia[120] on the Malian Gulf, with additional finds reported from Anthedon,[121] Atalante,[122] Exarchos, and Galaxidi in Lokris, as well as from Elateia,[123] Abae,[124] and Daulis in Phokis, and from Thessaly. Fragments of painted pottery were noted by early travelers at Delphi.[125] At Daulis, the pottery was of Mycenaean style,[126] similar to that from the beehive tombs of Volo in Thessaly and its surroundings. A recent excavation at Dimini has reportedly uncovered very early painted vases of a new, likely local type, with connections to the Cycladic styles of Thera and beyond.[127]
Turning now to the Greek islands, we find somewhat more extensive and interesting results. Little indeed has been found in the Ionian Islands of the western coast,[128] even in Corfu, which as a rule has been fruitful in works of art. The only vases worth mentioning from that island are those found in the cemetery of Kastrades, in the tomb of Menekrates.[129] The contents of this tomb, which are all of an early and somewhat mixed character, are now in the British Museum; they can be dated from the inscription on the tomb about 600 B.C. Travelling round by the south of the Peloponnese, we come to Kythera, which has yielded a cup (now in the British Museum) remarkable for its inscription, ἡμικοτύλιον; it is illustrated below, p. 135. Salamis[130] again has produced little, but some interesting pottery of a transitional character from Mycenaean to Geometrical has been found.[131]
Turning now to the Greek islands, we find more extensive and interesting results. Little has been discovered on the Ionian Islands of the western coast,[128] even in Corfu, which usually has been rich in works of art. The only notable vases from that island are those found in the cemetery of Kastrades, in the tomb of Menekrates.[129] The contents of this tomb, which are all early and somewhat mixed, are now in the British Museum; they can be dated from the inscription on the tomb to around 600 BCE Traveling around the south of the Peloponnese, we reach Kythera, which has produced a cup (now in the British Museum) notable for its inscription, Half-circle; it is illustrated below, p. 135. Salamis[130] has also yielded little, but some interesting pottery showing a transition from Mycenaean to Geometrical has been found.[131]
Aegina appears to have been a pottery centre in early times, and recent discoveries are adding to our knowledge of its fabrics. Among the older finds from this island are a fine early oinochoe in the British Museum (from the Castellani collection), formerly supposed to be from Thera,[132] and several very fine red-figured and white-ground vases, notably the elegant R.F. astragalos or knucklebone-shaped vase in the British Museum, with its figures of dancers; a white Athenian lekythos, with the subject of Charon,[133] and two beautiful vases now in the Munich Museum (208, 209), with polychrome designs on a white ground.[134] In 1892–93 the British Museum acquired a series of Mycenaean, Corinthian, and Attic vases from a find on this island,[135] and other examples of Corinthian and Attic vases are recorded.[136] In 1894 excavations were made on the site of the so-called temple of Aphrodite, and yielded a number of early vases chiefly Mycenaean, Geometrical of the Athenian type, and a large series of Proto-Corinthian wares, some of unusual size.[137] Some of this pottery may possibly be of local fabric. More recently the excavations on the site of the great Doric temple (now shown to be dedicated to the goddess Aphaia) have yielded an extensive series of fragments of different dates.[138] Aegina was always celebrated in antiquity for its artistic achievements, and that it was a centre for pottery is indicated by an anonymous comic writer, who addresses the island as “rocky echo, vendor of pots” (χυτρόπωλις).[139]
Aegina seems to have been a pottery hub in ancient times, and recent discoveries are enhancing our understanding of its types of pottery. Among the older finds from this island is a beautiful early oinochoe in the British Museum (from the Castellani collection), which was previously thought to be from Thera,[132] and several exquisite red-figured and white-ground vases, especially the elegant R.F. astragalos or knucklebone-shaped vase in the British Museum, featuring figures of dancers; a white Athenian lekythos depicting Charon,[133] and two stunning vases now in the Munich Museum (208, 209) with multicolored designs on a white background.[134] In 1892–93, the British Museum acquired a collection of Mycenaean, Corinthian, and Attic vases from a find on this island,[135] and other examples of Corinthian and Attic vases have also been recorded.[136] In 1894, excavations were conducted at the site of the so-called temple of Aphrodite, uncovering numerous early vases, mainly Mycenaean, Geometric of the Athenian type, and a large collection of Proto-Corinthian wares, some of which are unusually sized.[137] Some of this pottery might actually be made locally. More recently, excavations at the site of the great Doric temple (now confirmed to be dedicated to the goddess Aphaia) have produced a wide array of fragments from various periods.[138] Aegina was well-known in antiquity for its artistic accomplishments, and its status as a pottery center is suggested by an anonymous comic writer who refers to the island as “rocky echo, vendor of pots” (χυτρόπωλις).[139]
Euboea possessed two important art-centres in Chalkis and Eretria. It is true that no vases have actually been found at Chalkis, but the existence of early B.F. vases with inscriptions in the local dialect amply testifies to the existence of potteries there (see p. 321). Eretria, on the other hand, has been carefully excavated in recent years, and has yielded many antiquities both of the early and of the finest period. Among the former are vases of a type akin to the earlier Attic fabrics, but distinguished by the use of a “pot-hook” decorative ornament, and others more akin to the Attic B.F. vases, but clearly of local make[140]; among the latter are so many fine white-ground lekythi (as well as other forms) that it has been supposed that they must have been specially manufactured here as well as at Athens. The British Museum has lately acquired several white-ground and late R.F. vases of considerable beauty from this site. Many years ago an inscribed Corinthian vase was found at Karystos.[141]
Euboea had two major art centers in Chalkis and Eretria. While it's true that no vases have actually been found in Chalkis, the discovery of early B.F. vases with inscriptions in the local dialect strongly indicates that pottery production took place there (see p. 321). Eretria, however, has been thoroughly excavated in recent years and has revealed numerous artifacts from both the early and the finest periods. Among the early finds are vases similar to the earlier Attic styles, but featuring a decorative "pot-hook" ornament, along with others more akin to the Attic B.F. vases, though clearly made locally[140]; among the latter, there are so many exquisite white-ground lekythi (as well as other types) that it is believed they must have been specifically produced here in addition to Athens. Recently, the British Museum acquired several beautiful white-ground and late R.F. vases from this site. Many years ago, an inscribed Corinthian vase was found at Karystos.[141]
The Cyclades.—In these islands we find traces of absolutely the earliest fabrics known in the history of Greek pottery, but later finds of painted vases are comparatively rare. Mycenaean pottery has been found in the islands of Amorgos,[142] Delos and Rheneia, Kythnos, Seriphos, Sikinos, Syros, Thera, and Melos.[143] Other finds recorded are from Paros and Antiparos (early fabrics), Keos, Kimolos,[144] Kythnos,[145] Siphnos, and Syros[146]; a remarkable Ionic vase in the Louvre, found in Etruria, has also been attributed to an island fabric, that of Keos,[147] and another at Würzburg to that of Naxos.[148] The chief finds of “Cycladic” or pre-Mycenaean pottery are those from the volcanic deposits of the island of Thera (see p. 260), which, from the circumstances of their discovery and the geological history of the island, are supposed to date back beyond 2000 B.C. They are painted with vegetable patterns in brown on a white ground, and have chiefly been excavated by the French School during the years 1867–74; a few are in Athens, but the majority are in the Louvre or the Sèvres Museum. In the superincumbent layers Mycenaean and Geometrical pottery came to light,[149] and a fragment of a large Melian amphora with the so-called Asiatic Artemis, now in the Berlin Museum (No. 301), is stated by Ross to have come from this island. The same traveller saw here large πίθοι with painted subjects of early character and similar smaller vases, also some with black figures, in a private collection.[150] More recently (in 1900) excavations made in the Acropolis cemetery by German archaeologists yielded a large quantity of pottery, chiefly Geometrical in character, extending from the eighth to the middle of the sixth century B.C.[151]
The Cyclades.—In these islands, we find remnants of some of the earliest fabrics known in the history of Greek pottery, but later discoveries of painted vases are relatively scarce. Mycenaean pottery has been found in the islands of Amorgos,[142] Delos and Rheneia, Kythnos, Seriphos, Sikinos, Syros, Thera, and Melos.[143] Other discoveries include early fabrics from Paros and Antiparos, Keos, Kimolos,[144] Kythnos,[145] Siphnos, and Syros[146]; a notable Ionic vase in the Louvre, found in Etruria, has also been linked to an island fabric, specifically from Keos,[147] and another at Würzburg has been attributed to Naxos.[148] The primary finds of "Cycladic" or pre-Mycenaean pottery are from the volcanic layers of the island of Thera (see p. 260), which, based on their discovery circumstances and the geological history of the island, are believed to date back to before 2000 BCE They are decorated with brown vegetable patterns on a white background and were mainly excavated by the French School between 1867 and 1874; a few are kept in Athens, but most are in the Louvre or the Sèvres Museum. In the upper layers, Mycenaean and Geometrical pottery was uncovered,[149] and a fragment of a large Melian amphora featuring the so-called Asiatic Artemis, now in the Berlin Museum (No. 301), is reported by Ross to have originated from this island. The same traveler observed here large πίθοι with painted early subjects and similar smaller vases, including some with black figures, in a private collection.[150] More recently (in 1900), excavations conducted in the Acropolis cemetery by German archaeologists uncovered a large amount of pottery, primarily of Geometrical style, dating from the eighth to the middle of the sixth century B.C.[151]
Turning now to the eastern group of Aegean Islands, known as the Sporades, we begin with Lesbos, where many fragments of B.F. and R.F. vases were found by Mr. Newton during his Vice-Consulate. From epigraphical evidence it seems probable that many of the early B.F. fragments found at Naukratis (see below) should be attributed to a Lesbian fabric, but this has not so far been established. Vases have also been found in Tenedos and Chios.[157]
Turning now to the eastern group of Aegean Islands, known as the Sporades, we start with Lesbos, where Mr. Newton discovered many fragments of B.F. and R.F. vases during his time as Vice-Consul. Based on inscriptions, it seems likely that many of the early B.F. fragments found at Naukratis (see below) can be attributed to a Lesbian style, though this has not yet been confirmed. Vases have also been found in Tenedos and Chios.[157]
Next we come to Samos, an island always renowned in antiquity for its fictile ware. The Homeric hymn to the potters is addressed to Samians. It was, however, in Roman times that its renown was especially great, and its connection with a certain class of red glazed wares has caused the name of “Samian Ware” to be applied indiscriminately but falsely to all Roman pottery of that kind.[158] Finds of pottery have, however, been few and far between. The British Museum possesses a lekythos of the B.F. period in the form of a sandalled foot (Plate XLVI.), which Mr. Finlay obtained here. More recently Dr. Böhlau excavated some early cemeteries, and found a considerable quantity of pottery of the “Ionic” type, which enabled him to establish a Samian origin for certain wares of the sixth century.[159] Kalymnos was explored by Mr. Newton in 1856, but has yielded little beyond plain glazed ware,[160] and the same may be said of Kos, although the latter was famed in antiquity for its amphorae and culinary vessels. The small islands of Telos,[161] Nisyros, Chiliodromia,[162] and Karpathos have been explored at different times by Ross, Theodore Bent, and others, and have yielded vases of a late R.F. period, corresponding to the later Athenian fabrics, several of which are in the British Museum. Messrs. Bent and Paton have also found pottery of the Mycenaean period in Kalymnos and Karpathos[163]; and similar remains are reported from Kos.[164]
Next, we come to Samos, an island that was always famous in ancient times for its pottery. The Homeric hymn to the potters is dedicated to the Samians. However, it was during Roman times that its fame reached new heights, and its association with a certain type of red-glazed pottery led to the term "Samian Ware" being used incorrectly to describe all Roman pottery of that kind. [158] Pottery finds have been rare, though. The British Museum holds a lekythos from the B.F. period shaped like a sandalled foot (Plate XLVI.), which Mr. Finlay acquired here. More recently, Dr. Böhlau excavated some early cemeteries and discovered a significant amount of pottery of the “Ionic” type, allowing him to trace some sixth-century wares back to a Samian origin. [159] Kalymnos was explored by Mr. Newton in 1856, but it has provided little more than simple glazed ware, [160] and the same can be said for Kos, even though it was renowned in ancient times for its amphorae and cooking vessels. The small islands of Telos, [161] Nisyros, Chiliodromia, [162] and Karpathos have been excavated at different times by Ross, Theodore Bent, and others, yielding vases from the later R.F. period, which correspond to the later Athenian styles, several of which can be found in the British Museum. Messrs. Bent and Paton have also discovered pottery from the Mycenaean period in Kalymnos and Karpathos [163]; and similar artifacts have been reported from Kos. [164]
But all other discoveries in the islands are far exceeded both in extent and importance by those of Rhodes.[165] They are principally due to the labours of Messrs. Salzmann and Biliotti, who diligently explored the island during the ’sixties, and the results as far as pottery is concerned, extend from Mycenaean times down to the destruction of Kameiros in 404 B.C. The earliest finds were on the site of Ialysos, and these are exclusively of “Mycenaean” type. The tombs containing Mycenaean vases were cut in the rock in quadrangular form, with vaulted δρόμος and steps. This site was explored by the above-named gentlemen about the years 1867–70, and the results of the excavation, by the liberality of Prof. Ruskin, found their way into the British Museum. Their archaeological value was not recognised for some years; but when the discoveries of Mycenae became known, it was at once seen that the Ialysos pottery must fall into line with them.
But all other discoveries in the islands are far surpassed both in scale and significance by those of Rhodes.[165] They are mainly thanks to the efforts of Messrs. Salzmann and Biliotti, who thoroughly investigated the island during the 1860s, and the findings related to pottery span from Mycenaean times to the destruction of Kameiros in 404 BCE The earliest discoveries were at the site of Ialysos, and these are strictly of “Mycenaean” style. The tombs that contained Mycenaean vases were hewn into the rock in rectangular form, featuring a vaulted road and steps. This site was examined by the aforementioned gentlemen around the years 1867–70, and, thanks to the generosity of Prof. Ruskin, the findings made their way into the British Museum. Their archaeological significance wasn't recognized for several years; however, once the discoveries at Mycenae became widely known, it was quickly understood that the Ialysos pottery had to be aligned with them.
Kameiros is first heard of as a Dorian colony of the eleventh century, and its history extends down to 408 B.C. It was fully and systematically excavated between 1859 and 1864. Far more abundant and comprehensive than the Ialysos results, the Kameiros finds illustrate the history of Greek pottery from the Geometrical period[166] down to the time of its decline, and include many fine specimens of the B.F. and R.F. periods, as well as numerous examples of the Rhodian, Corinthian, and other early classes, from the eighth to the sixth century B.C. The most interesting discovery was perhaps that of the pinax, with the fight over the body of Euphorbos, which is described elsewhere (p. 335). Among the finer specimens of the later period is the polychrome pelike with Peleus wooing Thetis. The majority of these finds are now in the British Museum, together with porcelain, bronze, and other objects illustrating the early pottery; part also went to the Louvre and to Berlin. The latest vases are of the free and careless type of late R.F. Athenian fabrics, and since they are known to be not later than the fifth century they supply valuable evidence for the dating of R.F. vases.
Kameiros is first mentioned as a Dorian colony from the eleventh century, and its history goes up to 408 BCE It was thoroughly excavated between 1859 and 1864. The findings from Kameiros are much more abundant and comprehensive than those from Ialysos and display the history of Greek pottery from the Geometric period[166] until its decline. They include many fine examples from the B.F. and R.F. periods, as well as numerous pieces from the Rhodian, Corinthian, and other early styles, dating from the eighth to the sixth century B.C. One of the most interesting discoveries was the pinax, depicting the fight over the body of Euphorbos, which is described elsewhere (p. 335). Among the finer pieces from the later period is the polychrome pelike featuring Peleus wooing Thetis. Most of these finds are now housed in the British Museum, along with porcelain, bronze, and other items that illustrate early pottery; some were also sent to the Louvre and Berlin. The latest vases are of the carefree style typical of late R.F. Athenian pieces, and since they are confirmed to be no later than the fifth century, they provide valuable evidence for dating R.F. vases.
Crete in all probability will, before many years are over, supply a great mass of material for the history of early Greek pottery. Until recent years it has received little attention from travellers or explorers, and few vases of any period have come therefrom into our Museums.[167] But Crete has always been looked to by archaeologists for the solution of the Mycenaean problem, and the systematic excavations now at length set on foot are even richer in their yield of Mycenaean and primitive pottery than those of Rhodes, Melos, and Cyprus. Mr. J. L. Myres found at Kamarais in 1894 a series of fragments of painted pottery with designs in opaque colours on a black ground, which he regarded as pre-Mycenaean.[168] This theory was subsequently borne out by the discoveries of Messrs. Arthur Evans and D. G. Hogarth at Knossos and elsewhere, which have been very rich in pottery of a similar kind, and also in vases with remarkably naturalistic patterns in relief.[169] Other finds have been made in the Dictaean Cave,[170] at Zakro[171] and Palaeokastro,[172] at Phaestos,[173] Praesos, Erganos and Kourtes, and Kavousi.[174]
Crete is likely to provide a significant amount of material for the history of early Greek pottery in the coming years. Until recently, it hasn’t attracted much attention from travelers or explorers, and very few vases of any period have made their way into our Museums.[167] However, archaeologists have always looked to Crete for answers to the Mycenaean problem, and the systematic excavations that have finally begun are proving to yield even more Mycenaean and early pottery than those found in Rhodes, Melos, and Cyprus. In 1894, Mr. J. L. Myres discovered a collection of fragments of painted pottery with designs in opaque colors on a black ground at Kamarais, which he considered to be pre-Mycenaean.[168] This theory was later supported by the findings of Messrs. Arthur Evans and D. G. Hogarth at Knossos and other sites, which have been very rich in similar pottery, as well as in vases featuring remarkably naturalistic relief patterns.[169] Additional discoveries have been made in the Dictaean Cave,[170] at Zakro[171] and Palaeokastro,[172] at Phaestos,[173] Praesos, Erganos and Kourtes, and Kavousi.[174]
II. ASIA MINOR
The Troad first claims our attention. Here on the site of the second city of Troy, at Hissarlik, Dr. Schliemann found the earliest pottery at present known from Greek soil (see Chapter VI.). This has been generally dated about 2500–2000 B.C. In subsequent excavations Dr. Dörpfeld proved the sixth city to be the Homeric Troy, the remains from which, including pottery, are all of Mycenaean character. Later finds of pottery from the Troad are of no great importance[180]; some are of Aeolic or Ionian origin, and others seem to be from an inferior local fabric, consisting of flat bowls with looped side-handles, carelessly painted in matt-black silhouette with figures of ducks and other animals. Some of these were found in 1855–56 by Mr. Brunton on the sites of New Ilium and Dardanus; others by Mr. Calvert in 1875–76, and by Dörpfeld and Brueckner in 1893. The finds of the two first-named are in the British Museum, together with some poor R.F. vases of late style. From Sigeion two polychrome lekythi have been reported, resembling the Attic white-ground fabric[181]; Jahn also records finds of painted vases from Lampsakos and Parion,[182] and a fine gilded vase with figures in relief has recently been found on the former site.[183]
The Troad is where we first focus our attention. Here, at the site of the second city of Troy in Hissarlik, Dr. Schliemann discovered the earliest pottery known from Greek soil (see Chapter VI.). This pottery is generally dated to around 2500–2000 BCE In later excavations, Dr. Dörpfeld established that the sixth city was the Homeric Troy, with remains — including pottery — all reflecting Mycenaean style. The later pottery finds from the Troad aren't particularly significant[180]; some are of Aeolic or Ionian origin, while others appear to come from a lesser local production, featuring flat bowls with looped side-handles, carelessly painted in matte black with silhouettes of ducks and various animals. Some of these were uncovered between 1855 and 1856 by Mr. Brunton at the sites of New Ilium and Dardanus; others were found by Mr. Calvert in 1875-76, and by Dörpfeld and Brueckner in 1893. The finds from the first two are housed in the British Museum, alongside some lesser R.F. vases of a later style. From Sigeion, two polychrome lekythi have been reported, resembling the Attic white-ground style[181]; Jahn also notes finds of painted vases from Lampsakos and Parion,[182] and a beautifully gilded vase with figures in relief was recently found at the former site.[183]
In Aeolis and Mysia the finds have not been considerable, but some are of importance as throwing light on the existence of local fabrics. In a private collection at Smyrna there is or was a late B.F. vase from Assos, with careless silhouette figures.[184] At Pitane a very curious Mycenaean false amphora has been found, with figures of marine and other animals[185]; and at Larisa Dr. Böhlau has found fragments of early painted vases, probably a local fabric imitating that of Rhodes.[186] MM. Pottier and Reinach, in the course of their excavations at Myrina (1884–85), found pottery of various dates and styles: Mycenaean, Ionian, Corinthian, Attic B.F. and R.F., late R.F., and vases of the so-called Gnatia style (see p. 488) or with reliefs.[187] Among those which can be traced to an Ionic or local fabric there is a very remarkable one with a head of a bearded man. Pergamon does not seem to have yielded any vases, but Kyme may have been a centre of Ionic vase-manufacture (see Chapter VIII.). Some fragments of an early B.F. krater have been found there which presents similar characteristics to those of the Ionian fabrics mentioned below.[188]
In Aeolis and Mysia, the discoveries haven’t been significant, but some are important for understanding the local fabric production. In a private collection in Smyrna, there is or was a late B.F. vase from Assos featuring careless silhouette figures.[184] At Pitane, a very interesting Mycenaean false amphora has been uncovered, showcasing figures of marine and other animals[185]; and at Larisa, Dr. Böhlau found fragments of early painted vases, which likely represent a local style imitating that of Rhodes.[186] During their excavations at Myrina (1884–85), MM. Pottier and Reinach discovered pottery from various periods and styles: Mycenaean, Ionian, Corinthian, Attic B.F. and R.F., late R.F., and vases of the so-called Gnatia style (see p. 488) or with reliefs.[187] Among those that can be linked to an Ionic or local style, there is a particularly notable one featuring the head of a bearded man. Pergamon doesn’t seem to have produced any vases, but Kyme might have been a center for Ionic vase manufacturing (see Chapter VIII.) Some fragments of an early B.F. krater have been found there, showing characteristics similar to the Ionian fabrics mentioned below.[188]
Coming lower down the coast of Ionia we meet with the home of an important school of painting in the sixth century, which seems to have centred in the flourishing cities of Phocaea, Clazomenae and elsewhere round the Gulf of Smyrna. The actual finds of such vases in the neighbourhood is not great, but is compensated for by the remarkable series of painted terracotta sarcophagi discovered at Clazomenae, the finest of which is now in the British Museum. These, which obviously represent the characteristics of the Ionian school of painting, show such a close relation with a series of vases found at Naukratis and Daphnae in Egypt, and at Cervetri and elsewhere in Italy,
Coming further down the coast of Ionia, we find the home of a significant painting school in the sixth century, which seems to have been based in the thriving cities of Phocaea, Clazomenae, and other locations around the Gulf of Smyrna. The actual discoveries of such vases in the area are not extensive, but this is offset by the impressive collection of painted terracotta sarcophagi that were found at Clazomenae, the best of which is now housed in the British Museum. These sarcophagi, which clearly showcase the features of the Ionian painting style, have a close connection with a series of vases discovered at Naukratis and Daphnae in Egypt, as well as at Cervetri and other places in Italy,

MAP of ASIA MINOR & the ARCHIPELAGO
Showing sites on which painted vases have been found.
FIG. 6.
MAP of ASIA MINOR & the ARCHIPELAGO
Displaying locations where painted vases have been found.
FIG. 6.
that the latter classes can only be regarded as of Ionian origin, or, if not imported, local Italian imitations of the Ionic wares. Such are the Caeretan hydriae which were directly imitated by the Etruscans.[189]
that the later classes can only be seen as originating from Ionian sources, or, if not imported, as local Italian copies of Ionian pottery. An example of this is the Caeretan hydriae, which were directly copied by the Etruscans.[189]
A vase obtained at Phocaea by Mr. W. M. Ramsay in 1880 (p. 254) appears to be an imported Cypriote fabric of late date, though archaic in appearance. At Smyrna little has been found, but there are some vases attributed thereto in the Leyden Museum. At Clazomenae some fragments of painted vases in the style of the Caeretan hydriae have recently been found, which help to establish the theories above mentioned.[190] Teos is associated with a particular kind of cup (Τήιαι κυλίχναι) mentioned by the poet Alcaeus,[191] but nothing has been found there, nor yet at Kolophon, Ephesos, or Miletos. In the interior regions of Asia primitive painted pottery is recorded from Mount Sipylos,[192] and also from Sardis on the sites of the tombs of the Lydian kings. From the tumulus known as Bin Tepe on the latter site the British Museum has obtained (through the agency of Mr. Dennis) some early pottery, which is decorated apparently in direct imitation of Phoenician glass wares. Fragments of Mycenaean and other primitive fabrics are reported from Cappadocia and from Gordion in Galatia,[193] and have been recently picked up by Prof. W. M. Ramsay at Derbe in Lycaonia.
A vase collected at Phocaea by Mr. W. M. Ramsay in 1880 (p. 254) seems to be an imported Cypriot piece from a later period, although it looks archaic. In Smyrna, not much has been discovered, but there are several vases attributed to the area in the Leyden Museum. At Clazomenae, some fragments of painted vases resembling Caeretan hydriae have been found recently, which support the aforementioned theories.[190] Teos is linked to a specific type of cup (Τήιαι κυλίχναι) mentioned by the poet Alcaeus,[191] but nothing has been discovered there, nor at Kolophon, Ephesos, or Miletos. In the inland regions of Asia, early painted pottery has been recorded from Mount Sipylos,[192] as well as from Sardis in the burial sites of the Lydian kings. The British Museum has acquired (through Mr. Dennis) some early pottery from the tumulus known as Bin Tepe at this site, which is apparently decorated in direct imitation of Phoenician glassware. Fragments of Mycenaean and other early materials have been reported from Cappadocia and Gordion in Galatia,[193] and have also been recently discovered by Prof. W. M. Ramsay at Derbe in Lycaonia.
In Caria early local fabrics seem to be indicated by finds at Mylasa and Stratonikeia (Idrias).[194] At Assarlik Mr. W. R. Paton found pottery of a transitional character from Mycenaean to Geometrical. Tralles and Knidos were famous in antiquity for pottery,[195] but have left virtually nothing, nor has Halicarnassos. A Mycenaean false amphora is reported from Telmessos in Lycia, and fragments of B.F. and R.F. vases from Xanthos.[196]
In Caria, early local fabrics appear to be indicated by findings at Mylasa and Stratonikeia (Idrias).[194] At Assarlik, Mr. W. R. Paton discovered pottery that shows a transition from Mycenaean to Geometric styles. Tralles and Knidos were well-known in ancient times for their pottery,[195] but they have left almost nothing behind, nor has Halicarnassos. A Mycenaean false amphora has been reported from Telmessos in Lycia, along with fragments of Black Figure and Red Figure vases from Xanthos.[196]
From the distant site of Susa in Persia an interesting find has been recently reported,[197] of part of a R.F. rhyton in the form of a horse’s head, on which is painted the figure of a Persian in polychrome on a white ground. It belongs to the period 500–480 B.C., and may have been carried off by the Persians when they sacked the Athenian Acropolis.
From the faraway site of Susa in Persia, an intriguing discovery has recently been reported,[197] part of a R.F. rhyton shaped like a horse’s head, featuring the painted image of a Persian in multiple colors on a white background. It dates back to the period of 500–480 BCE and could have been taken by the Persians when they invaded the Athenian Acropolis.
Cyprus.—This island is of special interest to us as being now the only classical land in our own possession. Although we have not perhaps utilised to the full extent the opportunities thereby afforded us for excavations, yet of late years much has been done, especially by the British Museum, to remedy this defect, and the collection of Cypriote antiquities in the national museum is now fully worthy of that institution and as representative as could be wished. Previous to the English occupation the island remained undisturbed, with a few exceptions, the first being the excavations of Mr. R. Lang at Dali (Idalion) in 1867. The finds here were chiefly of terracottas and sculpture, and are now in the British Museum, but, owing to the misconception of Cypriote history that formerly prevailed, have been somewhat incongruously placed in the Oriental Department. Meanwhile, another consul, General L. Cesnola, was not slow to make use of his opportunities, seeing in the obvious richness of the field, the chances of gaining great distinction as an explorer. Of his energy and liberality in the cause there can be little doubt; but he was not an archaeologist, and did not realise the value of scientific evidence, negative or positive. Hence, although he deserves a meed of praise as the pioneer of Cypriote exploration, his statements are not always sufficiently explicit to be used without hesitation. His extensive collections are now in the Metropolitan Museum at New York; the British Museum has a few of the vases, but lost the opportunity of acquiring the whole. Another English consul, Mr. Sandwith, also made a collection of Cypriote pottery, and, with an acuteness in advance of his time, made a successful attempt to classify it according to periods and styles. Lastly, a brother of General Cesnola’s, A. P. di Cesnola, who lived for some time in the island, made large collections in the same manner as his brother, but with the same lack of scientific accuracy.
Cyprus.—This island is particularly interesting to us as it is now the only classical land we own. While we may not have completely taken advantage of the opportunities for excavations that this provides, a lot has been accomplished in recent years, especially by the British Museum, to address this shortcoming. The collection of Cypriote antiquities in the national museum is now quite impressive and as representative as one could hope. Before the English occupation, the island mostly remained untouched, except for a few instances, the first being the excavations by Mr. R. Lang at Dali (Idalion) in 1867. The discoveries there mainly consisted of terracottas and sculptures, now housed in the British Museum, but due to an earlier misunderstanding of Cypriote history, they have been placed in the Oriental Department, which is somewhat inappropriate. Meanwhile, another consul, General L. Cesnola, quickly seized his opportunities, recognizing the potential in the area and the chance to achieve fame as an explorer. There's no doubt about his energy and generosity for the cause, but he wasn't an archaeologist and didn't grasp the importance of scientific evidence, whether negative or positive. As a result, while he deserves recognition as a pioneer in Cypriote exploration, his reports aren't always clear enough to be relied upon without reservation. His vast collections are now at the Metropolitan Museum in New York; the British Museum has a few of the vases but missed the chance to acquire them all. Another English consul, Mr. Sandwith, also assembled a collection of Cypriote pottery and, ahead of his time, successfully categorized it by periods and styles. Lastly, the brother of General Cesnola, A. P. di Cesnola, who lived on the island for a while, made large collections similarly to his brother, but without the scientific accuracy.
The record of discoveries since 1878 has been carefully systematised by Mr. J. L. Myres, who has given an excellent summary of results.[198] The cemeteries in which the island is so extraordinarily rich may be divided into two classes: Bronze Age tombs, including Mycenaean and earlier remains; and Graeco-Phoenician, with tombs of Hellenistic and Roman date. On some sites, such as Curium and Salamis, tombs of all periods are found.
The record of discoveries since 1878 has been carefully organized by Mr. J. L. Myres, who has provided an excellent summary of the results.[198] The cemeteries where the island is incredibly rich can be divided into two categories: Bronze Age tombs, which include Mycenaean and earlier remains, and Graeco-Phoenician tombs, dating from the Hellenistic and Roman periods. In some locations, like Curium and Salamis, tombs from all periods are present.

FIG. 7. MAP OF CYPRUS.
FIG. 7. MAP OF CYPRUS.
Mr. Myres notes about thirty sites on which Bronze Age pottery has been discovered, mostly in the centre and east of the island, i.e. in the more level and cultivated districts. The most important sites are Enkomi (Salamis), Curium, Alambra, Agia Paraskevi (Nicosia), Maroni, and Larnaka (several sites), at all of which Mycenaean pottery has been found, Enkomi being especially rich in this respect; others only contained local varieties, either of the earliest incised wares or of the hand-made pottery which seems to have been a later development.
Mr. Myres identifies about thirty locations where Bronze Age pottery has been found, mainly in the central and eastern parts of the island, meaning the flatter and more cultivated areas. The most significant sites include Enkomi (Salamis), Curium, Alambra, Agia Paraskevi (Nicosia), Maroni, and Larnaka (several locations), all of which have yielded Mycenaean pottery, with Enkomi being particularly abundant in this regard; others only contained local types, either from the earliest incised wares or from the hand-made pottery that seems to have emerged later.
Graeco-Phoenician pottery (700–300 B.C.) has been found in great quantities in all parts of the island, chiefly at Amathus, Dali, Larnaka (Kition), Curium, Poli (Marion), Paphos (Kouklia), Salamis, and Tamassos. In conjunction therewith Hellenic vases have appeared at Amathus, Curium, Salamis, and especially at Poli, where some really fine R.F. vases have been found, some with artists’ names.[199] Hellenistic pottery has appeared on most of the above sites, Poli and Curium supplying the best examples. The different varieties of Cypriote pottery are described in detail in Chapter VI.
Graeco-Phoenician pottery (700–300 BCE) has been discovered in large quantities across the island, mainly at Amathus, Dali, Larnaka (Kition), Curium, Poli (Marion), Paphos (Kouklia), Salamis, and Tamassos. Along with this, Hellenic vases have been found at Amathus, Curium, Salamis, and especially at Poli, where some really impressive R.F. vases have emerged, some even bearing artists’ names.[199] Hellenistic pottery has also been found at most of these sites, with Poli and Curium showcasing the finest examples. The various types of Cypriote pottery are described in detail in Chapter VI.
III. AFRICA
Greek settlements in Africa were far fewer than in Asia, and in fact only two appear to have had any importance, these being the Ionic colony in the Egyptian Delta and the Dorian colony from Thera in the Cyrenaica. Mycenaean vases have, however, appeared spasmodically in Egyptian tombs of the eighteenth to twenty-first dynasties, the evidence for the date of those at Tell-el-Amarna (c. 1400 B.C.) being apparently well established. It should also be noted that pre-Mycenaean wares corresponding to the second city pottery at Hissarlik and the Kamaraes (Crete) pottery have been found at Kahun and elsewhere in the Fayûm, in tombs of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties (2500–2000 B.C.).[200]
Greek settlements in Africa were much less common than in Asia, and only two seem to have been significant: the Ionic colony in the Egyptian Delta and the Dorian colony from Thera in Cyrenaica. Mycenaean vases have, however, been found sporadically in Egyptian tombs from the eighteenth to the twenty-first dynasties, with the dating of those at Tell-el-Amarna (c. 1400 BCE) appearing to be well established. It's also worth noting that pre-Mycenaean pottery similar to the second city pottery at Hissarlik and the Kamaraes (Crete) pottery has been discovered at Kahun and other sites in the Fayûm, in tombs dating from the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties (2500–2000 BCE).[200]
Painted and other pottery of the Hellenistic age has not infrequently been found in Egypt; the British Museum acquired a specimen from Alexandria in 1898 with a boy riding on a fish painted in opaque pink and blue on a red unglazed ground. Other examples come from Naukratis,[201] and from the Fayûm.[202] At Alexandria, where for obvious reasons no vases earlier than the third century could have come to light, a hydria was found in the catacombs with a myrtle-wreath painted on a light ground; this when discovered was filled with bones.[203] Other vases of the same type are said to be in the Louvre. In Mons. G. Feuardent’s collection in New York, the late Prof. Merriam saw a group of seventy-five vases from rock-cut tombs at Alexandria, some with inscriptions.[204] They include hydriae of a dark red clay, covered with a white slip on which are polychrome designs (Gorgoneia, armour, etc.); others of unglazed salmon-coloured clay, painted with wreaths, monsters, etc.; two-handled vases of black ware with ribbed body and twisted handles, decorated with medallions in relief and wreaths in white, like the vases of Gnatia (p. 488). The inscriptions are laid on in ink with a reed, or incised, the former being in MS. type; the method of dating is difficult to interpret, but they seem to belong to the middle of the third century.
Painted pottery from the Hellenistic period has often been found in Egypt; the British Museum acquired a piece from Alexandria in 1898 featuring a boy riding a fish, painted in opaque pink and blue on a red unglazed background. Other examples come from Naukratis,[201] and from the Fayûm.[202] In Alexandria, where it’s clear that no vases from before the third century could have been discovered, a hydria was found in the catacombs, adorned with a myrtle wreath painted on a light background; when uncovered, it was filled with bones.[203] Other vases of the same type are said to be in the Louvre. In the collection of Mons. G. Feuardent in New York, the late Prof. Merriam observed a group of seventy-five vases from rock-cut tombs at Alexandria, some of which have inscriptions.[204] They include hydriae made of dark red clay, coated with a white slip featuring polychrome designs (like Gorgoneia, armor, etc.); others made of unglazed salmon-colored clay, painted with wreaths, monsters, etc.; two-handled vases of black ware with ribbed bodies and twisted handles, decorated with relief medallions and white wreaths, similar to the vases from Gnatia (p. 488). The inscriptions are applied in ink with a reed, or incised, the former being in manuscript style; the dating method is tricky to interpret, but they appear to date back to the middle of the third century.
The Ionian settlements of Naukratis and Daphnae (Defenneh) in the Delta have yielded very important results for the history of Greek pottery, though differing in extent. The finds of pottery at Daphnae may from the circumstances of discovery be dated entirely between 600 and 550 B.C.; and though only fragmentary, they are interesting not only as showing the results of Egyptian influences, but for the points of comparison they afford with the pottery of Ionic origin and the Clazomenae sarcophagi. At Naukratis, on the other hand, the finds form a complete series extending from the foundation of the city by Milesians about 650 B.C., down to the end of the fifth century, at which point importations of Greek pottery ceased. The earlier fabrics are by far the most important, being almost entirely of local character and distinguished by the white ground on which the Naucratite artist painted his designs or figures in various colours. Among the fragments of B.F. pottery were many with names of artists. These finds were all made among the rubbish-heaps of temple-sites by the Egypt Exploration Fund in 1884–86, with the exception of some subsequent work by the British School in 1898–99. Most of the results are in the British Museum: see also p. 345 ff.
The Ionian settlements of Naukratis and Daphnae (Defenneh) in the Delta have provided significant insights into the history of Greek pottery, though they differ in scope. The pottery discovered at Daphnae can be dated entirely between 600 and 550 BCE due to the circumstances of the finds; although only fragmentary, they are interesting not only for demonstrating Egyptian influences but also for the comparisons they allow with pottery of Ionic origin and the Clazomenae sarcophagi. In contrast, the finds at Naukratis create a complete timeline from the city’s founding by Milesians around 650 BCE to the end of the fifth century, when Greek pottery imports stopped. The earlier pieces are particularly significant, being mostly of local style and characterized by the white ground where the Naucratite artists painted their designs or figures in various colors. Among the B.F. pottery fragments were several with artist names. All these finds were made among the debris of temple sites by the Egypt Exploration Fund between 1884 and 1886, except for some later work by the British School in 1898-99. Most of the findings are housed in the British Museum: see also p. 345 ff.
In the second season (1885–86) at Naukratis were found several interesting fragments of a B.F. white-ground ware, which from the nature of the designs has been connected with Kyrene (see Chapter VIII., p. 341). But so far no specimens of this ware have been found in the latter place, nor indeed anything earlier than the end of the fifth century. It is to be hoped that the earlier cemeteries are yet to be discovered. Mr. George Dennis and others, however, explored a considerable tract of country in the Cyrenaica between 1856 and 1868,[205] and found many vases of late R.F. style, some of considerable merit; also several Panathenaic amphorae of the fourth century on which the old B.F. method of painting is preserved. These were found on the site of Teucheira, but most of the vases came from Benghazi, the ancient Euesperitis, more to the south-west, the ancient name of which, Berenike, came from the queen of Ptolemy Euergetes. Nearly all the vases found here are of the late fine R.F. period, corresponding to those of the Crimea; they are, however, mostly smaller and inferior in merit. The Panathenaic amphorae can be dated by the names of Athenian archons which appear upon them: Nikokrates, 333 B.C.; Hegesias, 324 B.C.; Kephisodoros, 323 B.C.; Archippos, 321 B.C.; and Theophrastos, 313 B.C. (see p. 390). They are of course importations from Athens. Among the R.F. vases is one representing a Persian king attacked by a lion; some have polychrome designs, in one case combined with reliefs (B.M. G 12). Most of the Cyrenaica vases are now in the British Museum and the Louvre.
In the second season (1885–86) at Naukratis, several intriguing fragments of a B.F. white-ground ware were discovered, which have been linked to Kyrene based on the designs (see Chapter VIII., p. 341). However, no specimens of this ware have yet been found in that location, nor anything earlier than the end of the fifth century. We hope that earlier cemeteries are still waiting to be discovered. Mr. George Dennis and others explored a significant area in Cyrenaica between 1856 and 1868,[205] and found many vases in the late R.F. style, some of notable quality; they also uncovered several Panathenaic amphorae from the fourth century that still feature the old B.F. painting technique. These were found at Teucheira, although most of the vases originated from Benghazi, the ancient Euesperitis, located further southwest, which was originally named Berenike after the queen of Ptolemy Euergetes. Nearly all the vases found here belong to the late fine R.F. period, which corresponds with those from Crimea; however, they tend to be smaller and of lesser quality. The Panathenaic amphorae can be dated by the names of Athenian archons that appear on them: Nikokrates, 333 BCE; Hegesias, 324 BCE; Kephisodoros, 323 BCE; Archippos, 321 BCE; and Theophrastos, 313 BCE (see p. 390). They are, of course, imports from Athens. Among the R.F. vases is one depicting a Persian king being attacked by a lion; some feature polychrome designs, with some combining reliefs (B.M. G 12). Most of the vases from Cyrenaica are now housed in the British Museum and the Louvre.
IV. ITALY
With the mainland of Italy we include in our review the two islands of Sicily and Sardinia. The remaining area in which Greek pottery has been found on classical sites thus corresponds with the modern kingdom of Italy. Beyond its borders there is only one site, that of Massilia (Marseilles), which has produced Greek pottery. Vases of the primitive Thera style (see p. 261) were found here,[206] betokening a system of commerce between East and West in those times.
With the mainland of Italy, we also include the two islands of Sicily and Sardinia in our review. The other areas where Greek pottery has been discovered at classical sites align with what is now the modern kingdom of Italy. Outside its borders, there's only one location, which is Massilia (Marseilles), that has yielded Greek pottery. Vases of the early Thera style (see p. 261) were found here,[206] indicating a trade network between the East and West during that time.
The vases found in Greece may be regarded as on the whole small in size and few in number, when compared with those discovered in the ancient cemeteries and on the sites of the old cities of Italy. These are indeed so numerous that (within certain limits) they might in themselves almost serve as a basis for the history of Greek vase-painting. Roughly speaking, the vases found in Italy fall into two geographical divisions.
The vases discovered in Greece are generally smaller and less common than those found in ancient cemeteries and archaeological sites in Italy. In fact, the Italian vases are so plentiful that they could almost be used as a foundation for the history of Greek vase-painting. Broadly speaking, the vases from Italy can be divided into two geographical categories.

FIG. 8. MAP OF ITALY.
FIG. 8. MAP OF ITALY.
The first division comprises the vases discovered in Etruria, which are found in every Etruscan city of importance, from Atria or Hadria at the mouth of the Po to the very gates of Rome itself. In particular, the tombs of Caere, Tarquinii, and above all Vulci, have yielded an immense number of vases.
The first section includes the vases found in Etruria, which can be located in every significant Etruscan city, from Atria or Hadria at the mouth of the Po to the very gates of Rome. Notably, the tombs in Caere, Tarquinii, and especially Vulci have produced a huge quantity of vases.
The second is formed by the vases found in the southern half of the peninsula, including the territories of Campania, Lucania, and Apulia, and the cities of Magna Graecia, such as Cumae, Locri and Tarentum. The establishment of the potter’s art in these maritime cities at an early stage of Greek history helped to infuse a certain degree of civilisation into the regions of the interior, and its influence is to be seen in the pottery of the semi-barbarous populations, such as the Osco-Samnites and Iapygians. The chief sites for the discovery of vases are: in Apulia and Calabria, Ruvo, Canosa, and Tarentum; in Lucania, Anzi; in Campania, Capua and Nola.
The second group consists of the vases found in the southern part of the peninsula, including the areas of Campania, Lucania, and Apulia, as well as the cities of Magna Graecia, like Cumae, Locri, and Tarentum. The development of pottery in these coastal cities during an early period of Greek history contributed to a level of civilization in the interior regions, and you can see its influence in the pottery of the semi-barbaric populations, such as the Osco-Samnites and Iapygians. The main locations where vases have been discovered are: in Apulia and Calabria, Ruvo, Canosa, and Tarentum; in Lucania, Anzi; and in Campania, Capua and Nola.
We now proceed to describe in detail these sites and the discoveries of which they have been the scene. It is obvious that it will be found impossible to enumerate every spot in Italy where painted vases have been found, but it is hoped that no place or site of interest has been omitted. The order followed in describing these sites is a geographical one from north to south, which on the whole will be found the most convenient.
We will now describe these sites and the discoveries that have been made there in detail. It's clear that we can't list every location in Italy where painted vases have been found, but we hope no significant place or site of interest has been left out. The sites will be presented geographically from north to south, which should be the most convenient approach overall.
We accordingly begin with the northernmost spot to which the exportation of Greek vases seems to have reached—namely, Atria or Hadria, at the mouth of the Po. This place down to the time of Pliny[207] continued to manufacture drinking-cups of fine quality, celebrated for their durability, and painted vases have also been found in its tombs. They were first excavated as early as the sixteenth century; and in later excavations undertaken by the Austrian Government fragments of Greek pottery were found at some depth below remains of the Roman period.[208]
We start with the northernmost location that the export of Greek vases seems to have reached—Atria or Hadria, at the mouth of the Po River. This place continued to produce high-quality drinking cups, known for their durability, up until the time of Pliny[207]. Painted vases have also been discovered in its tombs. The first excavations took place as early as the sixteenth century, and later digs conducted by the Austrian Government uncovered fragments of Greek pottery deep below remnants from the Roman period.[208]
The cities of Asti, Modena (Mutina), and Pollenza (Pollentia) were also celebrated in Pliny’s time for their cups, which he groups with those of Arretium under the heading of “Samian” ware[209]; specimens of this ware have been found in the two latter places.[210] Near Mantua a vase was discovered with the subject of Perseus and Andromeda[211]; and others at Gavolda on the Mincio.[212] At Genoa a fine R.F. krater was found in 1898.[213]
The cities of Asti, Modena (Mutina), and Pollenza (Pollentia) were also well-known in Pliny’s time for their cups, which he categorized alongside those from Arretium as “Samian” ware[209]; examples of this ware have been discovered in the latter two locations.[210] Near Mantua, a vase featuring Perseus and Andromeda was found[211]; and more were uncovered at Gavolda, along the Mincio.[212] In Genoa, a beautiful R.F. krater was found in 1898.[213]
Bologna has been the scene of discoveries sufficiently important to demand a separate paragraph. These were made by Signor Zannoni, in 1869–76, in the cloister of the Certosa convent, and a fully illustrated description was published by him at the conclusion of his labours.[214] The finds include, besides remarkable bronzes of the Villanova period of Italian civilisation (800–500 B.C.), a large number of B.F. and R.F. vases covering the whole period of exportations from Athens to Etruria (550–400 B.C.), and also some local imitations of B.F. fabrics. All these are now in the Museo Civico at Bologna.
Bologna has been the site of discoveries significant enough to warrant a separate paragraph. These were made by Signor Zannoni between 1869 and 1876, in the cloister of the Certosa convent, and he published a fully illustrated description at the end of his work.[214] The findings include impressive bronzes from the Villanova period of Italian civilization (800–500 BCE), a large collection of B.F. and R.F. vases that span the entire period of exports from Athens to Etruria (550–400 BCE), as well as some local imitations of B.F. styles. All these are now housed in the Museo Civico in Bologna.
Turning now to the important district of Etruria, which has been so prolific in discoveries of ancient vases, we come first to Pisa, where, in the beginning of the last century, a potter’s establishment was discovered. Since that time red-figured vases both of the severe and fine styles have been found, including a hydria figured by Inghirami.[215]
Turning now to the significant region of Etruria, known for its rich discoveries of ancient vases, we first arrive at Pisa. At the start of the last century, a pottery workshop was uncovered there. Since then, numerous red-figured vases in both the severe and fine styles have been discovered, including a hydria painted by Inghirami.[215]
At Volterra (Volaterrae) Jahn states that many painted vases have been found[216]; but the contents of the local museum are limited to inferior Etruscan pottery of the later period with yellow figures on black ground or staring heads painted in silhouette. On the other hand some of the plain black ware is remarkably good.[217]
At Volterra (Volaterrae), Jahn mentions that many painted vases have been discovered[216]; however, the local museum's collection is restricted to lesser-quality Etruscan pottery from a later period, featuring yellow figures on a black background or bold heads painted in silhouette. On the flip side, some of the plain black pottery is impressively well-made.[217]
Perugia was another important town of ancient Etruria, but does not appear to have been a centre either for the manufacture or importation of pottery. The museum, however, contains several good Greek vases with mythological subjects, and some Etruscan imitations of R.F. vases have also been found here.[220]
Perugia was another significant town in ancient Etruria, but it doesn't seem to have been a hub for pottery production or trade. The museum, however, holds several fine Greek vases featuring mythological themes, and some Etruscan copies of R.F. vases have also been discovered here.[220]
At Chiusi (Clusium), on the other hand, some very important discoveries have been made, including the magnificent krater of the Florence Museum, known as the “François Vase,” after its discoverer.[221] It was found in a tomb which had been already pillaged, and was broken to pieces, but entire. Many vases of the B.F. and R.F. periods have been found, some signed with artists’ names, including those of Pamphaios and Anakles. On the whole, this site has yielded more fine vases than any in Etruria, except Cervetri, and of course Vulci; it is also noteworthy for the early Etruscan black wares, of which there are many remarkable specimens in the Museum.[222] The Casuccini collection, which was very representative of Chiusi finds, has now been disposed of en bloc to the Museum at Palermo.[223]
At Chiusi (Clusium), some really significant discoveries have been made, including the stunning krater at the Florence Museum, known as the “François Vase,” named after its discoverer.[221] It was discovered in a tomb that had already been looted, and it was in pieces, but mostly intact. Numerous vases from the B.F. and R.F. periods have been found, with some marked by artists’ names, including those of Pamphaios and Anakles. Overall, this site has produced more beautiful vases than any other in Etruria, except for Cervetri and, of course, Vulci; it is also notable for the early Etruscan black wares, of which there are many remarkable examples in the Museum.[222] The Casuccini collection, which was very representative of Chiusi discoveries, has now been sold as a group to the Museum at Palermo.[223]
In the immediate neighbourhood is Sarteano, also remarkable for the specimens of early black ware which it has yielded, but almost entirely deficient in painted vases. At Roselle (Rusellae) and Orbetello in the Maremma the finds of pottery have been of a comparatively insignificant character, the vases of Orbetello being nearly all late Etruscan fabrics, of rude forms, with coarse ill-drawn subjects. The same remark applies to Toscanella, near Vulci, where Greek vases are seldom found.
In the nearby area is Sarteano, notable for its early black pottery, but it lacks painted vases. At Roselle (Rusellae) and Orbetello in the Maremma, the pottery finds have been quite minor, with the vases from Orbetello mostly being late Etruscan styles, featuring crude shapes and poorly drawn designs. The same is true for Toscanella, near Vulci, where Greek vases are rarely discovered.
Bolsena (Volsinii) is specially distinguished by a curious class of late vases of coarse red ware with designs in relief, which show evident signs of having been coated with a solution producing the effect of silver.[224] They seem to be peculiar to this locality, though Athenaeus[225] tells us that a similar practice was in vogue at Naukratis. No other kinds of pottery have been found.
Bolsena (Volsinii) is particularly noted for a unique type of late vases made of coarse red clay featuring raised designs that clearly show signs of being coated with a solution that creates a silver-like effect. They appear to be specific to this area, although Athenaeus[225] mentions that a similar technique was popular in Naukratis. No other types of pottery have been discovered.
At Orvieto excavations were first made in 1830, but without very great results; the site was then neglected until the ’seventies, during which years Signor Mancini’s excavations were so successful that a local Museum has been established, which now contains many good specimens of Greek vases, as well as Etruscan black wares.[226] At Viterbo various Greek vases, mostly black-figured, were found in the early ’twenties, and later on a kylix by the master Euphronios came to light.[227] Bomarzo has yielded some good Greek vases, including signed examples by Euphronios and Hieron.[228]
At Orvieto, excavations began in 1830, but they didn't yield significant results. The site was then ignored until the 1870s, when Signor Mancini's excavations were so successful that a local museum was established, now housing many impressive Greek vases as well as Etruscan black pottery.[226] At Viterbo, various Greek vases, mainly black-figured, were discovered in the early 1920s, and later, a kylix by the master Euphronios was uncovered.[227] Bomarzo has produced some notable Greek vases, including signed pieces by Euphronios and Hieron.[228]
Corneto is more famous for the splendid wall-paintings of its tombs and for its coloured sarcophagi than for painted vases, but has nevertheless yielded some vases of considerable interest, notably a fine R.F. kylix with representation of the Olympian deities, signed by Oltos and Euxitheos, the beautiful kylix representing the desertion of Ariadne by Theseus,[229] and some specimens of Corinthian wares. Under its ancient name of Tarquinii it was of course famous as the spot to which Demaratos and his artist-companions were said to have fled from Corinth. Excavations were first begun in 1825–27. Besides the collection now in the public Museum,[230] there is a large one made by Count Bruschi from excavations on his own lands, the majority of the vases being of the B.F. period.[231] Not far distant are Civita Vecchia, represented only by some remarkable early vases in the British Museum,[232] Italian imitations of the Greek Dipylon ware, and La Tolfa, where Etruscan, Corinthian, and Ionic B.F. vases have been found.[233]
Corneto is better known for the stunning wall paintings in its tombs and its colorful sarcophagi than for painted vases, but it has still produced some noteworthy vases, particularly a fine R.F. kylix depicting the Olympian gods, signed by Oltos and Euxitheos, the beautiful kylix showing Theseus abandoning Ariadne,[229] and a few pieces of Corinthian pottery. Known in ancient times as Tarquinii, it was famous as the place where Demaratos and his artist friends were said to have escaped from Corinth. Excavations started in 1825–27. In addition to the collection now at the public Museum,[230] there is a large collection assembled by Count Bruschi from excavations on his own property, most of the vases dating back to the B.F. period.[231] Not far away are Civita Vecchia, represented only by some remarkable early vases in the British Museum,[232] which are Italian imitations of the Greek Dipylon ware, and La Tolfa, where Etruscan, Corinthian, and Ionic B.F. vases have been discovered.[233]
Few finds, at least of Greek pottery, have been made at Civita Castellana, the ancient Falerii; but this town appears to have had a special manufacture of its own in the fourth or third century B.C., like all other Etruscan fabrics an imitation of Greek vases, but with certain strongly marked peculiarities of drawing and colouring. There is a fine specimen in the British Museum.[234] These vases have only been found in recent years. The British Museum also (among others) possesses an interesting collection of local early black and red wares from this site, including two large caldrons on open-work stands, with Gryphons’ heads projecting. Isola Farnese, the ancient Veii, again, is more celebrated for its local fabrics than for Greek importations. Painted vases were found in 1838–39,[235] and in 1843 Campana discovered a remarkable tomb containing vases of early character without human figures, and early Italian wares. The archaic paintings of this tomb are of special interest for comparison with the vases of the period.[236]
There haven't been many discoveries, at least of Greek pottery, at Civita Castellana, the ancient Falerii; however, this town seems to have produced its own unique style in the fourth or third century BCE, similar to other Etruscan pottery but with distinct features in design and color. There's a great example in the British Museum.[234] These vases have only been uncovered in recent years. The British Museum also holds an intriguing collection of local early black and red wares from this site, including two large caldrons on open-work stands, featuring Gryphon heads. Isola Farnese, the ancient Veii, is more renowned for its local pottery than for Greek imports. Painted vases were discovered in 1838–39,[235] and in 1843, Campana found an impressive tomb containing early vases without human figures, along with early Italian wares. The archaic artwork in this tomb is particularly interesting for comparing with vases from that period.[236]
Next to Vulci, which we have reserved for the last, by far the most important discoveries in Etruria are those made in the tombs of Cervetri (Caere), mostly of early fabrics. In 1836 the famous Regulini-Galassi tomb came to light, a passage-like structure sixty feet in length, with doorway of slabs sloping forward to form an arch; but it contained few vases. In the same year was found a remarkable vase of plain black ware, on which was engraved an early Greek alphabet, with a sort of syllabic primer.[237] Another tomb contained a series of slabs painted with archaic Etruscan figures in the style of early B.F. vases, which are now in the British Museum. Others of similar character are in the Louvre.[238] But though these large tombs yielded little painted pottery, yet Cervetri has been the site of many notable discoveries, chiefly of early B.F. vases illustrating various developments of vase-painting. The most important is formed by the series of hydriae named “Caeretan,” after the site, which are fully discussed in Chapter VIII.; and among other finds we may note the Amphiaraos krater at Berlin,[239] of Corinthian style. Excavations went on for many years from 1831 onwards, and yielded also some interesting later vases, including examples with the signatures of Nikosthenes, Xenokles, Pamphaios, Euphronios,[240] and Charitaios, and the famous vase representing the oil-merchant.[241] Jahn[242] gives a list of the most important red-figured vases found here. At Selva la Rocca, near Monteroni in the same neighbourhood, the Duchessa di Sermoneta excavated a series of Greek painted vases of all periods. Other sites in Etruria on which vases have been found are Doganella,[243] Ferento near Viterbo,[244] Capannori,[245] Montepulciano,[246] Pitigliano,[247] Poggia Sommavilla on the border of the Sabine territory,[248] S. Filippo dei Neri, Tragliatella.[249]
Next to Vulci, which we've saved for last, the most significant discoveries in Etruria come from the tombs of Cervetri (Caere), primarily featuring early materials. In 1836, the famous Regulini-Galassi tomb was uncovered, a passage-like structure sixty feet long, with a doorway made of slabs that lean forward to create an arch; however, it contained few vases. That same year, a remarkable plain black vase was found, featuring an engraving of an early Greek alphabet, along with a kind of syllabic primer.[237] Another tomb had a series of slabs painted with archaic Etruscan figures in the style of early B.F. vases, which are now housed in the British Museum. Others of a similar nature can be found in the Louvre.[238] Although these large tombs yielded little painted pottery, Cervetri has been the site of many significant findings, mainly of early B.F. vases that showcase various developments in vase painting. The most important are the hydriae known as "Caeretan," named after the site, which are discussed in detail in Chapter VIII.; and among other discoveries, we can mention the Amphiaraos krater in Berlin,[239] which reflects Corinthian style. Excavations continued for many years from 1831 onward and also revealed some interesting later vases, including examples signed by Nikosthenes, Xenokles, Pamphaios, Euphronios,[240] and Charitaios, and the famous vase depicting the oil merchant.[241] Jahn[242] provides a list of the most notable red-figured vases discovered here. At Selva la Rocca, near Monteroni in the same area, the Duchessa di Sermoneta excavated a collection of Greek painted vases from all periods. Other locations in Etruria where vases have been found include Doganella,[243] Ferento near Viterbo,[244] Capannori,[245] Montepulciano,[246] Pitigliano,[247] Poggia Sommavilla on the edge of Sabine territory,[248] S. Filippo dei Neri, Tragliatella.[249]
But the discoveries made on all the other Etruscan sites combined are surpassed, both in number and interest, by those of Vulci, a name which eighty years since was scarcely known, but now represents to us one of the most important cities of antiquity. The site is represented by the modern Ponte della Badia, a district of about five miles in circumference round the bridge over the stream Fiora, between the estates of Canino and Montalto. The former estate lay on the left bank, distinguished by a hill named Cucumella.
But the discoveries made across all the other Etruscan sites combined don't match the number and significance of those from Vulci, a name that was hardly recognized eighty years ago but now symbolizes one of the most important cities of ancient times. The site is marked by the modern Ponte della Badia, an area about five miles around the bridge over the Fiora stream, situated between the estates of Canino and Montalto. The Canino estate is located on the left bank, marked by a hill called Cucumella.
The discovery of painted vases here was brought about purely by accident, about the year 1828. Some oxen in ploughing broke through into an Etruscan tomb containing two broken vases, and thus the local landlord, the Prince of Canino, was led to further researches. In the course of four months he discovered about 2,000 objects in tombs on one small plot of ground, and subsequently other explorers joined in emulating his good fortune. The number of painted vases alone discovered during the year 1829 is reckoned at over 3,000, according to the elaborate report published by Gerhard in the Annali,[250] describing and classifying the results. It would not be too much to assert that nine-tenths of the painted vases that have been brought to light in Etruria are from this site. Most of those now in the British Museum are from Camposcala, on the Montalto estate; but many are from the collections formed by Lucien Bonaparte, the Prince of Canino, who continued to excavate intermittently for many years, though the numbers of the finds materially diminished after the first great discovery.
The discovery of painted vases here was purely accidental, around 1828. Some oxen plowing the land broke into an Etruscan tomb that contained two broken vases, which sparked the local landlord, the Prince of Canino, to conduct further research. Over the course of four months, he unearthed about 2,000 objects in tombs on a small piece of land, and soon other explorers joined in to try and replicate his success. It's estimated that over 3,000 painted vases were found in 1829 alone, according to the detailed report published by Gerhard in the Annali,[250], which described and classified the findings. It’s safe to say that about ninety percent of the painted vases discovered in Etruria come from this site. Most of the vases that are now in the British Museum originated from Camposcala, on the Montalto estate, but many also came from the collections put together by Lucien Bonaparte, the Prince of Canino, who continued to excavate sporadically for many years, although the number of finds significantly decreased after the initial major discovery.
In recent years the only important excavations on this site have been those conducted by M. Gsell on the estate of Musignano, at the expense of the proprietor, Prince Torlonia. The object was to exhaust the site by sporadic diggings over the three principal areas of Ponte della Badia, Polledrara, and Cucumella. In all 136 tombs were opened, ranging from the period of “well-tombs” (about the ninth or eighth century B.C.) down to the chamber-tombs of the early fifth century.[251] Besides local pottery of all kinds they contained imported Greek fabrics from the Geometrical ware down to the red-figure period. The later included Corinthian vases of various kinds, a good “Tyrrhenian” amphora, and one of the “affected” B.F. style, a cup signed by Tleson and one in the style of Epiktetos, and Etruscan imitations of B.F. fabrics.
In recent years, the only significant excavations at this site were carried out by M. Gsell on the Musignano estate, funded by the owner, Prince Torlonia. The goal was to thoroughly explore the site through sporadic diggings in the three main areas: Ponte della Badia, Polledrara, and Cucumella. In total, 136 tombs were opened, ranging from the era of “well-tombs” (around the ninth or eighth century B.C.) to chamber-tombs from the early fifth century.[251] In addition to various local pottery types, the tombs also contained imported Greek fabrics from the Geometric period to the red-figure era. The later period included different types of Corinthian vases, a notable “Tyrrhenian” amphora, one in the “affected” B.F. style, a cup signed by Tleson, one in the style of Epiktetos, and Etruscan copies of B.F. fabrics.
M. Tyszkiewicz, the great collector, in his entertaining Souvenirs,[252] tells a curious story of the fate of one of the vases found in M. Gsell’s excavations:—
M. Tyszkiewicz, the renowned collector, in his entertaining Souvenirs,[252] shares an intriguing story about what happened to one of the vases discovered in M. Gsell’s excavations:—
“One day I received a visit from a country fellow, who said he had come from the neighbourhood of Canino, and brought with him a vase painted in the early Corinthian manner, the names of the figures being indicated by Greek inscriptions. The man declared he had discovered it in a tomb which had fallen in after heavy rains. The price asked was very reasonable, and the bargain was soon concluded. At that time M. van Branteghem ... was one of the most eager buyers of Greek vases, and he was so envious of my acquisition that I had real pleasure in giving it up to him. A little while after this, there called on me at my house a member of the French School in Rome, M. Gsell.... He began by asking me if I had not lately purchased a vase, which he closely described, and which proved to be the very one I had bought from the native of Canino. Now M. Gsell inspected so attentively the excavations under his care that it was impossible, he assured me, for the workmen to have stolen anything. All objects found were registered as soon as they were taken out of the tombs, and were locked up every evening in a warehouse. However, one day M. Gsell perceived that one had disappeared. He sent for the supposed thief (one of his superintendents), and by means of threats extracted a confession of the theft, and the name of the amateur to whom the vase had been sold. In conclusion, M. Gsell entreated me to let him have the vase.... Having parted with the vase, I felt the situation very embarrassing, but I told my interlocutor what had happened, and why I had handed the vase over to M. van Branteghem. The distress of M. Gsell on hearing this news touched me to such a degree that I ended by telling him that, knowing M. van Branteghem to be a gentleman, I would inform him he had become the owner of stolen goods, and throw myself on his mercy. The same day I wrote to the Belgian amateur and made a clean breast of the matter, and the vase was returned as quickly as possible. The vase was replaced in the museum of the Prince Torlonia at the Lungara.
“One day, I was visited by a guy from the countryside who said he came from the Canino area. He brought with him a vase painted in the early Corinthian style, with the names of the figures marked by Greek inscriptions. He claimed he had found it in a tomb that had collapsed after heavy rains. The price he asked for was very reasonable, and we quickly struck a deal. At that time, M. van Branteghem was one of the most eager buyers of Greek vases, and I took real pleasure in giving it to him since he was so envious of my find. A little while later, a member of the French School in Rome, M. Gsell, came to visit me. He started by asking if I had recently bought a vase, describing it in detail, and it turned out to be the exact one I had purchased from the guy from Canino. M. Gsell was so thorough in monitoring the excavations under his charge that he assured me it was impossible for the workers to have stolen anything. Every object found was registered as soon as it was taken out of the tombs and locked away every evening in a warehouse. However, one day, M. Gsell noticed that one piece was missing. He called in the supposed thief (one of his supervisors) and, through threats, got a confession of the theft and the name of the person who bought the vase. In the end, M. Gsell pleaded with me to let him have the vase. After giving up the vase, I felt quite embarrassed about the situation, but I explained to him what had happened and why I had given it to M. van Branteghem. M. Gsell's distress upon hearing this moved me so much that I decided to tell him that, knowing M. van Branteghem was a gentleman, I would inform him he had acquired stolen goods and put myself at his mercy. That same day, I wrote to the Belgian collector and came clean about the whole situation, and the vase was returned as quickly as possible. It was replaced in the museum of Prince Torlonia at the Lungara.”
“Years passed away, when one morning I was told that a peasant, who was waiting in the hall, desired to show me an antique work of art. This was an event of daily occurrence—indeed, it happened several times every day, and usually I found that the object for whose sake I had been disturbed was either quite uninteresting or else a fraud. But this time—astonishing fact!—I was shown the very vase that I had restored to the French School, and had afterwards seen at the Lungara Museum. Once again it had been stolen!”
“Years went by, and one morning I was told that a peasant, who was waiting in the hall, wanted to show me an antique piece of art. This was a common occurrence—it happened several times a day, and usually I found that the thing I was disturbed for was either really boring or a fake. But this time—astonishingly—I was shown the exact vase that I had restored for the French School and had later seen at the Lungara Museum. It had been stolen again!”
The tombs in which the vases were found were mostly small grottoes hollowed in the tufa, and with a few exceptions only a few feet underground. There was nothing remarkable in them except the vases, for they were neither spacious nor decorated, nor finished with splendid ornaments like the tombs of Corneto and of Magna Graecia. Some had seats for holding the objects deposited with the dead; others pegs for hanging the vases on the walls. The wonder was to find such fine specimens of art in tombs so homely. These vases were of all styles and epochs from early Corinthian of about the seventh century to the Decadence. Besides these, an immense number of vases painted black only, without any subject, and others of the black bucchero ware, were discovered in the various tombs, along with bronzes, ivories, and other objects peculiarly Etruscan.[253]
The tombs where the vases were found were mostly small caves carved in the tufa, and with a few exceptions, only a few feet underground. There was nothing special about them except for the vases, as they were neither large nor decorated, nor finished with fancy ornaments like the tombs of Corneto and Magna Graecia. Some had seats for placing items buried with the dead; others had pegs for hanging the vases on the walls. The surprising part was finding such beautiful pieces of art in such simple tombs. These vases were from all styles and periods, ranging from early Corinthian around the seventh century to the Decadence. In addition, a huge number of vases painted only in black, without any images, and others made of black bucchero ware, were found in the various tombs, along with bronzes, ivories, and other uniquely Etruscan items.
This vast discovery naturally attracted the attention of Europe. Notwithstanding the obvious fact of their possessing Greek inscriptions, and the light thrown upon them by the researches of Winckelmann, Lanzi, and other enlightened scholars, the Italian antiquaries, fired with a mistaken patriotism, insisted on claiming all the vases as Etruscan fabrics. The history of this error, long since discredited, is briefly summarised in the Introductory chapter.[254]
This huge discovery naturally caught the attention of Europe. Despite the clear evidence of Greek inscriptions and the insights provided by the research of Winckelmann, Lanzi, and other knowledgeable scholars, the Italian antiquarians, fueled by misguided patriotism, insisted on claiming all the vases as Etruscan creations. The history of this mistake, long since disproven, is briefly summarized in the Introductory chapter.[254]
Turning now to Southern Italy, Latium need not detain us long. It is true that Greek vases have from time to time been found at Rome, or at any rate fragments, as in the recent excavations in the Forum[255]; but few of these are of importance except as historical data. When Rome is given as the provenance of a vase, it probably implies nothing more than that it has been acquired from some dealer in that city. At Civita Lavinia Lord Savile found some fragments of painted pottery of different periods. Alba Longa is famous as the site whence the hut-urns, elsewhere discussed, have been obtained; but on the whole Rome and the cities of Latium seem to be quite barren in regard to finds of pottery. With the three main divisions of the southern half of Italy the case is quite different. It is true that there has been no Vulci in these districts, and indeed that no scientific excavations have taken place compared with those in Etruria; yet the yield of vases from these parts is extraordinarily large. In the eighteenth century the neighbourhood of Naples, Paestum, etc., was a favourite hunting-ground with dilettanti, such as Sir William Hamilton, who appear to have acquired their large collections chiefly from Campanian tombs; but unfortunately they have left no record of the sites on which these vases were found. In the Samnite district and north of the Apennines pottery-finds are almost unknown; while the barbaric regions of Bruttii and Calabria are only represented by a few late painted vases of the rudest local fabrics.
Turning now to Southern Italy, Latium doesn’t need to take up much of our time. It's true that Greek vases, or at least fragments, have occasionally been found in Rome, especially in the recent excavations in the Forum[255]; but few of them are significant beyond providing historical context. When a vase is said to be from Rome, it probably just means it was purchased from a dealer in that city. At Civita Lavinia, Lord Savile discovered some fragments of painted pottery from various periods. Alba Longa is known as the location where the hut-urns, discussed elsewhere, were found; however, overall, Rome and the cities of Latium seem quite lacking in pottery discoveries. In contrast, the three main regions of southern Italy tell a different story. It’s true that there hasn’t been a Vulci in these areas, and no scientific excavations have occurred compared to those in Etruria; yet, the number of vases found here is remarkably high. In the eighteenth century, the areas around Naples, Paestum, etc., were popular spots for collectors like Sir William Hamilton, who mainly built their extensive collections from Campanian tombs; unfortunately, they didn’t document the locations where these vases were discovered. In the Samnite region and north of the Apennines, pottery finds are almost nonexistent, while the rugged areas of Bruttii and Calabria are represented by just a few late painted vases of the simplest local styles.
It may be noted that as a general rule the Greek colonies on the coast, which maintained from the earliest times a constant intercourse with Greece, have yielded from their tombs a fair proportion of the older Greek fabrics, whereas the inland cities are more remarkable for their remains of the later Athenian and local wares, being of more recent origin.
It’s worth mentioning that, as a general rule, the Greek colonies along the coast, which have had consistent contact with Greece since ancient times, have produced a good amount of the older Greek pottery from their tombs. In contrast, the inland cities are more known for their finds of later Athenian and local pottery, as they are of more recent origin.
Next in importance for the history of local fabrics are the vases found at S. Agata dei Goti, the ancient Saticula, which can also claim a manufacture of its own.[259] They are for the most part bell-shaped kraters, and were chiefly excavated at the end of the eighteenth century. Signed vases by the Paestum masters Assteas and Python (see below) came from this site. The vases of Abella form another class of Campanian ware, but of a degenerate and late type, mostly hydriae of very pale clay. Other sites which have yielded Campanian vases are: Naples (Neapolis), Telese, Teano, Acerra, Sessa, and Nuceria Alfaterna (Nocera).[260]
Next in importance for the history of local fabrics are the vases found at S. Agata dei Goti, the ancient Saticula, which also has its own unique production.[259] Most of these are bell-shaped kraters, primarily excavated at the end of the eighteenth century. Signed vases by the Paestum masters Assteas and Python (see below) were discovered at this site. The vases from Abella represent another category of Campanian ware, but they are of a degenerate and late type, mostly hydriae made of very pale clay. Other locations that have yielded Campanian vases include: Naples (Neapolis), Telese, Teano, Acerra, Sessa, and Nuceria Alfaterna (Nocera).[260]
Capua, on the other hand, does not appear to have had any special fabric of its own, although the finds of all periods are as numerous as from any site in Southern Italy except Ruvo and Nola. Among the earlier specimens may be mentioned the inscribed Corinthian krater in the British Museum (B 37) from the Hamilton collection (Plate XXI.). The red-figured vases include cups signed by Euergides, Epiktetos, and Pistoxenos. The vases of the Decadence have, as indicated, no distinctive features of their own. Most of the late red-figured vases of fancy shapes (such as rhyta) in the British Museum are from this site, whence they passed into the hands of Castellani. The black vases with gilded ornamentation, of which the British Museum possesses some fine specimens, are also characteristic of Capua. A large number of the vases obtained by Sir William Temple are from this site, as is also one of the later Panathenaic amphorae.[261]
Capua, on the other hand, doesn’t seem to have had its own unique fabric, although the artifacts from all periods are as plentiful as from any site in Southern Italy, except for Ruvo and Nola. Among the earlier examples, there is the inscribed Corinthian krater in the British Museum (B 37) from the Hamilton collection (Plate XXI.). The red-figured vases include cups signed by Euergides, Epiktetos, and Pistoxenos. The vases from the Decadence, as noted, lack any distinctive characteristics. Most of the late red-figured vases with elaborate shapes (like rhyta) in the British Museum come from this site, where they eventually ended up with Castellani. The black vases with gilded decorations, of which the British Museum has some impressive examples, are also typical of Capua. A significant number of the vases collected by Sir William Temple are from this site, including one of the later Panathenaic amphorae.[261]
At Calvi (Cales) Greek painted vases are almost unrepresented,[262] but this site is distinguished as the origin of two late varieties of fictile ware. One is formed by the Calene phialae (p. 502), or bowls of black ware with interior designs in relief, sometimes signed with the names of local potters; the other consists of large vases highly ornamented with terracotta figurines attached in different places, or else modelled in the form of female figures or heads. Strictly speaking, the latter must be classed under the heading of terracottas (see p. 119).
At Calvi (Cales), Greek painted vases are nearly absent,[262] but this site stands out as the source of two late kinds of clay pottery. One type is the Calene phialae (p. 502), which are black bowls with raised interior designs, sometimes signed by local potters; the other consists of large vases that are richly decorated with terracotta figurines attached in various spots, or shaped like female figures or heads. Strictly speaking, the latter should be categorized as terracottas (see p. 119).
Lastly, we have to speak of Nola, which, like Capua, was always a city of considerable importance, and is represented by a large series of vases of all periods.[263] Here again we can detect no signs of a special local fabric, though for a long time the so-called “Nolan” amphorae of the red-figured period were thought to have been made on the spot, so frequently have they been found. The name is still retained as convenient for describing this particular form of amphora (see p. 162), with its exquisite black varnish, graceful outlines, and simple yet effective decoration; but it is, of course, quite conventional. The vases are purely Attic (some are signed by Athenian artists), and it can only be supposed that they found especial favour in the Nolan market. Corinthian and Attic black-figured vases occur in large numbers, and both here and at Capua there seems to have been a tendency to imitate the exported Athenian wares. Thus we find not only vases with black figures on buff ground on which the drawing is obviously free and developed, but also imitations of the “Nolan” amphorae, both classes dating from about the fourth century B.C.
Lastly, we need to talk about Nola, which, like Capua, has always been a significant city and is represented by a large collection of vases from all periods.[263] Once again, we see no evidence of a distinct local style, even though the so-called “Nolan” amphorae from the red-figured period were long believed to be locally made due to their frequent discovery. The name is still used as a convenient way to describe this specific type of amphora (see p. 162), known for its beautiful black glaze, elegant shapes, and simple yet effective decoration; however, it's worth noting that this is quite a conventional term. The vases are entirely Attic (some are signed by Athenian artists), and it's likely that they were particularly popular in the Nola market. There are numerous Corinthian and Attic black-figured vases found as well, and it seems that both here and in Capua, there was a tendency to replicate the exported Athenian products. As a result, we discover not just vases with black figures on a buff background, where the drawing is clearly free and developed, but also replicas of the “Nolan” amphorae, with both types dating back to around the fourth century BCE
At Sorrento and the neighbouring Vico Equense a few vases of different periods have been found, including a fine R.F. krater signed by Polygnotos, which was discovered in 1893, and is now in the British Museum.[264] Salerno is also mentioned as a site where Greek vases have come to light.
At Sorrento and the nearby Vico Equense, several vases from various periods have been discovered, including a beautiful R.F. krater signed by Polygnotos, which was found in 1893 and is now housed in the British Museum.[264] Salerno is also noted as a location where Greek vases have been uncovered.
The famous city of Paestum lay actually within the borders of Lucania, but all its relations were with Campania, and it may practically be regarded as a Campanian city. Little has been found here except local fourth- and third-century fabrics, but these are for the most part so remarkable that they have established the existence of a school of vase-painting at Paestum quite distinct from and earlier than the fabrics of the three districts of Southern Italy.[265] Nearly all the vases found here (including three signed by the master Assteas) have the distinguishing characteristics of this class. They are mostly to be seen in the Naples Museum; a fuller account of them is given in Chapter XI.
The well-known city of Paestum was actually located within the bounds of Lucania, but all its connections were with Campania, so it can essentially be considered a Campanian city. Only a few artifacts have been discovered here, primarily from the fourth and third centuries, but they are mostly so impressive that they demonstrate the existence of a unique school of vase-painting at Paestum, one that is quite different from and earlier than the styles found in the three regions of Southern Italy. Nearly all the vases uncovered here (including three signed by the artist Assteas) exhibit the defining features of this style. Most of them can be seen in the Naples Museum, and more details about them are provided in Chapter XI.
In Apulia the site above all others important is that of Ruvo, which was no doubt the chief centre of the local pottery-manufactures, and has yielded a great majority of the vases known as “Apulian,” as well as many of earlier style. Excavations began here in the eighteenth century, but it was not until 1828 that they were undertaken on any large scale. Vases are still found from time to time at the present day, and one of the largest private collections still existing, that of Signor Jatta, is extraordinarily rich in the vases of Apulian style collected by this gentleman and preserved on the spot. It is curious that Ruvo (Rubi) had no special importance in antiquity; it may, however, be worth noting that remains of a pottery with furnaces, etc., have come to light.[272] The Apulian vases from Ruvo have no special characteristics which distinguish them from the other Apulian fabrics.
In Apulia, the most important site is definitely Ruvo, which was undoubtedly the main hub for local pottery production and has produced the majority of what are known as “Apulian” vases, along with many earlier styles. Excavations began here in the eighteenth century, but it wasn’t until 1828 that larger-scale excavations were carried out. Vases are still occasionally found today, and one of the largest private collections remaining, owned by Signor Jatta, is exceptionally rich in Apulian-style vases gathered by him and kept on-site. It's interesting that Ruvo (Rubi) didn’t have any particular significance in ancient times; however, it's worth mentioning that remains of pottery with kilns, etc., have been discovered.[272] The Apulian vases from Ruvo don't have any distinct features that set them apart from other Apulian wares.
It would be futile to attempt a detailed description of the finds at Ruvo,[273] which include such a large proportion of the magnificent Apulian vases covered with paintings of an elaborate nature. Of earlier specimens, an isolated Corinthian vase, two Panathenaic amphorae, and sundry other B.F. vases are known, as also occasional R.F. vases, but these are almost exceptions. Among the most famous Apulian vases are those representing the Death of Talos, the Death of Archemoros, preparations for a Satyric Drama, and so on.[274]
It would be pointless to try to provide a detailed description of the discoveries at Ruvo,[273] which feature a large number of the stunning Apulian vases adorned with intricate paintings. Among earlier finds, there’s a lone Corinthian vase, two Panathenaic amphorae, and various other B.F. vases, along with some R.F. vases, but these are mostly the exception. Some of the most renowned Apulian vases include those depicting the Death of Talos, the Death of Archemoros, preparations for a Satyric Drama, and so on.[274]
At Bari vases have been found from time to time, and there is a fair collection in the local museum[276]; they include the famous Poniatowski vase with Triptolemos’ setting-out, now in the Vatican, and the krater in the British Museum (F 269) with the burlesque combat of Ares and Hephaistos over Hera. Ceglie has chiefly supplied the Berlin Museum with its Apulian specimens (from the Koller collection), others passing into a private collection at Naples. They are mostly of the later over-elaborated style.
At Bari, vases have been discovered occasionally, and there's a decent collection in the local museum[276]; it features the famous Poniatowski vase depicting Triptolemos’ departure, which is now in the Vatican, along with the krater in the British Museum (F 269) showing the comedic battle between Ares and Hephaistos over Hera. Ceglie has primarily provided the Berlin Museum with its Apulian artifacts (from the Koller collection), while others have gone into a private collection in Naples. They mostly represent the later, overly ornate style.
Altemura has supplied a few, but chiefly fine, vases, including the R.F. krater with the birth of Pandora (Brit. Mus. E 467) and the magnificent vase representing the Under-world found in 1847 and now in Naples. Other finds have been made at Polignano, Putignano, and Fasano (Gnatia), which last site is interesting as the probable centre of a late fabric. Most of the vases found here have figures or patterns painted in opaque white and purple on the black glaze, and represent the latest stage of vase-painting in Southern Italy.[277] They are found almost exclusively on this site. It is also represented by some late R.F. vases with polychrome decoration.
Altemura has produced a few, mainly exquisite, vases, including the R.F. krater depicting the birth of Pandora (Brit. Mus. E 467) and the stunning vase representing the Underworld, discovered in 1847 and currently displayed in Naples. Additional discoveries have occurred at Polignano, Putignano, and Fasano (Gnatia), with the latter site being noteworthy as the likely center of a later production. Most of the vases unearthed here feature figures or patterns painted in opaque white and purple on the black glaze, marking the final phase of vase painting in Southern Italy.[277] They are almost exclusively found at this location. The site is also represented by several late R.F. vases showcasing polychrome decoration.
In the region covered by the “heel” of Italy the most important site, as also the most important city in ancient times, is Taranto or Tarentum. Chiefly on the authority of M. Lenormant,[278] this city was for a long time regarded as the centre of many South Italian fabrics, including the vases with burlesque scenes (φλύακες), those of Paestum, the Fasano ware, and, in fact, all Apulian fabrics. But the extensive excavations that have taken place at Tarentum of late years have shown that Lenormant and those who followed him were quite misled. Few Apulian vases have come to light, the Paestum fabric is unrepresented, and although the φλύακες of Tarentum were no doubt specially famous in antiquity, there is no authority for connecting this class of vases with them to the exclusion of other sites. Vases, in fact, are extremely rare at Tarentum, which made a much greater speciality of terracottas, especially of a votive kind; a few B.F. and R.F. specimens are known,[279] including the remarkable fragment of a R.F. krater in the British Museum (E 494), and a fine krater with an Amazonomachia (Bibl. Nat. 421).
In the area known as the “heel” of Italy, the most significant site, as well as the most important city in ancient times, is Taranto or Tarentum. Mainly based on the work of M. Lenormant,[278] this city was for a long time seen as the center of many South Italian pottery styles, including vases with comedic scenes (Nonsense), those from Paestum, Fasano ware, and essentially all Apulian pottery. However, the extensive excavations conducted in Tarentum in recent years have shown that Lenormant and his followers were quite mistaken. Few Apulian vases have been found, the Paestum pottery is absent, and while the nonsense of Tarentum were indeed very famous in ancient times, there's no evidence to link this type of vase exclusively to them over other locations. In fact, vases are extremely rare in Tarentum, which specialized much more in terracottas, especially votive types; a few B.F. and R.F. pieces are known,[279] including the notable fragment of an R.F. krater in the British Museum (E 494), and a fine krater depicting an Amazonomachia (Bibl. Nat. 421).
Sicily, so celebrated for its magnificent works of art, has yielded a considerable number of painted vases of all periods. The cities of the southern coast have produced the greatest number, especially Syracuse, Gela (Terranuova), and Agrigentum (Girgenti). Many have also come from the cemeteries of Acrae, Leontini, and Megara Hyblaea. Palermo, Messina, and Catania have produced isolated examples. The richest finds have been in the recently excavated cemeteries of Syracuse. The discoveries of early vases and fragments made here by Dr. Orsi are of the utmost importance, and include quantities of specimens of Mycenaean and “Proto-Corinthian” wares.[282]
Sicily, famous for its amazing works of art, has produced a large number of painted vases from various periods. The cities along the southern coast have created the highest quantity, especially Syracuse, Gela (Terranuova), and Agrigentum (Girgenti). Many have also been found in the cemeteries of Acrae, Leontini, and Megara Hyblaea. Palermo, Messina, and Catania have yielded a few examples. The most significant discoveries have come from the recently excavated cemeteries of Syracuse. The finds of early vases and fragments here by Dr. Orsi are extremely important and include numerous examples of Mycenaean and “Proto-Corinthian” wares.[282]
At Terranuova or Gela, one of the earliest settlements of the island, vases with black and with red figures were found as long ago as the eighteenth century,[283] and in 1792 a pottery with furnaces and vases was discovered in the neighbourhood.[284] Of late years vases with black and red figures, some of the latter being of the finest style, have been discovered in large numbers, as well as white lekythi, probably imported from Athens. Of these finds we have already given some description (p. 37). In 1862 Mr. George Dennis found a series of fine R.F. lekythi of the “severe” period, together with B.F. vases and archaic terracottas, now in the British Museum; and these have been fully rivalled by Mr. Arthur Evans’ discoveries in later years. The site has also yielded vases of a primitive character, imitating early Greek wares. Gela was always noted for its potteries, as the ceramic decorations of the Geloan Treasury at Olympia show (p. 100); many of the vases have characteristic Sicilian subjects, and there was undoubtedly a considerable local fabric.
At Terranuova or Gela, one of the earliest settlements on the island, vases with black and red figures were discovered as early as the eighteenth century,[283] and in 1792, pottery along with furnaces and vases was found nearby.[284] Recently, a large number of black and red figure vases have been unearthed, some of which are of exceptional quality, as well as white lekythi, likely brought in from Athens. We have already provided some details about these finds (p. 37). In 1862, Mr. George Dennis discovered a collection of fine R.F. lekythi from the “severe” period, along with B.F. vases and archaic terracottas, which are now housed in the British Museum; Mr. Arthur Evans' later discoveries have matched these in quality. The site has also produced vases of a primitive style that mimic early Greek ceramics. Gela was always recognized for its pottery, as shown by the ceramic decorations of the Geloan Treasury at Olympia (p. 100); many of the vases feature distinct Sicilian themes, indicating that there was definitely a significant local production.
Of the vases found at Girgenti (Agrigentum) the most noteworthy is the beautiful lebes now in the British Museum,[285] of the finest R.F. style, described as “one of the finest specimens of Greek ceramography that has come down to us, absolutely unsurpassed in its combination of artistic merit and mythological interest.” It was found in 1830, and belonged to the poet Samuel Rogers; the subject is the combat of Theseus with the Amazons. Other B.F. and R.F. vases of fine style have come from this site,[286] as well as a series of moulds for vases with reliefs, of the Hellenistic period.[287] Fine vases are said to have been found at Kamarina,[288] a few with red figures at Himera, and some archaic lekythi at Selinus.[289] From Lentini Jahn records polychrome and R.F. vases, the latter of the “strong” and later periods.[290] At Palazzolo (Acrae) B.F. and R.F. vases have been found, including a B.F. kotyle in the British Museum (B 79), representing Dionysos in a car formed like a ship. At Centorbi (Centuripae) almost the only find of note was a conical cover of a large bowl ornamented with encaustic paintings, the colours having been prepared with wax; parts of two bowls were also found decorated with designs in relief and gilt, of scrolls, small Cupids, and heads of Medusa.[291] Other sites that may be mentioned are: Hybla Heraea (Ragusa),[292] Catania, Alicata,[293] Aderno[294] at the foot of Etna, and Monte Saraceno.[295]
Of the vases found at Girgenti (Agrigentum), the most remarkable is the stunning lebes now in the British Museum,[285] showcasing the finest R.F. style, described as “one of the best examples of Greek pottery that has survived, truly unmatched in its mix of artistic quality and mythological significance.” It was discovered in 1830 and previously belonged to the poet Samuel Rogers; the theme depicts the fight between Theseus and the Amazons. Other fine B.F. and R.F. vases have been unearthed from this location,[286] along with a collection of moulds for vases with reliefs from the Hellenistic period.[287] Notable vases are said to have been found at Kamarina,[288] a few with red figures at Himera, and some archaic lekythi at Selinus.[289] From Lentini, Jahn recorded polychrome and R.F. vases, particularly from the “strong” and later periods.[290] At Palazzolo (Acrae), both B.F. and R.F. vases have been found, including a B.F. kotyle in the British Museum (B 79), depicting Dionysos in a car designed like a ship. At Centorbi (Centuripae), one of the significant finds was a conical cover of a large bowl decorated with encaustic paintings, where the colors were made with wax; parts of two bowls were also discovered, featuring relief designs and gilded motifs, including scrolls, small Cupids, and heads of Medusa.[291] Other notable sites include: Hybla Heraea (Ragusa),[292] Catania, Alicata,[293] Aderno[294] at the foot of Mount Etna, and Monte Saraceno.[295]
At Tharros, in Sardinia, extensive excavations were made in 1856, and a long series of tombs found containing Phoenician objects in porcelain, engraved scarabs, terracotta figures, and other objects, but little painted Greek pottery of any importance.[296] An interesting krater of late date, with the head of the Satyr Akratos, from the island of Lipari is now in the collection of Mr. J. Stevenson at Glasgow[297]; and in Ischia was found a krater with the subject of the infant Dionysos confided to the Nymphs.[298] In the public museum of Malta some Greek vases are to be seen,[299] but it is not known whether they were actually found there.
At Tharros, in Sardinia, major excavations took place in 1856, uncovering a long series of tombs that contained Phoenician objects made of porcelain, engraved scarabs, terracotta figures, and other items, but little significant painted Greek pottery.[296] An intriguing krater from a later period, featuring the head of the Satyr Akratos, is now part of Mr. J. Stevenson’s collection in Glasgow[297]; and in Ischia, a krater depicting the infant Dionysos being cared for by the Nymphs was discovered.[298] The public museum of Malta has some Greek vases on display,[299] but it's unclear whether they were actually discovered there.
We have now completed the circuit of the ancient world, so far as finds of Greek pottery are concerned, as with the exception of Marseilles, already alluded to none can be traced in Spain or Central Europe.
We have now finished exploring the ancient world in terms of Greek pottery finds. Aside from Marseilles, which we’ve already mentioned, none can be found in Spain or Central Europe.
48. Curiously enough, the relative proportions of Greek and Oriental civilisation in Asia Minor are almost exactly the same at the present day as in the sixth century B.C. The Greeks are mostly to be found in towns like Smyrna, and the adjoining islands, while the central part of the country is almost entirely Turkish.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Interestingly, the proportions of Greek and Oriental civilization in Asia Minor are nearly the same now as they were in the sixth century BCE The Greeks primarily live in towns like Smyrna and the nearby islands, while the central region of the country is almost completely Turkish.
49. See for references to descriptions of tombs Hermann, Lehrbuch d. Antiq. iv. (1882), p. 377.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for references to descriptions of tombs Hermann, Textbook of Antiquity iv. (1882), p. 377.
50. Room K, Cases 69–72.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Room K, Cases 69-72.
51. For specimens of typical Athenian tombs see Stackelberg, Gräber der Hellenen, pl. 7. Fig. 1. gives a reproduction of a cist full of vases from ibid. pl. 8. For an admirable description of the tombs of the Dipylon, see Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 74 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For examples of typical Athenian tombs, see Stackelberg, Graves of the Greeks, pl. 7. Fig. 1. shows a reproduction of a cist full of vases from ibid. pl. 8. For a great description of the Dipylon tombs, see Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 74 ff.
52. Compte-Rendu, Atlas, 1859, pls. 5–6; Macpherson, Antiqs. of Kertch, passim.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Account, Atlas, 1859, pls. 5–6; Macpherson, Antiquities of Kertch, passim.
53. Arch. Zeit. 1850, p. 209, pl. 19.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arch. Zeit. 1850, p. 209, pl. 19.
54. Journ. Hell. Stud. vi. p. 237.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Journ. Hell. Stud. vol. vi, p. 237.
55. See for illustrations of tombs at Agia Paraskevi, near Nicosia, Ath. Mitth. 1886, xi. p. 209 ff., and Suppl. pl. 2, from which Fig. 2. is taken.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See illustrations of the tombs at Agia Paraskevi, near Nicosia, Ath. Mitth. 1886, xi. p. 209 ff., and Suppl. pl. 2, from which Fig. 2. is taken.
56. For specimens of Cypriote tombs of all periods the reader is referred to Cesnola’s Cyprus; Brit. Mus. Excavations in Cyprus, 1893–96; Journ. Hell. Stud. ix. p. 264 (Paphos) and xi. p.19 ff. (Poli).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For examples of Cypriot tombs from all periods, please refer to Cesnola’s Cyprus; Brit. Mus. Excavations in Cyprus, 1893–96; Journ. Hell. Stud. ix. p. 264 (Paphos) and xi. p.19 ff. (Poli).
57. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. ix. (1870), p. 162.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. ix. (1870), p. 162.
58. Gardner, Cat. of Vases in Ashmol. Mus. p. vii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gardner, Catalog of Vases in Ashmolean Museum. p. vii.
59. Cavallari in Bull. della Comm. di Antich. in Sicil. 1872, v. p. 10, pl. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cavallari in Bull. della Comm. di Antich. in Sicil. 1872, v. p. 10, pl. 3.
60. Vol. ii. p. 57, vignette. Models of this tomb exist in cork, and specimens may be seen in the Winchester College Museum and Eton School Library.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vol. ii. p. 57, vignette. There are models of this tomb made from cork, and you can see examples in the Winchester College Museum and Eton School Library.
61. Scavi di Certosa, 1875, text and plates.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Certosa Excavations, 1875, text and images.
62. For tombs at Ruvo see Jatta, Cat. del Museo, p. 53 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For tombs at Ruvo, see Jatta, Cat. of the Museum, p. 53 and onward.
63. Reference may also be made to Martha, L'Art Étrusque, p. 183 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. You can also refer to Martha, Etruscan Art, p. 183 and following.
64. For an example in the B.M. see E 811 in the Fourth Vase Room, Cases 6–7. A plain jar of late date, from Halikarnassos, full of calcined bones, is in the Terracotta Room of the B.M., Case 20.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For an example in the British Museum, see E 811 in the Fourth Vase Room, Cases 6–7. A simple jar from a later period, from Halikarnassos, filled with burnt bones is displayed in the Terracotta Room of the British Museum, Case 20.
65. See also Rathgen, Konservirung von Altertumsfunden, p. 67.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Rathgen, Antique Preservation, p. 67.
66. Westropp, Epochs of Painted Vases, p. 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Westropp, Epochs of Painted Vases, p. 17.
67. Inghirami, Vasi Fittili, i. pl. 13; a false vase is also published in Passeri, 300, and others in D'Hancarville, ii. 71, 84. The worst specimen is perhaps that engraved by Millin, Peintures, ii, pls. 54–5 (reproduced in Reinach’s edition), which yet for a long time found general acceptance. As a curiosity and a warning it deserves perpetuation.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Inghirami,
68. Eng. transl. p. 180 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Eng. trans. p. 180 ff.
69. Curiously enough there was in M. Tyszkiewicz’s own collection a white-ground cup with the subject of Phrixos (Sale Cat. pl. 35), which is certainly open to suspicion·
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Interestingly, in M. Tyszkiewicz's collection, there was a white-ground cup depicting Phrixos (Sale Cat. pl. 35), which definitely raises some doubts.
70. Gaz. Arch. 1875, pl. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Gaz. Arch. 1875, pl. 14.
71. Reinach, ii. 62 (in Louvre).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, ii. 62 (in Louvre).
72. B.M. E 458.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 458.
73. Munich 404.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Munich 404.
74. B.M. E 468.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 468.
75. B.M. F 331.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. F 331.
76. B.M. B 130.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 130.
77. See Reinach, Répertoire, ii. p. 277.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Reinach, Répertoire, vol. 2, p. 277.
78. Millin-Reinach, i. pl. 49; now at Deepdene (?).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Millin-Reinach, i. pl. 49; now at Deepdene (?).
79. This has been especially the case of late years, as in the sale of M. van Branteghem’s collection in 1892, when a small kylix signed by Sotades cost as much as £400, and two others slightly less.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This has been especially true in recent years, like when M. van Branteghem's collection was sold in 1892, where a small kylix signed by Sotades sold for as much as £400, and two others went for slightly less.
80. Some account of the prices paid for vases will be found in De Witte’s Description des Antiquités et Objets d’Art qui composent le cabinet de feu M. le Chev. E. Durand, Paris, 1836; and in the same author’s Description d’une collection de vases peints et bronzes antiques provenant des fouilles de l’Étrurie, Paris, 1837.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Some information about the prices paid for vases can be found in De Witte’s Description of the Antiques and Art Objects in the Collection of the Late Mr. Chev. E. Durand, Paris, 1836; and in the same author’s Description of a collection of painted vases and antique bronzes from the excavations in Etruria, Paris, 1837.
81. His Introduction to the Munich Vase Catalogue gives a good account of finds of vases in Greece up to that time (1854); see p. xxi. ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.His Introduction to the Munich Vase Catalogue provides a solid overview of vase discoveries in Greece up to that point (1854); see p. xxi. ff.
82. Cf. Athenaeus, i. 28 C; xi. 484 F, and 480 C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athenaeus, i. 28 C; xi. 484 F, and 480 C.
83. B 130. See Cat. vol. ii. for list of publications of this vase.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B 130. See Cat. vol. ii. for a list of publications about this vase.
84. Gräber der Hellenen. He also gives some description of the tombs in which they were found, and the nature of their contents (see above, p. 33).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Graves of the Greeks. He also provides a description of the tombs where they were discovered, along with the types of items they contained (see above, p. 33).
85. Good summaries of these discoveries will be found in the Arch. Anzeiger, 1893, p. 13 ff., and Berliner Philol. Wochenschr. 1895, p. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.You'll find good summaries of these discoveries in the Arch. Anzeiger, 1893, p. 13 ff., and Berliner Philol. Wochenschr. 1895, p. 59.
86. E.g. Bibl. Nat. 865 bis; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1885, pls. 8–9; 1888, pl. 12; 1898, pls. 2–5; 1901, pl. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. Bibl. Nat. 865 bis; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1885, pls. 8–9; 1888, pl. 12; 1898, pls. 2–5; 1901, pl. 1.
87. Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 46 ff.: see also Bibl. Nat. 496 bis, 506.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 46 ff.: see also Bibl. Nat. 496 bis, 506.
88. Bibl. Nat. 417 is from the neighbouring Munychia.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bibl. Nat. 417 is from the nearby Munychia.
89. Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 385 ff.; and see below, p. 278.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 385 ff.; and see below, p. 278.
90. Berlin 56 = Jahrbuch, 1887, pl. 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berlin 56 = Yearbook, 1887, pl. 5.
91. A fine R.F. and polychrome kylix = Mon. dell’ Inst. x. 37 a = Reinach, Répertoire, i. p. 207; also Athens 688 = Reinach, i. 164.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A beautiful red-figure and multicolored kylix = Mon. dell’ Inst. x. 37 a = Reinach, Directory, i. p. 207; also Athens 688 = Reinach, i. 164.
92. Berlin 2030; Athens 1167.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Berlin 2030; Athens 1167.
93. Berlin 2493, 2690; Arch. Zeit. 1880, pl. 16 = Reinach, i. p. 428.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berlin 2493, 2690; Arch. Zeit. 1880, pl. 16 = Reinach, i. p. 428.
94. Berlin 2373.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Berlin 2373.
95. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1895, pl. 11 (Mycenaean).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1895, pl. 11 (Mycenaean).
96. Berlin 1887–89.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Berlin 1887–1889.
97. Athens 1241; Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1903, p. 320.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athens 1241; Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1903, p. 320.
98. See for the Vourva vases Athens 592 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1890, p. 318 ff.; Jahrbuch, 1903, p. 124 ff.; and p. 299 below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for the Vourva vases Athens 592 and following; Ath. Mitth. 1890, p. 318 and following; Yearbook, 1903, p. 124 and following; and p. 299 below.
99. See Dodwell, Tour, ii. p. 180. Stephanus of Byzantium speaks of the pottery of Megara (s.v.) See also Athens 1858; Petersburg 1563 a.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dodwell, Tour, ii. p. 180. Stephanus of Byzantium talks about the pottery of Megara (s.v.) See also Athens 1858; Petersburg 1563 a.
100. viii. p. 381: cf. p. 134.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.viii. p. 381: see p. 134.
101. Ross, Arch. Aufs. ii. p. 344; Bibl. Nat. 101: see also Jahn’s Einleitung, p. xxv.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ross, Arch. Aufs. ii. p. 344; Bibl. Nat. 101: see also Jahn’s Introduction, p. xxv.
102. Ibid. i. p. 57.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source i. p. 57.
104. E.g. Bibl. Nat. 94, 313, 1179.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. Bibl. Nat. 94, 313, 1179.
105. See generally Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, p. 50; for notices of Mycenaean fragments by early travellers, Dodwell, Tour, ii. p. 237, and Burgon in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. ii. (1847), p. 258 ff., with plate opposite p. 296.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See generally Furtwaengler and Loeschcke,
107. Ibid. pls. 15, 21, p. 45; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1895, pl. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ibid. pp. 15, 21, p. 45; Επιθεώρηση Αρχαιολογία 1895, pl. 11.
108. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 47.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 47.
109. Arch. Zeit. 1859, pl. 125 = Reinach, i. 389: see also Bull. dell’ Inst. 1832, p. 62; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1847, p. 250.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arch. Zeit. 1859, pl. 125 = Reinach, i. 389: see also Bull. dell’ Inst. 1832, p. 62; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1847, p. 250.
110. Cat. 1615, 1901, 1931–32: see also Branteghem Sale Cat. 94.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 1615, 1901, 1931–32: see also Branteghem Sale Cat. 94.
111. Cat. 1974.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 1974.
112. Bibl. Nat. 166; Class. Review, 1891, p. 73; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892, pl. 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bibl. Nat. 166; Class. Review, 1891, p. 73; Eph. Arch. 1892, pl. 4.
113. See Ergebnisse, iv. p. 198 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Results, iv. p. 198 ff.
114. See p. 391.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See page 391.
115. See p. 451.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See page 451.
116. See Kekulé, Thonfiguren aus Tanagra, p. 13.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Kekulé, Tanagra figurines, p. 13.
117. Isolated vase-finds from Tanagra are the early B.F. tripod, Berlin 1727, and the fine R.F. krater, Athens 1259.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Isolated vase finds from Tanagra include the early B.F. tripod, Berlin 1727, and the beautiful R.F. krater, Athens 1259.
118. Bull. de Corr. Hell. xix. p. 177.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. of Corr. Hell. xix. p. 177.
119. Cf. Athens 678, 809, 1156, 1158.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athens 678, 809, 1156, 1158.
120. Vases from Lamia are Nos. 1621 and 1984; from Lokris, 1354, 1434; from Phokis, 1177, 1181.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vases from Lamia are Nos. 1621 and 1984; from Lokris, 1354, 1434; from Phokis, 1177, 1181.
121. Branteghem Sale Cat. No. 96.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Branteghem Sale Catalog. No. 96.
122. Ibid. No. 43; Berlin 2938.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. No. 43; Berlin 2938.
123. B.M. E 719, an alabastron formerly in the Branteghem collection.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. E 719, an alabastron that used to be part of the Branteghem collection.
124. Ath. Mitth. 1889, p. 151: see below, p. 217. A late B.F. vase of “Kabeirion” style.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1889, p. 151: see below, p. 217. A later B.F. vase in the “Kabeirion” style.
125. Fragments from Delphi are recorded in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1841, p. 10; Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. xxv; Morgenblatt, 1835, p. 698.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Fragments from Delphi are noted in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1841, p. 10; Jahn, Vasens. to Munich, p. xxv; Morgenblatt, 1835, p. 698.
126. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 43.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Furtwängler and Loeschcke, p. 43.
127. Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 237.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 237.
128. For Kephallenia see J.H.S. xxiv. p. 126.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For Cephalonia see J.H.S. xxiv. p. 126.
129. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1847, p. 247, note 5; Mustoxidi, Delle cose Corciresi, i. p. 271; B.M. A 1670.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ann. dell’ Inst. 1847, p. 247, note 5; Mustoxidi, Corciresi Things, i. p. 271; B.M. A 1670.
131. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vii. pp. 51, 208.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Perrot, History of Art, vii. pp. 51, 208.
132. Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 259.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 259.
134. See also Brongniart, Mus. Céram. pl. 13, 11, and Traité, i. p. 576; Bull. dell’ Inst. 1829, p. 113, 1830, p. 129; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1837, p. 135, 1842, p. 103, 1847, p. 250; and numerous vases in the Bibl. Nat. (see p. 689 of Catalogue).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Brongniart, Mus. Céram. pl. 13, 11, and Treaty, i. p. 576; Bull. dell' Inst. 1829, p. 113, 1830, p. 129; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1837, p. 135, 1842, p. 103, 1847, p. 250; and many vases in the Bibl. Nat. (see p. 689 of Catalogue).
135. J.H.S. xvii. p. 77; xviii. p. 281 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xvii. p. 77; xviii. p. 281 ff.
136. B.M. B 8; Berlin 1682 = Reinach, i. 441; Reinach, i. 118, 2; B.M. E 508; Gerhard, A.V.B. iii. 238 = Reinach, ii. 120 (in Berlin), signed by Ergotimos.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. B 8; Berlin 1682 = Reinach, i. 441; Reinach, i. 118, 2; B.M. E 508; Gerhard, A.V.B. iii. 238 = Reinach, ii. 120 (in Berlin), signed by Ergotimos.
137. Pallat in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 265.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pallat in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 265.
138. Berl. Phil. Woch. 1901, pp. 1001, 1436.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berl. Phil. Woch. 1901, pp. 1001, 1436.
139. See Hesychius, s.v. Ἠχώ; he adds, λέγει δὲ Αἴγιναν, ἐπειδὴ ἐκεῖ ὄστρακα πολλά ἐστι.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hesychius, s.v. Echo; he adds, He mentions Aegina because it has a lot of shells.
140. Jahrbuch, 1903, p. 124 ff.; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1901, pls. 9–12, p. 173 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1903, p. 124 ff.; Ephesian Arch. 1901, pls. 9–12, p. 173 ff.
141. Athens 618 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1963, fig. 2098.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athens 618 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1963, fig. 2098.
142. Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 16.
143. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 33.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 33.
144. Ross, Reisen, iii. p. 25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ross, Reisen, iii. p. 25.
145. Athens 1861.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athens 1861.
146. Class. Review, 1899, p. 468.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Class. Review, 1899, p. 468.
147. E 732: see p. 357 and Fig. III.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.E 732: see p. 357 and Fig. III.
148. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenmalerei, p. 220.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Vase Painting, p. 220.
149. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 21. For Geometrical, see Brongniart and Riocreux, Mus. de Sèvres, pl. 13, figs. 4, 13, 15, 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 21. For geometric details, see Brongniart and Riocreux, Mus. de Sèvres, pl. 13, figs. 4, 13, 15, 16.
150. Reisen, i. p. 66; iii. p. 27. See also Berlin 3901, 4088; Brongniart, Traité, i. p. 577; Bibl. Nat. 19, 21, 22. The Sèvres vases mentioned by Brongniart were found about thirty feet below the volcanic deposits.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Reisen, i. p. 66; iii. p. 27. See also Berlin 3901, 4088; Brongniart, Agreement, i. p. 577; Bibl. Nat. 19, 21, 22. The Sèvres vases that Brongniart talked about were discovered around thirty feet beneath the volcanic layers.
151. See Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.; H. von Gaertringen, Thera, vol. ii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.; H. von Gaertringen, Thera, vol. ii.
152. See Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. xxvi; Berlin 1886; Rhein. Mus. 1843, p. 435; Boettiger, Vasengem. i. p. 29.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jahn, Vasens in Munich, p. xxvi; Berlin 1886; Rhein. Mus. 1843, p. 435; Boettiger, Vasengem. i. p. 29.
153. These are fully described and illustrated in a volume issued by the Hellenic Society (1904).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.These are completely detailed and illustrated in a book published by the Hellenic Society (1904).
154. Op. cit. iii. p. 15 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. cit. iii. p. 15 and following.
155. J.H.S. xxii. p. 46 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 22, p. 46 ff.
156. Mon. Grecs, 1875, pls. 1–2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mon. Grecs, 1875, pls. 1–2.
157. Rhein. Mus. 1843. p. 435; Bibl. Nat. 873 (Chios); for Tenedos as a pottery centre see Dio Chrys. Orat. 42, 5; Plutarch, Vit. aer. alien. 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Rhein. Mus. 1843. p. 435; Bibl. Nat. 873 (Chios); for Tenedos as a pottery center see Dio Chrys. Orat. 42, 5; Plutarch, Vit. aer. alien. 2.
160. See also Arch. Zeit. 1848, p. 280.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See also Arch. Zeit. 1848, p. 280.
161. See Ross, Reisen, iv. p. 44.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Ross, Reisen, vol. 4, p. 44.
162. Brongniart, Traité, i. p. 581 (plain wares only).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brongniart, Treaty, i. p. 581 (plain wares only).
163. J.H.S. viii. p. 446. pl. 83.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. vol. viii, p. 446, pl. 83.
164. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 33.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 33.
165. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 130 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 130 ff.
166. See on the Geometrical pottery Pottier, op. cit. p. 136. It is probably imported, although Dümmler (Jahrbuch, 1891, p. 268) thinks otherwise.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the Geometrical pottery Pottier, op. cit. p. 136. It’s likely imported, although Dümmler (Annual report, 1891, p. 268) disagrees.
167. There is at least one late R.F. vase from Crete in the National Museum at Athens (Cat. 1851, 1860, 1921). See for other instances of earlier finds, below, p. 269; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 22; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 176.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.There is at least one late R.F. vase from Crete in the National Museum in Athens (Cat. 1851, 1860, 1921). For other examples of earlier discoveries, see below, p. 269; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 22; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 176.
168. Proc. Soc. Antiqs. 2nd Ser. xv. (1895), p. 351 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Proc. Soc. Antiqs. 2nd Ser. xv. (1895), p. 351 ff.
169. See J.H.S. xxiii. p. 157 ff. for an estimate of the Knossos pottery; also p. 265 below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See J.H.S. xxiii. p. 157 ff. for an estimate of the Knossos pottery; also p. 265 below.
170. British School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 94 ff.; J.H.S. xxi. p. 78 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.British School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 94 ff.; J.H.S. xxi. p. 78 ff.
171. Ibid. 1900–01, p. 121 ff.; J.H.S. xxiii. p. 248 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ibid. 1900–01, p. 121 ff.; J.H.S. xxiii. p. 248 ff.
172. Ibid. 1901–2, p. 289 ff.; 1902–3, p. 297.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Same source. 1901–2, p. 289 ff.; 1902–3, p. 297.
173. Rendiconti dell’ Accad. dei Lincei, 1900, p. 631.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Proceedings of the Lincean Academy, 1900, p. 631.
174. American Journ. of Arch. 1901, p. 371 ff., 302, 128; British School Annual, 1901–02, p. 235 (Praesos).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.American Journ. of Arch. 1901, p. 371 and following, 302, 128; British School Annual, 1901–02, p. 235 (Praesos).
175. Nos. 98 and 99 in the collection of M. van Branteghem were two fine R.F. “aryballi” from Apollonia in Thrace.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Numbers 98 and 99 in M. van Branteghem's collection were two beautiful R.F. "aryballi" from Apollonia in Thrace.
176. The reader who wishes to gain a comprehensive idea of these vases is referred to the plates of the Atlas to Stephani’s Compte-Rendu de la Comm. imp. arch. de St.-Pétersbourg (1861–83) = Reinach, Répertoire, i. p. 1 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.If you want to get a complete understanding of these vases, check out the plates in the Atlas and Stephani’s Report of the Imperial Archaeological Commission of St. Petersburg (1861–83) = Reinach, Directory, i. p. 1 ff.
177. See also Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. xxvii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Jahn, Vasens. to Munich, p. xxvii.
178. Compte-Rendu, 1870–71, pl. 4 = Reinach, i. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Account Report, 1870–71, pl. 4 = Reinach, i. 34.
179. See an interesting article in Anzeiger, 1900, p. 151, on the relations of the Black Sea colonies to Greece, especially in regard to pottery.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out an interesting article in Anzeiger, 1900, p. 151, about the connections between the Black Sea colonies and Greece, particularly concerning pottery.
180. See Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 304 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dörpfeld, Trojan and Ilium, i. p. 304 ff.
181. So Jahn, Vasens. p. xxvii, but from the illustration given in Choiseul-Gouffier’s Voyage pittoresque, pt. 2, pl. 30, this seems doubtful.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.So Jahn, Vasens, p. xxvii, but based on the illustration shown in Choiseul-Gouffier’s Scenic journey, pt. 2, pl. 30, this seems uncertain.
182. Jahn, Vasens. p. xxvii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, Vasens. p. 27.
183. Monuments Piot, x. pls. 6–7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Monuments Piot, x. pp. 6–7.
184. The style resembled that of B 80 in the Brit. Mus.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The style was similar to that of B 80 in the British Museum.
186. Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. pp. 86–7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. pp. 86–7.
187. Louvre Cat. ii. p. 274; Pottier and Reinach, Nécropole de Myrina, pp. 221, 499; Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1884, p. 509; Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 228.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Louvre Cat ii. p. 274; Pottier and Reinach,
188. Röm. Mitth. 1888, pl. 6; now in Brit. Mus.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Röm. Mitth. 1888, pl. 6; now in Brit. Mus.
189. See generally Chapter VIII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Chapter VIII for details.
190. Ath. Mitth. 1898, pl. 6, p. 38 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1898, pl. 6, p. 38 ff.
191. Athen. xi. 481 A. See also Ath. Mitth. 1900, p. 94.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athen. xi. 481 A. See also Ath. Mitth. 1900, p. 94.
192. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. ii. (1847), p. 258, and plate, fig. D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. ii. (1847), p. 258, and plate, fig. D.
193. Chantre, Recherches archéol. pls. 8–14; J.H.S. xix. p. 37 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Chantre, Archaeological Studies. pp. 8–14; J.H.S. vol. xix, p. 37 and following.
194. Ath. Mitth. xii. (1887), pp. 226, 376.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
195. Cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 161; Athenaeus, i. 28 D; Lucian, Lexiph. 7. For pottery from Datcha, near Knidos, see Rev. Arch. xxv. (1894), p. 27.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 161; Athenaeus, i. 28 D; Lucian, Lexiph. 7. For pottery from Datcha, near Knidos, refer to Rev. Arch. xxv. (1894), p. 27.
196. Jahn, p. xxvii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, p. 27.
197. Comptes-Rendus de l’Acad. des Inscr. Aug. 1902, p. 428 ff.; 1903, p. 216.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Proceedings of the Acad. of Inscriptions. Aug. 1902, p. 428 ff.; 1903, p. 216.
198. Catalogue of Cyprus Museum, Oxford, 1899.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Catalogue of Cyprus Museum, Oxford, 1899.
199. See Hermann, Gräberfeld von Marion (1888); J.H.S. xi. p. 41 ff., xii. p. 315; Branteghem Sale Cat. Nos. 14–18, 28–30.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hermann, Marion's grave field (1888); J.H.S. xi. p. 41 ff., xii. p. 315; Branteghem Sale Cat. Nos. 14–18, 28–30.
200. J.H.S. xi. p. 273.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 11. p. 273.
201. B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. F 510–12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. F 510–12.
202. Petrie, Hawara, pl. 16, figs. 1–4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Petrie, Hawara, pl. 16, figs. 1–4.
203. It was presented to the British Museum by Sir E. Codrington in 1830. Similar painted vases were found in Roman tombs at Curium, Cyprus (Excavations in Cyprus, p. 78).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It was given to the British Museum by Sir E. Codrington in 1830. Similar painted vases were discovered in Roman tombs at Curium, Cyprus (Excavations in Cyprus, p. 78).
204. Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1885, p. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1885, p. 18.
205. See Trans. Roy. Soc. of Lit. 2nd Ser. ix. p. 165 ff., and Arch. Zeit. 1846, p. 216; also p. 36 above.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Trans. Roy. Soc. of Lit. 2nd Ser. ix. p. 165 ff., and Arch. Zeit. 1846, p. 216; also p. 36 above.
206. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1884, pl. 13; Froehner, Ant. du Mus. de Marseilles, 1928–30.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1884, pl. 13; Froehner, Ant. du Mus. de Marseilles, 1928–30.
207. H.N. xxxv. 161.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. xxxv. 161.
208. See Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. lxxxiv; Arch. Zeit. 1850, pl. 18 = Reinach, i. 372; Micali, Mon. Ined. pl. 45, p. 279; and Schöne, Mus. Bocchi, 1878.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jahn, Vasens in Munich, p. lxxxiv; Arch. Zeit. 1850, pl. 18 = Reinach, i. 372; Micali, Mon. Ined. pl. 45, p. 279; and Schöne, Mus. Bocchi, 1878.
209. H.N. xxxv. 160.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35. 160.
211. Bull. dell’ Inst. 1848, p. 62.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Bull. dell’ Inst. 1848, p. 62.
212. Ibid. 1847, p. 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. 1847, p. 17.
213. Class. Review, 1899, p. 329; Röm. Mitth. 1899, pl. 7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Class. Review, 1899, p. 329; Röm. Mitth. 1899, pl. 7.
214. Scavi della Certosa di Bologna, text and plates, 1876: see also Bull. dell’ Inst. 1872, pp. 12 ff., 76 ff., 108 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Excavations at the Certosa in Bologna, text and illustrations, 1876: see also Institute Bulletin 1872, pp. 12 ff., 76 ff., 108 ff.
215. See Vasi Fitt. iv. pl. 355, p. 82; Bull. dell’ Inst. 1849, p. 23.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Vasi Fitt. iv. pl. 355, p. 82; Bull. dell' Inst. 1849, p. 23.
216. P. lxxxiii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. P. 83.
217. Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, ii. p. 189; Micali, Mon. Ined. p. 216.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dennis, Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria, ii. p. 189; Micali, Mon. Ined. p. 216.
218. H.N. xxxv. 160: Retinet hanc nobilitatem (sc. of Samian ware) et Arretium in Italia.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.H.N. xxxv. 160: Retain this nobility (sc. of Samian ware) et Arretium in Italy.
219. Jahn, Vasens. p. lxxxii; Reinach, Répertoire, i. 163, 332; and see 166.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Jahn, Vasens. p. lxxxii; Reinach, Directory, i. 163, 332; and see 166.
220. Dennis, Etruria, ii. p. 431; Jahn, p. lxxxii; Reinach, Répertoire, i. 137, 161, 251, 384.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dennis, Etruria, ii. p. 431; Jahn, p. lxxxii; Reinach, Directory, i. 137, 161, 251, 384.
222. See Dennis, ii. p. 307 ff.; Jahn, p. lxxix.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dennis, II, p. 307 and following; Jahn, p. lxxix.
223. Dennis, ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Dennis, same source.
224. Brit. Mus. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 25, Nos. G 179–94: cf. Class. Review, 1897, p. 276, and Ann. dell’ Inst. 1871, p. 5 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brit. Mus. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 25, Nos. G 179–94: see also Class. Review, 1897, p. 276, and Ann. dell’ Inst. 1871, p. 5 ff.
225. xi. 480 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 480 East.
226. Dennis, Etruria, ii. p. 46. Class. Review, 1894, p. 277, gives some more recent finds.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dennis, Etruria, ii. p. 46. Class. Review, 1894, p. 277, shares some newer discoveries.
227. Hartwig, Meistersch. pl. 47, p. 466: cf. Bull. dell’ Inst. 1830, p. 233.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hartwig, Master's. pl. 47, p. 466: cf. Bull. dell' Inst. 1830, p. 233.
228. See Jahn, p. lxxviii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Jahn, p. 78.
230. See also Class. Review, 1893, pp. 84, 381; 1894, p. 277.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Class. Review, 1893, pp. 84, 381; 1894, p. 277.
231. Dennis, i. p. 405; Jahn, p. lxviii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dennis, p. 405; Jahn, p. 68.
232. B.M. A 469, 1537, 1540.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. A 469, 1537, 1540.
233. Jahrbuch, 1889, pls. 5–6, p. 218.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1889, pls. 5–6, p. 218.
234. F 479; also Reinach, i. 215. For a late R.F. vase with a Latin inscription from this site see Röm. Mitth. 1887, pl. 10, p. 231.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.F 479; also Reinach, i. 215. For a recent R.F. vase with a Latin inscription from this site, see Rom. Mitt. 1887, pl. 10, p. 231.
235. Jahn, p. lxv.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, p. 65.
236. For an account of this tomb see Dennis, i. p. 33 ff., and above, p. 39.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information about this tomb, see Dennis, i. p. 33 and following, and above, p. 39.
237. See Chapter XVIII., and Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Chapter 18, and Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, vol. 1, p. 17.
238. See for these Chapter XVIII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Chapter 18 for this.
239. Cat. 1655=Reinach, i. 199: see p. 319.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 1655=Reinach, i. 199: see p. 319.
240. The Antaios krater and the Petersburg psykter: see p. 431.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The Antaios krater and the Petersburg psykter: see p. 431.
241. Reinach, Répertoire, i. p. 106.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, Répertoire, p. 106.
242. P. lxvi. ff.: see also generally Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 355 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.P. 66. ff.: see also generally Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 355 ff.
243. B.M. E 41.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 41.
244. Notizie degli Scavi, 1902, p. 84 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Archaeological News, 1902, p. 84 ff.
245. Class. Review, 1894, p. 277.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Class. Review, 1894, p. 277.
246. Reinach, i. 320.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, p. 320.
247. Class. Review, 1897, p. 226.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Class. Review, 1897, p. 226.
248. Jahn, p. lxiv; Reinach, i. 109, 368; Class. Review, 1897, p. 276.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Jahn, p. lxiv; Reinach, i. 109, 368; Class. Review, 1897, p. 276.
249. Reinach, i. 345.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, vol. 1, p. 345.
250. 1831; see also Bull. dell’ Inst. 1831, p. 161. A view of the site is given in Mon. dell’ Inst. i. pl. 41.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.1831; see also Bull. dell' Inst. 1831, p. 161. A view of the site is shown in Mon. of the Inst. i. pl. 41.
251. See generally Chapter XVIII. The finds are described in a work edited by Gsell, entitled Fouilles de Vulci (1891).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See generally Chapter XVIII. The finds are detailed in a book edited by Gsell, called Excavations at Vulci (1891).
252. Eng. transl. p. 112.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Eng. translation p. 112.
253. Besides the already cited Rapporto Volcente of Gerhard in the Annali for 1831, an account of these discoveries will be found in the Muséum Étrusque of the Prince of Canino; Trans. Royal Soc. of Lit. ii. (1834), p. 76 ff. (Millingen); Ann. dell’ Inst. 1829, p. 188 ff.; Jahn’s Einleitung, p. lxviii; and an excellent description in Dennis’s Etruria, 2nd edn. i. p. 448 ff.: see also Chapter XVIII. Above all, reference should be made to the recent summary by Gsell (see above).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In addition to the already mentioned Volcente Report by Gerhard in the Annals from 1831, you can find an account of these discoveries in the Etruscan Museum of the Prince of Canino; Trans. Royal Soc. of Lit. ii. (1834), p. 76 ff. (Millingen); Ann. dell’ Inst. 1829, p. 188 ff.; Jahn’s Introduction, p. lxviii; and an excellent description in Dennis’s Etruria, 2nd edn. i. p. 448 ff.: see also Chapter XVIII. Most importantly, reference should be made to the recent summary by Gsell (see above).
254. Those who are curious in such matters may be grateful for a bibliography of the controversy: Lanzi, Dei Vasi antichi dipinti; Winckelmann, Hist. de l’Art, i. p. 188 ff.; Canino, Mus. Étr. (1829), and Cat. di scelte ant. Étr.; Annali, 1831, p. 105 ff., 1834, p. 285; Bull. dell’ Inst. 1829, pp. 60, 113 ff., 1831, p. 161 ff., 1832, p. 74 ff., 1833, p. 73 ff.; Gerhard, Berl. ant. Bildw. p. 143; Journal de Savans, 1830, pp. 115 ff., 177 ff.; Kramer, Styl und Herkunft, p. 146; Thiersch, Hell. bemalte Vasen, etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Those who are interested in this topic may appreciate a list of references related to the debate: Lanzi, Ancient painted vases; Winckelmann, Art History, i. p. 188 ff.; Canino, Mus. Étr. (1829), and Cat. di scelte ant. Étr.; Annali, 1831, p. 105 ff., 1834, p. 285;
255. Finds of “Proto-Corinthian,” B.F., and R.F. fragments have been recently made in the precincts of the temple of Vesta (Class. Review, 1901, p. 93).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Recently, some fragments of “Proto-Corinthian,” B.F., and R.F. have been discovered near the temple of Vesta (Class. Review, 1901, p. 93).
256. A 1054 = Bull. Arch. Nap. ii. pl. 1, 1–2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A 1054 =
257. See p. 483, and Patroni, Ceramica Antica, p. 79 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See p. 483, and Patroni, Old Pottery, p. 79 and following.
258. Mart. Ep. xiv. 114; Stat. Silv. iv. 9, 43.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mart. Ep. xiv. 114; Stat. Silv. iv. 9, 43.
259. See Patroni, op. cit. p. 93, also Jahn, op. cit. p. lxii, for B.F. and other vases found here. Some of the vases are direct imitations of Athenian fabrics.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Patroni, op. cit. p. 93, also Jahn, op. cit. p. lxii, for B.F. and other vases found here. Some of the vases are direct imitations of Athenian fabrics.
260. Naples 3352–55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Naples 3352-3355.
261. B.M. B 610.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 610.
262. See Jahn, p. lxiii; Reinach, Répertoire, i. 317.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jahn, p. 63; Reinach, Directory, i. 317.
263. See Jahn, p. lii. Those in the British Museum from Nola came chiefly from the Blacas collection.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jahn, p. lii. The items from Nola in the British Museum mainly came from the Blacas collection.
264. See also Reinach, Répertoire, i. 228, 348; Branteghem Sale Cat. Nos. 84–5; and Jahn, p. li.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Reinach, Directory, i. 228, 348; Branteghem Sale Cat. Nos. 84–5; and Jahn, p. li.
265. Walters, B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 16; Patroni, Ceram. Ant. pp. 37, 76.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Walters, B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 16; Patroni, Ceramics. Antique. pp. 37, 76.
266. See Jahn, p. xlvi ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Jahn, p. xlvi ff.
267. E.g. Petersburg 355, and others in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. Petersburg 355, and others in B.M.
268. Petersburg 1187, 1427; Naples 2991, S.A. 11, 708–9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Petersburg 1187, 1427; Naples 2991, S.A. 11, 708–9.
269. See Jahn, p. l, for examples from this site, mostly of inferior merit; also Reinach, i. 250.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jahn, p. 1, for examples from this site, mostly of lower quality; also Reinach, i. 250.
270. Berlin 2694; Bull. dell’ Inst. 1830, p. 21.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berlin 2694;
271. B.M. F 157; Bibl. Nat. 422.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. F 157; Bibl. Nat. 422.
272. Lenormant, Grande Grèce, i. p. 94.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Lenormant, Grande Grèce, vol. 1, p. 94.
273. See Jahn, p. xl.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Jahn, p. 40.
274. For recent excavations see Class. Review, 1893, p. 381; 1894, p. 129 (vases with subjects of Kanake and Theseus with the ring).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For the latest digs, check out Class. Review, 1893, p. 381; 1894, p. 129 (vases featuring scenes of Kanake and Theseus with the ring).
275. Patroni, Ceram. Ant. p. 142; B.M. F 237–38.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Patroni, Ceramic Ant. p. 142; B.M. F 237–38.
276. Cf. also Petersburg 778, 895.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See also Petersburg 778, 895.
277. See p. 488, and B.M. F 543 ff.; for earlier vases, Reinach, i. pp. 471–77.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See p. 488, and B.M. F 543 ff.; for earlier vases, Reinach, i. pp. 471–77.
278. La Grande Grèce, i. p. 92 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Greater Greece, i. p. 92 ff.
279. See Class. Review, 1898, p. 185, for mention of two B.F. kylikes signed by Antidoros; also Notizie degli Scavi, 1903, p. 34 ff., 205 ff., for other interesting B.F. vases, including signatures of Tleson, Sakonides, and Thrax. The two latter were found at Leporano, about ten miles S.W. of Tarentum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Class. Review, 1898, p. 185, for mentions of two B.F. kylikes signed by Antidoros; also Excavation News, 1903, p. 34 ff., 205 ff., for other interesting B.F. vases, including signatures from Tleson, Sakonides, and Thrax. The latter two were discovered at Leporano, about ten miles southwest of Tarentum.
280. Mycenaean vases from this site are in the Louvre (Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, p. 48).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mycenaean vases from this site are in the Louvre (Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vases, p. 48).
281. As for instance Munich 781 = Reinach, ii. 126.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, Munich 781 = Reinach, ii. 126.
282. These discoveries are summarised in the Class. Review, 1894, p. 278; 1896, p. 173; 1898, p. 428. Fuller details are given in the Notizie degli Scavi for those years. See also Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 47.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.These discoveries are summarized in the Class. Review, 1894, p. 278; 1896, p. 173; 1898, p. 428. More details can be found in the Excavation News for those years. Also check Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, p. 47.
283. Jahn, p. xxxi.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, p. xxxi.
284. Arch.-Intell. Blatt, 1836, No. 34, p. 283.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arch.-Intell. Blatt, 1836, No. 34, p. 283.
285. Gerhard, Auserl. Vasenb. 329–30; Forman Sale Cat. No. 357.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Gerhard, Auserl. Vasenb. 329–30; Forman Sale Cat. No. 357.
286. Millin-Reinach, ii. 61–2 (Taleides); Mon. dell’ Inst. i. pl. 52; B.M. B 295 (Nikosthenes); B.M. E 474, E 478: cf. Jahn, p. xxxii, and the index to Reinach’s Répertoire, s.v. Agrigente.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Millin-Reinach, ii. 61–2 (Taleides); Mon. of the Inst. i. pl. 52; B.M. B 295 (Nikosthenes); B.M. E 474, E 478: cf. Jahn, p. xxxii, and the index to Reinach’s Directory, s.v. Agrigente.
287. Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 261 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 261 et seq.
288. Jahn, p. xxxi.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, p. 31.
289. Arch.-Intell. Blatt, 1834, No. 56, p. 457 ff.: see also Bull. della Comm. di Antich. in Sicilia, 1872, p. 13 ff. pls. 4–5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arch.-Intell. Blatt, 1834, No. 56, p. 457 ff.: see also Bulletin of the Antiquities Commission in Sicily, 1872, p. 13 ff. pls. 4–5.
290. P. xxxi. One of the late vases with burlesque scenes (Mon. dell’ Inst. iv. pl. 12) was also found here.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.P. xxxi. One of the recent vases featuring comedic scenes (Mon. of the Inst. iv. pl. 12) was also discovered here.
291. See B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, D 1–2; Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 262.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Catalog of Terracottas, D 1–2; Roman Communications 1897, p. 262.
292. Class. Review, 1893, p. 231.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Class. Review, 1893, p. 231.
293. Jahn, p. xxxii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, p. 32.
294. Ibid. p. xxx.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. p. xxx.
295. Reinach, i. 408.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, vol. 1, p. 408.
296. A B.F. vase in the Cagliari Museum is published in Bull. Arch. Nap. N.S. iv. pl. 13.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A B.F. vase in the Cagliari Museum is featured in Bull. Arch. Nap. N.S. iv. pl. 13.
297. J.H.S. vii. pl. 62, p. 55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. vii. pl. 62, p. 55.
298. Bull. dell’ Inst. 1842, p. 10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Journal of the Institute 1842, p. 10.
299. Jahn, p. xxix.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Jahn, p. xxix.
CHAPTER III
THE USES OF CLAY
Technical terms—Sun-dried clay and unburnt bricks—Use of these in Greece—Methods of manufacture—Roof-tiles and architectural decorations in terracotta—Antefixal ornaments—Sicilian and Italian systems—Inscribed tiles—Sarcophagi—Braziers—Moulds—Greek lamps—Sculpture in terracotta—Origin of art—Large statues in terracotta—Statuettes—Processes of manufacture—Moulding—Colouring—Vases with plastic decoration—Reliefs—Toys—Types and uses of statuettes—Porcelain and enamelled wares—Hellenistic and Roman enamelled fabrics.
Technical terms—Sun-dried clay and unburnt bricks—Their use in Greece—Manufacturing techniques—Roof tiles and architectural terracotta decorations—Antefix ornaments—Sicilian and Italian systems—Inscribed tiles—Sarcophagi—Braziers—Molds—Greek lamps—Sculpture in terracotta—Origin of the art—Large terracotta statues—Statuettes—Manufacturing processes—Molding—Coloring—Vases with plastic decoration—Reliefs—Toys—Types and uses of statuettes—Porcelain and enamelled items—Hellenistic and Roman enamelled fabrics.
We now proceed to treat the subject of the fictile art among the Greeks in its technical aspects, prefacing our study with a section dealing with the uses of clay in general.
We will now discuss the topic of pottery among the Greeks, focusing on its technical aspects, and we will start with a section on the general uses of clay.
The term employed by the Greeks for pottery is κέραμος, or for the material γῆ κεραμική. The word for clay in a general sense is πηλός, while κέραμος has the more restricted sense of clay as material for fictile objects; the latter word is supposed to be connected with κεράννυμι, to mix. They likewise applied to pottery the term ὄστρακον, meaning literally an oyster-shell, and ὀστράκινα τορεύματα[300] is also an expression found for works in terracotta. Nor must we omit to mention that πηλός too comes to bear a restricted sense, when it is applied to the unburnt or sun-dried bricks freely employed in early architecture. Keramos was regarded by the Greeks as a legendary hero, from whom the name of the district in Athens known as the Kerameikos, or potter’s quarter, was derived.[301] The word κέραμος soon became generic, and as early as Homer’s time we find such an expression as χάλκεος κέραμος for a bronze vessel[302]; similarly it came to be used for tiles, even when they were of marble (see below, p. 100). The art of working in clay may be considered among the Greeks, as among all other nations, under three heads, according to the nature of the processes employed: (1) Sun-dried clay (Gk. πηλινα or ὠμά, Lat. cruda); (2) baked clay without a glaze, or terracotta (Gk. γῆ ὀπτή); (3) baked clay with the addition of a glaze, corresponding to the modern porcelain. It is then possible to treat of the uses of clay under these three heads. The first, from its limited use, will occupy our attention but very briefly; the second, the manufacture of building materials and terracotta figures, only technically comes under the heading of pottery, and will therefore also receive comparatively brief mention. It remains, then, that in the succeeding chapters, as in the preceding, it will be almost exclusively with the third heading that we are concerned. Before, however, dealing with this third heading, or pottery, we may review briefly the purposes for which clay was worked, under the other two headings of brick and terracotta.
The term used by the Greeks for pottery is ceramic, and for the material, it’s ceramic land. The general word for clay is clay, while κέραμος specifically refers to clay used for making pottery; this word is thought to be connected to κεράννυμι, which means to mix. They also referred to pottery as οστρακίδιο, which literally means an oyster shell, and shell movement[300] is another term used for terracotta works. We should also note that clay takes on a more specific meaning when it refers to the unburnt or sun-dried bricks commonly used in early architecture. Keramos was considered by the Greeks to be a legendary hero, and the name of a district in Athens, known as the Kerameikos or potter’s quarter, comes from him.[301] The term clay soon became a general term, and even in Homer’s time, we see terms like copper horn for a bronze vessel[302]; likewise, it was used for tiles, even if they were made of marble (see below, p. 100). The craft of working with clay among the Greeks, as with other cultures, can be categorized into three types based on the processes used: (1) Sun-dried clay (Gk. clay or ὠμά, Lat. raw); (2) baked clay without glaze, or terracotta (Gk. roasted earth); (3) baked clay with glaze, which is similar to modern porcelain. We can thus discuss the uses of clay under these three categories. The first category, due to its limited use, will only receive brief attention; the second, which includes making building materials and terracotta figures, technically falls under pottery but will also be mentioned briefly. Therefore, in the upcoming chapters, as in the previous ones, we will primarily focus on the third category, pottery. However, before diving into this third category, we can briefly look at the purposes for which clay was used in the other two categories of brick and terracotta.
The uses of clay among the Greeks were very varied and extensive. Sun-dried clay was used for building material, and we have already seen what an important part was played by pottery in their domestic and religious life. The uses of terracotta are almost more manifold than those of pottery. It supplied the most important parts both of public and private buildings, such as bricks, roof-tiles, drain-tiles, and various architectural adornments; and was frequently used in the construction and decoration of tombs and coffins. Among its adaptations for religious purposes may be noted its use as a substitute for more expensive materials in the statues of deities, as well as the countless figurines or statuettes in this material, many of which have been found on the sites of temples or in private shrines; and besides the statuettes and other figures, of which such quantities have been found in tombs, it was used for imitations of jewellery or metal vases made solely for a sepulchral purpose. It also supplied many of the wants of every-day life, in the form of spindle-whorls, theatre-tickets, lamps and braziers, and culinary and domestic utensils of all kinds, taking the place of the earthenware of modern times. It supplied the potter with moulds for his figures and the sculptor with models for his work in marble or bronze, and placed works of art within the reach of those who found marble and the precious metals beyond their means.
The use of clay among the Greeks was diverse and extensive. Sun-dried clay served as a building material, and we've already seen how important pottery was in their daily and religious life. The uses of terracotta are almost more varied than those of pottery. It provided essential components for both public and private buildings, like bricks, roof tiles, drain tiles, and various architectural decorations; it was also often used in the construction and decoration of tombs and coffins. For religious purposes, it served as a cheaper alternative to more expensive materials for deity statues, as well as countless figurines or statuettes made from it, many of which have been discovered at temple sites or in private shrines; in addition to the statuettes and other figures found in tombs, it was used to create imitations of jewelry or metal vases designed specifically for burial. It also met many everyday needs, such as spindle whorls, theater tickets, lamps, braziers, and all kinds of cooking and household utensils, replacing the earthenware of today. It provided potters with molds for their figures and sculptors with models for their work in marble or bronze, making art accessible to those who found marble and precious metals unaffordable.
One of the most elementary uses of clay is for the manufacture of building material, for which it plays an important part, as we have already seen, in the history of the Semitic races. Both burnt and unburnt bricks were employed in Egypt and Mesopotamia, and their use has already been referred to in the Introduction. Vitruvius[303] speaks of the use of brick in the palace of Kroisos at Sardis, and we also read of the walls of Babylon and Larissa (on the site of Nineveh) as being of brick.[304] Generally speaking, sun-dried bricks belong to an earlier period of development than baked bricks; at any rate, this is the case in the buildings of Greece and Rome.
One of the basic uses of clay is to make building materials, which has been crucial in the history of the Semitic peoples, as we've already seen. Both fired and unfired bricks were used in Egypt and Mesopotamia, and we've referenced this in the Introduction. Vitruvius[303] mentions the use of brick in the palace of Kroisos at Sardis, and we also learn about the walls of Babylon and Larissa (at the site of Nineveh) being made of brick.[304] Generally, sun-dried bricks are from an earlier stage of development than baked bricks; at least, this is true for the buildings in Greece and Rome.
In Greece itself the antiquity of brick is implied by the words of Pliny,[305] who tells us that Hyperbius and Euryalus of Athens “were the first to” construct brick-kilns (laterarias) and houses; before their time men lived in caves. He further goes on to say that Gellius regarded one Toxius as the inventor of buildings of sun-dried clay, inspired by the construction of swallows’ nests. The reference is obviously to the employment by swallows of straw and twigs to make the clay for their nests cohere; this may well have suggested, in the first instance, the principle of mixing straw with sun-dried clay bricks, as was done by the Israelites in their bondage in Egypt. The method is one still practised in the East, where in such countries as Palestine and Cyprus whole villages built in this fashion may be seen.
In Greece, the ancient use of brick is highlighted by the words of Pliny,[305] who mentions that Hyperbius and Euryalus from Athens “were the first to” create brick kilns (laterals) and houses; before their time, people lived in caves. He also notes that Gellius considered one Toxius to be the inventor of buildings made from sun-dried clay, inspired by how swallows build their nests. This refers to how swallows use straw and twigs to make their clay nests hold together; this likely led to the idea of mixing straw with sun-dried clay bricks, similar to what the Israelites did while they were enslaved in Egypt. This method is still used today in parts of the East, where entire villages built this way can be found in places like Palestine and Cyprus.
There is no doubt, however, that in Greece, with its stores of marble and stone for building, brick never became general, though it was probably more used in sun-dried form in earlier buildings before the Greeks had begun to realise the possibilities of stone buildings. Pausanias[306] speaks of temples of Demeter at Lepreon in Arcadia and Stiris in Phokis, of a shrine of Asklepios at Panopeus in Phokis, and of the Stoa of Kotys at Epidauros (restored by Antoninus Pius) as being of unburnt brick (πηλός). Of the same material was the cella of a temple at Patrae[307]; but the walls of various cities, such as Mantinea, were of burnt brick.[308]
There’s no doubt that in Greece, with its wealth of marble and stone for construction, brick never became widely used. However, it was probably more common in sun-dried form in earlier buildings before the Greeks recognized the potential of stone structures. Pausanias[306] mentions temples of Demeter at Lepreon in Arcadia and Stiris in Phokis, a shrine of Asklepios at Panopeus in Phokis, and the Stoa of Kotys at Epidauros (restored by Antoninus Pius) as being made of unburnt brick (clay). The cella of a temple at Patrae[307] was also made from the same material; however, the walls of various cities, like Mantinea, were constructed from burnt brick.[308]
Nor was the use of sun-dried clay confined to building material. It seems also to have been employed for modelling decorations of public buildings. Thus Pausanias mentions “images of clay,” representing Dionysos feasting in the house of Amphiktyon, adorning a chamber in the temenos of that god in the Kerameikos,[309] and it seems highly probable that these are to be identified with the cruda opera of one Chalcosthenes or Caicosthenes mentioned by Pliny,[310] where the word cruda can only be used in a technical sense (Greek ὠμά). He also mentions at Tritaea in Achaia[311] statues of the Θεοὶ μέγιστοι in clay, and at Megara an image of Zeus by Theokosmos,[312] of which the face was gold and ivory, the rest clay and gypsum.
The use of sun-dried clay wasn’t just limited to building materials. It appears to have also been used for creating decorations for public buildings. Pausanias mentions “clay images” depicting Dionysos celebrating in the house of Amphiktyon, which adorned a room in the sacred area of that god in the Kerameikos,[309] and it seems likely that these can be connected to the raw craft of one Chalcosthenes or Caicosthenes mentioned by Pliny,[310] where the term raw must be understood in a technical sense (Greek ὠμά). He also notes at Tritaea in Achaia[311] statues of the Supreme gods in clay, and at Megara, an image of Zeus by Theokosmos,[312] with a face made of gold and ivory, while the rest was clay and gypsum.
Our knowledge of the use of brick (both burnt and unburnt) and terracotta in Greek architecture has been largely increased, not to say revolutionised, by recent discoveries in all parts of the Greek world, and going back to a very remote period.
Our understanding of how brick (both fired and unfired) and terracotta were used in Greek architecture has greatly expanded, almost revolutionized, by recent discoveries throughout the Greek world, dating back to a very early period.
Recent excavations have yielded walls of unburnt brick at Eleusis, Mycenae, Olympia, Tegea, and Tiryns.[313] The Heraion at Olympia, which dates from the tenth century B.C., is a peripteral temple with stone stylobate, pillars and antae of wood, and cella-wall of unburnt brick. In this respect it resembles the temple of Zeus and Herakles at Patrae (see above). It also possesses the oldest known example of a terracotta roof (Fig. 9.). A recently discovered temple at Thermon in Acarnania is constructed of wood and terracotta, with painted terracotta slabs in wooden frames for metopes; the style of the paintings appears to be Corinthian, and they form a valuable contribution to the history of early Greek painting.[314]
Recent excavations have uncovered walls made of unburnt brick at Eleusis, Mycenae, Olympia, Tegea, and Tiryns.[313] The Heraion at Olympia, which dates back to the tenth century BCE, is a peripteral temple featuring a stone stylobate, wooden pillars, and wooden antae, along with a cella wall made of unburnt brick. In this aspect, it is similar to the temple of Zeus and Herakles at Patrae (see above). It also has the oldest known example of a terracotta roof (Fig. 9.). A recently found temple at Thermon in Acarnania is built of wood and terracotta, featuring painted terracotta slabs in wooden frames for metopes; the style of the paintings seems to be Corinthian and they provide a significant contribution to the history of early Greek painting.[314]

From Durm’s Handbuch.
FIG. 9. DIAGRAM OF ROOF-TILING, HERAION, OLYMPIA.
From Durm's Handbook.
FIG. 9. DIAGRAM OF ROOF-TILING, HERAION, OLYMPIA.
The stone stylobate at the Heraion was a necessity because of the destructive effect of the moist earth on terracotta; it consisted of a row of vertical slabs on which the bricks were placed in regular courses. We may see in this method of construction the forerunner of the system, universal since that time, of building walls on a plinth, which survives even to the present day. In the same way door-jambs and lintels, which were of necessity made of wood, not of brick, continued to be constructed in that material even after the introduction of stone.[315] It has been assumed by some authorities that the Doric style of architecture is derived from a wooden prototype; this, however true of the Ionic style, is not altogether true of Doric. The proportions of the latter are too heavy. A more probable explanation is that it is the combination of wood with sun-dried tiles or bricks which we see in the Heraion that developed with the introduction of stone into the Doric system.[316]
The stone base at the Heraion was necessary because damp soil damaged terracotta; it consisted of a series of upright slabs that supported the bricks placed in even rows. We can see in this construction method the early version of the system, which has been universally used since then, of building walls on a plinth, a practice that continues to this day. Similarly, door frames and beams, which had to be made of wood instead of brick, remained constructed from wood even after stone became available.[315] Some experts have suggested that the Doric style of architecture comes from a wooden prototype; while this is partially true for the Ionic style, it's not completely accurate for the Doric. The proportions of the Doric style are too heavy for that. A more likely explanation is that the mix of wood with sun-dried tiles or bricks, as seen in the Heraion, evolved with the adoption of stone in the Doric design.[316]
There is an interesting passage in the Birds of Aristophanes, in which he is describing the building of the city of Nephelokokkygia, the walls of which are apparently conceived as being of sun-dried brick. He there speaks of “Egyptian brick-bearers,”[322] implying that the use of brick was a characteristic distinction of that nation. The passage (1133–51) is worth quoting in full, as showing the process employed in the making of sun-dried bricks.
There’s an interesting section in the Birds by Aristophanes where he describes the construction of the city of Nephelokokkygia, which is supposed to have walls made of sun-dried brick. He mentions “Egyptian brick-bearers,”[322], suggesting that using brick was a defining feature of that nation. The excerpt (1133–51) is worth quoting in full because it illustrates the process used to create sun-dried bricks.
Sun-dried bricks were known as πλίνθοι ὠμαί (lateres crudi); baked bricks as πλίνθοι ὠπταί (lateres cocti or coctiles). The Romans also used the word testa for baked brick, corresponding to the Greek κέραμος. Vitruvius[324] distinguishes three varieties of unburnt bricks, as used by the Greeks. One, known as “Lydian,” was also used by the Romans, who named the bricks from their length sesquipedales; their size was 1½ by 1 ft. The other two, exclusively Greek, were known as πεντάδωρον and τετράδωρον, the word δῶρον signifying a “palm” or three inches; in other words, they were respectively fifteen inches and one foot square. The former was used for public buildings, the latter for private houses, and they were arranged in the walls in courses of alternate whole and half bricks, as is frequently done at the present day. Vitruvius also speaks of bricks made at Pitane in Mysia, and in Spain, which were so light that they would float in water.[325] He advises that bricks should not be made of sandy or pebbly clay, which makes them heavy and prevents the straw from cohering, so that they fall to pieces after wet. Many other directions are given by him,[326] but are too lengthy to quote here. Bricks were made in a mould called πλαίσιον, a rectangular framework of boards[327]; and the sun-dried bricks were, as we learn from the passage quoted above, made by collecting the clay with shovels (ἄμαι) into troughs (λεκάναι) and working it with the feet.[328] It is probable that we have some allusion to the use of moulds in certain passages from the Latin writers.[329] The final proceeding was the drying in the sun.
Sun-dried bricks were called raw bricks (raw bricks); baked bricks were referred to as oven-baked bricks (fired bricks or cocktails). The Romans also used the term testa for baked brick, which corresponds to the Greek clay. Vitruvius[324] identifies three types of unburnt bricks used by the Greeks. One type, called “Lydian,” was also used by the Romans, who named the bricks based on their length long words; their size was 1½ by 1 ft. The other two, which were uniquely Greek, were known as five-dollar bill and tetrahedron, with the word gift meaning “palm” or three inches; in other words, they measured fifteen inches and one foot square. The former was used for public buildings, while the latter was for private houses, and they were arranged in the walls in rows of alternating whole and half bricks, similar to what is commonly done today. Vitruvius also mentions bricks made in Pitane in Mysia and in Spain, which were so light that they would float in water.[325] He advises against using sandy or pebbly clay for bricks, as it makes them heavy and prevents the straw from sticking together, causing them to fall apart when wet. He gives many other instructions,[326] but they are too extensive to quote here. Bricks were made in a mold called πλαίσιον, which was a rectangular frame made of boards[327]; and as we learn from the earlier passage, the sun-dried bricks were made by collecting clay with shovels (ἄμαι) into troughs (basins) and working it with the feet.[328] It's likely that some references to the use of molds can be found in certain passages from Latin writers.[329] The final step was drying the bricks in the sun.
An important branch of the subject is the use of terracotta for roof-tiles and other architectural decorations of temples and other buildings. On this point our knowledge has during the last five-and-twenty years been marvellously increased, the extent of its use in architecture having been hitherto but little suspected.[330] The generic term for a roof-tile is in Greek κέραμος; they are generally divided into flat tiles (στεγαστῆρες or σωλῆες, tegulae) and covering-tiles (καλυπῆρες, imbrices). Besides the ordinary roof-tiles there must also be taken into consideration four varieties of ornamental tiles which found their place on a classical building. They are: (1) the covering-slabs arranged in a row along the γεῖσον, or raking cornice of the pediment; (2) the κυμάτιον or cornice above the γεῖσον; (3) the cornice along the sides of the building, with spouts in the form of lions' heads, to carry off rain-water; (4) the row of antefixal ornaments or ἀκρωτήρια surmounting the side-tiles.[331]
An important area of this topic is the use of terracotta for roof tiles and other architectural decorations on temples and other buildings. Over the last 25 years, our understanding has significantly expanded, revealing that the extent of its use in architecture was previously underestimated.[330] The Greek term for roof tile is ceramic; they are usually categorized into flat tiles (shelters or σωλῆες, tiles) and covering tiles (καλυπῆρες, tiles). In addition to standard roof tiles, there are also four types of ornamental tiles that were used on classical buildings. They are: (1) covering slabs arranged in a row along the γεῖσον, or raking cornice of the pediment; (2) the wavelet or cornice above the γεῖσον; (3) the cornice along the sides of the building, featuring spouts shaped like lions' heads to drain rainwater; (4) the row of antefixal ornaments or ἀκρωτήρια placed above the side tiles.[331]
The flat roof-tiles or σωλῆες, as in the Heraion of Olympia and other early buildings, are square and slightly concave, so that the raised edges placed side by side may catch under the semi-cylindrical καλυπῆρες, and so be held in their place. The latter are of plain semi-cylindrical form, except the row at the lower edge of the roof, which have attached to them the vertical semi-elliptical slabs known as “antefixae,” of which more later.
The flat roof tiles, or σωλῆες, found in the Heraion of Olympia and other early buildings, are square and slightly curved. This design allows the raised edges to fit together under the semi-cylindrical καλυπῆρες, holding them in place. The καλυπῆρες are generally plain and semi-cylindrical, except for the row at the lower edge of the roof, which features vertical semi-elliptical slabs known as "antefixae," about which more will be discussed later.
The κυμάτια were painted with elaborate patterns of lotos-and-honeysuckle, or maeanders, in red, blue, brown, and yellow, the principle being preserved (as always in Greek architectural decoration) of employing curvilinear patterns only on curved surfaces, rectilinear only on flat surfaces.[332] At the back was the gutter for collecting rain-water, which ran off through the holes pierced at intervals in the cornice, passing through the mouths of lions’ heads, moulded in very salient relief. These correspond to the gurgoyles of Gothic architecture. Many specimens have been found at Olympia, Elateia, and elsewhere in Greece; one of the finest, from a temple of Apollo at Metapontum, is now in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris. It is very finely modelled, and the whole, with the background, richly coloured in red, yellow, and black.[333] Spouts were sometimes modelled in other forms, such as a Satyric mask, or the fore-part of a lion; of the latter there are some examples in the British Museum.[334] In the accounts for the erection of the arsenal at the Peiraeus there is an interesting entry relating to these lions’ head spouts, in which they are described as κεραμίδες ἡγέμονες λεοντοκεφάλαι, “principal tiles with lions' heads.”[335]
The waves were decorated with intricate designs of lotus and honeysuckle, or maeanders, in red, blue, brown, and yellow, following the consistent principle (as always in Greek architectural decoration) of using curvilinear patterns only on curved surfaces and rectilinear ones only on flat surfaces.[332] At the back was the gutter that collected rainwater, which flowed off through holes punctured at intervals in the cornice, passing through the mouths of lion heads that were modeled in very prominent relief. These are similar to the gargoyles found in Gothic architecture. Many examples have been discovered at Olympia, Elateia, and other sites in Greece; one of the finest, from a temple of Apollo at Metapontum, is currently held in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris. It is beautifully modeled, and the entire piece, along with the background, is richly colored in red, yellow, and black.[333] Spouts were sometimes designed in other forms, such as a satyr mask or the front part of a lion; some examples of the latter can be found in the British Museum.[334] In the records for the construction of the arsenal at Peiraeus, there is an interesting entry regarding these lion head spouts, which are referred to as κεραμίδες ἡγέμονες λεοντοκεφάλαι, “principal tiles with lions' heads.”[335]
The invention of antefixae is attributed by Pliny[336] to Butades of Sikyon, who is also credited with the invention of modelling in clay, in a well-known story; “he was,” says Pliny, “the first to place masks on the extremities of the roof-tiles, which were at first called bas-reliefs (protypa), but afterwards alto-reliefs (ectypa).”[337] It is possible that the ἀγάλματα ὀπτῆς γῆς seen by Pausanias in the Stoa Basileios at Athens[338] were ἀκρωτήρια or antefixal ornaments at the angles of the cornice, but they are more likely to have been modelled free and in the round than in relief on a background.[339] Such sculptured groups were not uncommon in Greek architecture; thus the cornice of the pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia was adorned with a series of figures of Victory. The groups above mentioned represented Theseus slaying Skiron and Eos carrying off Kephalos; and it is interesting to note that a terracotta group with the latter subject found at Cervetri[340] also undoubtedly came from the cornice of a building.
The invention of antefixae is credited by Pliny[336] to Butades of Sikyon, who is also recognized for creating clay modeling, in a famous story; “he was,” Pliny states, “the first to put masks on the ends of roof tiles, which were initially known as bas-reliefs (prototypes), but later as alto-reliefs (ectypa).”[337] It's possible that the statues of baked clay observed by Pausanias in the Stoa Basileios at Athens[338] were ἀκρωτήρια or antefix ornaments at the edges of the cornice, but they were more likely modeled free-standing and in the round rather than in relief against a background.[339] Such sculpted groups were fairly common in Greek architecture; for example, the cornice of the pediment of the temple of Zeus at Olympia was decorated with a series of Victory figures. The aforementioned groups included Theseus defeating Skiron and Eos abducting Kephalos; and it's interesting to note that a terracotta group depicting the latter, discovered at Cervetri[340], also likely came from the cornice of a building.

Archaic Antefixae of Graeco-Italian Style (British Museum).
1. Satyr and Maenad, from Civita Lavinia; 2. Female Head, from Capua.
Ancient Antefixes of Graeco-Italian Style (British Museum).
1. Satyr and Maenad, from Civita Lavinia; 2. Female Head, from Capua.

FIG. 10. TERRACOTTA ANTEFIX FROM MARATHON (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 10. TERRACOTTA ANTEFIX FROM MARATHON (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Antefixes from Hellenic sites are not so common, nor do they present the same variety of subject or richness of colour. In many cases, as in the fourth-century British Museum specimens from Asia Minor,[343] the decoration is confined to scrolls and floral patterns in low relief, the palmette being regarded as the most appropriate decorative motive for this form of tile. An example of this type in the British Museum (C 902 = Fig. 10.), found on the field of Marathon, is inscribed with the name Athenaios. Many later antefixes with remains of colouring have been found at Tarentum, the subjects being chiefly heads of women or mythological personages.
Antefixes from Greek sites aren't very common, and they don't show the same variety of themes or richness of color. In many instances, like the fourth-century specimens from the British Museum brought from Asia Minor,[343] the decoration is limited to scrolls and floral designs in low relief, with the palmette being the most suitable decorative motif for this type of tile. An example of this style in the British Museum (C 902 = Fig. 10.) was found at the Marathon battlefield and is inscribed with the name Athenaios. Many later antefixes with traces of color have been discovered at Tarentum, featuring mainly heads of women or mythological figures.
Roof-tiles proper have been discovered in large numbers both in Greece and Italy. Olympia has proved the richest site in this respect, and there are many specimens in the Museums of Athens and Palermo.[344] Many of them have coloured decoration, and these terracotta remains are almost the only evidence we now have of the extensive system of colouring applied by the Greeks to their temples.[345]
Roof tiles have been found in large quantities in both Greece and Italy. Olympia has been the richest site for this, and there are many examples in the Museums of Athens and Palermo.[344] Many of them have colorful decorations, and these terracotta remains are almost the only evidence we now have of the extensive coloring system employed by the Greeks on their temples.[345]
At Olympia all the buildings have terracotta roofs except the temple of Zeus and two others, the dates varying from the seventh century B.C. down to Roman times. We know from Pausanias[346] that the temple of Zeus was roofed with marble tiles in imitation of terracotta, an invention traditionally attributed to Byzes of Naxos. The covering-tiles of the Heraion roof (see Fig. 9.) end in semicircular discs painted with ornamental patterns; the flat roof-tiles are of the concave type described above. The normal sixth-century type of roof is seen in the Treasury of the Megarians, which has smooth flat tiles and covering-tiles ending in antefixes with palmette-and-lotos ornament, and a kymation cornice with lion’s head spouts.
At Olympia, all the buildings have terracotta roofs except for the temple of Zeus and two others, with dates ranging from the seventh century BCE to Roman times. We know from Pausanias[346] that the temple of Zeus had a roof made of marble tiles that looked like terracotta, which is an invention traditionally credited to Byzes of Naxos. The covering tiles of the Heraion roof (see Fig. 9.) end in semicircular discs decorated with ornamental patterns; the flat roof tiles are of the concave type mentioned earlier. The typical sixth-century roof can be seen in the Treasury of the Megarians, which features smooth flat tiles and covering tiles that terminate in antefixes adorned with palmette and lotus designs, along with a kymation cornice that has lion's head spouts.
A greater variety of tiles is to be seen in the Treasury of Gela. Here for the first time we note the introduction of a new system, which consists in nailing slabs of terracotta over the surface of the stonework, or, to use the convenient German term, “Bekleidungstechnik.”[347] It is obvious at the first glance that the origin of this practice dates from the time when buildings were largely or wholly of wood, which required protection from the weather. When the wood was replaced by stone, the fashion held its ground for a time; but with the more extensive use of marble, which could not well be covered in this manner, it disappeared altogether in Greece.
A greater variety of tiles can be seen in the Treasury of Gela. Here, for the first time, we notice the introduction of a new system that involves nailing terracotta slabs over the stone surface, or, using the handy German term, "Clothing technology."[347] It’s clear at first glance that this practice originated during the time when buildings were primarily or entirely made of wood, which needed protection from weather. When wood was replaced by stone, the trend continued for a while; but with the wider use of marble, which couldn’t be covered in this way, it completely disappeared in Greece.

Part of Archaic Temple with Terracotta Roof, Civita Lavinia, as Restored
in the British Museum.
Part of the Ancient Temple with a Terracotta Roof, Civita Lavinia, restored in the British Museum.
But the Treasury of Gela is by a Sicilian architect, and it seems highly probable that the method of decoration employed was not one usually practised in Greece, but was introduced from the Western Mediterranean. Though rare in Greece, it is exceedingly common in Sicily and Southern Italy. The middle temple (known as C) on the acropolis of Selinus, and buildings at Gela and Syracuse, may be cited as examples. The principle is also well illustrated in the terracotta remains of the temple at Civita Lavinia, excavated by Lord Savile in 1890–94, which are now in the British Museum. They have, as far as possible, been incorporated in a conjectural restoration in the Etruscan Saloon (Plate III.).[348] It will be noted that most of the slabs are pierced with holes, by means of which they were attached to the walls or surface of the entablature; they are mostly decorated with lotos-and-honeysuckle and other patterns, in relief and coloured, the same being repeated in colour only on the back of the overhanging edges of the cornice. These remains belong to two periods, the end of the sixth century and the fourth century B.C.; they may be easily distinguished by the differences in the treatment of the ornamental patterns, while there is a marked absence of colouring in the later remains. Similar architectural remains in terracotta have been found in Etruria, and are described in Chapter XVIII. It should be noted that the Civita Lavinia slabs are flat, whereas those used at Olympia, and many others in Southern Italy and Sicily, are three-sided.
But the Treasury of Gela was designed by a Sicilian architect, and it seems very likely that the decoration method used wasn’t typical in Greece but was brought in from the Western Mediterranean. While it’s rare in Greece, it’s quite common in Sicily and Southern Italy. The middle temple (known as C) on the acropolis of Selinus, along with buildings in Gela and Syracuse, can be mentioned as examples. The principle is also clearly shown in the terracotta remnants of the temple at Civita Lavinia, excavated by Lord Savile between 1890 and 1894, which are now on display in the British Museum. They have, as much as possible, been included in a conjectural restoration in the Etruscan Saloon (Plate III.).[348] You’ll notice that most of the slabs have holes pierced through them for attachment to the walls or surface of the entablature; they are mostly decorated with patterns like lotos, honeysuckle, and others, in relief and color, which are also repeated in color only on the underside of the overhanging edges of the cornice. These remnants belong to two periods, the end of the sixth century and the fourth century BCE; they can be easily distinguished by the differences in how the ornamental patterns are handled, while the later remnants show a notable lack of color. Similar terracotta architectural remnants have been found in Etruria and are detailed in Chapter XVIII. It’s important to note that the Civita Lavinia slabs are flat, whereas those used at Olympia, along with many others in Southern Italy and Sicily, are three-sided.

FIG. 11. INSCRIBED TILES FROM ACARNANIA AND CORFU (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 11. INSCRIBED TILES FROM ACARNANIA AND CORFU (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Inscribed tiles from Greece proper are somewhat rare, and
the best-known examples, to the number of sixteen, have been
collected by M. Paris[355]; they are usually inscribed with the
word
or
,
as a sort of Government
stamp. Others have magistrates’ names, as
,
Ἀ]φροδ(ε)ισίου, on a tile at Corinth, or the maker’s name,
,
Fαστουκρίτ[ου, on one from Thisbe in Boeotia.[356]
Those found by M. Paris at Elateia have either the word
or
with the name of the magistrate;
though all are fragmentary, it is possible to restore the full
formula as πλίνθος δημοσία ἐπὶ Ἀπελλέα, “government bricks,
in the year of Apelleas’ office.”[357] A remarkable tile or stele,
found near Capua and now in the British Museum, has an
inscription in Oscan, and two stamps of a boar and a head
of Athena, resembling types on Italian coins of the early part
of the third century.[358]
Inscribed tiles from Greece are pretty rare, and the most well-known examples, totaling sixteen, have been collected by M. Paris[355]; they're usually marked with the word
or
, as a kind of government seal. Others include magistrates’ names, like
,
Aphrodite, on a tile from Corinth, or the maker’s name,
,
Fαστουκρίτου, on one from Thisbe in Boeotia.[356] The ones found by M. Paris at Elateia have either the word
or
along with the magistrate's name; although all are fragments, it's possible to reconstruct the full phrase as Public bricks at Apelles, “government bricks,
in the year of Apelleas’ office.”[357] A notable tile or stele, found near Capua and now in the British Museum, has an inscription in Oscan, along with two stamps of a boar and a head of Athena, resembling designs on early Italian coins from the third century.[358]

From Benndorf.
From Benndorf.
FIG. 12. OSTRAKON OF MEGAKLES.
FIG. 12. OSTRAKON OF MEGAKLES.

From Jahrbuch d. arch. Inst.
From Yearbook of the Arch. Inst.
FIG. 13. OSTRAKON OF XANTHIPPOS.
FIG. 13. OSTRACON OF XANTHIPPOS.
We may recall the fact that it was with a tile that Pyrrhus met his death when besieging Argos. Nor is this the only occasion on which these humble objects have played a part in history. In the well-known Athenian institution of Ostracism the act of voting was performed by writing on fragments of tiles or potsherds the names of those whom it was desired to banish. Recent excavations have yielded more than one actual specimen of these ὄστρακα or sherds,—one bearing the name of Megakles (Fig. 12.); another, part of a painted vase from the pre-Persian débris on the Athenian Acropolis, the name of Xanthippos, the father of Perikles (Fig. 13); and a third, that of Themistokles.[359]
We can remember that it was a tile that led to Pyrrhus's death while he was attacking Argos. This isn't the only time these seemingly simple objects have influenced history. In the well-known Athenian practice of Ostracism, voting was done by writing the names of people who were to be banished on pieces of tiles or pottery. Recent digs have uncovered several actual examples of these shells or sherds—one with the name of Megakles (Fig. 12.); another, a piece of a painted vase from the pre-Persian debris on the Athenian Acropolis, with the name of Xanthippos, Perikles's father (Fig. 13); and a third with the name Themistokles.[359]
It is also probable that in Greece, as among the Romans, the hollow floors of the hypocausts, as well as the flue-tiles of the hot baths, were made of terracotta. The same material was also used for the pipes, by means of which water was conveyed from aqueducts or drained from the soil. A drain-pipe from Ephesos in the Museum at Sèvres is noted by Brongniart and Riocreux,[360] and others have been found at Athens[361] and in the Troad.[362]
It’s also likely that in Greece, as in Rome, the hollow floors of the hypocausts and the flue tiles of the hot baths were made of terracotta. This same material was used for the pipes that carried water from aqueducts or drained it from the ground. A drain pipe from Ephesos in the Museum at Sèvres is noted by Brongniart and Riocreux, and others have been found in Athens and in the Troad.
There is a curious class of objects which hardly come under the heading of any other category, but may be conveniently discussed here. Complete specimens are very rare, but there is one in the Museum at Geneva which has been identified as a brazier (πύραυνος or ἐσχάρα), and more recently as a baking-oven (κλίβανος).[365] The form is that of a large basin on a high stand, hollow underneath, with three square solid handles projecting upwards from the rim. These handles, of which over a thousand examples are to be found in various collections, are usually the only part remaining, sometimes with part of the rim attached. They are decorated with heads and other devices, usually in relief on square panels, and the majority of these heads are of a Satyric or grotesque character, wearing conical caps or adorned with ivy-wreaths. They probably represent demons of some kind, and are placed there with superstitious intent, to avert evil influences from whatever was baked or cooked in the vessel. Similar masks are usually seen attached to representations of forges and ovens on the painted vases,[366] and remind us of the pseudo-Homeric invocation of evil deities against the potters of Samos (see also p. 213 below). Professor Furtwaengler has identified the heads as those of the Kyklopes, the attendant workmen of Hephaistos.[367]
There is an interesting class of objects that doesn't really fit into any other category, but can be conveniently discussed here. Complete examples are very rare, but there is one in the Museum in Geneva that has been identified as a brazier (rocket or __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__) and more recently as a baking oven (oven).[365] The shape is that of a large basin on a high stand, hollow underneath, with three square solid handles sticking up from the rim. These handles, with over a thousand examples found in various collections, are usually the only part that remains, sometimes with a portion of the rim attached. They are decorated with heads and other designs, typically in relief on square panels, and most of these heads are characterized as Satyric or grotesque, wearing conical caps or adorned with ivy wreaths. They likely represent some kind of demons, placed there with superstitious intent to ward off evil influences from whatever was baked or cooked in the vessel. Similar masks are often seen on representations of forges and ovens on painted vases,[366] reminding us of the pseudo-Homeric invocation of evil deities against the potters of Samos (see also p. 213 below). Professor Furtwaengler has identified these heads as belonging to the Kyklopes, the assistant workers of Hephaistos.[367]
These objects are found all over the Mediterranean, especially at Halikarnassos, Naukratis, and Delos, and the last-named place has been regarded as the centre of their manufacture. They are all of the same brick-like, coarse, red clay. Some bear the name of their maker, Hekataios or Nikolaos. Besides the heads already mentioned, heads of goats or oxen, or of Sirius, thunderbolts and rosettes are used by way of devices. They have been collected together, and illustrations of all the different types given by Conze in the Jahrbuch for 1890, p. 118 ff.: two specimens are given on Plate IV. They belong to the Hellenistic Age.
These items can be found throughout the Mediterranean, particularly in Halikarnassos, Naukratis, and Delos, with Delos being seen as the main production site. They all consist of the same brick-like, coarse, red clay. Some of them are marked with the names of their creators, Hekataios or Nikolaos. In addition to the heads already mentioned, there are also heads of goats, oxen, or Sirius, as well as thunderbolts and rosettes used as designs. They have been gathered together, and Conze provided illustrations of all the different types in the Yearbook for 1890, p. 118 ff.: two examples are shown on Plate IV. These belong to the Hellenistic Age.
Other objects that exemplify the use of clay or terracotta in Greek daily life are: moulds for vases and terracotta figures, lamps, weights, and stamps for various purposes. Many flat discs of terracotta have been found at Tarsus, Gela in Sicily, Tarentum, and other places, pierced with two holes and about three inches in diameter.[368] They are stamped with various devices and inscriptions, but their use is unknown. Other discs of convex form found at Halikarnassos and stamped with heads in relief are supposed to have been weights ([λεῖαι) to hold down the threads of the loom (ἀγνύθες),[369] such as are used by the Greeks at the present day; others again may be the weights used for keeping the ends of the folds of a himation in position. Small pierced cones of terracotta often found in the fields of Greece have been supposed to have been suspended round the necks of cattle, but are probably weights of some kind.[370] Lastly, terracotta egg-shaped objects have been found in Sicily inscribed with various names, and are supposed to have been voting-tickets used for the ballots of the tribes.[371]
Other items that showcase the use of clay or terracotta in daily Greek life include molds for vases and terracotta figures, lamps, weights, and stamps for different purposes. Many flat terracotta discs have been discovered at Tarsus, Gela in Sicily, Tarentum, and other locations. These discs are pierced with two holes and measure about three inches in diameter. They are stamped with various designs and inscriptions, but their specific use is unclear. Other convex discs found at Halikarnassos, stamped with relief heads, are believed to have served as weights to hold down the threads of the loom, similar to the ones Greeks use today; some may also have been used to keep the ends of the folds of a himation in place. Small pierced terracotta cones, frequently unearthed in the fields of Greece, were thought to have been worn around the necks of cattle, but they were likely some type of weights. Finally, terracotta egg-shaped objects inscribed with various names have been found in Sicily and are believed to have been voting tickets used for tribal ballots.

Greek Lamps and “Brazier-handles.”
1, 3, 4, 6, Lamps from Greek Sites; 2, 5 Braziers from Halikarnassos and Cyprus (British Museum).
Greek lamps and brazier handles.
1, 3, 4, 6, Lamps from Greek Sites; 2, 5 Braziers from Halikarnassos and Cyprus (British Museum).
The invention of lamps was ascribed by Clement of Alexandria to the Egyptians; and they were certainly in common use among the Greeks. Herodotos[373] describes those which he saw in Egypt as simple saucers filled with oil in which the wick floated, and this statement is partly supported by the form of the lamps found in the earlier tombs of Cyprus and on sites under Phoenician influence.[374] He also uses the phrase περὶ λύχνων ἁφάς, “about the time of lighting lamps,” to denote the evening.[375] The Greek comic writers allude to the use of lamps of terracotta or metal,[376] and they played a part in religious ceremonies.
The invention of lamps was credited to the Egyptians by Clement of Alexandria, and they were definitely widely used by the Greeks. Herodotus describes the lamps he saw in Egypt as simple saucers filled with oil in which the wick floated, and this is partly supported by the design of the lamps found in the earlier tombs of Cyprus and in areas influenced by the Phoenicians. He also uses the phrase "περὶ λύχνων ἁφάς," meaning "about the time of lighting lamps," to refer to the evening. The Greek comic writers mention lamps made of terracotta or metal, and they were also used in religious ceremonies.
The regular Greek name for a lamp was λύχνος (not λαμπάς, which means a torch), and a lampstand was called λυχνοῦχος; the spout or nozzle in which the wick was placed was known as μύξος or μυκτήρ, the wick itself as ἐλλύχνιον.[377] A lamp with more than one nozzle was known as δίμυξος or τρίμυξος.[378] The simple form was that derived from the Phoenician lamp, an open saucer with a bent-up lip in which the wick was placed; but commonly the Greek lamp had a circular or oval body (the receiver) with flat covered top, in the centre of which was the filling-hole. To this was sometimes attached a handle permitting the insertion of a finger, and the nozzle was usually very small and quite plain. An epithet applied by Aristophanes[379] to a lamp is τροχήλατος, “made on the wheel”; but evidence points to their being always made in moulds.
The standard Greek term for a lamp was lamp (not lamp, which means a torch), and a lampstand was referred to as lamp holder; the spout or nozzle where the wick was placed was known as μύξος or μύτη, with the wick itself called lamp.[377] A lamp with more than one nozzle was called δίμυξος or τρίμυξος.[378] The basic form came from the Phoenician lamp, which was an open saucer with a raised edge where the wick was placed; however, the typical Greek lamp had a circular or oval body (the reservoir) with a flat, covered top that featured a filling hole in the center. Sometimes, there was a handle attached for inserting a finger, and the nozzle was usually very small and quite simple. An expression used by Aristophanes[379] to describe a lamp is roller, meaning “made on the wheel”; however, evidence suggests they were always made in molds.
Little has at present been done in the way of a scientific
investigation of Roman lamps, but the results of a rough
classification according to shapes show that certain forms
are more specially associated with Greek sites, and moreover
frequently bear names of makers in Greek letters. This is
particularly the case with one form, which appears to be
confined to Athens, Corfu, the coast of Asia Minor, and Cyprus.
These lamps, of a pale yellow clay, have a circular body with
flat top, round the edge of which runs a border of impressed egg-pattern,
interrupted on either side by a small plain raised panel.[381]
The handle is small and pierced with a hole, the nozzle also small,
with straight sides. These lamps bear the makers’ names (in
the genitive), Primus
(),
Abaskantos
(
),
etc., the former being especially common; all are in Greek
letters. Some again only have a single letter or monogram
engraved underneath. They are often very carefully executed,
with sharply cut details, and the subjects are usually
mythological (see Plate IV. fig. 1); they appear to be of
very late date, not earlier than the third century after Christ.
Not much scientific research has been done on Roman lamps so far, but a basic classification based on their shapes reveals that some designs are more closely linked to Greek locations and often feature the names of the makers in Greek letters. This is especially true for one specific design that seems to be limited to Athens, Corfu, the coast of Asia Minor, and Cyprus. These lamps are made of light yellow clay, have a round body with a flat top, and are edged with an impressed egg-pattern border, broken on either side by a small plain raised panel.[381] The handle is small and has a hole, while the nozzle is also small, with straight sides. These lamps include the makers’ names (in the genitive), such as Primus
(),
Abaskantos
(
),
etc., with the former being particularly common; all are inscribed in Greek letters. Some only have a single letter or monogram engraved on the bottom. They are often meticulously crafted with sharp details, and the designs are usually mythological (see Plate IV. fig. 1); they appear to date from very late, not earlier than the third century after Christ.
Another form which appears to be specially characteristic of Greek sites is that with a plain or heart-shaped nozzle, sometimes with a groove incised at the base, but without a handle. They are usually quite small, with circular bodies. Large numbers of these were found by Mr. Newton at Knidos in 1859,[382] and by Mr. Barker at Tarsos in 1845.[383] The subjects are mostly poor and devoid of interest, including animals, rosettes, and various floral patterns. Many of these lamps bear the signature ROMAINE(N)SIS, the form of the word indicating that they were made by a Roman residing abroad (i.e. at Knidos), not in Rome.[384] A third form, approximating to the Christian type, has a small solid handle and plain nozzle, and is confined to sites on or near the coast of Asia Minor. These, with the remaining types of lamps, will be more fully dealt with in the Roman section of this work. It may, however, be worth while mentioning here that Mr. Newton found at Knidos several lamps of a coarse black ware, covered with thin glaze, which are mostly of large size. They are circular, and convex above, and are supplied with two or more long nozzles with blunt terminations radiating round them (see Plate IV. fig. 6). Between the nozzles are roughly stamped devices of Satyrs’ heads, flowers, etc., in relief. These may fairly be regarded as a Greek type.
Another type that seems to be particularly characteristic of Greek sites is the one with a plain or heart-shaped nozzle, sometimes featuring a groove carved at the base, but without a handle. They are usually quite small, with circular bodies. Many of these were discovered by Mr. Newton at Knidos in 1859,[382] and by Mr. Barker at Tarsos in 1845.[383] The designs are mostly uninspired and lack interest, including animals, rosettes, and various floral patterns. A lot of these lamps have the inscription ROMAINSIS, indicating they were made by a Roman living abroad (i.e. at Knidos), not in Rome.[384] A third type, resembling the Christian style, features a small solid handle and a plain nozzle, and is found only at sites on or near the coast of Asia Minor. These, along with the other types of lamps, will be discussed in more detail in the Roman section of this work. However, it's worth mentioning here that Mr. Newton found several lamps at Knidos made of coarse black ware, coated with a thin glaze, which are mostly larger in size. They are circular, convex on top, and feature two or more long nozzles with blunt tips radiating around them (see Plate IV. fig. 6). Between the nozzles are roughly stamped designs of Satyrs' heads, flowers, etc., in relief. These can reasonably be considered a Greek type.
The subject of Greek sculpture in terracotta is so wide as to demand a volume to itself; but a discussion of the uses to which clay was put by the Greeks would not be complete without some mention of their achievements in this direction. We propose therefore briefly to review the main features of Greek terracotta statuettes and reliefs, by way of illustrating the purely artistic use which they made of this material.
The topic of Greek sculpture in terracotta is so extensive that it deserves its own volume; however, a discussion on how the Greeks utilized clay wouldn’t be complete without acknowledging their accomplishments in this area. Therefore, we aim to briefly overview the key aspects of Greek terracotta statuettes and reliefs to showcase the artistic way they used this material.
It is characteristic of the Hellenic race that from its earliest beginnings it did not employ clay for utilitarian purposes exclusively, but, influenced partly by the natural imitative instincts of man, partly by the anthropomorphic tendencies of the Greek religion, soon learned the value of this easily worked material for producing images of deities, animals, and other objects. Although an equally high antiquity may be claimed for images of wood, and the word ξόανον used for a primitive cult-statue argues for the frequent use of this material, yet the history of the word πλάσσειν tells equally in the other direction. Originally used of moulding wet clay, it came by degrees to denote modelling in general, and finally its derivative πλαστική became the authorised classical word for sculpture.
The Hellenic people are known for not just using clay for practical purposes from their very beginnings. Influenced partly by our natural instinct to imitate and partly by the anthropomorphic aspects of Greek religion, they quickly recognized the potential of this easily shaped material for creating images of gods, animals, and other objects. While wood images can also be traced back to ancient times, and the term ξόανον used for a basic cult statue suggests this material was often used, the history of the word πλάσσειν provides another perspective. Initially referring to shaping wet clay, it gradually came to mean modeling in general, and eventually its derivative plastic became the standard classical term for sculpture.
Lactantius[385] speaks of Prometheus as the inventor of fictile images for religious purposes, and of figures in bronze and marble as a later development; the Latin poets[386] bear similar witness to the primitive use of clay for sculptured images, and Pliny marvels at its long-continued employment in Italy.[387] Among early Greek legends the most noteworthy is that of Butades, the potter of Sikyon, to whom the invention of modelling clay in relief was ascribed by Pliny[388] and Athenagoras. The story as told by the former was that, in order to preserve the likeness of his daughter’s lover, he moulded in terracotta the shadow of his profile which the girl drew on the wall. This account, however, is not very intelligible, and the clue is perhaps to be found in the words of Athenagoras,[389] who says that he hollowed out the lines of the face in the wall, filled in the grooves with clay, and so obtained his relief as from a mould. This primitive work of art was said to have been exhibited in the Nymphaeum at Corinth.
Lactantius[385] refers to Prometheus as the creator of clay images for religious purposes, and mentions bronze and marble figures as a later advancement; the Latin poets[386] similarly note the early use of clay for sculptural images, and Pliny expresses amazement at its long-standing use in Italy.[387] Among early Greek myths, the most notable is the story of Butades, a potter from Sikyon, who was credited by Pliny[388] and Athenagoras with the invention of modeling clay in relief. According to Pliny's account, to capture the likeness of his daughter’s lover, he shaped a terracotta mold of the shadow of his profile which the girl had drawn on the wall. However, this explanation is not very clear, and the key might lie in Athenagoras's words,[389] who explains that Butades carved out the lines of the face on the wall, filled the grooves with clay, and created the relief as if it were from a mold. It was said that this early artwork was displayed in the Nymphaeum at Corinth.
But this same invention was also claimed by the Samian sculptors, Theodoros and Rhoikos, who flourished about the end of the seventh century. They were pre-eminently artists in bronze, and were associated with the introduction of hollow-casting in that material into Greece; it may therefore be supposed that they actually were among the first to use clay models for statues, this being an essential preliminary to the hollow-casting process. This would not be incompatible with the invention of moulding reliefs by Butades, admitting the truth of his story. The latter was also credited with the invention of antefixal ornaments (see above, p. 98) and the introduction of a mixture of red ochre or ruddle with clay in order to give it a warmer tone.
But this same invention was also claimed by the Samian sculptors, Theodoros and Rhoikos, who were active around the end of the seventh century. They were particularly noted for their work in bronze and were involved in bringing hollow-casting techniques to Greece; it can therefore be assumed that they were among the first to use clay models for statues, which is a crucial step in the hollow-casting process. This wouldn’t contradict the story of Butades inventing the molding of reliefs, if we accept that tale as true. He was also credited with inventing antefix ornaments (see above, p. 98) and for introducing a mix of red ochre or ruddle with clay to create a warmer tone.
The clay models used by sculptors as the basis of their work, which were known as προπλάσματα, were probably made on the same lines as the large works of art in clay. We read that Lysistratos of Sikyon, the brother of Lysippos, was the first to make casts of statues by means of terracotta moulds,[390] implying that it was about this time that the practice arose of multiplying the principal statues in the same manner as is now done by means of plaster casts. Some of the latter artists combined the plastic art with that of painting, and Zeuxis is said to have previously modelled in terracotta the subjects which he afterwards painted. Pasiteles, an artist who lived at Rome in the first century B.C., always first modelled his statues in terracotta, and spoke of the plastic art as the mother of statuary.[391] But it must not be supposed that as a general rule the Greek sculptors worked their marble statues from models; rather, the contrary was the case, and Pasiteles seems to have been peculiar in this respect.
The clay models used by sculptors as the foundation of their work, known as prototypes, were likely created in a similar way to the large clay artworks. It's said that Lysistratos of Sikyon, who was the brother of Lysippos, was the first to make casts of statues using terracotta molds,[390] suggesting that it was around this time that the practice of reproducing main statues began, similar to how plaster casts are made today. Some of these artists mixed sculpture with painting, and it's said that Zeuxis would first model in terracotta the subjects he later painted. Pasiteles, an artist living in Rome during the first century BCE, always began by modeling his statues in terracotta and referred to sculpture as the mother of statuary.[391] However, it's important to note that Greek sculptors generally did not create their marble statues from models; in fact, the opposite was more common, and Pasiteles seems to have been unique in this approach.
The statue of Zeus, which has already been mentioned as made by Theokosmos for Megara (p. 92), appears to have been made from a clay model. It was intended to be of gold and ivory, but the breaking out of the Peloponnesian War prevented the artist from carrying out his intention, and only the head was completed, the other portions being of gypsum and terracotta. At a later period gypsum was sometimes used for sculpture, as in the case of an Apollo mentioned by Prudentius,[392] and some fragmentary remains from Cyprus in the British Museum.
The statue of Zeus, previously noted as made by Theokosmos for Megara (p. 92), seems to have been created from a clay model. It was originally meant to be made of gold and ivory, but the outbreak of the Peloponnesian War stopped the artist from finishing his vision, so only the head was completed, while the other parts were made of gypsum and terracotta. Later on, gypsum was occasionally used for sculptures, like in the case of an Apollo mentioned by Prudentius,[392] and some fragmentary pieces from Cyprus in the British Museum.
The clay models were sometimes made entirely by hand, but more usually on a wooden core known as κάναβος,[393] which we may conjecture to have been formed of two rods in the form of a cross, from the use of the Latin word crux in this connection.[394] It was certainly a framework, not a solid core, and must be carefully distinguished from κίνναβος, a lay-figure. Aristotle, in an interesting passage, uses the word in speaking of skeletons drawn on a wall.[395] The modelling of details was done partly with tools, partly with the finger. The use of the finger-nail for this purpose became proverbial, as in the saying attributed to Polykleitos: “When the clay has reached the finger-nail stage, then the real difficulty begins.”[396]
The clay models were sometimes made completely by hand, but more often they were built on a wooden framework known as canvas,[393] which we can guess was shaped like two rods forming a cross, based on the use of the Latin word main point in this context.[394] It was definitely a framework, not a solid core, and should be clearly distinguished from κίνναβος, a lay figure. Aristotle, in an interesting passage, uses the term when talking about skeletons drawn on a wall.[395] The modeling of details was done partly with tools and partly with fingers. Using the fingernail for this purpose became a common saying, as reflected in the quote attributed to Polykleitos: “When the clay has reached the fingernail stage, then the real challenge begins.”[396]
The chief attention of inferior artists was directed to the production of small terracotta figures, which the Greeks used as ornaments or household gods, buried in their tombs, or dedicated in their temples. They follow the same lines of development as the larger sculptures, beginning with the columnar (ξόανα) and board-like (σανίδες) types found in the primitive tombs of the Mycenaean and early Hellenic civilisation. Originally they seem to have been manufactured purely for religious purposes, but in course of time, with the gradual rationalising of religious beliefs and consequent secularisation of art-types, they lost this significance, and, while the types were preserved, they were converted into genre figures from daily life.
The main focus of lesser artists was on creating small terracotta figures that the Greeks used as decorations or household gods, buried with them in their tombs, or dedicated in their temples. These figures followed a similar progression as larger sculptures, starting with the columnar (ξόανα) and board-like (boards) styles found in the primitive tombs of Mycenaean and early Hellenic civilization. Initially, they seemed to be made solely for religious purposes, but over time, as religious beliefs became more rationalized and art became more secular, they lost this significance. While the types remained, they transformed into genre figures representing everyday life.
These statuettes have been found on nearly all the famous sites of antiquity from Babylonia to Carthage and Kertch; the most fruitful have been Tanagra in Boeotia, Rhodes, the Cyrenaica, Capua and Canosa in Italy, and various sites in Sicily. In Cyprus, Sardinia, and to a great extent also in Rhodes, Phoenician influences seem to have been dominant, and the earlier types bear a markedly Oriental character. For beauty and charm the palm has by general consent been given to the Tanagra statuettes of the fourth and third centuries, which were known in antiquity as κόραι or “maidens,” from the prevalence of the seated or standing types of girls in various attitudes.
These statuettes have been discovered at nearly all the well-known ancient sites from Babylonia to Carthage and Kertch; the most productive locations have been Tanagra in Boeotia, Rhodes, Cyrenaica, Capua, and Canosa in Italy, as well as various sites in Sicily. In Cyprus, Sardinia, and especially in Rhodes, Phoenician influences seem to have been prevalent, and the earlier types show a distinctly Oriental style. For their beauty and charm, the Tanagra statuettes from the fourth and third centuries are generally regarded as the best, known in ancient times as girls or "maidens," due to the common depiction of seated or standing girls in various poses.
The makers of these charming figures, known as κοροπάσται or κοροπλάθοι, were, like the vase-painters, quite in a subordinate position in the artistic world, and are spoken of with some contempt by Isokrates, as if it would be absurd to compare them with a Pheidias or a Zeuxis.[397] A fable of Aesop’s[398] represents Hermes being offered a statue of Zeus for a drachma and one of himself for a mere song; the low price seems to suggest that they were of terracotta, but the vendor is called an ἀγαλματοποιός, not a κοροπλάθος. Demosthenes[399] condemns the Athenians for voting for figure-head generals like makers of toys for the market; and in further illustration of the uses to which they were put, we may cite the definition of Suidas, of “those who fashion little images out of clay of all kinds of creatures, with which to trick children”; and the remark of Dio Chrysostom, who speaks of those who buy the “maiden” figures for their children. A pretty epigram in the Anthology[400] tells how Timareta, when about to marry, dedicated to Artemis the playthings of her childhood, including her terracotta dolls (κόρας). Lastly, Plato speaks of κόραι and images hung up in shrines.[401]
The creators of these charming figures, known as κοροπάσται or κοροπλάθοι, were, like the vase painters, in a rather low position in the art world. Isokrates mentions them with some disdain, as if comparing them to someone like Pheidias or Zeuxis would be ridiculous.[397] A fable by Aesop[398] depicts Hermes being offered a statue of Zeus for a drachma and one of himself for just a song; the low price implies they were made of terracotta, but the seller is referred to as an sculptor, not a κοροπλάθος. Demosthenes[399] criticizes the Athenians for choosing superficial leaders like toy makers; and to further show the purpose of these figures, we can reference Suidas's definition of “those who make little images out of clay of all kinds of creatures to amuse children.” Additionally, Dio Chrysostom mentions those who purchase “maiden” figures for their kids. A lovely epigram in the Anthology[400] describes how Timareta, when she was about to marry, dedicated her childhood toys, including her terracotta dolls (κόρας), to Artemis. Finally, Plato talks about girls and images placed in shrines.[401]
The processes employed in the manufacture of terracotta statuettes were five in number: (1) the preparation of the clay; (2) moulding; (3) retouching; (4) baking; and (5) colouring and gilding. It does not follow that all five were employed in the production of any one object; on the other hand, all processes necessary to the completion of any one object fall under one or other of these heads.
The methods used to make terracotta figurines included five steps: (1) preparing the clay; (2) shaping; (3) refining; (4) firing; and (5) painting and gilding. Not every object required all five steps; however, every process needed to finish any one object fits into one of these categories.
There were many varieties of clay in use among the Greeks, some being considered more suitable for one purpose, some for another. These clays vary in their characteristics in different parts of the Greek world, and this may often be an important criterion for distinguishing fabrics and detecting instances of importation. The clay of Cyprus differs much from that of Rhodes, and that of Naukratis again from either, being of a dark, coarse, and brick-like consistency. M. Pottier noted nine varieties of clay in use at Myrina in Asia Minor, and M. Martha distinguishes five in the terracottas of Athens. But these differences may be explained by variations in the length or temperature of the firing rather than in the clay.
There were many types of clay used by the Greeks, with some being better suited for certain purposes than others. The characteristics of these clays vary in different regions of Greece, which can be an important factor in identifying pottery styles and spotting imports. The clay from Cyprus is quite different from that of Rhodes, and the clay from Naukratis is distinct as well, being dark, coarse, and brick-like in texture. M. Pottier identified nine types of clay used in Myrina, Asia Minor, while M. Martha recognized five types in the terracottas of Athens. However, these differences may be attributed to variations in how long or at what temperature the clay was fired instead of the clay itself.
Generally speaking, the clay of the terracottas is softer and more porous than that of the vases. It is easily scratched or marked, and does not ring a clear sound when struck; nor does it when submitted to a high temperature become so hard as the pottery.[402] Its colour ranges from deep red to a pale buff colour, and its texture and density vary greatly in different localities. It was prepared by being washed free of all granular substances, and then kneaded with the aid of water. So, as we read in Hesiod’s account of the creation of Pandora,[403] the god directed the mixing of clay and water, in order to form his new creation.
In general, the clay used for terracottas is softer and more porous than that used for vases. It's easily scratched or marked, and it doesn't produce a clear sound when struck; it also doesn't become as hard as pottery when exposed to high temperatures.[402] Its color varies from deep red to light buff, and its texture and density can differ significantly across different regions. It was prepared by washing out all granular materials and then kneading it with water. So, as mentioned in Hesiod’s story about the creation of Pandora,[403] the god oversaw the mixing of clay and water to create his new being.
The modelling of the figures was done by hand in the case of the earlier fabrics, and of small objects such as the toys and dolls; the clay was worked up into a solid mass with the fingers, and the marks of these, left while it was wet, may still be often seen. Subsequently the use of moulds became universal, the final touches being given to the figure either with the finger or with a graving-tool, traces of which are often visible on the faces and hair of the Tanagra figures. These were invariably moulded, and the finer ones show traces of having been most carefully touched up.
The modeling of the figures was done by hand for the earlier fabrics and for small items like toys and dolls. The clay was shaped into a solid mass using fingers, and the impressions left while it was wet can often still be seen. Later, the use of molds became common, with final touches added to the figures either by hand or with a carving tool, which often leaves marks on the faces and hair of the Tanagra figures. These figures were always molded, and the more detailed ones show signs of having been very carefully refined.
There is a pretty epigram in the Anthology,[404] which seems to imply that the wheel was sometimes brought into use for modelling figures, perhaps for the first rough outlining. A statuette of Hermes is supposed to say:
There is a nice saying in the Anthology,[404] that suggests the wheel was occasionally used for shaping figures, maybe for the initial rough sketching. A small statue of Hermes is said to say:
The process of moulding gave scope for reducing the “walls” of the figure to the smallest possible thickness, thereby avoiding the danger of shrinkage in the baking; it also rendered them extremely light, and allowed of great accuracy in detail. A model (πρότυπος) was made in terracotta with modelling-tools, from which the mould (τύπος) was taken, also in terracotta,
The process of molding allowed for the “walls” of the figure to be thinned down to the smallest possible thickness, which helped prevent shrinkage during baking; it also made them very lightweight and permitted great precision in detail. A model (standard) was created in terracotta using modeling tools, from which the mold (type) was made, also in terracotta.

Moulds for Terracotta Figures, with Casts from the Moulds.
2, 3. Archaic, from Rhodes; 1, 4. Archaistic, from Tarentum (British Museum).
Molds for Terracotta Figures, along with Casts from the Molds.
2, 3. Archaic, from Rhodes; 1, 4. Archaistic, from Tarentum (British Museum).
usually in two pieces, which were then baked to a considerable hardness. From this mould the figure was made by smearing it with layers of clay until a sufficient thickness was reached, leaving the figure hollow. The back was made separately, either from a mould or by hand, and then fitted carefully on to the front, the join being concealed by a layer of wet clay. The base was usually left open, and a vent-hole was left at the back which may have served a double purpose—first to allow the clay to contract without cracking, and subsequently in some cases for the suspension of the completed figure.
usually in two pieces, which were then baked until quite hard. From this mold, the figure was created by layering clay on it until it reached a sufficient thickness, leaving it hollow inside. The back was made separately, either from a mold or by hand, and then carefully attached to the front, with the seam hidden by a layer of wet clay. The base was typically left open, and a vent hole was made at the back that likely served two purposes: first, to let the clay shrink without cracking, and later in some cases, to allow for hanging the finished figure.
The heads and arms were usually moulded separately and attached afterwards, and altogether the average number of moulds employed—say for a Tanagra figure—was four or five. M. Pottier[405] quotes an instance of an Eros from Myrina which is made up of no less than fourteen; yet it is not a specially complicated figure.
The heads and arms were typically made separately and then attached later, and overall, the average number of molds used—for a Tanagra figure, for example—was about four or five. M. Pottier[405] mentions a case of an Eros from Myrina that has no fewer than fourteen molds; however, it isn’t a particularly complex figure.
The shrinkage of the clay as it dried afterwards permitted the figure to be withdrawn easily from the mould, and it was then ready for the necessary retouching. It is obvious from a glance at any collection of terracottas that there is a great similarity between the various representatives of any one type, and that actual or virtual repetitions are by no means uncommon. This was, of course, due to the fact that only a limited number of moulds were used, corresponding to the different types. At the same time there are in almost all cases minute differences which redeem them from a charge of monotony, and these were obtained in various ways: by varying the pose of the head or attaching the arms in different positions; by retouching before the baking; or by the addition of attributes and colouring. As it has been neatly put by M. Pottier,[409] “All the Tanagra figures are sisters, but few of them are twins.” But retouching is not invariable, and is, in fact, confined to the finer specimens, such as those of Tanagra. In the statuettes from the Cyrenaica and Southern Italy it is the exception. The difference which it effected may be well observed by comparing two statuettes of Eros in the British Museum from Myrina (C 535–36), which are from the same mould. They are identical in style and type, yet one is far superior to the other in artistic merit, just because of the greater finish of detail.
The shrinkage of the clay as it dried afterward allowed the figure to be easily removed from the mold, making it ready for touch-ups. It's clear from looking at any collection of terracottas that there's a lot of similarity among different pieces of the same type, and actual or virtual copies are quite common. This is largely because only a limited number of molds were used for the various types. However, in almost every case, there are small differences that keep them from feeling monotonous, and these differences were achieved in various ways: by changing the pose of the head or placing the arms in different positions; by retouching before firing; or by adding attributes and colors. As M. Pottier put it, "All the Tanagra figures are sisters, but few of them are twins." However, retouching isn't always applied and is mostly found in the finer pieces, like those from Tanagra. In statuettes from Cyrenaica and Southern Italy, it’s usually the exception. The difference it creates can be clearly seen by comparing two statuettes of Eros in the British Museum from Myrina (C 535–36), which come from the same mold. They are identical in style and type, but one is much better in artistic quality simply due to its greater attention to detail.
The process of baking required great care and attention; for if no allowance was made for the evaporation of moisture, or if too great a degree of temperature was reached, the result was bound to be disastrous. It does not appear that a very high temperature was reached, especially as compared with the pottery. The clay was further insured against too rapid drying by preliminary exposure to the air. A story told by Plutarch[410] of the fate which befell the chariot cast for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol illustrates the possibility of disasters either from accident or carelessness. The clay swelled up to such a size and hardness that it could only be extracted by pulling the kiln to pieces.
The baking process required a lot of care and attention; if the evaporation of moisture wasn't considered or if the temperature got too high, the outcome would be a disaster. It doesn’t seem like the temperature was particularly high, especially compared to the pottery. The clay was also protected from drying out too quickly by being exposed to air beforehand. A story told by Plutarch[410] about the chariot made for the temple of Jupiter on the Capitol shows how accidents or carelessness can lead to disasters. The clay expanded to such a size and hardness that it could only be removed by dismantling the kiln.
The colouring of statuettes may be considered a fairly universal practice, although not always suggested by their present appearance. The earlier archaic specimens were not always, or only roughly, coloured, and those of the Roman period seem to have been often left plain; but otherwise it is the general rule. The surface on which the colours were applied was formed by a white slip or engobe of a creamy colour and consistency, with which the whole figure (except the back) was coated. This when dry becomes very flaky, and is liable to drop off, carrying the colours with it; most statuettes retain at least traces of this coating.
The coloring of statuettes is a fairly universal practice, even if it’s not always evident from how they look today. The earlier archaic examples were not always, or were only roughly, colored, and those from the Roman period often appear plain; however, generally speaking, coloring was the norm. The surface for the colors was created using a white slip or *engobe* that had a creamy color and consistency, which coated the entire figure (except for the back). Once dry, this coating becomes very flaky and is prone to falling off, taking the colors with it; most statuettes still show at least traces of this coating.
The method of painting is that known as in tempera, the pigments being opaque, mixed with some stiffening medium. The colouring was as a rule conventional, aiming at giving the figure a pleasing appearance, without any particular regard to nature. It was applied after the firing, as in that process the colours would have been liable to injury. The tints are what are known as body-colours, without any attempts at shading, and those usually employed are red, blue, yellow, and black, the white slip forming a ground throughout, and left untouched over the nude parts and often over the drapery; of these the favourites, especially for drapery, were blue and red, as also we learn from Lucian.[411] Pollux says it was a speciality of the κοροπλάθοι to colour their figures yellow, or with a golden tint.[412] The reds range in shade from scarlet to rose-colour and purple. At all times there was a tendency to treat the drapery in masses of colour, and this we see especially in the Tanagra figures, in which the chiton is almost invariably blue, the himation rose-pink. At a later date it became more customary to leave the drapery white, with borders and stripes only of colour. Black was only used for details of features, such as the eyes; green is very rare; and yellow was employed (in a deep brownish shade) for the hair, and also for jewellery, etc. The use of gilding is at all times rare in the statuettes; but some good examples are known—as, for instance, two archaic statuettes from the Polledrara tomb, and a head of Zeus, all in the British Museum.[413] Imitation jewellery in terracotta gilt is not at all uncommon. On many of the earlier figures from Cyprus the drapery is indicated by stripes of red and yellow laid directly on the clay, while animals are usually decorated with stripes of red and black; the method employed is the same as on the contemporary vases (p. 253). Similarly, in the terracottas of the Mycenaean and Geometrical periods, such as those from Boeotia, the technique of the painted vases is closely followed, and the same decorative patterns are employed.
The painting technique used is known as in tempera paint, where the pigments are opaque and mixed with a stiffening medium. The coloring is generally conventional, focusing on making the figures look nice rather than being true to nature. This was applied after firing since colors could get damaged during the process. The colors used are referred to as body-colors, with no shading attempts, typically including red, blue, yellow, and black, while the white slip serves as a base throughout and is left untouched over the nude areas and often on the drapery. Among these, blue and red were popular for drapery, as noted by Lucian.[411] Pollux mentions that it was a specialty of the κοροπλάθοι to color their figures in yellow or a golden tint.[412] The reds vary from scarlet to rose and purple. There was consistently a trend to treat the drapery in solid blocks of color, especially seen in the Tanagra figures, where the chiton is almost always blue and the himation is a rose-pink. Later on, it became more common to leave the drapery white, adding only colored borders and stripes. Black was typically used for facial details like the eyes; green is quite rare; and yellow was used (in a deep brownish shade) for hair and jewelry. The use of gilding on statuettes is quite uncommon, but some good examples exist, like two archaic statuettes from the Polledrara tomb and a head of Zeus, all housed in the British Museum.[413] Imitation jewelry made of terracotta and gilded is not uncommon. Many of the earlier figures from Cyprus show drapery indicated by stripes of red and yellow directly painted onto the clay, while animals usually feature stripes of red and black; this technique is the same as that used on the contemporary vases (p. 253). Similarly, in the terracottas from the Mycenaean and Geometric periods, such as those from Boeotia, the painting technique closely mirrors that of the painted vases, using the same decorative patterns.
The use of an enamelled glaze first appears at Athens in the fourth century, and it is also occasionally found at Tanagra. The colour is uniformly a dull ashen-grey. A few examples are also known from the Cyrenaica, but it was in Sicily that the practice found most favour. There we find attempts to reproduce the colouring of the flesh by an enamel coating varying in hue from rose-pink to orange, and also grey and purple tints.
The use of an enameled glaze first shows up in Athens in the fourth century and is occasionally found in Tanagra as well. The color is consistently a dull ashy grey. A few examples are also known from Cyrenaica, but it was in Sicily that this practice became most popular. There, we see attempts to mimic the color of flesh with an enamel coating that varies in shades from rose-pink to orange, and also includes grey and purple tones.
It is probable that the colours employed for painting terracottas were made from the same earths, though of a coarser kind, as the ware itself. Some information on the subject may be derived from Theophrastos, Vitruvius, and Dioskorides.[414] For white the artist used a white earth, such as Melos produces, and white lead; it is also said to have been produced from the burnt lees of wine, and from ivory. The reds were composed of a red earth, probably ochre from Sinope, and vermilion or minium. Yellow was obtained from Skyros and Lydia; and a yellow ochre was obtained by burning a red earth.[415] The Egyptian smalto or cobalt served for blue, and a copper solution prepared with alkali and silica was also employed. Copper green was obtained from many places, and mixed with white or black.
It’s likely that the colors used for painting terracottas came from the same types of earths, just coarser than the pottery itself. Some information on this topic can be found in the works of Theophrastus, Vitruvius, and Dioscorides.[414] For white, artists used a white earth, like what is produced in Melos, and white lead; it’s also said to have come from burnt wine residues and ivory. The reds were made from a red earth, probably ochre from Sinope, and vermilion or minium. Yellow was sourced from Skyros and Lydia; a yellow ochre was created by burning a red earth.[415] Egyptian smalto or cobalt was used for blue, and a copper solution mixed with alkali and silica was also used. Copper green was sourced from various locations and mixed with white or black.
This may be a convenient point at which to speak of a class of vases which come rather under the heading of terracottas than that of painted pottery. They are found at Calvi, Canosa, Cumae, and other places in Southern Italy, and belong to the Hellenistic period, forming a parallel development to the glazed wares with reliefs of which we shall speak later (p. 497 ff.). They combine in a marked degree the characteristics of the vase and the statuette, some being vases with moulded reliefs or small figures in the round attached in different places, others again actual figures or colossal heads modelled in vase form by the addition of mouth, handle, and base (see Plate VI.). They are usually of considerable—sometimes gigantic—size, and do not appear to have served any practical purpose; some, indeed, are only imitation vases with false bottoms. It is reasonable to suppose that they were manufactured for sepulchral purposes only, like the large painted kraters and amphorae of Apulia (p. 476).
This is a good time to discuss a type of vases that fit more into the category of terracottas than painted pottery. They are found in places like Calvi, Canosa, Cumae, and other areas in Southern Italy, dating back to the Hellenistic period, and represent a parallel evolution to the glazed wares with reliefs that we will discuss later (p. 497 ff.). These vases distinctly blend the features of vases and statuettes; some have molded reliefs or small figures added at various points, while others are actual figures or large heads shaped into vase form with the addition of a mouth, handle, and base (see Plate VI .). They are typically quite large—sometimes even gigantic—and do not seem to have any practical use; indeed, some are mere imitation vases with false bottoms. It’s reasonable to think they were made solely for burial purposes, similar to the large painted kraters and amphorae from Apulia (p. 476).

Terracotta Vases from Southern Italy (British Museum).
Terracotta Vases from Southern Italy (British Museum).
Like the statuettes, they are covered throughout with a white slip laid directly on the unglazed clay, and this is often richly coloured in tempera. Some of the heads have the hair covered with intersecting pink lines to imitate a net, and the figures attached to them are usually coloured in the manner of the statuettes, with blue and pink draperies. There are some, however, in which the encaustic or a similar process seems to have been employed[416]; one example, in the British Museum (D 185, shown on Plate VI.), has a Hippocamp painted on either side in white and colours outlined with black, the wings being elaborately rendered in blue, brown, yellow, and pink. The same process is employed for a large cover of a vase in the British Museum from Sicily (D 1), but the figures are now nearly obliterated.
Like the figurines, they are all covered with a white slip applied directly to the unglazed clay, which is often richly colored in tempera paint. Some of the heads have their hair marked with intersecting pink lines to look like a net, and the figures attached to them are typically colored like the figurines, with blue and pink drapes. However, there are some where encaustic or a similar technique seems to have been used[416]; one example in the British Museum (D 185, shown on Plate VI.) has a Hippocamp painted on both sides in white and colors outlined in black, with the wings intricately detailed in blue, brown, yellow, and pink. The same technique is used on a large vase cover in the British Museum from Sicily (D 1), but the figures are now mostly faded.
The prevailing shape of these vases is that conventionally known as the askos, with spherical body, over which passes a flat handle and three mouths on the top; the latter are often covered in and figures placed upon them. On the front and back of these vases appliqué masks of Medusa or figures in relief are usually placed, flanked by the fore-parts of galloping horses. Others take the form of a large jug or bowl with appliqué ornaments.
The common shape of these vases is known as the askos, featuring a round body with a flat handle and three spouts on top; these spouts are often covered with decorative elements and figures placed on them. On the front and back of these vases, you'll typically find applique masks of Medusa or raised figures, flanked by the front parts of galloping horses. Some are designed like a large jug or bowl with applique decorations.
It now remains to consider the small but interesting class of terracotta reliefs, which are nearly all of the late archaic period, dating from the beginning of the fifth century. Later reliefs are nearly all architectural in character, and have already been described, as have those which were made for the decoration of tombs and sarcophagi. But the purpose for which the reliefs were made, of which we are about to speak, is not so certain. One group appears from the character of the subjects to be votive, and they may possibly have been let into the walls of temples or shrines; but the others are mostly known to have been found in tombs. The former group are found at Athens and at Locri in Southern Italy; the latter at Melos and other sites round the Aegean Sea, being usually known as “Melian” reliefs.
It’s now time to look at the small but intriguing group of terracotta reliefs, which mostly come from the late archaic period, dating back to the early fifth century. Later reliefs are primarily architectural and have already been covered, along with those made for tombs and sarcophagi. However, the purpose of the reliefs we’re about to discuss isn’t entirely clear. One group seems to be votive based on the nature of the subjects, and they might have been embedded in the walls of temples or shrines; the other group is mostly found in tombs. The first group is located in Athens and Locri in Southern Italy, while the second is commonly found at Melos and other sites around the Aegean Sea, often referred to as “Melian” reliefs.
The character of the work of these Melian reliefs (see Plate VII.) is exceedingly delicate and refined; the subjects are mainly mythological, and include the slaying of Medusa by Perseus and of the Chimaera by Bellerophon, Helle on the ram, Peleus seizing Thetis, Eos carrying off Kephalos, and the death of Aktaeon. Three classes have been distinguished,[417] of which the peculiarly Melian type has the figures cut out, without background; in the second only the outer contours are cut round, and the third consists of rectangular plaques.
The style of the Melian reliefs (see Plate VII.) is extremely delicate and refined; the subjects are mostly mythological and include the slaying of Medusa by Perseus, the slaying of the Chimaera by Bellerophon, Helle on the ram, Peleus capturing Thetis, Eos abducting Kephalos, and the death of Aktaeon. Three types have been identified,[417] of which the distinctively Melian type features figures cut out with no background; in the second type, only the outer edges are outlined, and the third consists of rectangular plaques.
Brunn[418] considers that they served a definite architectural purpose, being intended to cover a field enclosed by borders, and that the holes with which they are pierced show that they were used either for suspension or attachment. But his reasons for regarding them as an archaistic survival have not been generally accepted.
Brunn[418] believes they served a specific architectural purpose, meant to cover an area defined by borders, and the holes they have indicate that they were used for either hanging or securing. However, his rationale for viewing them as an archaic survival hasn't gained widespread support.
The Locrian type of relief takes the form of a square plaque.[419] They are easily recognised by the rough micaceous character of the clay, and by their subjects, which mostly relate to the myth and cult of Persephone. They were probably dedicated in one of her shrines, as were those found on the Acropolis at Athens to Athena. All these reliefs seem to have been impressed in moulds, not modelled by hand, as many of them exist in duplicate. Those from Greece are sometimes coloured.
The Locrian type of relief looks like a square plaque.[419] They can be easily identified by the coarse, flaky texture of the clay and by their themes, which mostly focus on the myths and worship of Persephone. They were likely offered in one of her shrines, similar to those found on the Acropolis in Athens dedicated to Athena. All these reliefs appear to have been made using molds rather than being shaped by hand, as many of them exist in multiple copies. The ones from Greece are sometimes painted.

Terracotta “Melian” Reliefs, Archaic Period (Brit. Mus.).
Terracotta "Melian" Reliefs, Archaic Period (British Museum).
Many little figures in the shape of animals and other objects, such as goats, pigs, pigeons, tortoises, chariots or boats, boys or apes riding on animals, women making bread, and similar subjects, together with jointed dolls or νευρόσπαστα, were evidently used as children’s toys. They have been found deposited with the bodies of children in the tombs of Melos, Rhodes, and Athens. In Mr. Biliotti’s excavations at Kameiros in Rhodes in 1863, one child’s tomb was found containing two of the “Melian” reliefs, small vases of glass and black-glazed ware, a terracotta basket of fruit, and a sea-shell; in another were a bird, two dolls, a child in a cradle, two grotesque figures, a woman playing a tambourine, and two other terracotta figures.
Many small figures shaped like animals and other objects, including goats, pigs, pigeons, tortoises, chariots, boats, boys or monkeys riding on animals, women making bread, and similar themes, along with jointed dolls or muscle spasms, were clearly used as children's toys. They have been discovered alongside the bodies of children in the tombs of Melos, Rhodes, and Athens. During Mr. Biliotti's excavations at Kameiros in Rhodes in 1863, one child's tomb was found containing two of the “Melian” reliefs, small glass and black-glazed vases, a terracotta basket of fruit, and a sea shell; in another tomb, there were a bird, two dolls, a child in a cradle, two strange figures, a woman playing a tambourine, and two more terracotta figures.
The terracotta dolls were cast in a mould like the ordinary figures, but the bodies, legs, and arms are formed of separate pieces pierced with holes, so that they might be joined and moved with strings, like the modern marionettes; hence their name of νευρόσπαστα, “drawn by wires.” They all represent girls, and sometimes dancers with castanets in their hands; they are coloured in the usual manner, and date from various periods between 500 and 200 B.C. Allusion is sometimes made to these figures in the Greek writers—as, for instance, by Xenophon, who in his Symposium[420] introduces Socrates inquiring of an exhibitor of these puppets what he chiefly relies on in the world. “A great number of fools,” he replies, “for such are those who support me by the pleasure they take in my performances.” Aristotle[421] mentions dolls that moved their limbs and winked their eyes like marionettes, but this can hardly refer to terracotta figures.[422]
The terracotta dolls were made using a mold like regular figures, but their bodies, legs, and arms are made from separate pieces with holes, allowing them to be connected and moved with strings, similar to modern marionettes; hence their name nerve spasms, meaning “drawn by wires.” They all depict girls, and sometimes dancers holding castanets; they are painted in the usual style and date from various periods between 500 and 200 BCE Greek writers sometimes refer to these figures—like Xenophon, who in his Symposium[420] introduces Socrates asking a puppet exhibitor what he mainly relies on in life. “A lot of fools,” he replies, “because those are the ones who support me with the joy they find in my shows.” Aristotle[421] mentions dolls that could move their limbs and blink their eyes like marionettes, but this likely doesn't refer to terracotta figures.[422]
It would require too much space to enumerate all the subjects represented in the terracotta statuettes. But it may be found convenient to give an outline of the subjects and principal types adopted at different periods.[423] Roughly speaking, the range of subjects may be divided into seven groups: (1) figures of deities; (2) mythological subjects; (3) scenes from daily life; (4) imitations of works of art; (5) caricatures; (6) masks; (7) animals. Among the figures of the Olympian deities we find most commonly Demeter, Aphrodite, and Artemis; Hephaistos, Ares, and Hestia are seldom if ever represented; Zeus, Poseidon, Hera, and even Athena are also very rare. Of the inferior deities, Dionysos, Persephone, Eros, and Nike (Victory) are most frequently found, as well as Satyrs and similar personages. Nor is it always easy to ascertain definitely whether a figure is or is not intended to be mythological in significance.
It would take up too much space to list all the subjects depicted in the terracotta statuettes. However, it might be helpful to provide a summary of the subjects and main types used at different times.[423] Broadly speaking, the subjects can be divided into seven categories: (1) figures of deities; (2) mythological themes; (3) scenes from everyday life; (4) copies of artworks; (5) caricatures; (6) masks; (7) animals. Among the figures of the Olympian deities, the most commonly seen are Demeter, Aphrodite, and Artemis; Hephaistos, Ares, and Hestia are rarely depicted; Zeus, Poseidon, Hera, and even Athena are also quite uncommon. Of the lesser deities, Dionysos, Persephone, Eros, and Nike (Victory) appear most often, along with Satyrs and similar characters. It is not always easy to clearly determine whether a figure is intended to have mythological significance.
This question is, in fact, closely bound up with that of the Uses for which the statuettes were made, as on such a purpose their interpretation in a mythological or human sense may largely depend. The uncertainty of identification arises from the practice which obtained of adhering closely to certain recognised types, which occur repeatedly at all periods. There is a strong probability that a clear distinction was not recognised by the Greek κοροπλάσται, but that the same type of figure might be used either for a votive offering to a deity, or as a mere ornament or article of tomb-furniture. And we are further met with the fact that a type which was mythological at one period ceases to be so at another, or at any rate is transformed by some slight alteration of details or omission of an attribute. Thus the seated figure of an Earth-goddess or Nursing-mother of a Rhodian or Cypriote tomb becomes the nurse and child of the fourth century at Tanagra, while the archaic standing type of a Persephone holding a flower requires little but the omission of her special head-dress to transform her into the girl-type of the Hellenistic age.
This question is really connected to the uses for which the statuettes were created, as the purpose can greatly influence their interpretation in a mythological or human context. The uncertainty around identification comes from the practice of closely following certain recognized types that appear consistently throughout different periods. It’s very likely that the Greek κοροπλάσται didn’t make a clear distinction, meaning the same type of figure could be used as a votive offering to a deity or simply as a decorative item or part of a tomb setup. Additionally, we see that a type that’s considered mythological in one period may not be viewed the same way in another, or it may change character with minor alterations to details or the removal of a specific attribute. For instance, the seated figure of an Earth goddess or Nursing mother from a Rhodian or Cypriote tomb becomes the nurse and child of the fourth century at Tanagra, while the early standing type of Persephone holding a flower only needs her specific headpiece removed to turn her into the girl-type of the Hellenistic age.

Archaic Greek Terracottas (British Museum).
1. Man with Ram (Rhodes); 2. Persephone (Sicily); 3. Rhodes; 4. Doll (Athens).
Ancient Greek Terracottas (British Museum).
1. Man with Ram (Rhodes); 2. Persephone (Sicily); 3. Rhodes; 4. Doll (Athens).
The earliest beginnings of the statuette proper show, as might be expected in primitive Greek art, a very limited range of ideas. As in marble, bronze, and wood, so also in clay, the type of the female deity reigns supreme. The primitive Hellenic type of goddess adopts two forms, both derived from an original in wood, the board-form or σανίς, and the column-form (κίων or ξόανον), each of which finds parallels in sculpture. The limbs are either completely wanting or of the most rudimentary description, the figure terminating below in a spreading base. Both these types are found in Rhodes, but on the mainland of Greece the columnar form is confined to the Mycenaean period. In the succeeding “Geometrical” age the board-like types rose into popularity at Athens and Tegea, and above all in Boeotia. Two varieties are found, a standing and a sitting type, and they are usually painted in the manner of the local vases (see p. 290). The later examples show a great advance in modelling, especially in the heads. The columnar form exhibits its development best in the terracottas of the Graeco-Phoenician period from Cyprus.
The earliest examples of the statuette clearly reflect the limited scope typical of primitive Greek art. Just like in marble, bronze, and wood, clay also prominently features female deities. The primitive Hellenic goddess comes in two forms, both based on an original wooden version: the board-form or σανίς, and the column-form (column or ξόανον), each of which has parallels in sculpture. The limbs may be completely missing or very basic, with the figure ending in a wide base. Both types can be found in Rhodes, but on the Greek mainland, the columnar form is limited to the Mycenaean period. During the following "Geometrical" age, the board-like types became popular in Athens and Tegea, and especially in Boeotia. Two variations exist: a standing type and a sitting type, usually painted like the local vases (see p. 290). The later examples display significant improvements in modeling, particularly in the heads. The columnar form is best exemplified in the terracottas from the Graeco-Phoenician period in Cyprus.
The standing and sitting goddess (Plate VIII.) are the two principal types in archaic Greek art, and are remarkable for their wide distribution and universal popularity. The name of the goddess may vary with the locality, but the types remain almost identical, and the attributes show little variation.
The standing and sitting goddess (Plate VIII.) are the two main types in archaic Greek art, and they're notable for their broad distribution and widespread popularity. The goddess's name may change depending on the location, but the types remain almost the same, and the attributes show little variation.
Another interesting archaic type is the so-called funeral mask or bust (Plate VIII.), of which the best examples have come from Rhodes. Being almost exclusively feminine, we must suppose that they ceased to represent the image of the dead person, as in Egypt and primitive Greece, and became images of the Chthonian goddess, Demeter or Persephone, represented under the form of a bust rising out of the earth.[424] Thus they played in the tombs the rôle of protection against evil influences, like the mask of Demeter Kidaria, worn by the priest at Pheneus in Arcadia on certain occasions.[425] Male masks are occasionally found, representing the Chthonian Dionysos. They are very rare after the fifth century.
Another interesting old type is the so-called funeral mask or bust (Plate VIII.), with the best examples coming from Rhodes. Since they are almost exclusively feminine, we can assume that they stopped representing the image of the deceased, as in Egypt and primitive Greece, and instead became images of the underworld goddess, Demeter or Persephone, depicted as a bust emerging from the earth.[424] In this way, they served in tombs as a protection against evil influences, similar to the mask of Demeter Kidaria, worn by the priest at Pheneus in Arcadia on certain occasions.[425] Male masks are occasionally found, representing the underworld Dionysos, but they are very rare after the fifth century.
The purely divine and mythological types in the archaic period are very few in number. Of the Olympian deities few are represented, except in the conventional hieratic types, hardly to be differentiated one from another. But on certain sites are found representations of nature-goddesses, such as the Earth-mother with a child in her lap (Gaia Kourotrophos), or a nude goddess within a shrine, who may be a combination of Astarte and Aphrodite. These types are of Oriental origin, and are found in Cyprus, Rhodes, Naukratis, and Sardinia. They may represent offerings made after child-birth. Among the individualised deities we may point to figures of Hermes Kriophoros (from Rhodes and Sicily),[426] of Herakles,[427] or of the local nymph Kyrene, who appears holding the silphium-plant in a terracotta from Carthage.[428]
The purely divine and mythological figures from the archaic period are quite limited. Among the Olympian gods, there are only a few representations, mostly in standard types that are hard to tell apart. However, some sites feature depictions of nature goddesses, like the Earth-mother with a child in her lap (Gaia Kourotrophos) or a nude goddess in a shrine, who might be a blend of Astarte and Aphrodite. These figures have Oriental origins and can be found in places like Cyprus, Rhodes, Naukratis, and Sardinia. They could symbolize offerings made after childbirth. Among the individualized deities, we can highlight figures of Hermes Kriophoros (from Rhodes and Sicily),[426] of Herakles,[427] or of the local nymph Kyrene, who is depicted holding the silphium plant in a terracotta piece from Carthage.[428]
Among miscellaneous feminine types are the hydrophoros or water-carrier, the woman riding on a mule, horse, or other animal, the musician, and the mother nursing a child. Some of these have their mythological counterparts, as in the Aphrodite riding on a goose, or the Earth-mother, already mentioned. Male types are curiously rare, the athletic influences, which are so strongly manifest in early Greek sculpture, not affecting terracottas. The most popular is that of the horseman, particularly in Cyprus. These figures are usually of a rude and primitive kind, especially in Cyprus and at Halikarnassos. The examples from Greece Proper show a more developed archaism, and are found at Athens and in Boeotia. Sometimes instead of a horse the man rides on a swan, mule, or tortoise.
Among various feminine types are the hydrophoros or water-carrier, the woman riding a mule, horse, or other animal, the musician, and the mother nursing a child. Some of these have their mythological counterparts, like Aphrodite riding on a goose, or the Earth-mother, previously mentioned. Male types are surprisingly rare; the athletic influences that are so evident in early Greek sculpture don’t appear in terracottas. The most common male representation is that of the horseman, especially in Cyprus. These figures tend to be quite crude and primitive, particularly in Cyprus and Halikarnassos. The examples from mainland Greece show a more developed form of archaism and can be found in Athens and Boeotia. Sometimes, instead of a horse, the man rides on a swan, mule, or tortoise.
Reclining male figures are sometimes characterised as Herakles or a Satyr; but this type is most fully developed at Tarentum, in numerous terracottas representing the well-known subject of the Sepulchral Banquet, associated with a cult of the Chthonian deities.[429] There are also various types of grotesque figures, usually in a squatting or crouching attitude; some assume the form of a Satyr, and others are obviously derived from the Egyptian figures of Ptah-Socharis, with bent knees and protruding stomach.
Reclining male figures are sometimes depicted as Herakles or a Satyr; however, this style is most fully developed in Tarentum, where many terracottas show the well-known theme of the Sepulchral Banquet, linked to the worship of the Chthonian deities.[429] There are also different types of grotesque figures, typically in a squatting or crouching position; some take the shape of a Satyr, while others clearly draw inspiration from the Egyptian figures of Ptah-Socharis, featuring bent knees and a protruding belly.

Greek Terracottas of Hellenistic Period (British Museum).
1, 4, Tanagra; 2, 3, Southern Italy.
Greek Terracottas from the Hellenistic Era (British Museum).
1, 4, Tanagra; 2, 3, Southern Italy.
In the fine and later periods, from the end of the fifth century onwards, the standing or seated feminine figures are still by far the most prominent. The change, however, which has taken place, from mythological to genre, has been described as an evolution rather than a revolution, brought about by artistic, not religious, considerations. The possible varieties of the feminine standing types may be best studied in the Tanagra figures (Plate IX.), which include women or girls in every variety of pose or attitude. In most cases the arms are more or less concealed by the himation, which is drawn closely across the figure; in others a fan, mirror, wreath, or mask is held in one hand, the other drawing the edges of the drapery together. Some lean on a column or are seated on a rock; others play with a bird or perform their toilet. Imitations of the Tanagra figures, but vastly inferior in merit, subsequently became popular all over the Greek world; they are found at Myrina in Asia Minor, in Cyprus, the Cyrenaica, and many parts of Southern Italy.
In the later periods, starting from the end of the fifth century, standing or seated female figures remained the most prominent. However, the shift from mythological themes to genre is seen as an evolution rather than a revolution, driven by artistic rather than religious reasons. The various types of standing female figures can be best examined in the Tanagra figures (Plate IX.), which showcase women or girls in countless poses and attitudes. In most cases, the arms are mostly hidden by the himation, which is pulled closely across the figure; in other instances, a fan, mirror, wreath, or mask is held in one hand while the other hand gathers the edges of the drapery. Some figures lean against a column or sit on a rock; others interact with a bird or attend to their grooming. Imitations of the Tanagra figures, which were much less impressive, later became popular across the Greek world; they can be found in Myrina in Asia Minor, Cyprus, Cyrenaica, and many parts of Southern Italy.
Among miscellaneous types of the Hellenistic period, many of the archaic ones already mentioned retain their popularity. Others appear for the first time, and are more in accordance with the spirit of the age, such as girls dancing, playing with knucklebones, or carrying one another pick-a-back. There is a beautiful group of two knucklebone-players from Capua in the British Museum (D 161). The dancing type is found widely distributed.
Among various types from the Hellenistic period, many of the older ones mentioned earlier remain popular. Others emerge for the first time and align more with the spirit of the time, like girls dancing, playing with knucklebones, or giving each other piggyback rides. There is a beautiful group of two knucklebone players from Capua in the British Museum (D 161). The dancing type is found in many places.
Figures of goddesses and mythological subjects are very rare at Tanagra, but fairly common on other sites, as at Myrina and Naukratis. Archaistic imitations of the archaic seated and standing goddesses are often found in the Cyrenaica and Southern Italy; but the Chthonian deities appear but rarely among the types of more advanced style. As in sculpture and vase-paintings, Aphrodite now becomes the most prominent among the feminine deities, and some of the later statuettes appear to be reproductions of well-known works of art, the Cnidian Aphrodite, the Anadyomene, or the crouching type of Aphrodite at the bath. Artemis and Athena are occasionally found, but Nike (Victory) is really the most popular figure after Aphrodite. She, however, plays little more than the part of a female Eros, a counterpart to whom the Hellenic artist felt to be a necessity. Formerly these winged female types were styled Psyche, but this was a conception of post-Hellenistic origin.
Figures of goddesses and mythological subjects are quite rare at Tanagra, but they are fairly common at other sites, like Myrina and Naukratis. Archaic imitations of seated and standing goddesses can often be found in Cyrenaica and Southern Italy; however, Chthonian deities are rarely depicted in more advanced styles. As seen in sculptures and vase paintings, Aphrodite emerges as the most prominent of the feminine deities, and some of the later statuettes seem to replicate well-known works of art, like the Cnidian Aphrodite, the Anadyomene, or the crouching type of Aphrodite at the bath. Artemis and Athena are occasionally found, but Nike (Victory) is really the second most popular figure after Aphrodite. However, she mostly plays the role of a female Eros, which the Hellenic artist felt was necessary to include. Previously, these winged female figures were called Psyche, but that concept came from post-Hellenistic times.
Among the male deities the conditions remain much as before. Zeus appears for the first time, and was especially popular at Smyrna, and Sarapis and Asklepios are also occasionally found. In Naukratis the influence of the Egyptian religion made itself felt in the production of numerous figures of Bes, Harpocrates, and the like. Hermes is not found so often as might have been expected, though there is a notable instance in the British Museum (C 406) of a caricature of the famous statue by Praxiteles, where a Satyr takes his place. Dionysos is only met with occasionally, as are Satyrs and Maenads; but masks of a Bacchic character are very common in Italy.
Among the male gods, the situation remains largely the same. Zeus shows up for the first time and was especially popular in Smyrna, with Sarapis and Asklepios also making occasional appearances. In Naukratis, the Egyptian religion influenced the creation of many figures of Bes, Harpocrates, and others. Hermes isn’t found as frequently as one might expect, but there is a notable example in the British Museum (C 406) of a caricature of the famous statue by Praxiteles, where a Satyr takes his place. Dionysos is seen only occasionally, along with Satyrs and Maenads; however, Bacchic masks are very common in Italy.
The one deity who really seems to have caught the popular taste is Eros, although at the time when most of the Tanagra statuettes were produced this popularity was hardly assured. The types of Eros standing, seated, flying, or riding on animals are innumerable and found all over the Greek world. The best examples come from Eretria in Euboea, but Myrina and Sicily have also produced large numbers. They vary from almost Praxitelean conceptions, like the Flying Eros from Eretria in the British Museum (C 199), to the veritable Pompeian amoretti from the same site and from Myrina. The riding types of Eros (on a horse, dog, swan, or dolphin) are chiefly found in the Cyrenaica or Southern Italy. In many cases the Eros types are used for ordinary unwinged boys.
The one god that really seems to have captured popular interest is Eros, even though when most of the Tanagra figurines were made, this popularity wasn't guaranteed. There are countless depictions of Eros standing, sitting, flying, or riding animals found throughout the Greek world. The best examples come from Eretria in Euboea, but Myrina and Sicily have also produced quite a few. They range from nearly Praxitelean interpretations, like the Flying Eros from Eretria in the British Museum (C 199), to the genuine Pompeian love tokens from the same location and from Myrina. The riding representations of Eros (on a horse, dog, swan, or dolphin) are primarily found in the Cyrenaica or Southern Italy. In many instances, the Eros types are depicted as regular unwinged boys.
Among the human male types a new feature is the introduction of the athlete, as he appears in many boyish figures from Tanagra, and later as a boxer among the somewhat coarse conceptions of the Roman period. Some years ago a remarkable copy of the Diadumenos of Polykleitos in terracotta was found in Asia Minor.[430]
Among the types of human males, a new characteristic is the emergence of the athlete, represented in several youthful figures from Tanagra, and later as a boxer among the more rugged depictions from the Roman period. A few years ago, an impressive terracotta copy of Polykleitos's Diadumenos was discovered in Asia Minor.[430]
In the tombs of the Aegean Islands, Italy, and elsewhere, a class of ware has sometimes been found quite distinct from the ordinary fictile pottery and resembling the porcelain or enamelled ware of the Egyptians and Babylonians, such as the ushabtiu, found in the tombs of the former, and the enamelled bricks of the latter. For the most part they must be regarded as importations, of foreign manufacture, the medium of commerce being the Phoenicians, who not only introduced Egyptian objects of art, but themselves endeavoured to imitate them. Hence we must distinguish some as of Egyptian origin, others as made by the Phoenicians. As might be expected, they are most often found where Phoenician influence was strong, as in Rhodes and Sardinia. Egyptian perfume-vases have been found in the Polledrara tomb at Vulci (see Chapter XVIII.) and may be dated by the accompanying scarabs of Psammetichus I. as belonging to the end of the sixth century.
In the tombs of the Aegean Islands, Italy, and other locations, a certain type of pottery has occasionally been found that is quite different from regular pottery, resembling the porcelain or enameled ware of the Egyptians and Babylonians, such as the ushabtiu found in the former's tombs and the enameled bricks of the latter. For the most part, these pieces should be seen as imports of foreign origin, with the Phoenicians serving as the trade intermediaries. They not only brought Egyptian art objects but also attempted to replicate them. Therefore, we need to distinguish some as being of Egyptian origin and others as created by the Phoenicians. As expected, they are most commonly discovered in areas with strong Phoenician influence, such as Rhodes and Sardinia. Egyptian perfume vases have been found in the Polledrara tomb at Vulci (see Chapter XVIII.), and they can be dated to the end of the sixth century based on the accompanying scarabs of Psammetichus I.
But these are by no means the earliest examples. In the Bronze Age tombs of Cyprus occasional finds have been made of plates of blue porcelain or faïence, with Egyptian designs going back to the eighteenth dynasty[431]; and for several centuries other Egyptian objects in porcelain, or with enamelled glaze, continue to be found in the tombs of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Greece. And there is also a considerable quantity of such wares which is not Egyptian in character, although it may be to some extent imitative, and therefore demands notice. Of this the most remarkable examples are the rhyta, or drinking-horns, found at Enkomi in Cyprus, in 1896, and now in the British Museum.[432] The two finest specimens are in the form of a female head surmounted by a cup (Plate X.) and a ram’s head respectively. Although found in tombs with Mycenaean objects, and therefore presumably of early date, the style and modelling are so far advanced—so purely Hellenic—that they may be compared with archaic work of the sixth century B.C. or even later.
But these aren't the earliest examples by any means. In the Bronze Age tombs of Cyprus, there have been some finds of blue porcelain or faïence plates with Egyptian designs dating back to the eighteenth dynasty[431]; and for several centuries, other Egyptian objects made of porcelain or with enamel glaze continue to be discovered in the tombs of Cyprus, Rhodes, and Greece. There's also a significant amount of similar wares that aren't Egyptian in nature, though they might be somewhat imitative, which is worth noting. The most notable examples are the rhyta, or drinking horns, found at Enkomi in Cyprus in 1896, which are now in the British Museum.[432] The two finest pieces are shaped like a female head topped with a cup (Plate X.) and a ram’s head, respectively. Although these were found in tombs alongside Mycenaean artifacts, suggesting they are from an earlier period, their style and craftsmanship are so advanced—so distinctly Hellenic—that they can be compared to archaic work from the sixth century BCE or even later.
In the tombs of Kameiros in Rhodes,[433] along with Egyptian
porcelain objects, were found many vases of this ware, of
apparently Greek workmanship. This is further implied by
the presence in one tomb of a figure of a dolphin with a Greek
,
“I belong to Pythes.”[434] It is quite
conceivable that the Greeks of Rhodes (as of Naukratis: see
below) knew and practised Egyptian methods. The finds include
small alabastra with friezes of men and animals in relief, and
flasks of a compressed globular shape similarly ornamented;
also aryballi of various moulded forms, such as animals or
helmeted heads (Plate X. fig. 3). The vase in the form of
a head seems to be an early Phoenician idea; and this particular
type of the helmeted head seems to have been adopted subsequently
by Ionian artists in the Clazomenae sarcophagi.[435]
Similar vases and figures have been discovered in the tombs
of Melos, Corinth, Cervetri, and Vulci, and also in Syria and
at Naukratis in Egypt.[436] Others again from the tombs of
Kameiros and Vulci take the form of jars of opaque glass
ornamented with zigzag patterns in white and dull crimson on
a greenish ground.[437] A specimen of somewhat similar ware
was found in a Bronze Age tomb at Curium, Cyprus, in 1895,[438]
consisting of a tall funnel-shaped beaker of blue and yellow
glazed ware with an edging of dark brown (Plate X.). The
technique is superior to that of the later examples, and more
on a level with that of the porcelain rhyta from Enkomi.
In the tombs of Kameiros in Rhodes,[433] along with Egyptian porcelain objects, many vases of this type were found, seemingly made by Greek artisans. This is further suggested by the discovery in one tomb of a dolphin figure with a Greek inscription that reads, “I belong to Pythes.”[434] It’s quite likely that the Greeks of Rhodes (similar to those from Naukratis: see below) were familiar with and practiced Egyptian techniques. The findings include small alabastra featuring friezes of men and animals in relief, as well as flasks with a compressed globular shape that are similarly decorated; also aryballis in various molded forms, like animals or heads wearing helmets (Plate X. fig. 3). The vase shaped like a head appears to be an early Phoenician concept; and this particular style of helmeted head seems to have been later adapted by Ionian artists in the Clazomenae sarcophagi.[435] Similar vases and figures have also been found in the tombs at Melos, Corinth, Cervetri, and Vulci, as well as in Syria and at Naukratis in Egypt.[436] Others from the tombs of Kameiros and Vulci are shaped like jars made of opaque glass, decorated with zigzag patterns in white and dull crimson against a greenish background.[437] A similar piece was discovered in a Bronze Age tomb at Curium, Cyprus, in 1895,[438] consisting of a tall funnel-shaped beaker made of blue and yellow glazed ware, bordered with dark brown (Plate X.). The craftsmanship of this piece is superior to that of later examples and is more comparable to the porcelain rhyta found in Enkomi.
In Greece Proper there are altogether few traces of this enamelled ware, and after the sixth century B.C. it quite disappeared. But some very fine specimens have been found in the tombs of Southern Italy. A jug with delicate ornamentation in blue and white came from Naples, and a similar vase from the same site, but shaped like a kalathos and of a pale green colour, is now in the British Museum. Objects of this ware have also been found on the site of the ancient Tharros in Sardinia. Their glaze was a pale green, like that of the twenty-sixth dynasty wares, and with them was found a scarab of Psammetichus I, which shows them to be contemporaneous with the objects found in the Polledrara tomb. But the strong Phoenician element in Sardinia is sufficient to indicate that these fabrics are all of Egyptian importation.
In Greece, there are only a few remnants of this enameled ware, and after the sixth century B.C., it completely disappeared. However, some very fine examples have been discovered in the tombs of Southern Italy. A jug with intricate blue and white designs was found in Naples, and a similar vase from the same location, shaped like a kalathos and in a light green color, is now housed in the British Museum. Items from this ware have also been unearthed at the ancient site of Tharros in Sardinia. Their glaze was a pale green, similar to that of the wares from the twenty-sixth dynasty, and along with them was a scarab of Psammetichus I, indicating that they were contemporaneous with the objects found in the Polledrara tomb. However, the significant Phoenician presence in Sardinia suggests that these items were all imported from Egypt.

Porcelain and Enamel-glazed Wares (British Museum).
4, 6, Cypriote Bronze Age; 3, Archaic Greek (Rhodes); 1, 2, 5, Graeco-Roman Period.
Ceramic and Enamel-glazed Items (British Museum).
4, 6, Cypriot Bronze Age; 3, Archaic Greek (Rhodes); 1, 2, 5, Graeco-Roman Period.
In the Hellenistic period, when vase-painting had reached its latest stages, the fashion of glazed enamelled ware was revived; its chief centre was Alexandria, which would naturally have carried on the traditions of Egyptian porcelain or faïence. Specimens of glazed ware with reliefs or modelled in various forms have been found at Naukratis and in the Fayûm, including a fine blue porcelain head of a Ptolemaic queen (Plate X.). In a tomb at Tanagra were found a beautiful askos in the form of a duck on which Eros rides, and another porcelain vase,[439] evidently imported from Alexandria, or some other industrial centre of Hellenised Egypt. Porcelain jugs, inscribed with the names of Arsinoe, Berenike, and one of the Ptolemies, have been found at Benghazi in North Africa, at Alexandria, and at Canosa in Southern Italy.[440] They are of blue ware, with reliefs of Greek style attached. Fragments of the same kind dating from the first century B.C. were found at Tarsos in Cilicia,[441] and in the Louvre there are glazed wares covered with yellow or green enamel from Smyrna and Kyme. The British Museum possesses similar vases from Kos and elsewhere, with wreaths and similar patterns in relief (Plate X.), but these are not earlier than the Roman period. Enamelled wares of early Roman date have also been found on the Esquiline, and the ware is common at Pompeii.[442]
In the Hellenistic period, when vase painting had reached its final stages, the trend of glazed enamelled ware was revived; its main hub was Alexandria, which naturally continued the traditions of Egyptian porcelain or faïence. Specimens of glazed ware with reliefs or crafted in various forms have been discovered at Naukratis and in the Fayûm, including a stunning blue porcelain head of a Ptolemaic queen (Plate X.). A tomb at Tanagra yielded a beautiful askos shaped like a duck, on which Eros rides, as well as another porcelain vase,[439] clearly imported from Alexandria or another industrial center of Hellenized Egypt. Porcelain jugs inscribed with the names of Arsinoe, Berenike, and one of the Ptolemies have been found in Benghazi in North Africa, at Alexandria, and at Canosa in Southern Italy.[440] They are made of blue ware, featuring reliefs in the Greek style. Fragments of the same kind dating from the first century BCE were discovered at Tarsos in Cilicia,[441] and the Louvre houses glazed wares covered with yellow or green enamel from Smyrna and Kyme. The British Museum has similar vases from Kos and other locations, with wreaths and similar relief patterns (Plate X.), but these are not earlier than the Roman period. Enamelled wares of early Roman origin have also been found on the Esquiline, and this type of ware is common at Pompeii.[442]
Sometimes the ornamentation of the later glazed wares from Italy takes the form of small reliefs (emblemata), made separately and attached before the glaze was applied, and there are two or three specimens of this class in the British Museum. It was also not infrequently used for lamps, which, apart from the glaze, have all the characteristics of the ordinary kinds, and even for figures of gladiators, boats, and other objects. The glaze is of a thick vitreous character, and was not improbably produced by lead; at all events a French writer[445] maintains, in opposition to the views of Brongniart and Blümner, that by a study of this ware he has established a knowledge of lead-glaze among the ancients.[446]
Sometimes the decorative features of the later glazed pottery from Italy appear as small reliefs (emblems), which were made separately and glued on before the glaze was added. There are two or three examples of this type in the British Museum. This technique was also commonly used for lamps, which, aside from the glaze, have all the characteristics of regular types, and even for figures of gladiators, boats, and other items. The glaze has a thick, glassy quality and was likely made with lead; in any case, a French writer[445] argues, contrary to the opinions of Brongniart and Blümner, that by studying this pottery he has proven that the ancients knew how to create lead-glaze.[446]
300. Strabo, viii. p. 381 (the expression should probably be confined to vases with reliefs).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Strabo, viii. p. 381 (this term should likely refer only to vases that have reliefs).
301. Paus. i. 3, 1; Harpokration, s.v. κεραμεῖς.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Paus. i. 3, 1; Harpokration, s.v. κεραμεῖς.
302. Il. v. 387.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Il. v. 387.
303. ii. 8, 10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 8, 10.
304. Hdt. i. 179; Xen. Anab. iii. 4, 7. Cf. Ovid, Mel. iv. 57:
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hdt. i. 179; Xen. Anab. iii. 4, 7. Cf. Ovid, Mel. iv. 57:
305. H.N. vii. 194.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. vol. 7, 194.
306. v. 5, 4; x. 35, 5 and 4, 3; ii. 27, 7 (ὠμῆς τῆς πλίνθου: see Frazer’s note ad loc.); Nissen, Pompeian. Studien, p. 24.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.v. 5, 4; x. 35, 5 and 4, 3; ii. 27, 7 (raw clay: see Frazer’s note ad loc.); Nissen, Pompeian Studies, p. 24.
307. Vitr. ii. 8, 9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Vitr. ii. 8, 9.
308. Xen. Hell. v. 2, 5; Paus. viii. 8, 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Xen. Hell. v. 2, 5; Paus. viii. 8, 5.
309. ἀγάλματα ἐκ πηλοῦ, i. 2, 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Clay statues, i. 2, 5.
310. xxxv. 155; see Milchhoefer in Arch. Stud. H. Brunn dargebr. p. 50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xxxv. 155; see Milchhoefer in Arch. Stud. H. Brunn cited. p. 50.
311. vii. 22, 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. 7. 22, 6.
312. i. 40, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. i. 40, 4.
313. See on the subject generally Dörpfeld and others, Die Verwendung von Terrakotten, Berlin, 1881.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For more on this topic, see Dörpfeld and others, The Use of Terracottas, Berlin, 1881.
314. Ath. Mitth. xxiv. (1899), p. 350; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1903, pls. 2–6, p. 71 ff. Cf. the painted terracotta panels in wooden frames at Sparta, mentioned by Vitruvius (ii. 8, 9).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. xxiv. (1899), p. 350; __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1903, pls. 2–6, p. 71 ff. Cf. the painted terracotta panels in wooden frames at Sparta, mentioned by Vitruvius (ii. 8, 9).
315. See a passage in Xenophon (Mem. iii. 1, 7) bearing on the different materials used in Greek domestic architecture.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out a section in Xenophon (Mem. iii. 1, 7) discussing the various materials used in Greek home construction.
316. See Dörpfeld, Die antike Ziegelbau u. sein Einfluss auf d. dor. Styl, in Hist. u. Phil. Aufsätze E. Curtius gewidmet, p. 139 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dörpfeld, The Ancient Brick Construction and Its Influence on the Doric Style, in Essays on History and Philosophy Dedicated to E. Curtius, p. 139 ff.
317. Diod. Sic. xvii. 115.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Diod. Sic. 17.115.
318. i. 42, 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. i. 42, 5.
319. v. 20, 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. v. 20, 5.
320. Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 11; Olympia (Ergebnisse), ii. p. 129 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Blümner, Technology, ii. p. 11; Olympia (Outcomes), ii. p. 129 ff.
321. Inscr. Gr. (Atticae), ii. 167.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Inscr. Gr. (Atticae), ii. 167.
322. Αἰγύπτιοι πλινθοφόροι (l. 1133).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Αἰγύπτιοι πλινθοφόροι (l. 1133).
323. An obviously incorrect rendering of πηλός; Tr. pêlos the process of making sun-dried bricks is certainly here referred to, as the allusion to Αἰγύπτιοι πλινθοφόροι implies.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.An obviously incorrect rendering of clay; Tr. pêlos the process of making sun-dried bricks is definitely being referred to here, as indicated by the mention of Egyptian brick makers.
324. ii. 3, 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 3, 3.
325. ii. 2, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 2, 4.
327. Ar. Ran. 800, quoted by Pollux, x. 148: cf. Plut. Vit. Sol. 25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ar. Ran. 800, quoted by Pollux, x. 148: see Plut. Vit. Sol. 25.
328. For representations of this process in Egyptian wall-paintings see Rosellini, Mon. Civili, ii. p. 255, pl. 49, 1, and Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, i. p. 344.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For depictions of this process in Egyptian wall paintings, see Rosellini, Mon. Civili, ii. p. 255, pl. 49, 1, and Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, i. p. 344.
329. Isid. Orig. xix. 10, 16: lateres ... inde nominati sunt quod lati ligneis formis efficiuntur. Cf. ibid. xv. 8, 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Isid. Orig. xix. 10, 16: Bricks are called that because they're made wide using wooden molds.. Cf. ibid. xv. 8, 16.
330. See on the subject generally, Dörpfeld, Die Verwendung von Terrakotten, 1881, and Borrmann’s excellent treatise in Durm’s Handbuch d. Architektur, Die Keramik in d. Baukunst (1. Theil, Bd. 4), p. 28 ff.; also Wiegand, Puteol. Bauinschr. pp. 719, 756 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For more information on the topic, see Dörpfeld, The use of terracottas, 1881, and Borrmann’s excellent essay in Durm’s Handbook of Architecture, The Role of Ceramics in Architecture (Vol. 1, Part 4), p. 28 and following; also Wiegand, Puteol. Bauinschr. pp. 719, 756 and following.
331. On the origin of ἀκρωτήρια see Benndorf in Jahreshefte, 1899, p. 1 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information on the origin of ἀκρωτήρια, refer to Benndorf in Annual publications, 1899, p. 1 ff.
332. Cf. B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, C 904.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, C 904.
333. Rayet and Collignon, pl. 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rayet and Collignon, p. 16.
334. Cat. of Terracottas, D 707–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. of Terracottas, D 707–8.
335. Boeckh, Urkunde über Scewesen (Staatshaushaltung, iii.), p. 406.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Boeckh,
336. H.N. xxxv. 151.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35. 151.
337. H.N. xxxv. 152.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35. 152.
338. i. 3, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. i. 3, 1.
339. The use of the word ἄγαλμα also seems to point to this conclusion.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The use of the word statue also seems to indicate this conclusion.
340. Arch. Zeit. 1882, pl. 15.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Arch. Zeit. 1882, pl. 15.
341. J.H.S. xiii. p. 315. See generally, Minervini, Terrecotte del Museo Campano.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xiii. p. 315. See generally, Minervini, Terracotta from the Campano Museum.
342. See Furtwaengler, Meisterwerke, p. 250.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Furtwaengler, Masterpieces, p. 250.
343. Cat. of Terracottas, C 910 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. of Terracottas, C 910 ff.
344. A good example of a painted tile from Aegion in Achaia is in the British Museum (Cat. of Terracottas, C 908).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A great example of a painted tile from Aegion in Achaia is in the British Museum (Cat. of Terracottas, C 908).
345. Cf. also the tiles from the temple at Elateia in Boeotia, described by M. Paris, Élatée, p. 106.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also the tiles from the temple at Elateia in Boeotia, described by M. Paris, Élatée, p. 106.
346. v. 10, 3. It is noteworthy that Pausanias here uses the word κέραμος, although the tiles are not of terracotta, indicating that it had become by long usage the generic word for tiles of all kinds. Cf. St. Luke v. 19.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.v. 10, 3. It's interesting that Pausanias uses the word keramos here, even though the tiles aren't made of terracotta. This shows that over time, it had become the general term for tiles of all types. See St. Luke v. 19.
347. See Dörpfeld, etc., Verwendung von Terrakotten, pls. 1–4; Olympia, ii. p. 193 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dörpfeld, etc., Terracotta Usage, pp. 1–4; Olympia, vol. ii, p. 193 and following.
348. See Builder, 4 March 1899, p. 219.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Builder, March 4, 1899, p. 219.
349. Fatture di argille in Sicilia, pp. 27, 31.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Sicilian clay invoices, pp. 27, 31.
350. Becker in Mélanges Gréco-Romaines, i. (1854), p. 482 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Becker in Greco-Roman Studies, i. (1854), p. 482 ff.
351. Inscr. Gr. ix. p. 164.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Inscr. Gr. 9. p. 164.
352. Antiqs. of Kertch, pp. 72, 75, pl. 7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Antiqs. of Kertch, pp. 72, 75, pl. 7.
353. See Brit. Mus. Cat. of Terracottas, E 131 ff., E 186.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Brit. Mus. Cat. of Terracottas, E 131 ff., E 186.
354. Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 541.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Boeckh, C.I.G. vol. 1, p. 541.
355. Élatée, p. 110.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Élatée, p. 110.
356. See also Ath. Mitth. 1877, p. 441, for a long inscription from Sparta.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Ath. Mitth. 1877, p. 441, for a lengthy inscription from Sparta.
357. Others with ἐπί and a magistrate’s name are in the British Museum (Cat. of Terracottas, E 131–33, 186 ff.): see also Inscr. Gr. ix. 735 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Others with επί and a magistrate’s name are in the British Museum (Cat. of Terracottas, E 131–33, 186 ff.): see also Inscription. Grade. ix. 735 ff.
358. B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 130.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 130.
359. See Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb. p. 50, pl. 29, fig. 10; Jahrbuch d. arch. Inst. ii. (1887), p. 161; Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 345; Hicks and Hill, Gk. Hist. Inscrs. p. 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb. p. 50, pl. 29, fig. 10; Yearbook of the Arch. Inst. ii. (1887), p. 161; Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 345; Hicks and Hill, Gk. Hist. Inscrs. p. 16.
360. Musée de Sèvres, p. 19.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Sèvres Museum, p. 19.
361. Ath. Mitth. ii. (1877), pl. 8, p. 119; Daremberg and Saglio, Dict. i. p. 1260, fig. 1673.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. ii. (1877), pl. 8, p. 119; Daremberg and Saglio, Dict. i. p. 1260, fig. 1673.
362. Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 338, fig. 399.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 338, fig. 399.
363. Cf. Stackelberg, Gräber der Hellenen, pl. 7; Dodwell, Tour, i. p. 452.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Stackelberg, Graves of the Greeks, pl. 7; Dodwell, Tour, i. p. 452.
364. Cat. of Terracottas, B 494 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. of Terracottas, B 494 ff.
365. Benndorf in Eranos Vindobonensis, p. 384.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Benndorf in Eranos Vindobonensis, p. 384.
367. Jahrbuch, vi. (1891), p. 110.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, vi. (1891), p. 110.
368. B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 156 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 156 ff.
369. See J.H.S. xiii. p. 80.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. 13, p. 80.
370. Cf. Macpherson, Antiqs. of Kertch, p. 103.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Macpherson, Antiqs. of Kertch, p. 103.
371. Boeckh, C.I.G. iii. 5686.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Boeckh, C.I.G. vol. 3, p. 5686.
372. For examples of these see B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 93 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For examples of these, see B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 93 ff.
373. ii. 62.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 62.
374. See Daremberg and Saglio, art. Lucerna, init.; Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 80.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Daremberg and Saglio, art. Lucerna, init.; Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 80.
375. vii. 215.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. vii. 215.
376. Ar. Eccl. 1; Axionikos, quoted by Pollux, x. 122.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ar. Eccl. 1; Axionikos, quoted by Pollux, x. 122.
377. The words φλόμος and θρυαλλίς seem to denote the material of which the wick was made (cf. Pollux, x. 115).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The words φλόμος and θρυαλλίς appear to refer to the material used to make the wick (see Pollux, x. 115).
378. Pollux, vi. 103; x. 115.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pollux, vi. 103; x. 115.
379. Loc. cit. supr.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Loc. cit. supr.
380. Bull. dell’ Inst. 1868, p. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Bull. dell’ Inst. 1868, p. 59.
381. Probably an imitation of the projections on bronze lamps, to which chains for suspension were attached. See on this type Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1903, p. 338 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Likely a copy of the designs on bronze lamps, to which chains for hanging were connected. See on this type Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1903, p. 338 ff.
382. Newton, Travels and Discoveries, ii. p. 184=Discoveries, ii. pt. 2, p. 395.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Newton, Travels and Discoveries, ii. p. 184=Discoveries, ii. pt. 2, p. 395.
383. Barker and Ainsworth, Lares and Penates, p. 201.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Barker and Ainsworth, Lares and Penates, p. 201.
384. See C.I.L. iii. Suppl. No. 7310.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See C.I.L. iii. Suppl. No. 7310.
385. Div. Inst. ii. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Div. Inst. 2. 11.
386. Juvenal, xi. 116; Propertius, v. 1, 5; Ovid, Fast. i. 202.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Juvenal, xi. 116; Propertius, v. 1, 5; Ovid, Fast. i. 202.
387. H.N. xxxiv. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 34.
388. H.N. xxxv. 151.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35. 151.
389. Leg. pro Christ. 17, 293, ed. Migne; see Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 129, note 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Leg. pro Christ. 17, 293, ed. Migne; see Blümner, Technology, ii. p. 129, note 2.
390. H.N. xxxv. 153.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35. 153.
391. Ibid. 156.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ibid. 156.
392. Apotheosis, 458. See generally Blümner, ii. p. 140 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Apotheosis, 458. See generally Blümner, ii. p. 140 ff.
393. Pollux, x. 189; Hesych., s.v.; Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 42; Blümner, ii. pp. 42, 117; and cf. p. 153 below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pollux, x. 189; Hesych., s.v.; Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 42; Blümner, ii. pp. 42, 117; and cf. p. 153 below.
394. Tertull. Apol. 12; ad Nat. i. 12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Tertull. Apol. 12; ad Nat. i. 12.
395. Anim. Gener. ii. 6; Hist. Anim. iii. 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Animal Generations ii. 6; History of Animals iii. 5.
396. Plut. De profect. in virt. 17, p. 86 A; Quaest. conviv. ii. 3, 2, p. 636 C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Plut. On the Progress in Virtue. 17, p. 86 A; Dinner Questions. ii. 3, 2, p. 636 C.
397. De permut. 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. De permut. 2.
398. Fab. 137 (Teubner).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Fab. 137 (Teubner).
399. Phil. i. 9, § 47.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Phil. i. 9, § 47.
400. Anth. P. vi. 280.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Anth. P. vol. 6, p. 280.
401. Phaedr. 230 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Phaedr. 230 B.C.E.
402. Brongniart, Traité, i. p. 305.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Brongniart, Traité, vol. 1, p. 305.
403. Op. et Di. 60: ἐκλευσε ... γαῖαν ὕδει φύρειν.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Op. et Di. 60: ἐκλεύσε ... γή τρέφει φύει.
404. Anth. P. xvi. 191.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Anth. P. 16. 191.
405. Statuettes de Terre Cuite, p. 251.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Clay Statues, p. 251.
406. Cat. of Terracottas, E 1 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. of Terracottas, E 1 ff.
407. See also for some interesting moulds from Girgenti, Röm. Mitth. xii. (1897), p. 253 ff. Similar specimens have been found at Kertch and Smyrna.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out some fascinating molds from Girgenti in Rom. Mitth. xii. (1897), p. 253 ff. Comparable pieces have been discovered at Kertch and Smyrna.
408. See also on the subject C. C. Edgar, Greek Moulds (Cat. du Musée du Caire, viii. 1903), pls. 23–8, 33, p. xiv ff. These moulds are nearly all made of plaster; but the account there given of the technical processes would hold good of terracotta moulds.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also on the subject C. C. Edgar, Greek Moulds (Cat. of the Cairo Museum, viii. 1903), pls. 23–8, 33, p. xiv ff. These moulds are mostly made of plaster; however, the description of the technical processes provided there would also apply to terracotta moulds.
409. Op. cit. p. 254.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. cit. p. 254.
411. Lexiph. 22.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Lexiph. 22.
412. vii. 163.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. vii. 163.
413. Cat. B 458–59, D 392.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. B 458–59, D 392.
414. See Blümner, Technologie, iv. p. 464 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Blümner, Tech, iv. p. 464 ff.
415. Hirt, Gesch. d. bild. Kunst, p. 165.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hirt, History of Visual Arts, p. 165.
416. Pliny (H.N. xxxvi. 189) mentions one Agrippa who painted in encaustic on terracotta: see Chapter XIX. for possible examples of this process.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pliny (H.N. xxxvi. 189) talks about a painter named Agrippa who used encaustic on terracotta: see Chapter XIX for possible examples of this technique.
417. Schöne, Gr. Reliefs, p. 62.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Beautiful, Gr. Reliefs, p. 62.
418. Sitzungber. d. k. bayer. Akad. Phil. Cl. 1883, p. 299 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Meeting Reports of the Royal Bavarian Academy of Sciences, Philosophical Class. 1883, p. 299 ff.
419. See for those from Athens J.H.S. xvii. p. 306 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for those from Athens J.H.S. xvii. p. 306 ff.
420. iv. 55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. iv. 55.
421. De Mundo, 6, 398.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. On the World, 6, 398.
422. See on the subject Hermann, Lehrbuch d. gr. Altert. iv. (1882), p. 295; Blümner, Technol. ii. p. 123; Baumeister, Denkm. ii. p. 778.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For more on this topic, see Hermann, Ancient History Textbook iv. (1882), p. 295; Blümner, Tech ii. p. 123; Baumeister, Monuments ii. p. 778.
423. A Corpus of all the known types of terracotta statuettes has recently been published by the German Archaeological Institute, edited by Dr. F. Winter (Typen der figürlichen Terrakotten, 2 vols. 1903).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A Corpus of all the known types of terracotta figurines has recently been published by the German Archaeological Institute, edited by Dr. F. Winter (Types of figurative terracottas, 2 vols. 1903).
425. Paus. viii. 15, 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pause. viii. 15, 3.
426. B.M. B 258, 410.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 258, 410.
427. B.M. B 256, 286, 335.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 256, 286, 335.
428. B.M. B 359: cf. p. 344.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. B 359: see p. 344.
429. J.H.S. vii. p. 9 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. vii. p. 9 and following.
430. J.H.S. vi. pl. 61.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. vol. 61.
431. Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 102; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 35, fig. 63.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 102; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 35, fig. 63.
432. B.M. Excavations, p. 22, pl. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Excavations, p. 22, pl. 3.
433. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 150; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 193; Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. pl. 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 150; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 193; Perrot, Art History, iii. pl. 5.
434. Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 192.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, vol. 1, p. 192.
435. Cf. J.H.S. iv. p. 11. Heuzey, however, thinks that the Phoenicians imitated the Greek painted examples of this time (such as A 1117 ff. in B.M.). Cf. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 159.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See J.H.S. iv. p. 11. Heuzey, however, believes that the Phoenicians were copying the Greek painted examples from this period (like A 1117 ff. in B.M.). See also Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 159.
436. Good examples are given in Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. p. 676; Gaz. Arch. 1880, pl. 28 (in Louvre, from Corinth); Ath. Mitth. 1879, pl. 19: cf. also Berlin 1288–91, and many examples in B.M. (First Vase Room). On one from Kos was found the name of Apries (599–569 B.C.). See also Naukratis I. pl. 2, figs. 6–18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Good examples can be found in Perrot, History of Art, iii. p. 676; Gaz. Arch. 1880, pl. 28 (in the Louvre, from Corinth); Ath. Mitth. 1879, pl. 19: see also Berlin 1288–91, and many examples in the B.M. (First Vase Room). One from Kos had the name of Apries (599–569 B.C.) discovered on it. Also, refer to Naukratis I, pl. 2, figs. 6–18.
437. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art. iii. pl. 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Perrot, History of Art. iii. pl. 6.
438. B.M. Excavations, p. 69, fig. 99.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Excavations, p. 69, fig. 99.
439. Furtwaengler, Coll. Sabouroff, i. pl. 70, fig. 3 (with text); Rayet and Collignon, p. 374.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Furtwaengler, Coll. Sabouroff, i. pl. 70, fig. 3 (with text); Rayet and Collignon, p. 374.
440. See Journ. des Savans, March 1862, p. 163; Rev. Arch. vii. (1863), p. 259 (name of Ptolemy wrongly read as Kleopatra); Arch. Zeit. 1869, p. 35; Rayet and Collignon, p. 372.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Journal of the Savants, March 1862, p. 163; Rev. Arch. vii. (1863), p. 259 (Ptolemy's name mistakenly read as Kleopatra); Arch. Zeit. 1869, p. 35; Rayet and Collignon, p. 372.
441. Gazette des Beaux-Arts, Nov. 1876, p. 385 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gazette of Fine Arts, Nov. 1876, p. 385 ff.
442. Von Rohden, Terracotten von Pompeii, p. 29.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Von Rohden, Terracotta from Pompeii, p. 29.
443. Hettner in Festschr. für J. Overbeck, p. 169.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hettner in Festschrift for J. Overbeck, p. 169.
444. Archaeologia, xxxii. p. 452 (Ewell); British Museum, Romano-British Room, Case H.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Archaeologia, vol. 32, p. 452 (Ewell); British Museum, Romano-British Room, Case H.
445. Mazard, De la connaissance par les anciens des glaçures plombifères; cf. Blümner, Technol. ii. p. 89.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mazard, On the Knowledge of Lead Glazes from the Ancients; see Blümner, Tech ii. p. 89.
446. On the subject generally see Dumont-Pottier, i. chap. xiii.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 365 ff.; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Figlinum, p. 1131; and for the Graeco-Roman enamelled wares, Bonner Jahrbücher, xcvi. p. 117, and Mazard, op. cit., where a full description and list of examples is given.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For more information on this topic, see Dumont-Pottier, i. chap. xiii.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 365 ff.; Daremberg and Saglio, s.v. Figlinum, p. 1131; and for Graeco-Roman enamelled wares, Bonner Yearbooks, xcvi. p. 117, and Mazard, op. cit., which provide a complete description and list of examples.
CHAPTER IV
USES AND SHAPES OF GREEK VASES
Mention of painted vases in literature—Civil and domestic use of pottery—Measures of capacity—Use in daily life—Decorative use—Religious and votive uses—Use in funeral ceremonies—Shapes and their names—Ancient and modern classifications—Vases for storage—Pithos—Wine-amphora—Amphora—Stamnos—Hydria—Vases for mixing—Krater—Deinos or Lebes—Cooking-vessels—Vases for pouring wine—Oinochoe and variants—Ladles—Drinking-cups—Names recorded by Athenaeus—Kotyle—Skyphos—Kantharos—Kylix—Phiale—Rhyton— Dishes—Oil-vases—Lekythos—Alabastron—Pyxis—Askos—Moulded vases.
Mention of painted vases in literature—Civil and household use of pottery—Measures of capacity—Use in everyday life—Decorative use—Religious and ceremonial uses—Use in funeral ceremonies—Shapes and their names—Ancient and modern classifications—Vases for storage—Pithos—Wine-amphora—Amphora—Stamnos—Hydria—Vases for mixing—Krater—Deinos or Lebes—Cooking vessels—Vases for pouring wine—Oinochoe and variants—Ladles—Drinking cups—Names recorded by Athenaeus—Kotyle—Skyphos—Kantharos—Kylix—Phiale—Rhyton—Dishes—Oil vases—Lekythos—Alabastron—Pyxis—Askos—Moulded vases.
Those who are acquainted with the enormous number of painted vases now gathered together in our Museums, showing the important part they must have played in the daily life of the Greeks and the high estimation in which they were clearly held, as evidenced by the great care bestowed on their decoration and the pride exhibited by artists in their signed productions, may feel some surprise that so few allusions to them can be traced in classical literature. Such passages as can be interpreted as referring to them may actually be counted on the fingers of one hand, and even these are but passing allusions; while any full descriptions of vases, such as that in Theocritus' first Idyll or some of those in Athenaeus’ Book XI., almost invariably refer to metal vases with chased designs. Nor can we trace any reference to known potters or artists in literature or documents, save in a few inscriptions recently found at Athens, which are, of course, of secondary importance for literary history.
Those who are familiar with the vast number of painted vases now collected in our museums, highlighting their significant role in the everyday life of the Greeks and the high regard in which they were clearly held, as shown by the meticulous care given to their decoration and the pride displayed by artists in their signed works, might be surprised that so few mentions of them can be found in classical literature. The few passages that can be interpreted as referring to them can be counted on one hand, and even these are just brief references; whereas full descriptions of vases, like those in Theocritus' first Idyll or in some parts of Athenaeus’ Book XI., almost always refer to metal vases with engraved designs. Additionally, there are hardly any references to known potters or artists in literature or documents, except for a few inscriptions recently discovered in Athens, which are, of course, of secondary importance for literary history.
More general allusions to pottery and its use in daily life are common enough, and it would hardly be profitable to quote all such passages in detail; many indeed, such as the early allusion to the potter’s wheel in the Iliad (see p. 207), have found a place elsewhere in this work. The passage of Homer at all events supplies proof, if such were needed, that the use of the wheel was known in early times in Greece.
More general references to pottery and its role in daily life are quite common, and it wouldn’t be worthwhile to quote all of these passages in detail; many, like the early mention of the potter’s wheel in the Iliad (see p. 207), are covered elsewhere in this work. The passage from Homer certainly provides evidence, if it were necessary, that the use of the wheel was known in ancient Greece.
Of undoubted references to painted vases there are but two, though both of them are particularly interesting, as they refer to well-known special classes of Attic vases. The earlier of the two is in Pindar’s tenth Nemean Ode,[447] in which he celebrates the victory of Thiaios of Argos, who had twice been successful in the Panathenaic games at Athens. He says:
Of the certain references to painted vases, there are only two, and both are particularly interesting because they relate to well-known types of Attic vases. The earlier one is in Pindar’s tenth Nemean Ode,[447] where he celebrates the victory of Thiaios of Argos, who won the Panathenaic games in Athens twice. He says:
These prize-vases are also mentioned by Simonides of Keos:
These prize vases are also mentioned by Simonides of Keos:
The other passage, from the Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes (l. 996), is equally well known. One speaker, in somewhat contemptuous terms, alludes to “the fellow who paints the lekythi for the dead”:
The other passage, from the Ecclesiazusae of Aristophanes (l. 996), is also well known. One speaker, in somewhat dismissive terms, refers to “the guy who paints the lekythi for the dead”:
These lekythi may with certainty be identified with the white Athenian variety decorated with appropriate subjects and made specially for funerals (see Chapter XI.). The best examples of this class belong to the very period at which the Ecclesiazusae was written (392 B.C.), but most of them show signs of being hastily executed or made to be sold at a low price. It is probably for this reason that the speaker implies his contempt for the painter, although at the same time it seems likely that vase-painters, like all craftsmen, were looked down upon by the Athenians of that day, in spite of the real beauty and artistic merit of their productions.
These lekythi can definitely be identified as the white Athenian type, decorated with appropriate themes and specifically made for funerals (see Chapter XI.). The best examples of this type belong to the same period when the Ecclesiazusae was written (392 B.C.), but most of them show signs of being produced quickly or designed to be sold at a low price. This is probably why the speaker expresses his disdain for the painter, although it also seems likely that vase-painters, like all artisans, were looked down upon by the Athenians of that time, despite the genuine beauty and artistic value of their work.
One or two doubtful allusions must next be considered. The lyric poet Alcaeus, who flourished 610–580 B.C., seems to allude to painted vases, but the reading is very doubtful. The passage is read by Bergk as follows (Poet. Lyr. Graec. iii. p. 165, frag. 41):
One or two questionable references need to be looked at next. The lyric poet Alcaeus, who thrived between 610–580 BCE, appears to mention painted vases, but this interpretation is very uncertain. Bergk interprets the passage like this (Poet. Lyr. Graec. iii. p. 165, frag. 41):
Ahrens[452] read αἶψα ποϊκίλαι for αἴτ’ ὄτι, Οἶκι, λαῖς, and other versions have been suggested. Bergk’s reading is very uncouth, and it certainly seems as if ποϊκίλαις was intended, whatever the preceding word. If it is allowed to stand, it obviously implies painted vases, as in the παμποικίλοις of Pindar.
Ahrens[452] read αἶψα ποικιλία for αἴτ’ ὄτι, Οἶκι, λαῖς, and other versions have been suggested. Bergk’s reading is very awkward, and it certainly seems as though ποικιλόμορφα was intended, regardless of the preceding word. If it is allowed to remain, it obviously implies painted vases, as in the Various of Pindar.
In the speech of Demosthenes De Falsa Legatione (p. 415) occurs a passage which is generally taken as having reference to painted vases: καὶ σύ, Φιλόχαρες, σὲ μὲν τὰς ἀλαβαστοθήκας γράφοντα καὶ τὰ τύμπανα, “And you, Philochares, who paint the alabastos-stands and the pediments.” The word ἀλαβαστοθήκη is commonly supposed to describe a stand with holders for pots of perfume (also called κέρνος, see below, p. 195), although most painted examples of this vase found in Greece are of very early date. The τύμπανα are more easy of explanation, being the triangular pediments of temples, which, like the metopes of the so-called Theseion at Athens and those at Thermon (p. 92), were no doubt often adorned with paintings in place of sculpture.
In the speech of Demosthenes On False Legation (p. 415), there’s a part that is usually understood to refer to painted vases: And you, Philochares, while I am writing about the alabaster cases and the drums., “And you, Philochares, who paint the alabastos-stands and the pediments.” The word ἀλαβαστοθήκη is generally thought to describe a stand with holders for pots of perfume (also known as κέρνος, see below, p. 195), although most painted examples of this vase discovered in Greece date back to very early times. The drums are easier to explain, being the triangular pediments of temples, which, like the metopes of the so-called Theseion at Athens and those at Thermon (p. 92), were likely often decorated with paintings instead of sculptures.
Other passages, if they do not actually refer to painted or even to fictile vases, are at least of value as giving information as to the current names for those in every-day use, or as to various purposes for which they were used. Reference will be made to many of these in the course of the chapter.
Other sections, even if they don't specifically mention painted or clay vases, are valuable for providing information about the names commonly used for them or the different purposes they served. Many of these will be discussed throughout the chapter.
Suetonius in his Life of Caesar (§ 81) describes how the colonists who were sent out under the Lex Julia to build new houses were destroying ancient tombs for the purpose when they came upon remains of ancient pottery (aliquantum vasculorum operis antiqui), the discovery of which caused them to redouble their efforts in the work of destruction. Similarly Strabo[453] tells us that when Julius Caesar sent colonists to rebuild Corinth they came upon tombs containing large quantities of ὀστράκινα τορεύματα, which they nicknamed “Necrocorinthia.” The meaning of this expression is somewhat doubtful, but the word τορεύματα seems to imply chased or relief work, and it is probable that these were not painted vases, but Hellenistic ware with reliefs, like the so-called Megarian bowls.[454] The latter can be identified, by means of their subjects, with the scyphi Homerici of which Nero was so fond; Suetonius tells us that they were so named a caelatura carminum Homeri, from the subjects from Homer’s poems carved in relief upon them.[455] The scyphi were doubtless of metal, the use of which was confined to the wealthy and luxurious, while the so-called Megarian bowls and similar ware were copied from them in the cheaper material for the use of the humbler classes.
Suetonius in his Life of Caesar (§ 81) describes how the colonists sent out under the Lex Julia to build new houses were destroying ancient tombs in the process when they uncovered remnants of ancient pottery (some ancient work of vessels). This discovery made them intensify their efforts in the destruction. Similarly, Strabo[453] tells us that when Julius Caesar sent colonists to rebuild Corinth, they found tombs that contained large quantities of ostracon currents, which they nicknamed “Necrocorinthia.” The meaning of this term is a bit unclear, but the word φορέματα seems to suggest chased or relief work, and it’s likely that these were not painted vases, but Hellenistic pottery with reliefs, like the so-called Megarian bowls.[454] The latter can be recognized, based on their designs, with the scyphi of Homer that Nero liked so much; Suetonius tells us that they were named a collection of Homer's poems, after the subjects from Homer’s poems carved in relief on them.[455] The scyphi were likely made of metal, a material used only by the wealthy and luxurious, while the so-called Megarian bowls and similar pottery were made from cheaper materials for the lower classes.
We see, then, that classical literature throws but little light on the uses made of painted vases as such by the Greeks. But we are by no means ill supplied with information as to the uses of pottery in general, about which evidence may be obtained both from the vases themselves and from innumerable passages in ancient writers or the commentaries of the scholiasts and lexicographers. This question is more or less bound up with that of the different shapes and names of vases, of which some 150 have been handed down by Athenaeus, Pollux, and other writers, and these will be considered in detail subsequently. For the present it may suffice to say a few words on what is known of the use of pottery in general and of painted vases in particular.
We can see that classical literature doesn't provide much insight into how the Greeks specifically used painted vases. However, we do have plenty of information on the general uses of pottery, which we can gather from the vases themselves, as well as from countless references in ancient texts and the writings of scholars and lexicographers. This topic is closely related to the various shapes and names of vases, with about 150 different types recorded by writers like Athenaeus and Pollux, which we will explore in detail later. For now, it’s enough to share some information about the general use of pottery and painted vases in particular.
As most of the vases hitherto known have been discovered in tombs, it would at first sight appear that they were exclusively destined for sepulchral purposes; but this seems to have been in many cases only a subsequent use of them, and they doubtless also found a place among the wants of daily life. That this is true of the plain unglazed or unpainted pottery goes indeed without saying; in regard to the painted vases the question is, in view of the scanty literary evidence, more difficult to decide.
As most of the vases we've discovered so far have been found in tombs, it might seem at first that they were only intended for burial purposes. However, this appears to have been just one later use for them, and they likely also had a role in everyday life. This is certainly true for the plain, unglazed, or unpainted pottery. When it comes to the painted vases, the issue is harder to determine due to limited written records.

FIG. 14. HEMIKOTYLION (VASE USED AS MEASURE).
BRITISH MUSEUM.
FIG. 14. HEMIKOTYLION (VASE USED AS MEASURE).
BRITISH MUSEUM.
As the civil and domestic use of pottery is the most important,
it is necessary to consider it first. For ordinary purposes earthenware
largely took the place of bronze and the precious metals,
just as it does at the present day. One instance of this we
have already quoted
in speaking of the
“Homeric bowls,” and
others might be cited,
in particular its use
for measures, for
which metal would
naturally be employed
as a general
rule. This usage is
established by the
occasional discovery
of vases inscribed
with the names of measures and the like. The British Museum
possesses a small one-handled cup of black glazed ware (F 595 =
Fig. 14) found in the island of Cerigo (Kythera), on which is
incised in fifth-century lettering the word
,
ἡμικοτύλιον, or “half-kotyle.” The word κοτύλη is interesting as
denoting not only a shape of a drinking-cup (see below, p. 184),
but a Greek measure, equivalent to about half a pint. Again,
in 1867, a cylindrical vase of red ware was found at Athens
inscribed
,
δημόσιον, or “public (measure).”[456] It was
stamped with the figure of an owl and an olive-branch, the
official seal of Athens, and has been supposed to represent the
χοῖνιξ or quart, its capacity having been estimated at 0·96 litres,
or 1¾ pints, while the χοῖνιξ is generally reckoned as equivalent
to 1 litre.[457]
As the civil and domestic use of pottery is the most important, it is essential to consider it first. For everyday purposes, earthenware largely replaced bronze and precious metals, just like it does today. One example we've already mentioned when discussing the "Homeric bowls," and there are other instances, particularly its use for measurements, where metal would typically be used as a general rule. This practice is confirmed by the occasional discovery of vases inscribed with the names of measurements and similar items. The British Museum has a small one-handled cup made of black glazed ware (F 595 = Fig. 14) found on the island of Cerigo (Kythera), which is incised with the word , __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, meaning “half-kotyle.” The term κοτύλη is interesting as it signifies not only a type of drinking cup (see below, p. 184) but also a Greek measurement, roughly equivalent to half a pint. Additionally, in 1867, a cylindrical vase made of red ware was found in Athens inscribed with
, public, meaning “public (measure).”[456] It featured the image of an owl and an olive branch, the official seal of Athens, and is believed to represent the χοῖνιξ or quart, with its capacity estimated at 0.96 liters, or 1¾ pints, while the χοῖνιξ is generally considered equivalent to 1 liter.[457]
Earthenware was also used generally for the purpose of storing liquids or various kinds of food, for the preparation of food and liquids, and for the uses of the table or toilet. The painted ware, however, was not employed for the commoner purposes, nor to contain large quantities of liquids, for which it would have been far too expensive. But we know that it was largely used at banquets and drinking-bouts, and on other occasions, from the evidence of the vases themselves. Thus, in the well-known vase with the Harpies robbing the blind Phineus of his food (p. 357), a kotyle painted with black figures is seen in the king’s hands; and in a scene representing the reception of Paris by Helen,[460] the former is offered wine drawn from a large four-handled vase on which figures are painted.[461] Vases with subjects represented on them are also seen placed on columns forming the background of scenes, as if forming part of the furniture of a hall or chamber. But as a general rule the vases represented in banquet scenes and elsewhere are left plain or only decorated with patterns.
Earthenware was commonly used for storing liquids and various types of food, for preparing meals and drinks, and for table or bathroom use. However, painted ware wasn't used for everyday purposes or to hold large amounts of liquid because it was too expensive. Instead, we know it was often used at banquets and drinking parties, as evidenced by the vases themselves. For example, in the famous vase depicting the Harpies stealing food from the blind Phineus (p. 357), a kotyle painted with black figures is shown in the king’s hands; and in a scene of Paris being welcomed by Helen,[460] he is offered wine from a large four-handled vase adorned with figures.[461] Vases with illustrated scenes are also seen on columns in the background, as if they are part of the room's decor. Generally, however, the vases depicted in banquet scenes and elsewhere are left plain or only have basic patterns.
To the use of vases in connection with athletic games we have already alluded in discussing Pindar’s mention of the Panathenaic amphorae; it is, of course, likely that other forms of vases were also given as prizes or presented to young men on special occasions, such as entering the ranks of the ἔφηβοι or being married, but we have no evidence of such customs.
We’ve already mentioned the use of vases in relation to athletic games when discussing Pindar’s reference to the Panathenaic amphorae. It’s likely that other types of vases were also awarded as prizes or given to young men on special occasions, like joining the ranks of the Teens or getting married, but we don’t have evidence of such customs.

FIG. 15. CHILD PLAYING WITH JUG (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 15. CHILD PLAYING WITH JUG (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Vases were also used as toys, as is proved by the discovery of many little vases, chiefly jugs, in the tombs of children at Athens, on which are depicted children playing at various games.[462] They are too small to have served any other purpose, and as similarly shaped jugs appear among the toys used by the children in these scenes, it is reasonable to suppose that they were playthings. No doubt some of the more unusual shapes were made with the same end, such as vases in the shape of animals or fruit, or the aski (p. 200), which contained little balls and were used as rattles.
Vases were also used as toys, as shown by the discovery of many small vases, mostly jugs, found in the tombs of children in Athens, which feature images of kids playing different games.[462] They are too small to have served any other purpose, and since similarly shaped jugs appear among the toys in these scenes, it makes sense to think they were playthings. It's likely that some of the more unique shapes were made for the same reason, like vases shaped like animals or fruit, or the aski (p. 200), which contained little balls and were used as rattles.
We have already hinted at the purely decorative use of vases as domestic ornaments, in which capacity they were often placed on columns; there is, however, no hint of this in ancient authors. But that it was customary in Greece and Italy, at all events in the later period (i.e. after the Persian Wars), seems to be indicated by the practice which obtains with the larger vases of executing only one side with care, while the other exhibits an unimportant and badly painted design (generally three boys or men wrapped in mantles). It is natural to suppose that the carelessly executed side was not supposed to be seen, owing to the fact that the vase was intended to be placed against a wall. Some of the large round dishes of Apulian fabric seem to have been intended for hanging up against a wall, on the same principle.[463]
We have already suggested the purely decorative role of vases as home decorations, where they were often positioned on columns; however, there’s no mention of this in ancient writings. Still, it seems to have been common in Greece and Italy, especially in the later period (i.e., after the Persian Wars), as shown by the practice of carefully decorating only one side of the larger vases, while the other side has a simple and poorly painted design (usually depicting three boys or men wrapped in cloaks). It makes sense to assume that the poorly painted side wasn't meant to be seen because the vase was intended to be placed against a wall. Some of the large round dishes made in Apulia appear to have been made for hanging on a wall, following the same idea.[463]
The question which next arises is that of the extent to which vases were used for religious and votive purposes. Here, however, with one exception noted below, we derive little aid from a study of the painted vases themselves, in spite of the frequency of mythological subjects. But inasmuch as many instances are known of offerings of metal vases in the temples of the gods, it can hardly be doubted that painted vases served the same purpose for those who could only afford the humbler material. It was at one time supposed that the large vases painted for a front view only, of which we have just spoken, were destined for this purpose; but as they are mostly found in tombs, this can hardly be the case.
The next question that comes up is how widely vases were used for religious and votive purposes. However, aside from one exception mentioned below, we get little help from studying the painted vases themselves, despite the common mythological themes. Since there are many known instances of metal vases being offered in the temples of the gods, it's hard to doubt that painted vases served the same purpose for those who could only afford the simpler materials. It was once believed that the large vases painted for a front view only, which we just discussed, were meant for this purpose; but since they are mostly found in tombs, that's probably not the case.
Of late years, however, much light has been thrown upon this question by means of scientific excavations. On many temple-sites which have been systematically explored, such as the Acropolis of Athens or Naukratis in the Egyptian Delta, enormous numbers of fragments of painted vases have been found which are clearly the remains of votive offerings. It was a well-known Greek custom to clear out the temples from time to time and form rubbish-heaps of the disused vases and statuettes, sometimes by digging pits for them; and thus these broken fragments, rejected from their apparent uselessness, have from these very circumstances been preserved to the present day to cast a flood of light on many points of archaeology. At Naukratis many of the fragments bear incised inscriptions in the form of dedications to Apollo (Fig. 16.) or Aphrodite, according to the site on which they were found. At Penteskouphia near Corinth a large series of early painted tablets, with representations of Poseidon and inscribed dedications, were found in 1879 (p. 316), and illustrate the practice of making offerings in this form, mentioned by Aeschylos.[464] Tablets painted with figures and hung on trees or walls are not infrequently depicted on red-figured vases, the subject generally implying their votive character.[465] Fig. 17. represents a youth carrying a tablet of this kind.
Of late years, however, much light has been shed on this question through scientific excavations. In many temple sites that have been systematically explored, like the Acropolis of Athens or Naukratis in the Egyptian Delta, an enormous number of fragments of painted vases have been discovered, clearly remnants of votive offerings. It was a well-known Greek custom to periodically clean out the temples and create rubbish heaps of the unused vases and statuettes, sometimes by digging pits for them. Thus, these broken fragments, discarded due to their apparent uselessness, have been preserved to this day and provide valuable insights into many aspects of archaeology. At Naukratis, many of the fragments have incised inscriptions in the form of dedications to Apollo (Fig. 16.) or Aphrodite, depending on the site they were found. At Penteskouphia near Corinth, a large collection of early painted tablets depicting Poseidon and featuring inscribed dedications was found in 1879 (p. 316), illustrating the practice of making offerings in this form, as mentioned by Aeschylos.[464] Tablets painted with figures and hung on trees or walls are often depicted on red-figured vases, generally implying their votive nature.[465] Fig. 17. shows a youth carrying a tablet of this kind.

FIG. 16. RIM OF VASE FROM NAUKRATIS WITH DEDICATION TO APOLLO (BRIT. MUS.).
FIG. 16. RIM OF VASE FROM NAUKRATIS WITH DEDICATION TO APOLLO (BRIT. MUS.).

From Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.
FIG. 17. YOUTH WITH VOTIVE TABLET.
From Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb.
FIG. 17. YOUNG PERSON WITH VOTIVE TABLET.
There is no doubt that vases (though not, perhaps, painted ones) must have played a considerable part in the religious ceremonies of the Greeks. In the Athenian festival of the Anthesteria, the second day was devoted to the holding of ἀγῶνες χύτρινοι, or “pot-contests,” vessels full of corn being dedicated to Hermes Chthonios.[466] At the festival of the Gardens of Adonis flower-pots of earthenware containing flowers were cast into the sea, as a type of the premature death of Adonis.[467] These flower-pots were also placed on the tops of houses, and in this same festival, which was chiefly celebrated by hetairae, little terracotta figures (κοράλλια) were introduced.[468] The use of flower-pots placed in windows to form artificial gardens is mentioned by Martial and Pliny[469]; and they were also employed to protect tender plants, as hinted by Theophrastos,[470] who speaks of the necessity of propagating southernwood by slips in pots.
There’s no doubt that vases (although not necessarily painted ones) must have played a significant role in the religious ceremonies of the Greeks. During the Athenian festival of the Anthesteria, the second day was dedicated to the holding of Agones Chytrini, or “pot-contests,” where vessels filled with corn were offered to Hermes Chthonios.[466] At the festival of the Gardens of Adonis, flower pots made of clay containing flowers were thrown into the sea, symbolizing the early death of Adonis.[467] These flower pots were also placed on rooftops, and in this same festival, which was mainly celebrated by hetairae, little terracotta figures (corals) were used.[468] The use of flower pots placed in windows to create artificial gardens is mentioned by Martial and Pliny[469]; and they were also used to protect delicate plants, as suggested by Theophrastos,[470] who talks about the need to propagate southernwood by cuttings in pots.
It is, perhaps, hardly necessary to speak of the constant use of the jug and bowl (phiale) in sacrifices and libation scenes, as seen on innumerable vases of the R.F. and later periods (see pp. 178, 191). Fig. 18 shows the use of vases on the occasion of a sacrifice to Dionysos. There is also a type of vase which, according to a recent writer,[471] was used for burning incense. It is a form which hitherto had been conventionally named the κώθων, on account of its recurved lip (see below, p. 187); but it is pointed out that it had three feet (the form being clearly derived from the tripod), and therefore stood, and was not carried about; also that it varies much in size, and is found at an early date, and chiefly in women’s graves.[472] There is also evidence that it was meant to stand fire or hold coals. From these details the conclusion is deduced that it represents the earlier form of incense-burner (down to about 500 B.C.), those of later date being of a different form, as often seen on R.F. vases.[473]
It might not even be necessary to mention the ongoing use of the jug and bowl (phiale) in sacrifice and libation scenes, as shown on countless vases from the R.F. and later periods (see pp. 178, 191). Fig. 18 illustrates the use of vases during a sacrifice to Dionysos. There's also a type of vase that, according to a recent writer,[471] was used for burning incense. This form has traditionally been called the κώθων, due to its curving lip (see below, p. 187); however, it’s noted that it had three feet (clearly deriving from the tripod design), so it was meant to stand still rather than be carried around. It also comes in various sizes, is found from an early date, and is mainly discovered in women’s graves.[472] There’s also evidence suggesting it was meant to withstand fire or hold coals. From these details, it’s concluded that it represents the earlier version of an incense burner (up to around 500 BCE), while those from later periods take on a different shape, as frequently depicted on R.F. vases.[473]

From Furtwaengler and Reichhold.
FIG. 18. VASES USED IN SACRIFICE (FROM VASE AT NAPLES).
From Furtwaengler and Reichhold.
FIG. 18. VASES USED IN SACRIFICE (FROM VASE IN NAPLES).
The most important use, however, for which vases were employed, and that to which their preservation is mainly due, was for purposes connected with funeral ceremonies. These were of a varied nature, including the use of vases at the burial, the placing of them on the tomb to hold offerings, and the depositing of them in the tomb, either to hold the ashes of the dead or as “tomb-furniture,” in accordance with the religious beliefs of the Greeks on the life after death. The principal methods in which they have been found deposited in the tombs have already been described in Chapter II.
The main use of vases, which is why we still have them today, was connected to funeral ceremonies. These ceremonies varied in nature, including using vases during the burial, placing them on the tomb to hold offerings, and putting them inside the tomb to either hold the ashes of the deceased or serve as "tomb-furniture," in line with the Greeks' beliefs about life after death. The primary ways in which they have been found in tombs have already been discussed in Chapter II.
Vases were employed in the burial rites in various ways, as we learn from the subjects depicted upon them. In the celebrated vase representing the death and funeral of Archemoros,[474] two persons are seen carrying tables laden with vases to the tomb, while an oinochoë is placed under the bier on which the corpse is laid. It is also probable that they were often burnt on the funeral pile with the corpse, and if this is the case it may account for the discoloured condition of many fine vases in which the red glaze has turned to an ashen grey under the action of fire.[475] In any case vases were often broken before being placed in the tomb, the idea being that they must participate in the death of the person to whom they were consecrated. There is a special class of B.F. amphorae found at Athens, which are commonly known as “prothesis-amphorae,” the subjects relating exclusively to the πρόθεσις or laying-out, and other funeral rites. They were, therefore, probably placed round the bier during this ceremony.
Vases were used in burial rituals in various ways, as shown by the images on them. In the famous vase depicting the death and funeral of Archemoros,[474] two people are seen carrying tables loaded with vases to the tomb, while an oinochoë is placed under the bier where the body rests. It’s also likely that they were often burned on the funeral pyre along with the body, and if this is the case, it might explain the discolored state of many beautiful vases, where the red glaze has turned an ashen gray due to the heat.[475] In any event, vases were often broken before being placed in the tomb, based on the belief that they needed to share in the death of the person to whom they were dedicated. There is a specific type of B.F. amphorae found in Athens, commonly known as “prothesis-amphorae,” which depict subjects related exclusively to the proposal or laying-out, and other funeral rites. Therefore, they were likely positioned around the bier during this ceremony.
Vases were also used for holding milk, oil, unguents, and other liquids which were poured upon the corpse, or for the lustral water placed at the entrance of the tomb. It was the regular practice of the Athenians to place vases on the outside of the tombs, the commonest forms being that of the lekythos, or a larger vase known as the λουτροφόρος, mentioned by Demosthenes.[476] These were, however, generally of stone, and are sometimes sculptured in relief, or bear inscriptions like the Attic stelae[477] and modern tombstones.
Vases were also used to hold milk, oil, ointments, and other liquids that were poured over the corpse, or for the purification water placed at the entrance of the tomb. It was a regular practice for the Athenians to place vases outside of the tombs, with the most common types being the lekythos or a larger vase known as the bathtub, mentioned by Demosthenes.[476] These were usually made of stone and are sometimes decorated with sculptures or have inscriptions similar to Attic stelae[477] and modern tombstones.
The custom of placing lekythi on tombs is also alluded to once or twice by Aristophanes in the Ecclesiazusae—e.g. line 538:
The practice of putting lekythi on graves is mentioned a few times by Aristophanes in the Ecclesiazusae—e.g. line 538:
and again, line 1032:
and again, line 1032:

FIG. 19. FUNERAL LEKYTHOS, WITH VASES INSIDE TOMB (BRIT. MUS.).
FIG. 19. FUNERAL LEKYTHOS, WITH VASES INSIDE TOMB (BRIT. MUS.).
The manner of employing vases as adjuncts to the tomb is nowhere better illustrated than on the Athenian white lekythi, which are almost all painted with funeral subjects, and, from the hasty way in which many are executed, show that they were often made to order at short notice (see above, p. 132). In particular, one example in the British Museum (D 56 = Fig. 19) shows the interior of a conical tomb or tumulus, within which vases of various shapes are seen. In other examples they are ranged along the steps of a stele, or are represented as being brought to the tomb in baskets by mourning women.[479] The larger vases of Southern Italy, which similarly show by their subjects that they were only made for funeral purposes, bear a close relation to the white lekythi, and also to the Attic funeral stelae with reliefs. The treatment of the subject varies in the different fabrics, but two main types prevail. In the one, of Lucanian origin, the tomb takes the form of a stele or column, round which vases are ranged on steps[480]; in the other, on the large Apulian kraters and amphorae, the tomb is in the shape of a ἡρῷον or small temple, within which is seen the figure of the deceased, while on either side approach women bearing offerings (Fig. 106); but vases do not play an important part in these latter scenes.
The way vases are used as additions to tombs is best shown on Athenian white lekythi, which are almost all decorated with funeral themes. The quick execution of many pieces suggests they were often made to order on short notice (see above, p. 132). One example in the British Museum (D 56 = Fig. 19) illustrates the inside of a conical tomb or tumulus, where vases of different shapes are visible. In other examples, they are positioned along the steps of a stele or depicted being brought to the tomb in baskets by mourning women.[479] The larger vases from Southern Italy, which similarly show through their designs that they were created solely for funeral use, are closely related to the white lekythi and to the Attic funeral stelae with reliefs. The representation of these themes differs across the various styles, but two main types dominate. In one type, of Lucanian origin, the tomb appears as a stele or column, with vases arranged on steps[480]; in the other, found on large Apulian kraters and amphorae, the tomb resembles a heroine or small temple, where the figure of the deceased can be seen, while women bearing offerings approach from either side (Fig. 106); however, vases do not play a significant role in these latter scenes.

FIG. 20. VASES PLACED ON TOMB (LUCANIAN HYDRIA IN BRIT. MUS.).
FIG. 20. VASES PLACED ON TOMB (LUCANIAN HYDRIA IN BRIT. MUS.).
Thirdly, we have to deal with the use of painted vases in the tomb itself. As regards their use as cinerary urns, to contain the ashes of the dead, it appears to have been somewhat restricted.
Thirdly, we need to address the use of painted vases in the tomb itself. When it comes to their function as urns for ashes of the deceased, it seems to have been somewhat limited.
In the Mycenaean period we know that inhumation, not cremation, was the practice, contrary to that of the heroic or Homeric age, in which an entirely different state of things is represented. But when we do read in Homer or the tragic poets, of the methods of dealing with the ashes of the dead, there is no mention of any but metal urns. Thus the ashes of Patroklos were collected in a χρυσέη φιάλη[481] (the word is probably used loosely), while those of Achilles were stored in a golden amphora.[482] Again, Sophokles, in the fictitious account of Orestes’ death given in his Electra, uses the expression (l. 758)[483]:
During the Mycenaean period, we know that burial, not cremation, was the common practice, which is different from what is shown in the heroic or Homeric age. However, when we read in Homer or the tragic poets about how the ashes of the dead were handled, they only mention metal urns. For example, the ashes of Patroklos were gathered in a golden vase[481] (the term is likely used loosely), while those of Achilles were kept in a golden amphora.[482] Furthermore, Sophocles, in the fictional account of Orestes’ death in his Electra, uses the phrase (l. 758)[483]:
showing that metal vases were generally employed for this purpose.
showing that metal vases were commonly used for this purpose.
It is, however, probable that in course of time there was a partial adoption of the practice in Greece. As early as the middle of the sixth century there is an instance in the well-known Burgon Panathenaic amphora, now in the British Museum,[485] found by Mr. Burgon in 1813; it contained remains of burnt bones and several small plain vases. This would seem to indicate that the Panathenaic amphorae in particular were considered appropriate for this purpose, namely, that the cherished prize won by the living should be used for the most sacred purpose in connection with the dead.
It’s likely that over time, some of this practice was adopted in Greece. As early as the middle of the sixth century, there’s an example in the famous Burgon Panathenaic amphora, now in the British Museum,[485] discovered by Mr. Burgon in 1813; it contained remnants of burned bones and several small plain vases. This appears to suggest that the Panathenaic amphorae in particular were seen as suitable for this purpose, meaning that the valued prize earned by the living should be used for the most sacred purposes related to the dead.
Among the red-figured vases of the fifth century which have been found to contain ashes, may be mentioned the famous Vivenzio vase at Naples,[486] which was found carefully deposited within another vase at Nola, and a vase of the shape known as λέβης, now in the British Museum, found near the Peiraeus.[487] There is also a covered vase in the British Museum,[488] which was employed for a similar purpose. It is not, strictly speaking, a painted vase, being covered with a white slip and coloured like the terracottas, while the heads of monsters project from its sides; the shape is that known as λεκάνη (“tureen”), and it dates from the fourth century. It contained human bones, among which were found a small terracotta figure of a Siren and other objects; the jaw-bone, which was preserved, had still fixed in it the obolos, or small silver coin which was placed there as Charon’s fare for ferrying the soul over the Styx. Of later date is a vase found at Alexandria, in the catacombs, similarly decorated, and also filled with bones; it was presented to the British Museum in 1830 by Sir E. Codrington.
Among the red-figured vases from the fifth century that have been discovered containing ashes, we can mention the famous Vivenzio vase in Naples,[486] which was found carefully placed inside another vase at Nola, and a vase in the shape known as boiler, currently in the British Museum, found near Piraeus.[487] There's also a covered vase in the British Museum,[488] which served a similar purpose. It isn’t strictly a painted vase; it’s covered with a white slip and colored like terracottas, with monster heads protruding from its sides. The shape is referred to as bowl (“tureen”), and it dates back to the fourth century. It contained human bones, among which was a small terracotta figure of a Siren and other objects; the preserved jawbone still had the obolos, or small silver coin, lodged in it, which was placed there as Charon’s payment for ferrying the soul across the Styx. There’s also a later vase found in the catacombs of Alexandria, similarly decorated and filled with bones; it was given to the British Museum in 1830 by Sir E. Codrington.
The class of large terracotta vases found in tombs at Canosa, Cumae, Capua and Calvi (Cales), of which fine specimens may be seen in the Terracotta Room of the British Museum (see above, p. 119), seems to have been made for sepulchral purposes, as in many cases they are not adapted for practical use. On the other hand, they may have been ornaments for houses. They are decorated with figures in high relief, or attached to different parts of the vase, and many of them, especially those in the form of female heads, are strictly speaking not vases at all, having no proper bottom.
The large terracotta vases discovered in tombs at Canosa, Cumae, Capua, and Calvi (Cales), with excellent examples displayed in the Terracotta Room of the British Museum (see above, p. 119), appear to have been created for burial purposes, as many of them aren’t suitable for regular use. However, they might have also served as decorative pieces for homes. They feature figures in high relief, or are attached to various parts of the vase, and many of them, particularly those shaped like female heads, aren’t really vases at all, lacking a proper bottom.
The majority of painted vases found in the tombs must be regarded purely as tomb-furniture, placed there with the idea that the deceased would require in his future life all that had been associated with his former existence. Sometimes they were placed round the corpse, with food or liquids in them for the use of the “ghost,” and instances are known of eggs and other objects having been preserved in this manner.[489] Toy-vases are found buried with children in tombs at Athens and elsewhere, and toilet-boxes or unguent-vases in women’s graves. Nevertheless, it is probably not wide of the mark to say that in the sixth and fifth centuries the custom had lost much of its original meaning; the habit of placing painted vases in tombs survived, but the original idea of the practice had become obscured, and the religious significance was restricted to certain classes of vases, the prothesis-amphorae, white lekythi, and others, which were not used during life but only made specially for this purpose.
The majority of painted vases discovered in the tombs should be considered simply as burial items, placed there with the belief that the deceased would need everything associated with their previous life in the afterlife. Sometimes they were positioned around the body, filled with food or drinks for the use of the “spirit,” and there are records of eggs and other items being preserved this way. Toy vases have been found buried with children in tombs in Athens and other locations, while cosmetic boxes or unguent vases appear in women's graves. However, it’s likely fair to say that by the sixth and fifth centuries, the custom had lost much of its original significance; the practice of placing painted vases in tombs continued, but the original meaning of the practice had faded, and the religious importance was limited to certain types of vases, such as the prothesis-amphorae, white lekythi, and others, which were not used in life but specifically made for this purpose.
Great value seems to have been set upon the painted vases by their possessors. When broken, they were repaired by the pieces being skilfully fitted and drilled, with a rivet of lead or bronze neatly attached to the sides. Several mended vases exist in the European collections.[490] Occasionally they were repaired by inserting pieces of other vases. Thus a vase with two handles, found at Vulci, of the shape called στάμνος, is repaired with a part of a kylix representing quite a different subject, and thus presents a discordant effect.[491] A R.F. vase in the Louvre has actually been mended with part of a B.F. vase.[492] A B.F. kylix in the British Museum (B 398) has a piece inserted with the name of Priapos; similarly the two handles of the R.F. kylix E 4, with the signature of Thypheithides, do not belong to the vase; but these may both be modern restorations. The large casks of coarse and unglazed ware (πίθοι) were also repaired with leaden cramps. “The casks of the ill-clad Cynic,” says the Roman satirist, “do not burn; should you break one of them, another house will be made by to-morrow, or the same will continue to serve when repaired with lead.”[493] Aristophanes puts into the mouth of his old litigant turned roué a popular story of Sybaris which alludes to the use of bronze rivets. A woman of that city broke an earthen pot, which was represented as screaming out, and calling for witnesses to prove how badly it had been treated. “By Persephone!” exclaims the dame, “were you to leave off bawling for witnesses, and make haste to buy a copper clamp (ἐπίδεσμον) to rivet yourself with, you would show more sense.”[494]
Great value seems to have been placed on the painted vases by their owners. When they broke, they were repaired by carefully fitting the pieces together and drilling them, with a lead or bronze rivet neatly attached to the sides. Several restored vases can be found in European collections.[490] Sometimes they were fixed by adding pieces from other vases. For example, a vase with two handles, found at Vulci, in the shape called jug, was repaired using part of a kylix that shows a completely different subject, creating a mismatched effect.[491] A R.F. vase in the Louvre has actually been fixed with part of a B.F. vase.[492] A B.F. kylix in the British Museum (B 398) has a piece added with the name of Priapos; similarly, the two handles of the R.F. kylix E 4, signed by Thypheithides, don’t actually belong to the vase; however, these may both be modern restorations. The large casks of coarse and unglazed ware (πίθοι) were also repaired with lead cramps. “The casks of the poorly dressed Cynic,” says the Roman satirist, “don’t burn; if you break one, another house will be built by tomorrow, or the same will continue to be used when fixed with lead.”[493] Aristophanes has his old litigant turned debauched tell a popular story from Sybaris that references the use of bronze rivets. A woman from that city broke an earthen pot, which is described as shouting out and calling for witnesses to prove how poorly it had been treated. “By Persephone!” the woman exclaims, “if you stopped screaming for witnesses and hurried to buy a copper clamp (bandage) to hold yourself together, you’d show more sense.”[494]
After noting the chief uses of Greek vases it is necessary to give some account of the different shapes, and to identify the recorded names as far as possible with the various kinds actually found.
After highlighting the main uses of Greek vases, it's important to describe the different shapes and to match the documented names as closely as possible with the various types that have been discovered.
The subject is, however, one of great difficulty, and it is impossible to attain to scientific accuracy, owing to the differences of time between the authors by whom they are mentioned, the difficulty of explaining types by verbal descriptions, and the ambiguity often caused by the ancient practice of describing a vase of one shape by the name of another.
The topic is pretty complicated, and it's hard to achieve scientific accuracy because of the time gap between the authors who talk about it, the challenge of explaining types with just words, and the confusion that often arises from the old practice of naming a vase of one shape after another.
A study of any collection of Greek vases will make it apparent that there is a great variety in the forms of the different periods. This is especially marked in the earliest ages of Greece, in which the variety is almost endless, and the adoption and development of certain recognised forms practically unknown. It must therefore be evident that the statements of ancient writers must always be used with caution, and that a shape described by an early writer must not be taken as representing the same in a later period, even if the same word be used, or vice versa. For instance, the δέπας ἀμφικύπελλον of Homer, which finds a curious parallel in the gold cup with the doves discovered by Schliemann at Mycenae, is, whatever view we may take of the Homeric civilisation, only an example of a passing fashion. Or again, many of the drinking-cups described by Athenaeus in his eleventh book are doubtless only instances of new experiments in pottery or metal-work characteristic of the Hellenistic age, with its tendency to strive after novelties. Many of his names are little more than nicknames for familiar shapes, which enjoyed a temporary popularity.
A study of any collection of Greek vases shows that there’s a wide variety in the shapes across different periods. This is especially noticeable in the earliest ages of Greece, where the variety is almost limitless, and the adoption and development of certain recognized forms is nearly unheard of. Therefore, it’s clear that the statements of ancient writers should always be regarded with caution, and a shape described by an early writer shouldn’t be assumed to represent the same thing in a later period, even if the same term is used, or vice versa. For example, the double-handled cup mentioned by Homer, which has an interesting parallel in the gold cup with the doves found by Schliemann at Mycenae, is, regardless of how we interpret Homeric civilization, just an example of a fleeting trend. Similarly, many of the drinking cups referenced by Athenaeus in his eleventh book are likely just examples of new experiments in pottery or metalwork that were typical of the Hellenistic age, which aimed for innovation. Many of his names are little more than nicknames for popular shapes that were only trendy for a short time.
Examples of cursory mention of names in the ancient writers, such as Aristophanes, are innumerable, but seldom explicit, and the scholia on these writers are hardly more useful, inasmuch as the grammarians probably knew little more about obsolete shapes than we do ourselves, and their commentaries have little critical weight. The loci classici on the subject are the book of Athenaeus already referred to,[498] in which he gives a list of over one hundred names, with more or less full explanation and commentary, most of the forms being apparently varieties of drinking-cups, and the Onomasticon of Pollux.[499] Notices of vases are also to be found in the lexicographers, such as Hesychius and Suidas, and the Etymologicum Magnum.
Examples of brief mentions of names by ancient writers, like Aristophanes, are countless, but they are rarely detailed, and the commentaries on these writers are not much more helpful since the grammarians likely knew just as little about outdated forms as we do now, and their analyses carry little scholarly weight. The classic sites on the topic include the book by Athenaeus mentioned earlier,[498] where he lists over one hundred names, with varying degrees of explanation and commentary, most of which seem to be types of drinking-cups, along with Pollux’s Onomasticon.[499] References to vases can also be found in the lexicons by figures like Hesychius and Suidas, and in the Etymological Dictionary.
In the early days of modern archaeology the first to propose an identification of the shapes of vases was Panofka,[500] whose fanciful and uncritical lucubrations were shortly afterwards combated by Letronne[501] and Gerhard,[502] the latter of whom introduced a more scientific method of criticism and classification, though his results cannot be considered as final. Other writers were Müller,[503] Thiersch,[504] Ussing,[505] Krause,[506] and Jahn,[507] of whom Ussing followed practically on Gerhard’s lines but with more success; Krause, though exhaustive, is on the whole uncritical; and Jahn has treated the subject with his wonted conciseness and sobriety. Of late years little attention has been paid to it, principally, no doubt, for the reason that so many conventional names have been generally accepted for the ordinary shapes by archaeologists, who have recognised the fact that it will never be possible to treat the subject with scientific accuracy.[508]
In the early days of modern archaeology, the first person to suggest identifying the shapes of vases was Panofka,[500] whose imaginative and uncritical ideas were soon challenged by Letronne[501] and Gerhard,[502] the latter of whom introduced a more scientific approach to criticism and classification, although his findings can't be seen as final. Other writers included Müller,[503] Thiersch,[504] Ussing,[505] Krause,[506] and Jahn,[507] with Ussing largely following Gerhard's methods but being more successful; Krause is thorough but generally uncritical; and Jahn has addressed the topic with his usual brevity and seriousness. In recent years, this area has received little attention, likely because many conventional names for common shapes have been widely accepted by archaeologists, who recognize that it's impossible to address the subject with complete scientific accuracy.[508]
The classification of the shapes of vases has usually been undertaken on the lines of distinguishing their main uses, such as (1) those in which food or liquids were preserved; (2) those in which liquids were mixed or cooked; (3) those by means of which liquids were poured out or food distributed; (4) drinking-cups; (5) other vases for the use of the table or toilet. Thus we have the pithos and amphora for storing wine, the krater for mixing it, the psykter for cooling it, the kyathos for ladling it out, and the oinochoë or prochoos for pouring it out; the hydria was used for fetching water from the well. Of smaller vases, the names for drinking-cups are innumerable, but the phiale, for instance, was employed chiefly for pouring libations; while dishes and plates are represented by the lekane, tryblion, pinax, and so on. The pyxis was used by women at their toilet, and the lekythos, alabastron, and askos for holding oil and unguents. There is an interesting passage in Athenaeus (iv. 142 D)[509] which gives a list of the vases required for use at a banquet: “And on the tripod was placed a bronze wine-cooler (ψυκτήρ) and a κάδος (bucket) and a silver σκαφίον holding two kotylae (one pint), and a ladle (κύαθος); and the wine-jug (ἐπίχυσις) was of bronze, but nobody was offered drink unless he asked for it; and one ladleful was given out before the meal.”
The classification of vase shapes is usually done based on their main uses, such as (1) those used for storing food or liquids; (2) those for mixing or cooking liquids; (3) those for pouring liquids or serving food; (4) drinking cups; (5) other vases for table or personal use. For instance, we have the pithos and amphora for storing wine, the krater for mixing it, the psykter for cooling it, the kyathos for ladling it out, and the oinochoë or prochoos for pouring it; the hydria was used for fetching water from the well. There are countless names for smaller drinking cups, but the phiale, for example, was mainly used for pouring libations; dishes and plates include the lekane, tryblion, pinax, and others. The pyxis was used by women for personal grooming, while the lekythos, alabastron, and askos held oil and perfumes. There's an interesting passage in Athenaeus (iv. 142 D)[509] that lists the vases needed for a banquet: “And on the tripod was placed a bronze wine cooler (refrigerator) and a container (bucket) and a silver σκαφίον holding two kotylae (one pint), and a ladle (cup); and the wine jug (pouring) was made of bronze, but no one was offered a drink unless they asked for it; and one ladleful was passed out before the meal.”
For the purposes of this work it is hoped that the usual method of classification indicated above will be found sufficient, supplemented by the descriptions of Athenaeus and other writers, where any details can be obtained; but it is obvious that a really critical treatment of the subject should be chronological, with endeavours to trace the first appearance and development of each type. In the present state of our knowledge, however, it would seem impossible to do so with success.
For this work, it is expected that the usual classification method mentioned above will be enough, along with the descriptions from Athenaeus and other writers whenever details can be gathered; however, it's clear that a thorough analysis of the topic should be chronological, aiming to track the initial emergence and progression of each type. Given our current state of knowledge, though, it seems impossible to achieve this successfully.
We begin our description of the vases of the Greeks with an account of the large vases of rough manufacture calculated to hold great quantities of wine, water, or food. The chief vase of this class is the Pithos or cask (Lat. dolium), a vase of gigantic size, found both in Italy and Greece.[510] They are shaped like enormous barrels, with bulging bodies and wide mouths, and answer to the modern hogshead or pipe. When full, the casks were closed with a circular stone, or with a cover of clay. They were used to hold honey, wine, and figs, and were usually kept half-buried in the earth.[511] They were sufficiently capacious to hold a man, and the famous “tub” of Diogenes was of this form. On a lamp in the British Museum and other monuments[512] he is represented appearing from one, presumably on the occasion of his interview with Alexander. In the vase-paintings Eurystheus takes refuge in a pithos from Herakles when he brings the Erymanthian boar,[513] and the same shape of vase is represented as holding the wine of the Centaurs and the water drawn by the Danaids.[514] The “box” of Pandora was in reality a large jar of this kind, as we learn from Hesiod.[515] It required great skill to make these vases, whence a Greek proverb characterised an ambitious but inexperienced man as “one who began with a cask” (ἐν πίθῳ τὴν κεραμείαν μανθάνειν).[516] They were not made on the wheel but by a peculiar process, which is described as plastering the clay round a framework of wood, called κάνναβος[517]; it appears to have been made of vertical boards ranged in a circle, like a tub.
We start our description of Greek vases with a look at the large, roughly-made vases designed to hold substantial amounts of wine, water, or food. The main vase of this type is the Pithos or cask (Lat. barrel), a massive vessel found in both Italy and Greece.[510] They are shaped like giant barrels, with bulging bodies and wide openings, similar to modern hogsheads or pipes. When full, these casks were sealed with a round stone or a clay cover. They were used to store honey, wine, and figs, and were usually kept partially buried in the ground.[511] They were large enough to fit a person, and the famous “tub” of Diogenes was of this type. In a lamp at the British Museum and other monuments[512], he is depicted emerging from one, likely during his meeting with Alexander. In vase paintings, Eurystheus hides in a pithos from Herakles when he brings in the Erymanthian boar,[513] and the same type of vase is shown holding the wine of the Centaurs and the water drawn by the Danaids.[514] The “box” of Pandora was actually a large jar like this, as mentioned by Hesiod.[515] It took great skill to create these vases, which is why a Greek proverb described an ambitious but inexperienced person as “someone who started with a cask” (Learn pottery in a pit).[516] They weren’t made on a wheel but rather through a specific process described as layering clay around a wooden framework called cannabis[517]; this framework seems to have been made of vertical boards arranged in a circle, much like a tub.

FIG. 21. PITHOS FROM KNOSSOS.
FIG. 21. PITHOS FROM KNOSSOS.
The British Museum possesses two or three πίθοι of exceptional size, ornamented with bands of geometrical patterns in relief, which were obtained from Mr. (now Sir A.) Biliotti’s excavations at Ialysos in Rhodes, and belong to the Mycenaean period. In 1900 Mr. Arthur Evans, among the remains of the Minoan palace at Knossos in Crete, came upon a courtyard round which stood a number of similar πίθοι, with decorations of a Mycenaean character (see Fig. 21).[518] These may be considered to belong to the middle of the second millennium B.C., and it is therefore evident that the πίθος may claim an antiquity second to none among forms of Greek vases.
The British Museum has two or three πίθοι of remarkable size, decorated with bands of geometric patterns in relief. These were sourced from Mr. (now Sir A.) Biliotti’s digs at Ialysos in Rhodes and date back to the Mycenaean period. In 1900, Mr. Arthur Evans discovered a courtyard among the ruins of the Minoan palace at Knossos in Crete, surrounded by several similar πίθοι, featuring Mycenaean-style decorations (see Fig. 21).[518] These can be dated to the middle of the second millennium BCE, indicating that the κερούς has an antiquity that rivals all other forms of Greek vases.
Among examples of later date may be mentioned the large
series recently found in Thera by German explorers, some
plain, others with painted geometrical decoration; they are
partly of native make, partly importations from Crete, and date
from the seventh century B.C.[519] Dr. Dörpfeld found examples
of πίθοι in the remains of the earlier cities at Hissarlik, from
the second to the seventh layers. These were used for keeping
all sorts of liquids and solids, and also apparently formed part
of the cooking apparatus.[520] Others were found in the excavations
of Mr. J. Brunton on the site of Dardanus in the
Troad; they were of pale red clay, with a stone cover. In
excavating between Balaclava and Sevastopol Colonel Munroe
discovered no less than sixteen, about 4 ft. 4 in. in height,
within a circular building, apparently a storehouse; they
were also of pale red ware. One had incised upon its lip
,
apparently indicating its price. Similar πίθοι have
been found in Athens, some having fractures joined by leaden
rivets. Large πίθοι with archaic reliefs have been found in
Crete, Rhodes, Sicily, and Etruria (at Cervetri); they are
imitated from metal vases, with designs of Oriental character.[521]
Among examples from a later date are the large collection recently discovered in Thera by German explorers, some plain and others decorated with painted geometric patterns. They are partly made locally and partly imported from Crete, dating back to the seventh century BCE[519] Dr. Dörpfeld found examples of πίθοι in the ruins of earlier cities at Hissarlik, ranging from the second to the seventh layers. These were used to store various liquids and solids and also seemed to be part of the cooking equipment.[520] Other examples were uncovered by Mr. J. Brunton at the Dardanus site in the Troad; they were made of pale red clay and had stone lids. While excavating between Balaclava and Sevastopol, Colonel Munroe discovered sixteen that were about 4 ft. 4 in. tall, located within a circular building that appeared to be a storehouse; these were also made of pale red clay. One had an inscription on its lip
, likely indicating its price. Similar πίθοι have been found in Athens, some with fractures repaired using lead rivets. Large πίθοι with archaic reliefs have been discovered in Crete, Rhodes, Sicily, and Etruria (at Cervetri); these were modeled after metal vases, featuring designs of Oriental style.[521]
Perhaps of all the ancient vases the best known is the Amphora (ἀμφορεύς or ἀμφιφορεύς), which was used for a variety of domestic and commercial purposes. So numerous are the vases of this form, found all over the Greek world, that they merit a lengthy description. They were principally used for wine, but also for corn, honey, oil, and other substances,[522] and to the use of the word as a measure of capacity we have already alluded. It should be borne in mind that the conventional use of the word amphora in speaking of the painted Greek vases implies a quite different form from the plain wine-amphorae, which were neither painted nor varnished; the type of vase is the same, but the painted examples are smaller and stouter, with a proper foot. For the present we confine our description to the unadorned amphora of commerce.
Perhaps of all the ancient vases, the best known is the Amphora (amphora or amphora), which was used for various domestic and commercial purposes. There are so many vases of this type found throughout the Greek world that they deserve a detailed description. They were primarily used for wine, but also for grain, honey, oil, and other materials,[522] and we have previously mentioned their use as a unit of measurement. It's important to note that when we use the term amphora to refer to the painted Greek vases, we are referring to a different style than the plain wine amphorae, which were neither painted nor varnished; while the vase type is the same, the painted examples are smaller and sturdier, featuring a proper foot. For now, we will limit our description to the unadorned amphora used for trade.
Besides the two handles from which the word derives its name,[523] the wine-amphora (Fig. 22.) is distinguished by its long egg-shaped body, narrow cylindrical neck, and pointed base; this form is often known as diota (the Latin equivalent). The base is sometimes supplied with a ring to stand on, but is more usually pointed, in order to be easily fixed in the earth in cellars. The mouth was sealed by means of a conical cover terminating in a boss.
Besides the two handles that give the word its name,[523] the wine-amphora (Fig. 22.) is recognized by its long, egg-shaped body, narrow cylindrical neck, and pointed base; this shape is often referred to as diota (the Latin equivalent). The base sometimes comes with a ring for standing, but is more commonly pointed, allowing it to be easily stuck into the ground in cellars. The opening was sealed with a conical cover that ended in a boss.

FIG. 22. GREEK WINE-JARS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 22. GREEK WINE-JARS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Remains of these amphorae have been discovered not only in Greece itself, but also wherever the Greek commerce and settlements extended, as in Alexandria, Kertch (Panticapaeum), Corfu, Rhodes, Sicily, and Asia Minor. They appear to have been used at a very early period, plain specimens of red ware being found not only in the early Greek tombs, like that of Menekrates in Corfu (p. 54), but even in tombs of the Bronze Age period, as in Cyprus. The typical long shape, however, did not come into fashion until about 300 B.C., when the island of Rhodes was a great trading centre, carrying on an active commerce all over the Mediterranean. Amphorae of this form are represented on the coins of Chios and Thasos with reference to their trade in wine, and on the Athenian silver tetradrachms which belong to the period subsequent to about 220 B.C.; they are shown on the reverse, lying horizontally, with an owl above. In this case the reference may be either to the large Attic trade in oil or to the use of the amphora for voting at the election of magistrates (see p. 167).
Remains of these amphorae have been found not just in Greece, but also in all the places where Greek trade and settlements spread, like Alexandria, Kertch (Panticapaeum), Corfu, Rhodes, Sicily, and Asia Minor. They seem to have been used at a very early stage, with simple red ware examples discovered not only in early Greek tombs, such as that of Menekrates in Corfu (p. 54), but even in Bronze Age tombs, like those in Cyprus. The typical long shape, however, didn't become popular until around 300 BCE, when Rhodes was a major trading hub engaging in vibrant commerce throughout the Mediterranean. Amphorae of this shape are featured on the coins of Chios and Thasos, reflecting their wine trade, and on Athenian silver tetradrachms from the period after around 220 BCE; they are depicted on the back, lying down with an owl above. In this case, the reference could be to the large Attic oil trade or the use of the amphora for voting during magistrate elections (see p. 167).
The most interesting feature of the wine-amphorae is the device or impression stamped on the handles either in a circular medallion or an oblong depression. This was done by means of a stone or bronze stamp, while the clay was still moist. They are found in all parts of the ancient world, but the greater number can be traced to a few places of origin, of which the most important are: Rhodes, Knidos, Thasos, Paros, and Olbia in Southern Russia. As regards the stamps, the usage differs at each centre; but apart from them the handles can be distinguished by their shapes and material, as will be seen in the subsequent description.
The most interesting feature of the wine amphorae is the design or mark stamped on the handles, either in a circular medallion or an oblong indent. This was created using a stone or bronze stamp while the clay was still wet. They can be found in various parts of the ancient world, but most can be traced back to a few key locations, with the most important being Rhodes, Knidos, Thasos, Paros, and Olbia in Southern Russia. As for the stamps, their use varies at each center; however, aside from that, the handles can be identified by their shapes and materials, as will be explained in the following description.
The Rhodian amphorae, of which large numbers have been found at Alexandria as well as in the island itself, were of a very pure and tenacious clay, with a fracture as sharp as that of delf. The colour is pale, deepening to a salmon hue. The numerous separate handles which have also been found have all belonged to the same form of amphora, with long square-shouldered handles, as on the Athenian and Chian coins. An entire vase, but without a stamp,[524] which was brought from Rhodes, was 40 in. in height, and the height of the handles alone was 10 in., the upper part attached to the top of the mouth being 3 in. long. This is a typical instance for the shape. The seal when found is impressed on the upper part of the handle, the size of the label being generally about 1½ in. or 1¾ in. long, by ⅝ in. wide, except when they are oval or circular. At Alexandria eight distinct varieties of handles were found, broken from amphorae of different countries, but only one inscribed; the base also assumed various forms.
The Rhodian amphorae, which have been discovered in large quantities in Alexandria as well as on the island itself, were made from a very pure and durable clay, with a fracture as sharp as that of delft. The color is pale, shifting to a salmon hue. The numerous individual handles that have also been found all belonged to the same type of amphora, featuring long square-shouldered handles, just like those on Athenian and Chian coins. One complete vase, though without a stamp,[524] that was brought from Rhodes, measured 40 inches in height, with the handles alone being 10 inches tall, and the upper part attached to the top of the mouth was 3 inches long. This is a typical example of the shape. When found, the seal is impressed on the upper part of the handle, typically measuring about 1½ inches or 1¾ inches long and ⅝ inch wide, except when they are oval or circular. At Alexandria, eight distinct varieties of handles were found, broken from amphorae of different countries, but only one was inscribed; the base also had various forms.
In the Rhodian amphorae two stamps are in use, a principal and an accessory one (Fig. 23.a).[525] The former has a device of the head of Helios, the Sun-God, or the emblematic rose, both of which types occur on the coins; it is accompanied by an inscription, in the form ἐπὶ τοῦ δεῖνος, sometimes explicitly described as ἱερέως, i.e. in the year of the eponymous priest of the Sun. This is followed by the name of a Rhodian month. The accessory stamp contains the name of a person, usually in the genitive. The months belong to the Doric calendar, and are as follows: Thesmophorios, Theudaisios, Pedageitnyos, Diosthyos, Badromios, Sminthios, Artamitios, Agrianios, Hyakinthios, Panamos, Dalios, Karneios, and the second Panamos, an intercalary month.[526] The object of the stamps is involved in obscurity, but they were probably intended to certify that the amphora (which was also a measure) held the proper quantity. It is clear that they could not have been intended to attest the age of the wine, as the vessel might be used for any sort, and the stamps bear the name of every month in the year.
In the Rhodian amphorae, there are two types of stamps: a main one and an accessory one (Fig. 23.a).[525] The main stamp features the head of Helios, the Sun-God, or an emblematic rose, both of which are also found on the coins; it includes an inscription that reads On the terrible, sometimes specifically identified as priest’s, i.e. indicating the year of the eponymous priest of the Sun. This is followed by the name of a Rhodian month. The accessory stamp contains the name of a person, typically in the genitive case. The months follow the Doric calendar and include: Thesmophorios, Theudaisios, Pedageitnyos, Diosthyos, Badromios, Sminthios, Artamitios, Agrianios, Hyakinthios, Panamos, Dalios, Karneios, and the second Panamos, which is an intercalary month.[526] The purpose of the stamps is unclear, but they were likely meant to certify that the amphora (which also served as a measure) contained the correct quantity. It's evident that they couldn't have been used to verify the age of the wine, as the vessel could be used for any type, and the stamps include the name of every month in the year.

From Dumont.
FIG. 23. AMPHORA-STAMPS FROM RHODES.
From Dumont.
FIG. 23. AMPHORA STAMPS FROM RHODES.
Other handles of Rhodian amphorae, stamped with an oblong cartouche or label, may be divided into two classes: (1) Those inscribed with the name of a magistrate and an emblem. The latter resembled the “adjuncts” found on the coins of some Greek cities, but it is uncertain whether they were selected on any fixed principle, or merely adopted from caprice. They may perhaps allude to the deity whom the magistrate particularly honoured as the patron god of his tribe or village. The same symbol was, however, often used by many individuals, and on the whole the number known is not large. (2) Those bearing the name of a magistrate, accompanied by that of a month of the Doric calendar, but without any emblem (Fig. 23.b).
Other handles of Rhodian amphorae, stamped with an oblong cartouche or label, can be divided into two categories: (1) Those inscribed with the name of a magistrate and an emblem. The emblem looked like the “adjuncts” found on the coins of some Greek cities, but it’s unclear if they were chosen based on any specific rule, or just picked randomly. They might reference the deity that the magistrate especially honored as the patron god of his tribe or village. However, the same symbol was often used by many people, and overall the number known is not large. (2) Those bearing the name of a magistrate, along with the name of a month from the Doric calendar, but without any emblem (Fig. 23.b).
Many handles of amphorae from Knidos have been found on different sites. Their clay is coarser than the Rhodian, its colour darker and duller, and the amphorae differ also somewhat in form, nor are they of so early a date, being mostly as late as the Roman Empire. The stamps on the Cnidian amphorae, like those of Rhodes, are inscribed with the name of the eponymous magistrate, and also with that of the wine-grower or exporter of the produce, which is always marked as Cnidian. The stamps show a great variety in the matter of emblems. Remains of Cnidian amphorae have been found in Sicily, at Athens, Alexandria, and Olbia. The palaeography of the inscriptions covers a period of two centuries, from Augustus to Marcus Aurelius, or even later.
Many amphora handles from Knidos have been discovered at various sites. The clay is rougher than that of the Rhodian amphorae, its color is darker and more muted, and they also have slightly different shapes, not dating as early, mostly coming from the Roman Empire period. The stamps on the Cnidian amphorae, similar to those from Rhodes, feature the name of the leading magistrate and the name of the wine-grower or exporter, always labeled as Cnidian. The stamps display a wide range of emblems. Remnants of Cnidian amphorae have been found in Sicily, Athens, Alexandria, and Olbia. The paleography of the inscriptions spans two centuries, from Augustus to Marcus Aurelius, or even later.
Numerous examples have been found of handles of amphorae,
in which the celebrated wine of Thasos was exported to places
such as Thasos and Olbia. The stamps are nearly square,
with a device in the middle, the inscription
,
and the
name of an official. The names are usually in the nominative,
but in one instance at least the genitive is used. The symbols
include an amphora, kneeling archer, cornucopia, dolphin, etc.
(Fig. 24).[527] The known stamps of Paros are few in number;
they are simply inscribed
,
which in one instance is
written retrograde.[528]
Numerous examples of amphora handles have been found, showing that the famous wine from Thasos was exported to locations like Thasos and Olbia. The stamps are almost square, featuring a design in the center, the inscription
and the name of an official. The names are typically in the nominative case, but there is at least one instance where the genitive is used. The symbols include an amphora, a kneeling archer, a cornucopia, a dolphin, etc.
(Fig. 24).[527] The known stamps from Paros are few; they simply bear the inscription
,
which in one case is written in reverse.[528]
Handles inscribed with the name of an aedile (ἀστυνόμος) and of another person, probably a magistrate, have been found on various sites in the Crimea and Southern Russia, principally at Olbia. At Panticapaeum (Kertch) two amphorae were found with stamps across the neck, thus:
Handles marked with the name of an aedile (ἀστυνόμος) and another individual, likely a magistrate, have been discovered at different locations in the Crimea and Southern Russia, mainly at Olbia. In Panticapaeum (Kertch), two amphorae were found with stamps along the neck, like this:
the upper name being that of the magistrate.[529] These vases
appear to have been made on the spot.
the upper name is that of the magistrate.[529] These vases seem to have been created on-site.

From Dumont.
FIG. 24. AMPHORA-STAMPS FROM THASOS.
From Dumont.
FIG. 24. Amphora stamps from Thasos.
Stoddart also mentions amphora-handles as having come from Corinth,[530] with names which can be traced to the time of the Roman dominion. Falkner found at Pompeii an amphora with a Greek inscription of three lines painted in red and black, with the name of Menodotos and the letters KOR. OPT., which may mean “the best Corcyraean brand.”[531] A bibliography of the subject is appended below.[532]
Stoddart also points out that amphora handles came from Corinth,[530] with names that can be traced back to the time of Roman rule. Falkner discovered an amphora at Pompeii with a three-line Greek inscription painted in red and black, featuring the name Menodotos and the letters KOR. OPT., which may mean “the best Corcyraean brand.”[531] A bibliography on the topic is included below.[532]
Among painted vases the amphora holds a high place, especially in the black-figure period, during which it was most prominent. It is distinguished from the plain type, as already pointed out, by the proportions of the body, as well as by the graceful curve of the handles and the flat circular foot. The variations in its form at different places and periods are so marked that they have led to the adoption of qualifying adjectives for each kind. Although these names cannot now be accepted in a strict sense, they are sometimes useful as conventional expressions. We proceed to describe these in detail.
Among painted vases, the amphora is highly regarded, especially during the black-figure period when it was most popular. It stands out from the plain type, as previously mentioned, due to its body proportions, the elegant curve of its handles, and its flat circular base. The variations in its shape across different regions and times are so distinct that they have led to the use of specific adjectives for each type. While these names aren't strictly accurate anymore, they can still be useful as conventional terms. We will now describe these in detail.
(1) The origin of the Greek amphora is clearly to be sought in the pithos of primitive times, as may be seen in the vases of the Melian and Proto-Attic classes, and in the early vases with reliefs from Boeotia, Crete, Thera, and elsewhere. It is not found in the Mycenaean style, the large vases of which come under the heading of the krater (see below); and its appearance in Greece dates from the developed stage of the Geometrical period. The earliest specimens among the painted vases are virtually small pithoi, characterised by a long cylindrical neck, and large elaborate handles obviously imitating metal (see p. 495). Of this type are several of the Boeotian Geometrical and Proto-Attic vases discussed in Chapter VII.,[533] and the Boeotian vases with reliefs.[534] Among the Proto-Attic vases found at Vourva a development occurs, in which the neck is greatly elongated, and the body becomes exceedingly slim, while the handles are simplified into plain flat bands united to the neck by bars of clay (see Fig. 89, p. 299). This form is found still further developed in the prothesis-amphorae of the B.F. period[535]; but these are comparatively rare, and the more normal evolution of the amphora with cylindrical neck is to be traced in the varieties (2) and (6) described below.
(1) The Greek amphora likely originated from the pithos of ancient times, as can be seen in the vases from the Melian and Proto-Attic styles and in the early vases with reliefs from Boeotia, Crete, Thera, and other places. It's not found in the Mycenaean style, which features large vases categorized as kraters (see below); its presence in Greece begins during the developed stage of the Geometric period. The earliest examples among the painted vases are basically small pithoi, marked by a long cylindrical neck and big, intricate handles that clearly mimic metal (see p. 495). This type includes several of the Boeotian Geometric and Proto-Attic vases discussed in Chapter VII.,[533] and the Boeotian vases with reliefs.[534] Among the Proto-Attic vases found at Vourva, there's a development where the neck is significantly elongated, and the body becomes very slim, while the handles are simplified into plain flat bands connected to the neck with clay bars (see Fig. 89, p. 299). This form is further developed in the prothesis-amphorae of the B.F. period[535]; however, these are relatively rare, and the more typical evolution of the amphora with a cylindrical neck can be traced in the varieties (2) and (6) described below.

FIG. 25. “TYRRHENIAN” AMPHORA.
FIG. 25. “TYRRHENIAN” VASE.
(2) The early amphorae preceding the ordinary B.F. Athenian types were divided by Gerhard into two classes, “Egyptian” and “Tyrrhenian.”[536] He describes the former as a vase with tolerably pronounced curve of body, entirely covered with horizontal bands of figures; the latter as of similar form, but with decoration confined to a panel on either side. As regards shape, therefore, the two are actually one, and may be regarded as such for our present purpose; but it is curious to note that the particular class called “Egyptian” by Gerhard has since his time been generally known as “Tyrrhenian,” while his “Tyrrhenian” class has now received, from the peculiar mannerisms of the paintings, the name of “affected” vases.[537] At all events the word is convenient to adhere to for the description of this particular shape (Fig. 25), with its long, egg-shaped body, the vertical section of which is almost an ellipse, a shape common to all early B.F. fabrics—Athenian, Rhodian, Ionic, and Corinthian—but best illustrated by the “Corintho-Attic” class described by Thiersch.[538] It is seldom found in purely Attic examples, and disappears after the middle of the sixth century.
(2) The early amphorae that came before the standard B.F. Athenian types were categorized by Gerhard into two classes: "Egyptian" and "Tyrrhenian."[536] He describes the "Egyptian" type as a vase with a noticeably curved body, fully covered in horizontal bands of figures; the "Tyrrhenian" type has a similar shape, but with decoration limited to a panel on each side. In terms of shape, the two are essentially the same and can be treated as such for our current discussion; however, it's interesting to note that the class Gerhard called "Egyptian" is now generally referred to as "Tyrrhenian," while his "Tyrrhenian" class is recognized today by its distinct painting styles as "affected" vases.[537] Regardless, it's practical to use this terminology to describe this specific shape (Fig. 25), which features a long, egg-shaped body, with a vertical section that is nearly an ellipse, a shape common to all early B.F. styles—Athenian, Rhodian, Ionic, and Corinthian—but best illustrated by the "Corintho-Attic" class detailed by Thiersch.[538] It is rarely found in purely Attic examples and fades away after the middle of the sixth century.

FIG. 26. PANATHENAIC AMPHORA.
FIG. 26. PANATHENAIC AMPHORA.
(3) Gerhard’s next class is that of the Panathenaic amphorae, which have a long body shaped something like a top, and tapering sharply downwards; the mouth, handles, and neck are small, as is also the foot (Fig. 26). It is so called as being the characteristic form of the earlier (sixth-century) Panathenaic prize-vases, but is also occasionally found in the ordinary fabrics. This type, together with the two following examples, not mentioned explicitly by Gerhard or the other early writers, form the class of “black-bodied” amphorae, as they may conveniently be termed, in order to distinguish those with panel-decoration from those in which the body is entirely covered with red glaze (see below).
(3) Gerhard’s next class is the Panathenaic amphorae, which have a long body shaped somewhat like a top, tapering sharply downward; the mouth, handles, neck, and foot are all small (Fig. 26). They are named for being the characteristic form of the earlier (sixth-century) Panathenaic prize vases but can also occasionally be found in ordinary fabrics. This type, along with the two following examples, which Gerhard or other early writers didn’t specifically mention, makes up the class of “black-bodied” amphorae, as they can easily be labeled, to distinguish them from those with panel decoration and those whose body is completely covered with red glaze (see below).
(4) The second variety of “black-bodied” amphora (Fig. 27.) is closely akin to the Panathenaic, but the body is better proportioned. It is characterised by the wide mouth in the form of a thick ring, the cylindrical handles, and the concave curve of the shoulder. From the style of the paintings it is probable that this variety must be placed early in the black-figure period.
(4) The second type of “black-bodied” amphora (Fig. 27.) is very similar to the Panathenaic one, but its body is better proportioned. It features a wide mouth shaped like a thick ring, cylindrical handles, and a concave curve on the shoulder. Based on the style of the paintings, it's likely that this type belongs to the early part of the black-figure period.

FIG. 27. PANEL-AMPHORA.
FIG. 27. PANEL-AMPHORA.
(5) This type, on the other hand, is later in the period, being developed out of the last, from which it is marked off only by the form of the handles, which are broad and flanged, and often decorated with patterns. These vases are mostly of large size, and are transitional, some R.F. varieties being known. The paintings on them are in the style of Exekias, Andokides, and Euthymides (see for an example Plates XXXI., XXXII.).
(5) This type, on the other hand, comes later in the period, developed from the last one, which it is distinguished from only by the shape of the handles, which are wide and flared, often decorated with designs. These vases are mostly large and represent a transition, with some R.F. varieties being known. The paintings on them follow the style of Exekias, Andokides, and Euthymides (see examples in Plates XXXI., XXXII).
(6) The shape of the “red-bodied” amphora (Fig. 28) is peculiar to the black-figure period.[539] Its characteristic features are the straight, cylindrical neck, with its chain of lotos-and-honeysuckle, the width of the shoulder, and the ribbed handles, formed from moulds in two or three parallel pieces. Artistically it is far superior to the black-bodied, and includes some of the finest specimens of B.F. painting (as in the vases of Exekias), while the decorative element reaches the perfection of beauty and symmetry.
(6) The shape of the “red-bodied” amphora (Fig. 28) is unique to the black-figure period.[539] Its key features are the straight, cylindrical neck adorned with a chain of lotos and honeysuckle, the broad shoulder, and the ribbed handles made from molds in two or three parallel pieces. Artistically, it is much better than the black-bodied ones and includes some of the best examples of black-figure painting (like the vases by Exekias), while the decorative aspect achieves perfect beauty and symmetry.

FIG. 28. RED-BODIED AMPHORA.
FIG. 28. RED-BODIED AMPHORA.
(7) The red-bodied amphora seems to have been the prototype of what is the most characteristic form of the red-figure period—the so-called “Nolan” amphora (Fig. 29).[540] These have been largely, but not exclusively, found at Nola, whither they seem to have been imported in large numbers from Greece. The whole vase is covered with black, and the decoration confined to one or two figures each side, while the elegant and beautiful outline, the lustre of the varnish, and the restraint of the designs combine to render these perhaps the most beautiful products of Athenian ceramic art. The handles are sometimes four-sided, more often ribbed, and sometimes formed of two twisted strands, produced by rolling up the soft paste; the general outline is that of the last class, but the proportions are far more slender and graceful.
(7) The red-bodied amphora appears to be the prototype of what is the most typical form of the red-figure period—the so-called “Nolan” amphora (Fig. 29).[540] These have mostly, but not exclusively, been discovered at Nola, where they seem to have been imported in large quantities from Greece. The entire vase is covered in black, with decoration limited to one or two figures on each side. The elegant and beautiful outline, the shine of the glaze, and the simplicity of the designs together make these some of the most stunning examples of Athenian ceramic art. The handles are sometimes four-sided, more often ribbed, and occasionally made from two twisted strands created by rolling up the soft clay; the overall shape resembles that of the last class, but the proportions are much more slender and graceful.

FIG. 29. “NOLAN” AMPHORA.
FIG. 29. “NOLAN” VASE.
(8) The Apulian amphora (Fig. 30) illustrates the form which, though generally adopted in Apulia, may have had its origin at Athens, as it is adopted for the fourth-century Panathenaic amphorae.[541] It is distinguished by its great size and egg-shaped body; the mouth is thick and high, spreading out like an inverted cone, and the neck is not cylindrical, but merges into the shoulder. A variety of the Apulian amphora, hardly common enough to form a separate class, was formerly known as the “candelabrum-amphora,” from its resemblance to an incense-burner (an object wrongly interpreted formerly as a candelabrum, or lamp-stand). Its peculiarities are the cylindrical body, tall neck, and elaborate handles in the form of double scrolls.[542]
(8) The Apulian amphora (Fig. 30) shows a design that, while commonly used in Apulia, may have originated in Athens, as seen in the Panathenaic amphorae from the fourth century.[541] It stands out because of its large size and egg-shaped body; the mouth is thick and tall, flaring out like an inverted cone, and the neck isn't cylindrical but blends into the shoulder. A variant of the Apulian amphora, which is not common enough to be considered a distinct type, was previously called the “candelabrum-amphora” because it resembles an incense burner (an object that was mistakenly identified earlier as a candelabrum, or lamp-stand). Its unique features include a cylindrical body, a tall neck, and ornate handles shaped like double scrolls.[542]

FIG. 30. APULIAN AMPHORA.
FIG. 30. Apulian Amphora.
(9) The Campanian amphora is derived directly from the “Nolan,” and is in fact a local adaptation, but it was chiefly manufactured at Cumae.[543] It generally has twisted handles, and is painted in polychrome; the proportions are somewhat more elongated than those of the “Nolan” class.
(9) The Campanian amphora comes directly from the “Nolan” style and is actually a local version, but it was mainly produced in Cumae.[543] It typically features twisted handles and is painted in multiple colors; its proportions are a bit more elongated than those of the “Nolan” class.
(10) A rare variety of the amphora is sometimes found in the red-figure period, with large spheroidal body and pointed base, intended to be placed in a separate stand. The conventional name of diota is sometimes given to this form, from its imitation of the pointed base of the wine-amphora.[544]
(10) A rare type of amphora sometimes appears in the red-figure period, featuring a large rounded body and a pointed base, designed to be placed on a separate stand. This form is often referred to as diota, because it resembles the pointed base of a wine amphora.[544]
(11) The last variety of the amphora which calls for consideration is the wide-bellied type, usually called (on very slight authority) a pelike, πελίkη (Fig. 31).[545] The name was invented by Gerhard, and has been generally adopted since, but is only to be regarded as a conventional term. This form, which swells out towards the base, and has no stem or neck, is very rarely found before the fifth century,[546] but is common in the R.F. period, and in the Apulian style, in which its proportions are usually more slender.
(11) The last type of amphora we should consider is the wide-bellied one, often referred to (with little backing) as a pelike, πελίkη (Fig. 31).[545] This term was created by Gerhard and has been widely used since, but it should just be seen as a conventional label. This shape, which bulges out at the bottom and lacks a stem or neck, is very rarely found before the fifth century,[546] but is common during the R.F. period and in the Apulian style, where its proportions are usually more slender.

FIG. 31. SO-CALLED “PELIKE.”
FIG. 31. SO-CALLED "PELIKE."
The amphora when complete usually had a cover of clay, either coated with a plain black varnish or decorated with bands and patterns; it was lifted by means of a central knob. An amphora in the Berlin Museum (Cat. 1860) has a double cover, the inner one being of alabaster.
The amphora, when finished, typically had a clay lid, which was either coated in a simple black glaze or decorated with bands and patterns; it was lifted by a central knob. An amphora in the Berlin Museum (Cat. 1860) features a double lid, with the inner one made of alabaster.
Of the other names which seem to denote vases adapted for containing and storing wine or other commodities, the most important is the Stamnos (στάμνος), used for holding wine and oil. It is mentioned by Pollux[547] in his list of wine-jars, and he quotes a line from Aristophanes about “a stamnos of Chian wine arriving.” The diminutives σταμνίον and σταμνάριον are also found, and Aristophanes speaks of a “small Thasian stamnos of wine.”[548] The amphora is defined in the Etymologicum Magnum as “a two-eared σταμνίον.” It has been generally identified with a form well known in the R.F. period, but only found in that style: a spherical jar with short thick neck and small side-handles, of which some very beautiful specimens exist (Fig. 32). The word is still in use in modern Greek.
Of the other names that refer to vases meant for holding and storing wine or other items, the most significant is the Stamnos (pitcher), used for containing wine and oil. It is mentioned by Pollux[547] in his list of wine-jars, and he quotes a line from Aristophanes about “a stamnos of Chian wine arriving.” The smaller versions pitcher and σταμνάριον are also noted, and Aristophanes talks about a “small Thasian stamnos of wine.”[548] The amphora is defined in the Etymologicum Magnum as “a two-eared jug.” It has generally been identified with a form well known in the R.F. period, but only found in that style: a spherical jar with a short thick neck and small side-handles, of which some very beautiful examples exist (Fig. 32). The word is still used in modern Greek.

FIG. 32. STAMNOS.
FIG. 32. STAMNOS.
The βῖκος is described by Hesychios as a στάμνος with ears, and by Eustathius as a vessel holding wine[549]; it was also used for figs and salted food.[550] It is probably only another name for the στάμνοςστάμνος, but it seems to be inaccurately described by Athenaeus[551] as “a saucer-shaped drinking-cup” (φιαλῶδες ποτήριον). It was apparently identical with the ὕρχη,[552] a word used by Aristophanes,[553] but more commonly by Roman writers in its Latin form orca.
The βῖκος is described by Hesychios as a jug with ears, and by Eustathius as a vessel for holding wine[549]; it was also used for figs and salted food.[550] It’s probably just another name for the pitcher, but it seems to be inaccurately described by Athenaeus[551] as “a saucer-shaped drinking cup” (άσχημο ποτήρι). It was apparently the same as the ὕρχη,[552] a term used by Aristophanes,[553] but more commonly by Roman writers in its Latin form orca.

FIG. 33. SO-CALLED “LEKANE.”
FIG. 33. SO-CALLED "LEKANE."
The names of Apulian stamnos or λεκάνη have at different times been given to a late form of painted vase found in Southern Italy, with high or low stem, upright handles, and cover, which latter often takes an elaborate form, being surmounted by one or more small vases, also with handles (Fig. 33.). The word λεκάνη,[554] however, seems to indicate a large bowl rather than a covered jar, and no satisfactory name has as yet been found. A similar but flatter form of vase, like a covered bowl or dish, has been named λεκάνη, λεπαστή, or covered pyxis, but no name is satisfactory.
The names of Apulian stamnos or bowl have at various times been applied to a later type of painted vase found in Southern Italy, featuring high or low stems, upright handles, and a cover, which often has a decorative design topped with one or more small vases, also with handles (Fig. 33.). The word bowl,[554] however, seems to refer to a large bowl rather than a covered jar, and no suitable name has been identified yet. A similar, flatter type of vase, resembling a covered bowl or dish, has been called bowl, λεπαστή, or covered pyxis, but none of these names are completely satisfactory.
Another form of the same class is the κάδοs, with its diminutive καδίσκος, which is represented by the Latin situla, or bucket, the latter word being the one usually employed by archaeologists. It is a form easily to be recognised in Greek art, but is more usually found in metal-work, e.g. in Etruscan and Italian bronzes, than in pottery.[558] The painted situlae, of which a few late examples from Italian tombs exist, are obviously direct imitations of the metal buckets, and in some cases actually have movable bronze handles attached. The situla appears to have been used not only for keeping wine in the cellar, but for serving it up at banquets[559]; the word is also used by Aristophanes for a voting-urn and a well-bucket.[560] In Latin the uses were probably distinguished, cadus denoting a wine-jar, situla a water-bucket. Athenaeus obviously goes astray in regarding it as a drinking-cup.
Another type in the same category is the bins, with its smaller version καδίσκος, which is represented by the Latin situla, or bucket, the latter term being the one commonly used by archaeologists. This form is easily recognizable in Greek art, but it is more frequently found in metalwork, e.g. in Etruscan and Italian bronzes, than in pottery.[558] The painted situlae, of which a few late examples from Italian tombs exist, are clearly direct imitations of the metal buckets, and in some cases actually have movable bronze handles attached. The situla seems to have been used not only for storing wine in the cellar but also for serving it at banquets[559]; the term is also used by Aristophanes for a voting urn and a well bucket.[560] In Latin, the uses were likely differentiated, with jug referring to a wine jar and situla meaning a water bucket. Athenaeus clearly misinterprets it by considering it a drinking cup.
A vase which was used almost exclusively for carrying water was the Hydria, as is implied by its name (ὑδρία, from ὕδωρ). Its most essential characteristic is the possession of three handles, a large one at the back for carrying when empty, and two small horizontal handles at the sides for carrying when full. The shape of the body varies at different periods; in the B.F. period the shoulder is flat and marked off by a sharp angle from the body (Fig. 34); but about the beginning of the fifth century this is replaced by a form with more rounded outline and smaller handle at the back, generally known for the sake of distinction as a kalpis (Fig. 35). In the earlier variety (of which some R.F. examples are known) there are always two subjects, one forming a frieze on the shoulder, the other treated more in the manner of a metope on the body; they are invariably enclosed in frames or panels, as on the “black-bodied” amphorae. Sometimes a third subject in the form of a frieze of animals is added below. In the earlier stages of the B.F. period this form is seldom found, except in a class known as the “Caeretan hydriae,” distinguished (as far as concerns their shape) by their round, plump body, as also by the florid character of their ornament and curious treatment of subjects (p. 353). These vases were closely copied by the Etruscans. The kalpis form sometimes occurs with black figures, but only in small late specimens, chiefly found in Rhodes. In the vases of Southern Italy the kalpis is fairly popular, but the body is more cylindrical and the foot higher.
A vase that was primarily used for carrying water is called a Hydria, as its name suggests (hydria, from water). Its most important feature is having three handles: a large one at the back for carrying when it’s empty, and two smaller horizontal handles on the sides for carrying when it’s full. The shape of the body changes over time; during the B.F. period, the shoulder is flat and sharply defined from the body (Fig. 34), but around the start of the fifth century, it evolved into a form with a more rounded outline and a smaller back handle, commonly known as a kalpis (Fig. 35). In the earlier version (with some R.F. examples known), there are always two subjects: one appears as a frieze on the shoulder, while the other is treated more like a metope on the body; both are typically enclosed in frames or panels, much like the “black-bodied” amphorae. Sometimes, a third subject in the form of a frieze of animals is added below. In the earlier stages of the B.F. period, this form is rarely found, except in a type known as the “Caeretan hydriae,” which is recognized (in terms of shape) by its round, plump body, along with its ornate decorations and unique subject treatments (p. 353). These vases were closely imitated by the Etruscans. The kalpis shape sometimes features black figures, but only in small, late examples mainly found in Rhodes. In the vases from Southern Italy, the kalpis is quite popular, but its body is more cylindrical and has a higher foot.

FIG. 34. HYDRIA.
FIG. 34. HYDRIA.
Any doubt that might have existed as to the identification of the ὑδρία is solved by the appearance of the word inscribed over the pitcher which Polyxena dropped in her flight from Achilles, on the François vase. In a scene very common on B.F. hydriae, which represents women drawing water at a fountain, this form of vase is invariably depicted. The word seldom occurs in Greek literature, but Kallimachos speaks of καλπίδες placed on the roof of the Parthenon (?) at Athens, not, he says, by way of ornament, but as prizes of wrestlers.[561] Hence the idea was conceived by Panofka that Panathenaic prize-vases were of this form.
Any doubt that might have existed about identifying the hydration is cleared up by the word inscribed on the pitcher that Polyxena dropped while fleeing from Achilles, found on the François vase. In a scene that's very common on B.F. hydriae, which shows women drawing water at a fountain, this type of vase is always depicted. The word doesn't appear often in Greek literature, but Kallimachos mentions ballots placed on the roof of the Parthenon (?) in Athens, not, he says, as decoration, but as prizes for wrestlers.[561] This led Panofka to suggest that Panathenaic prize-vases were of this design.

FIG. 35. KALPIS.
FIG. 35. KALPIS.
Pollux (x. 74) thinks that the hydria was also a wine-vase, and suggests its identity with the πλημοχόη, a vase with broad base used in the Mysteries; but Athenaeus[562] implies that this was used for pouring, and it must therefore have been some kind of jug. The κάλπις is actually identified with the ὑδρία by Aristophanes, as may be seen by a comparison of two lines in the Lysistrata.[563] From a passage in Isocrates[564] it would appear that the hydria was used as a voting-urn or ballot-box, but the κάδος was more generally used for this purpose. That the amphora was also so used we know from Athenian coins.
Pollux (x. 74) believes that the hydria was also a wine vase and suggests that it’s the same as the πλημοχόη, a vase with a broad base used in the Mysteries. However, Athenaeus[562] suggests that this was used for pouring, which means it must have been some kind of jug. The kálpis is actually identified with the hydration by Aristophanes, as can be seen in a comparison of two lines in the Lysistrata.[563] From a passage in Isocrates[564], it seems that the hydria was used as a voting urn or ballot box, but the container was more commonly used for that purpose. We know from Athenian coins that the amphora was also used in this way.
The next class to be considered is that of vases employed for mixing wine and water for drinking, for which the generic name is that of κρατήρ (from κεράννυμι, “I mix”). Before discussing this form, however, allusion must be made to a vessel which is variously described as a hydria or a krater, and is therefore a link between the two varieties; it was at any rate pre-eminently a water-jar, and was known as a κρωσσός (connected with Fr. cruche = Eng. “crock”). We have no indications of its form except that it had two handles[565]; Pollux (viii. 66) ranks it with the ὑδρία and κάλπις as a water-vessel.[566] It was also used for holding ashes,[567] and Plutarch enumerates it among the vessels in the bath of Darius.[568] Of the same character was perhaps the ἀρδάνιον or ἀρδάλιον, described as a water-pot.[569] Athenaeus also mentions a πρόαρον, or wooden vessel of the krater type, as used in Attica.[570]
The next category to look at is vases used for mixing wine and water for drinking, which is generically called a krater (from κεράννυμι, “I mix”). Before diving into this type, we need to mention a vessel that’s described as either a hydria or a krater, which connects the two types; it was primarily a water jar, known as a krossos (linked to Fr. cruche = Eng. “crock”). We don’t have any details about its shape, except that it had two handles[565]; Pollux (viii. 66) places it alongside the hydria and κάλπις as a water vessel.[566] It was also used for holding ashes,[567] and Plutarch includes it among the vessels in the bath of Darius.[568] Similarly, there was perhaps the ἀρδάνιον or ἀρδάλιον, described as a water pot.[569] Athenaeus also mentions a πρόαρον, a wooden vessel of the krater type, used in Attica.[570]
The Krater is distinguished from the amphora by its larger body, wider mouth, and smaller handles. It was often placed on a stand, called ὑποκρατήριον, or ὑποκρατηρίδιον,[571] which was either of pottery or metal such as bronze. This either took the form of a hollow cylindrical base, painted with subjects, or of an elaborately moulded stem with egg-and-tongue and other patterns.[572] It is constantly mentioned in Homer, but the kraters standing in the halls of the great palaces, as in that of Odysseus, were made of gold or silver. It is on the average the largest of all Greek vases (except the pithos), some of the later Apulian specimens (of which F 278 in the B.M. is one) reaching a height of about four feet; the ordinary examples have a capacity of three or four gallons. The names Argolic, Lesbian, Laconian, Corinthian, and Thericleian are applied to it by various ancient authors.[573]
The Krater is different from the amphora because it has a larger body, a wider mouth, and smaller handles. It was often placed on a stand, known as hypoctratic or subordinate jurisdiction,[571] which could be made of pottery or metal like bronze. This stand could either be a hollow cylindrical base, decorated with designs, or an intricately shaped stem with egg-and-tongue and other patterns.[572] It is frequently mentioned in Homer's works, but the kraters displayed in the great palaces, like Odysseus's, were crafted from gold or silver. On average, it is the largest of all Greek vases (except the pithos), with some later Apulian examples (such as F 278 in the B.M.) reaching about four feet in height; typical ones hold three or four gallons. Ancient authors referred to it using names like Argolic, Lesbian, Laconian, Corinthian, and Thericleian.[573]
In the different fabrics of Greek pottery it takes several distinct forms, to which convenient descriptive names have been given by Italian dealers, and some attempt has been made to identify names given by classical authors as forms of the krater, but without any success. The Italian names, however, which will be mentioned in due course, are somewhat cumbersome for English use.
In the various styles of Greek pottery, it comes in several distinct forms, which Italian dealers have conveniently named, and there has been some effort to link these names to those used by classical authors for types of krater, but this has not been successful. However, the Italian names, which will be discussed later, are a bit clunky for English speakers.
Among Mycenaean vases there is a variety almost confined to Cyprus, to which the name of krater may fairly be given.[574] Its chief characteristics are a wide spheroidal body, hardly contracted at the neck (which in some varieties is non-existent), flat vertical side-handles, and a high stem. We hardly meet with this form again until the end of the Corinthian style, when it suddenly leaps into popularity.[575] The form in which it appears recalls, though it can hardly be imitated from, the Mycenaean krater, but the stem disappears, and the body is in section about two-thirds of a circle.[576] It is clearly a local invention, and on the evidence of finds at Syracuse, its first appearance may be traced to the first half of the seventh century. Its distinguishing feature, however, is in the handles, each of which is composed of two short vertical bars, sometimes meeting in an arch, supporting a flat square piece formed by a projection from the flat broad rim, which is generally decorated. From the columnar appearance of these handles, the type has received the name of vaso a colonnette, which at all events is a more accurate description than the name κελέβη which, first proposed by Gerhard, has been generally employed by archaeologists, on what grounds it is not clear. This word, as described by Athenaeus, is clearly intended to imply a drinking-cup of some kind[577]; he quotes from Anakreon (frag. 63, Bergk), who speaks of drinking its contents at one draught (ἄμυστιν). On the other hand he quotes the authority of Pamphilos for identifying it with the θερμοπότις, or “water-heater,” a kind of kettle. The probability is that it was a general and loosely-employed word.
Among Mycenaean vases, there is a type almost exclusive to Cyprus, which can rightly be called a krater.[574] Its main features are a wide, rounded body that typically has a non-constricted neck (which is absent in some versions), flat vertical side handles, and a tall stem. We rarely encounter this shape again until the end of the Corinthian style, when it suddenly becomes popular.[575] The form it takes resembles the Mycenaean krater, though it’s unlikely to be directly copied from it; the stem is gone, and the body is roughly two-thirds of a circle in cross-section.[576] It’s clearly a local invention, and based on discoveries at Syracuse, its earliest instances can be traced back to the first half of the seventh century. Its key feature is in the handles, each made up of two short vertical bars, sometimes joining in an arch, supporting a flat square piece that extends from the flat broad rim, which is usually decorated. Due to the column-like appearance of these handles, the type has been named column vase, which is a more accurate description than the term κελέβη that was first suggested by Gerhard and has been commonly used by archaeologists for unclear reasons. This term, as described by Athenaeus, clearly refers to a drinking cup of some sort[577]; he quotes Anakreon (frag. 63, Bergk), who mentions drinking its contents all in one go (ἄμυστιν). Conversely, he also cites Pamphilos, who identifies it with the thermopot, or "water heater," a type of kettle. It’s likely that this was a general term used loosely.

FIG. 36. KRATER WITH COLUMN-HANDLES.
FIG. 36. Krater with column handles.
The column-handled krater is also found in the Naukratis wares of the sixth century, as well as in the imitations of Corinthian fabrics in which the Campana collection of the Louvre is so rich; the clay, style, and inscriptions of the latter clearly show their Corinthian origin, apart from the form. This krater is often decorated with friezes of figures (as in the famous Amphiaraos krater, p. 319). In the few existing Attic examples with black figures the subjects are in framed panels. This form, after dying out before the end of the sixth century, is revived towards the middle of the fifth in the later R.F. fabrics, but in a much altered form, which gives greater prominence to the columnar character of the handles. The neck is higher and narrower, and the handles consequently lengthened, the square tops being much diminished, and the body also takes a narrower and straighter form. In the fabrics of Southern Italy this development is even more strongly marked, and the elongated neck is adorned with an ivy-wreath in a panel; this type enjoyed some popularity both in Apulia and Lucania. The system of panel-decoration is employed throughout in all these cases.
The column-handled krater is also present in the Naukratis wares from the sixth century, as well as in the Corinthian-style imitations found in the Campana collection at the Louvre, which is quite extensive. The clay, style, and inscriptions of these pieces clearly indicate their Corinthian origin, aside from their shape. This krater is often embellished with friezes of figures (like in the famous Amphiaraos krater, p. 319). In the few surviving Attic examples featuring black figures, the subjects are arranged within framed panels. This style, which faded out before the end of the sixth century, was revived around the middle of the fifth century with later red-figure wares, but in a significantly altered form that emphasizes the column-like nature of the handles. The neck is taller and narrower, which leads to longer handles, with the square tops being reduced in size, and the body becomes narrower and straighter as well. In the Southern Italian wares, this evolution is even more pronounced, with the elongated neck featuring an ivy-wreath in a panel; this design was fairly popular in both Apulia and Lucania. The panel-decoration system is consistently used across all these examples.

FIG. 37. VOLUTE-HANDLED KRATER.
FIG. 37. VOLUTE-HANDLED KRATER.

FIG. 38. CALYX-KRATER
FIG. 38. CALYX-KRATER

FIG. 39. BELL-KRATER
FIG. 39. BELL-KRATER
In Southern Italy the krater holds the same position as the amphora of the B.F. period.[580] The calyx- and bell-kraters are the two forms chiefly affected in the transition period when Athenian artists were working in Italy, or Italian artists directly under the influence of Athenian (see p. 465), but they are also found among the purely local fabrics, especially those of Cumae and Paestum (ibid.). The calyx-krater seems to have been reserved for the better and more carefully-executed specimens,[581] and the Italian bell-kraters often have a top-heavy effect from the greater height of their stems.
In Southern Italy, the krater is as important as the amphora from the B.F. period.[580] The calyx- and bell-kraters are the two primary forms affected during the transition period when Athenian artists were working in Italy, or Italian artists were directly influenced by Athenian styles (see p. 465). However, they can also be found among entirely local styles, especially those from Cumae and Paestum (ibid.). The calyx-krater appears to have been used for the higher quality and more carefully crafted pieces,[581] while the Italian bell-kraters often have a top-heavy appearance due to the taller stems.
In Apulia (and occasionally also in Lucania—the Campanian potters did not affect large vases) the volute-handled krater once more appears, in great magnificence. Not only is the total size and bulk increased, but the neck is lengthened and the handles are often treated with great elaboration of detail, ending below in swans’ necks spreading over the vase. In Apulia the volutes are generally replaced by medallions (whence the Italian name vaso con maniche a mascheroni) decorated with Gorgons’ heads or figures, in relief, painted white, yellow, and red. These vases are sometimes, but incorrectly, called amphorae; they range from two to three or four feet in height. They are generally painted from head to foot with subjects, often of a sepulchral nature, and were no doubt largely made for use at funeral ceremonies. They are more fully described in Chapter XI.
In Apulia (and sometimes in Lucania—Campanian potters didn’t make large vases), the volute-handled krater appears again, looking quite magnificent. Not only is the overall size and bulk increased, but the neck is longer and the handles are often detailed, ending in swan necks that spread across the vase. In Apulia, the volutes are generally replaced by medallions (hence the Italian name vase with grotesque handles) decorated with Gorgons’ heads or figures, in relief, painted in white, yellow, and red. These vases are sometimes incorrectly called amphorae; they range in height from two to three or four feet. They are typically painted from top to bottom with subjects, often relating to funerals, and were likely created for use in funeral ceremonies. They are described in more detail in Chapter XI.

FIG. 40. LUCANIAN KRATER.
FIG. 40. LUCANIAN KRATER.
The last variety of krater (Fig. 40) is formed by a peculiar type of vase, apparently devised by the Iapygian aborigines of Southern Italy,[582] which has a wide mouth and sloping shoulder, and sometimes a high neck. Its peculiarity is that it has four handles, two upright and two horizontal, to the sides of which large discs are attached, whence its Italian name is vaso con maniche a rotelle, from the wheel or rosette patterns painted on the discs. This feature caused Panofka to give it the name of νεστορίς, with reference to the famous four-handled cup of Nestor (Il. xi. 632). It need hardly be pointed out that there can be little in common between this form and the drinking-cup used by the Homeric hero, in spite of the fact that the latter was too heavy for an ordinary man to lift. We need not suppose that Nestor’s cup (concerning which see below, p. 181) was larger than an ordinary “loving-cup,” and the poet was probably guilty of a pardonable exaggeration. As a painted vase, this four-handled krater is peculiar to Lucania, and it is interesting to note that it sometimes appears depicted on Lucanian vases as used in daily life.[583]
The last type of krater (Fig. 40) is made from a unique kind of vase, likely created by the Iapygian natives of Southern Italy,[582] which has a wide opening and sloping shoulder, and occasionally a tall neck. What makes it unique is that it has four handles—two upright and two horizontal—each attached to large discs, which is why it's called 杯子有轮子把手, due to the wheel or rosette designs painted on the discs. This feature led Panofka to name it νεστορίς, referring to the famous four-handled cup of Nestor (Il. xi. 632). It's important to note that there is likely little resemblance between this shape and the drinking cup used by the Homeric hero, even though the latter was too heavy for an ordinary person to lift. We shouldn't think that Nestor’s cup (about which see below, p. 181) was any larger than a regular “loving-cup,” and the poet was probably guilty of a minor exaggeration. As a painted vase, this four-handled krater is specific to Lucania, and it's interesting to see it sometimes depicted on Lucanian vases as part of everyday life.[583]

FIG. 41. PSYKTER.
FIG. 41. PSYKTER.
Closely related to the krater is the ψυκτήρ or ψυγεύς, a wine-cooler (from ψύχω, “cool”), which was used for cooling wine by means of snow or cold water.[584] The extant specimens are but few in number and vary in form. The British Museum possesses a very remarkable specimen in the form of a B.F. panel amphora (B 148),[585] with double walls and bottom, and a large spout on one side, through which the snow or cold water was introduced into the outer space; it was afterwards withdrawn through an aperture in the bottom.[586] Similar vases in the “Chalcidian” style are also known. After the beginning of the R.F. period a new type was introduced in the shape of a vessel with a short neck, the body of which bulges out towards its base, and is supported on a high stem; it generally has two small eared handles (Fig. 41). Several R.F. examples are known, of which two are in the British Museum,[587] and three or four in the Louvre; the British Museum also possesses a late B.F. specimen (B 299). The designs are painted in a frieze round the vase.
Closely related to the krater is the cooler or refrigerator, a wine cooler (from ψύχω, “cool”), which was used to chill wine using snow or cold water.[584] The existing examples are few and vary in shape. The British Museum has a very notable example in the form of a B.F. panel amphora (B 148),[585] with double walls and base, and a large spout on one side that allowed snow or cold water to be added to the outer space; it was then withdrawn through an opening in the bottom.[586] Similar vases in the “Chalcidian” style are also known. After the beginning of the R.F. period, a new type was introduced: a vessel with a short neck, its body bulging out towards the base, and supported on a high stem; it usually has two small ear-shaped handles (Fig. 41). Several R.F. examples exist, two of which are in the British Museum,[587] and three or four in the Louvre; the British Museum also has a late B.F. example (B 299). The designs are painted in a frieze around the vase.
The ἀκρατοφόρος, or vessel for holding unmixed wine, seems to have been another name for the ψυκτήρ; Pollux (vi. 90) says the difference was that it was supported on small knobs (lit. small knucklebones) instead of a stem.
The drunkard, or container for holding pure wine, appears to have been another term for the Refrigerator; Pollux (vi. 90) states that the distinction was that it was propped up on small knobs (lit. small knucklebones) rather than a stem.

FIG. 42. DEINOS OR LEBES.
FIG. 42. DEINOS OR LEBES.
Another name identified in antiquity with the ψυκτήρ is that of the δῖνος (sometimes spelled δεῖνος); but the identity was more probably one of usage than of form.[588] As to the latter, there is considerable discrepancy in the accounts of the grammarians[589]; one calls it a deep cup tapering down to a point; another, probably more correctly, since it was certainly not a drinking-vessel, a clay vessel for wine without a base, but rounded underneath. In virtue of this description the name has usually been applied to a class of vase, commoner in the earlier periods than the later, and more often found on Greek sites than on Italian, which has a rounded base without foot, and no handles (Fig. 42). These vases are found as early as the seventh century in Greece, and were very common at Naukratis, appearing also in most of the B.F. fabrics. That they were used to contain the ashes of the dead is shown by the B.M. example already referred to (p. 146), which belongs to the end of the R.F. period.[590] In Southern Italy this form of vase is generally placed on a separate high moulded stem, and has a cover with an ornamental knob. A variety with hemispherical cover nearly equal in size to the vase itself has been identified with the ἡμίτομος (“cut in half”), a form mentioned by Athenaeus.[591]
Another name from ancient times associated with the cooler is the δῖνος (sometimes spelled άσχημος); however, this connection likely has more to do with usage than with form.[588] Regarding the latter, there are significant differences in the descriptions provided by grammarians[589]; one describes it as a deep cup tapering to a point, while another, probably more accurately, since it was definitely not meant for drinking, describes it as a clay vessel for wine that lacks a base but is rounded on the bottom. Based on this description, the term has usually been applied to a type of vase that was more common in earlier periods than in later ones, and was found more frequently at Greek sites than at Italian ones, having a rounded base without a foot and no handles (Fig. 42). These vases date back to at least the seventh century in Greece and were quite common at Naukratis, also appearing in most of the B.F. styles. The fact that they were used to hold the ashes of the dead is indicated by the B.M. example previously mentioned (p. 146), which comes from the end of the R.F. period.[590] In Southern Italy, this type of vase is typically placed on a separate high molded stem and has a cover with a decorative knob. A version with a hemispherical cover that is nearly the same size as the vase itself has been linked to the Halfway (“cut in half”), a type mentioned by Athenaeus.[591]
This type of vase has more usually been described by the name of λέβης, denoting a kettle or caldron; but though the form of the λέβης was practically the same (as we may gather from the fact of its always being placed on a tripod), the purpose for which it was used (i.e. for boiling water) and the fact that it was always of metal, suggest that it is not such an appropriate name as δῖνος for this form of painted vase. The λέβης is constantly mentioned in Homer, both as a cooking-vessel and as a washing-basin.[592] Herodotos[593] says that the Scythians used a λέβης for cooking flesh, which resembled the Lesbian krater, but was much larger. It was also the vessel in which the ram, and subsequently Pelias, were boiled by Medeia; and may be seen depicted in several B.F. representations of that story.[594] A golden lebes was placed at each angle of the temple of Zeus at Olympia.[595] It is also the name of the vessel used by the Boeotians in their ingenious contrivance at the siege of Delion.[596] To its use as a cinerary urn in the tragic poets we have already alluded.
This type of vase is more commonly referred to as a boiler, which means a kettle or cauldron. However, even though the shape of the boiler was practically the same (as evidenced by its consistent placement on a tripod), the purpose for which it was used (i.e., for boiling water) and the fact that it was always made of metal suggest that δῖνος is a more fitting name for this style of painted vase. The boiler is frequently mentioned in Homer's works as both a cooking vessel and a washing basin.[592] Herodotos[593] states that the Scythians used a boiler for cooking meat, which looked similar to the Lesbian krater but was much larger. It was also the vessel in which Medeia boiled the ram, and later Pelias; this can be seen depicted in several B.F. representations of that story.[594] A golden lebes was placed at each corner of the temple of Zeus at Olympia.[595] It’s also the name of the vessel used by the Boeotians in their clever setup during the siege of Delion.[596] We've already mentioned its use as a cinerary urn in the works of tragic poets.
The ordinary name for a cooking-vessel of earthenware in Greece was χύτρα, answering to our “pot”: it was used both for water and for solids, as well as for other domestic purposes. Children were exposed in χύτραι[597]; and a boy’s game called χυτρίνδα is described by Pollux[598]; it was apparently played in two ways, either by a boy representing a χύτρα, who was pulled about by the other players until he caught one, or by a boy carrying a pot, with some obscure reference to the story of Midas. There were several proverbial expressions connected with the χύτρα, such as ποικίλλειν χύτρας, “to paint pots,” expressive of useless labour, owing to the roughness of the ware; and together with the χοῦς, a vessel only known as a measure (12 kotylae or 5¾ pints), it played a part in the festival of the Anthesteria, one day of which was known as Χύτραι καὶ Χόες, or “Pot-and-Pan Day.”[599] The word χυτρόπους, used by Hesiod[600] and Aristophanes,[601] seems merely to denote a cooking-pot with feet. The πύραυνοι or κλίβανοι large clay vessels used either as brasiers or for baking purposes, have been already described in Chapter III.
The common name for a cooking pot made of clay in Greece was pot, similar to our “pot”: it was used for both liquids and solids, as well as for other household tasks. Children were placed in χύτραι[597]; and a boy's game called χυτρίνδα is mentioned by Pollux[598]; it seems to have been played in two ways, either with a boy acting as a pot, who was pulled around by the other players until he caught one, or with a boy carrying a pot, referencing the story of Midas. There were several sayings related to the pot, such as ποικίλλειν χύτρας, “to paint pots,” which expresses futile work, due to the roughness of the pottery; along with the χοῦς, a vessel known only as a measurement (12 kotylae or 5¾ pints), it played a role in the festival of the Anthesteria, one day of which was called Pots and Jugs, or “Pot-and-Pan Day.”[599] The term χυτρόπους, used by Hesiod[600] and Aristophanes,[601] seems to simply refer to a cooking pot with legs. The rockets or ovens, large clay vessels used for either braziers or baking, have already been discussed in Chapter III.
A few other general words for cooking-vessels and domestic utensils may also be mentioned here. The θερμαντήρ mentioned by Pollux[602] is presumably identical with the θερμοπότις and ἀναφαία of Athenaeus (475 D, 783 F), the former, as its name implies, being a vessel in which hot drinks were prepared. It seems to have been exclusively made of metal, and may, indeed, only be another name for the λέβης. It has, as we have seen, been identified with the κελέβη. Pollux gives a list of vessels used for warming water.[603]
A few other general terms for cooking vessels and household utensils can also be mentioned here. The heater referred to by Pollux[602] is likely the same as the thermopot and ἀναφαία mentioned by Athenaeus (475 D, 783 F), the former being a container specifically for preparing hot drinks, as its name suggests. It seems to have been made entirely of metal and may actually be just another name for the boiler. As we've seen, it has been identified with the κελέβη. Pollux lists the vessels used for warming water.[603]
The ἡθμός, or strainer,[604] answers to the modern colander, and is represented by a flat round vessel with long handle, of which some late fictile examples exist.[605] It is mentioned among the vessels in the Sigeian inscription,[606] but is there spelled ἡθμός. Most of the existing specimens are of bronze. The ὁλκεῖον mentioned by Athenaeus[607] appears to have been a bowl used for washing cups. The σκάφη (“boat”) is a general term used in the classics for vessels of varied import: basins, troughs, washing-tubs, bowls, etc.[608] It is the name used in inscriptions relating to the Panathenaic festival to describe the flat dishes or trays borne by the maidens who were called Skaphephori in the procession, as represented on the Parthenon frieze.[609] The diminutive form σκάφιον or σκαφεῖον also occurs, and is identified with καλπίον. The ὅλμος, generally used to denote a mortar,[610] also signified a bowl,[611] and had the special signification of the hollow bowl in which the priestess of Apollo sat when delivering oracles from the Delphic tripod. It may here be noted that the word τρίπους appears to be used in ancient writers[612] not only for the stand which supported the λέβης and other vessels, but for a vessel itself when thus supported on three feet. Most of the existing tripods are made of bronze,[613] but one or two fictile examples are known, including a very remarkable one in Berlin,[614] found at Tanagra, and covered with archaic paintings in the B.F. method.
The Behavior, or strainer,[604] corresponds to the modern colander and is depicted as a flat round vessel with a long handle, with a few late ceramic examples still around.[605] It’s mentioned among the vessels in the Sigeian inscription,[606] where it is spelled custom. Most of the existing examples are made of bronze. The ὁλκεῖον, referenced by Athenaeus,[607] appears to have been a bowl used for washing cups. The boats (“boat”) is a broad term in the classics for various vessels: basins, troughs, washing tubs, bowls, etc.[608] This term is used in inscriptions associated with the Panathenaic festival to describe the flat dishes or trays carried by the maidens known as Skaphephori in the procession, as depicted on the Parthenon frieze.[609] The diminutive forms sailing vessel or café also appear, and are identified with ballot box. The ὅλμος, typically used to mean a mortar,[610] also referred to a bowl,[611] and had the specific meaning of the hollow bowl where the priestess of Apollo sat when delivering oracles from the Delphic tripod. It’s worth noting that the term tripod seems to be used by ancient writers[612] not only for the stand that supported the boiler and other vessels, but also for a vessel itself when supported on three feet. Most existing tripods are made of bronze,[613] although one or two ceramic examples are known, including a very striking one in Berlin,[614] discovered at Tanagra and adorned with archaic paintings in the B.F. style.
On bathing and washing vessels our best authority is Pollux (x. 63); it is not, however, likely that they were often of earthenware. The ποδανιπτήρ at all events was of metal; it is often seen on R.F. vases with the subject of Theseus killing Procrustes.[615] Large vessels, resembling modern baths, were known by the names of πύελος: and ἀσαμινθος[616]; the λουτήριον, or laver, on a high stem, is frequently represented on South Italian vases,[617] but is a purely decorative adjunct. It is there painted white to indicate marble.
On bathing and washing vessels, our best source is Pollux (x. 63); however, it's unlikely that they were often made of earthenware. The foot wash basin was definitely made of metal; it's commonly depicted on R.F. vases showing Theseus killing Procrustes.[615] Large vessels that resemble modern baths were called πύελος and ἀσαμινθος[616]; the λούτριον, or laver, on a tall stem, is frequently shown on South Italian vases,[617] but it's mainly a decorative feature. It is painted white to represent marble.
The λεκάνη[618] should also perhaps be included here, as according to the literary accounts it was a basin used for washing feet or clothes, or for vomiting. It also served the purpose of a mortar, and was used in the game of kottabos. A method of divination sometimes practised was known as λεκανομαντεία and consisted in placing waxen images in a lekane full of water, which became as it were animated and sank, thus signifying the destruction of an enemy. In Pseudo-Callisthenes we read how Nectanebos, the supposed father of Alexander, made use of this procedure.[619]
The bowl[618] should probably be mentioned here as, according to literary sources, it was a basin used for washing feet or clothes, or for vomiting. It also functioned as a mortar and was used in the game of kottabos. A method of divination sometimes practiced was known as divination by looking at bowls, where wax figures were placed in a lekane filled with water. These figures were said to come to life and sink, symbolizing the downfall of an enemy. In Pseudo-Callisthenes, we read that Nectanebos, the supposed father of Alexander, utilized this technique.[619]

FIG. 43. OINOCHOË (7TH CENTURY).
FIG. 43. OINOCHOE (7TH CENTURY).
The next series with which we have to deal is that of vases used for pouring out wine and serving it at the table. They fall into two classes: the wine-jug for pouring, and the ladle for filling it out of the mixing-bowl. We begin with the series of wine-jugs, as being the more important.
The next group we need to discuss is the vases used for pouring wine and serving it at the table. They can be divided into two types: the wine jug for pouring and the ladle for filling it from the mixing bowl. We will start with the wine jugs since they are the more significant type.

FIG. 44. OINOCHOË (5TH CENTURY).
FIG. 44. WINE PITCHER (5TH CENTURY).
Of these the most conspicuous is the Oinochoë (οἰνοχόη, from οἴνος, “wine,” and χέω, “pour”), one of the most beautiful shapes among Greek vases. It appears in several forms, but the name is generally restricted to one, which corresponds most closely to the modern beer-jug. It is found at all periods, and the form never varies to any marked extent, except that the later examples are rather more graceful than the earlier, and some of the fine R.F. specimens reach the perfection of elegance in form and decoration (Fig. 44). Its chief characteristic is the trefoil-shaped mouth, but this is not invariable, many specimens having a plain circular lip. It is very commonly found in the Rhodian wares of the seventh century, with designs in a continuous frieze (Fig. 43); and a peculiar form appears in an Ionic fabric (see page 359), with egg-shaped body and coarse designs. In the B.F. period the subjects are nearly always in framed panels. Among the R.F. vases of the fine style, many diminutive oinochoae occur, nearly all of which were found at Athens, the subjects being those of children playing with go-carts and other toys, and sometimes with jugs of the same shape. As these appear to have been found in children’s tombs, it is evident that these painted specimens were actually used as playthings.[620]
Of these, the most noticeable is the Oinochoë (wine pourer, from wine, “wine,” and χέω, “pour”), one of the most beautiful shapes among Greek vases. It comes in several forms, but the name is usually limited to one that closely resembles a modern beer jug. It exists from all periods, and the form doesn't change much, except that later examples are a bit more elegant than the earlier ones, and some of the fine R.F. pieces achieve perfection in elegance of shape and decoration (Fig. 44). Its main feature is the trefoil-shaped mouth, but this isn’t always the case, as many pieces have a plain circular lip. It is commonly found in Rhodian wares from the seventh century, featuring designs in a continuous frieze (Fig. 43); and a unique form appears in an Ionic fabric (see page 359), with an egg-shaped body and rough designs. During the B.F. period, the subjects are almost always presented in framed panels. Among the R.F. vases of the fine style, many small oinochoae can be found, nearly all of which were discovered in Athens, depicting children playing with go-carts and other toys, and sometimes with jugs of the same shape. Since these were found in children’s tombs, it’s clear that these painted pieces were actually used as toys.[620]
The oinochoë is frequently represented in vase-paintings, chiefly in scenes of libation, in which ceremony it was invariably used for pouring wine into the phiale or patera, from which the libation was made. It occurs on the Parthenon frieze. In conjunction with the krater, or mixing-bowl, it is seen on a “Cyrenaic” kylix in the B.M. (B 3), in a scene representing a sacrifice. In reference to this may be quoted a curious injunction given by Hesiod (Op. et Di. 744),
The oinochoë is often shown in vase paintings, mainly in scenes of libation, where it was always used to pour wine into the phiale or patera, from which the libation was offered. It appears on the Parthenon frieze. Alongside the krater, or mixing-bowl, it can be seen on a “Cyrenaic” kylix in the British Museum (B 3), in a scene depicting a sacrifice. A related interesting remark from Hesiod can be found in (Op. et Di. 744),
μηδέ ποτ’ οἰνοχόην τιθέμεν κρητῆρος ὔπερθεν πινόντων,
Never pour wine into the mixing bowl for those who are drinking above it.
which seems to imply that it was considered an unlucky thing to put the jug back in its place on the edge of the krater during a banquet.[621] Thucydides[622] speaks of silver oinochoae in the temple at Eryx, in conjunction with libation-bowls and incense-burners, and Athenaeus[623] mentions similar offerings at Metapontum.

FIG. 45. PROCHOÖS.
FIG. 45. PROCHOÖS.
A variety of the oinochoë, which is not found before the middle of the R.F. period, but becomes very popular in Apulia, has a very high curved handle and tall stem, the body tapering straighter downwards (Fig. 45). This is usually known as the πρόχοος, and corresponds in form to our claret-decanter. The πρόχοος served the same purpose as the οἰνοχόη, and is frequently mentioned in Homer. It was used not only for pouring wine, but for water to wash the hands of guests.[624]
A type of oinochoë, which doesn't appear until the middle of the R.F. period but becomes very popular in Apulia, features a very high curved handle and a tall stem, with the body tapering straighter downwards (Fig. 45). This is commonly referred to as the σύγχρονος κύπελλος, and its shape is similar to our claret decanter. The pitcher served the same function as the wine pourer and is often mentioned in Homer. It was used not only for pouring wine but also for serving water to wash the hands of guests.[624]

FIG. 46. OLPE.
FIG. 46. OLPE.
A third form, usually known as the ὄλπη (Fig. 46), is almost cylindrical in shape, with plain or trefoil lip and no marked neck; it is more usually found in the B.F. period. In early B.F. wares the subjects on the olpae are usually painted on the side, adjoining the handle on the right[625]; they are always in panels. The word is mentioned by Sappho and Ion of Chios.[626]
A third type, commonly referred to as the ὄλπη (Fig. 46), has a nearly cylindrical shape, with either a plain or trefoil lip and no defined neck; it's more frequently found in the B.F. period. In early B.F. ceramics, the designs on the olpae are typically painted on the side, next to the handle on the right[625]; they always appear in panels. The term is mentioned by Sappho and Ion of Chios.[626]

FIG. 47. EPICHYSIS.
FIG. 47. EPICHYSIS.
Lastly, we have a curious form, only found in Apulia, and belonging to the extreme decadence of vase-painting (Fig. 47), which has a flat cylindrical body like a round toilet-box (see Pyxis, p. 198) with moulded edges. This is surmounted by a long narrow neck and beak-like semi-cylindrical mouth[627]; and the whole effect is awkward and inartistic. The name ἐπίχυσις, derived from the list given by Pollux,[628] is generally given to this form.
Lastly, we have an interesting shape that's only found in Apulia, representing the final decline of vase painting (Fig. 47). It has a flat cylindrical body resembling a round toilet box (see Pyxis, p. 198) with molded edges. This is topped with a long, narrow neck and a beak-like, semi-cylindrical opening[627]; and the overall look is clumsy and unartistic. The name pouring, based on the list provided by Pollux,[628] is typically used for this form.
For the ladle used for drawing wine out of the krater to fill the oinochoë the ordinary name was κύαθος (Lat. simpulum). This word also commonly denoted a measure of about one gill. Among the painted vases it is represented by a rare but particularly graceful shape, the body fashioned like a straight-sided bowl, with a high looped handle (Fig. 48). In the early B.F. examples a high stem is added. This shape is not found in the later R.F. period or in Southern Italy. The long handle is obviously for convenience in dipping.
For the ladle used to scoop wine from the krater into the oinochoë, the common name was cup (Lat. symbol). This term also usually referred to a measure of about one gill. Among the painted vases, it is shown in a rare but particularly elegant design, with the body shaped like a straight-sided bowl and a high looped handle (Fig. 48). In the early B.F. examples, a high stem is added. This design doesn't appear in the later R.F. period or in Southern Italy. The long handle is clearly for convenience when dipping.

FIG. 48. KYATHOS.
FIG. 48. KYATHOS.
A series of names, all of which are derivatives from the word ἀρύω, “draw” (used only of drawing water), appear to represent ladles of various forms and uses. Herodotos[629] mentions the word ἀρυστήρ, and the forms ἀρυστεῖς, ἀρυτήρ, ἀρυσάνη, ἀρυστρίς, are also found.[630] The ἀρύταινα appears to have been a bronze ladle, used in the baths for collecting oil, and for filling lamps.[631] The ἀρύςτιχος, on the other hand, was a wine-ladle, also known as an ἔφηβος; it appears to have been used in voting in the law-courts.[632] Another word used by Aristophanes is οἰνήρυσις[633]; two parallels to which are the ἐτνήρυσις and ζωμήρυσις of the same author[634] and other comic writers, both words meaning “soup-ladle.” It is doubtful if any of these words were in use for fictile utensils.
A series of names, all derived from the word I pull, meaning “draw” (specifically used for drawing water), seem to refer to ladles of different shapes and functions. Herodotus[629] mentions the term __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, and the variations ἀρυστεῖς, ἀρυτήρ, ἀρυσάνη, ἀρυστρίς are also noted.[630] The ἀρύταινα seems to have been a bronze ladle, used in baths to collect oil and fill lamps.[631] The ἀρύςτιχος, on the other hand, was a wine ladle, also referred to as an teenager; it appears to have been used during voting in the law courts.[632] Another term used by Aristophanes is οἰνήρυσις[633]; two similar terms are ἐτνήρυσις and ζωμήρυσις from the same author[634] and other comic writers, both meaning “soup-ladle.” It is uncertain if any of these words referred to clay utensils.
The next branch of the subject is concerned with the various forms of Drinking-cups in use among the Greeks. In these the potters may perhaps be said to have attained their highest excellence, not only in regard to beauty and grace of form, but also, so far as concerns one variety at any rate—the R.F. Athenian kylix—in regard to the decoration. The locus classicus on the subject is the eleventh book of Athenaeus, to which frequent reference has already been made[635]; but there are of course frequent references to these cups in Homer and other poets. Athenaeus devotes a discourse by one of his “Doctors at Dinner” entirely to this subject, the different names being discussed in alphabetical order. Many of them are, as will be seen, only alternatives names or nicknames for well-known shapes, while others included in his description are certainly not drinking-cups at all. It must also be borne in mind that many of the names are purely generic, like the Latin poculum, and are not intended to connote any special form; this is particularly the case in the descriptions of Homer, where, indeed, we should not look for scientific accuracy.
The next part of the topic focuses on the different types of drinking cups used by the Greeks. In this area, potters may have reached their highest level of skill, not just in terms of beauty and elegance of design, but also, at least for one type—the R.F. Athenian kylix—when it comes to decoration. The classic reference on this topic is the eleventh book of Athenaeus, which has been referenced multiple times[635]; however, there are also many mentions of these cups in Homer and other poets. Athenaeus dedicates a discussion by one of his “Doctors at Dinner” entirely to this topic, exploring the different names in alphabetical order. Many of these names are, as will become clear, just alternative names or nicknames for well-known shapes, while others included in his descriptions are definitely not drinking cups at all. It's also important to remember that many names are purely generic, like the Latin cup, and aren't meant to signify a specific shape; this is especially true in Homer's descriptions, where we shouldn't expect any scientific precision.
The ordinary word for a drinking-cup was ποτήριον or ἔκπωμα, but neither is known to Homer[636]; the terms he uses are δέπας, ἄλεισον, and κύπελλον, the first being further defined as ἀαμφικύπελλον. The word κισσύβιον[637] may be once for all briefly dismissed; it was so called from κισσός (ivy), probably as being ornamented with ivy-foliage in relief, and was made of wood. It is seldom that Homer’s descriptions give any details as to form, and where they do they are difficult to interpret aright. Athenaeus devotes a lengthy section of his discourse to the explanation of the famous cup (δέπας) of Nestor,[638] which he names νεστορίς (cf. p. 172), but arrives at no definite conclusion. It has already been pointed out that a hint at its form seems to be given by the gold and silver cups found in Mycenaean tombs, at Mycenae, and Enkomi in Cyprus, although it need not be assumed that these are the products of the civilisation which Homer describes; he may, however, be speaking of traditional forms. Another instance of the δέπας in legend, is in the story of Herakles crossing the ocean in the golden δέπας of the Sun.[639]
The common word for a drinking cup was cup or drink, but these terms aren't known from Homer[636]; instead, he uses cup, anoint, and cup, with the first being further defined as __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. The term κισσύβιον[637] can be briefly dismissed; it was named after ivy (ivy), likely because it was decorated with ivy leaves in relief, and it was made of wood. Homer’s descriptions rarely provide details about form, and when they do, they can be hard to interpret correctly. Athenaeus dedicates a long section of his work to explaining the famous cup (cup) of Nestor,[638] which he refers to as νεστορίς (see p. 172), but he doesn't reach a clear conclusion. It has already been noted that a suggestion of its shape seems to come from the gold and silver cups discovered in Mycenaean tombs at Mycenae and Enkomi in Cyprus, although these might not be products of the civilization Homer describes; he may, however, be referring to traditional forms. Another example of the cup in legend is the story of Herakles crossing the ocean in the golden cup of the Sun.[639]
Among the names of drinking-cups given by Athenaeus, the following may be taken as used in a purely general sense, without any idea of a particular form.
Among the names of drinking cups mentioned by Athenaeus, the following can be seen as used in a completely general way, without any specific reference to a particular style.
Ἄμυστις.—A cup from which it is possible to drink at one draught (cf. κελέβη, p. 169).
Ἄμυστις.—A cup that can be consumed in one go (cf. κελέβη, p. 169).
Αμφωτις.—A two-handled cup (see under Skyphos, p. 186).
Αμφωτις.—A two-handled cup (see under Skyphos, p. 186).
Ἀντύγονις.—A cup named after King Antigonos.
Ἀντύγονις.—A cup named after King Antigonus.
Ἀργυρίς.—A cup of metal (not necessarily silver). Pollux also gives the word χρυσίς.
Silver.—A metal cup (not necessarily silver). Pollux also provides the word gold.
Ἄωτον.—A Cypriote name for a cup (“without handles,” from α and οὔς).
Ἄωτον.—A Cypriot term for a cup (“without handles,” from α and οὔς).
Βαυκαλίς.—An Alexandrine variety, of glass or clay.
Βαυκαλίς.—An Alexandrian type, made of glass or clay.
Βῆσσα.—Also an Alexandrine form, widening out below.
Βηνσσα.—Also an Alexandrine shape, broadening at the bottom.
Γυάλας.—A Megarian name (the form of the word is Doric).
Γυάλας.—A Megarian name (the word is in Doric form).
Δεπαστρόν.—An uncertain form, variously explained.
Δεπαστρόν.—An unclear term, interpreted differently.
Δεπαστρόν.—A bye-form of δέπας, in use at Kleitor in Arcadia.
Δεπαστρόν.—A variant of cup, used in Kleitor in Arcadia.
Ἐνιαυτός.—Also known as Ἀμαλθείας κέρας. See under Rhyton (p. 193).
Year.—Also known as Cornucopia. See under Rhyton (p. 193).
Ἔφηβος or ἐμβασικοίτας.—The significance of these names is not obvious, but see p. 179 for the former.
Teenager or ἐμβασικοίτας.—The meaning of these names isn't clear, but refer to p. 179 for the first one.
Ἡδυποτίς.—A Rhodian name (cf. Pollux, vi. 96). Said to have been made by the Rhodians in competition with the Athenian Θηρίκλειοι (see below, p. 189). They were of light make, and not, like the Thericleian cups, for the exclusive use of the rich.
Sweet drink.—A name from Rhodes (see Pollux, vi. 96). It’s said that the Rhodians created these to compete with the Athenian Θηρίκλειοι (see below, p. 189). They were lightweight and not meant solely for the wealthy, unlike the Thericleian cups.
Ἠθάνιον.—Apparently an Egyptian name.
Ἠθάνιον.—Apparently an Egyptian name.
Ἡμίτομος.—An Athenian cup, probably hemispherical (but see above, p. 174).
Half-Price.—An Athenian cup, likely hemispherical (but see above, p. 174).
Ἴσθμιον.—A Cypriote term.
Ἴσθμιον.—A Cypriot term.
Κελέβη.—See under Krater (p. 169).
Κελέβη.—See under Krater (p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__).
Κόνδυ.—An Asiatic name. Menander describes it as holding ten kotylae, or about five pints.
Kondy.—An Asian name. Menander describes it as containing ten kotylae, or roughly five pints.
Κρατάνιον or κρανίον.—Polemon mentions silver specimens in the temple of Hera and treasury of the Byzantines at Olympia.
Κρατάνιον or κρανίον.—Polemon talks about silver pieces found in the temple of Hera and the treasury of the Byzantines at Olympia.
Κρουνεῖον.—It is doubtful if this word denotes a cup, as it is catalogued with the κρατήρ, κάδος, and ὁλκεῖον.
Κρουνεῖον.—It's uncertain whether this word refers to a cup, since it's listed alongside the κρατήρας, κάδος, and ὁλκεῖον.
Λαβρωνία.—A Persian cup, named from “greedy” drinking (λαβρότης ἐν τῷ πίνειν).
Λαβρωνία.—A Persian cup, named for its association with “greedy” drinking (drunkenness in drinking).
Λάκαινα.—A cup made of Laconian clay.
Λάκαινα.—A cup made from Laconian clay.
Λέσβιον.
Λέσβος.
Μάνης.—A cup or bowl placed on the top of the kottabos-stand, and used in the game of kottabos to receive the drops of wine thrown from the kylix (q.v.)
Mane's.—A cup or bowl set on top of the kottabos stand, used in the game of kottabos to catch the drops of wine thrown from the kylix (q.v.)
Μέλη.
Members.
Ὄινιστηρία.—A name given to the wine-cup dedicated to Herakles by the ephebi at the time of entry into that rank.
Ὄινιστηρία.—A name for the wine cup dedicated to Herakles by the young men when they first entered that rank.
Ὄλλιξ.—A wooden cup.
Wooden cup.
Παναθηναικόν.—Probably a variety of the Skyphos (q.v.).
Panathinaikos.—Probably a type of Skyphos (q.v.).
Πελίκη.—See under Amphora (p. 163). A generally disputed form.
Pelican.—See under Amphora (p. 163). A form that is generally debated.
Πέταχνον.—A wide flat cup (from πετάννυμι, “spread”).
Πέταχνον.—A wide flat cup (from πετάννυμι, “to spread”).
Πρίστις.
Πρίστις
Προυσίας.—Named from the king of Bithynia.
Προυσία.—Named after the king of Bithynia.
Προχύτης.—Called a cup by Athenaeus, but more probably to be identified with the πρόχοος (p. 178).
Drainer.—Referred to as a cup by Athenaeus, but more likely linked to the pitcher (p. 178).
Ῥέον or Ῥέοντα.—Probably a variant of ῥυτόν. It is described as taking the form of a Gryphon or Pegasos, both of which occur in rhyta (p. 193).
Flow or Ῥέοντα.—Probably a variant of ῥυτόν. It's described as taking the shape of a Gryphon or Pegasos, both of which appear in rhyta (p. 193).
Σαννακία.—A Persian cup.
Σαννακία.—A Persian cup.
Σελευκίς.—A cup named after King Seleukos.
Seleucus.—A cup named after King Seleukos.
Ταβαίτας.—A wooden cup.
Wooden cup.
Τριύρης.—See p. 186, under κύμβιον.
Trieres.—See p. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, under kymbion.
Ὑστιακόν.
Ὑστιακόν.
Χαλκιδικόν.—Probably named from the Thracian Chalkidike.
Chalkidiki.—Probably named after the Thracian Chalkidike.
Χόννος.—A bronze cup (perhaps a kind of kylix).
Χόννος.—A bronze cup (possibly a type of kylix).
ᾨδός.—A cup associated with the singing of σκόλια.
Song.—A cup linked to the singing of σκόλια.
ᾨόν.—An egg-shaped cup.
Egg-shaped cup.
ᾨοσκύφιον.—A double cup, apparently like an egg standing in an egg-cup.
ᾨοσκύφιον.—A double cup, seemingly like an egg resting in an egg holder.
Pollux also mentions the names Βησιακόν and Καππαδοκικόν; and Athenaeus describes a γραμματικὸν ἔκπωμα, or cup ornamented with letters (in relief), probably a late Hellenistic type.
Pollux also mentions the names Βησιακόν and Cappadocian; and Athenaeus describes a grammatical explainer, or cup decorated with raised letters, likely a later Hellenistic style.
We now come to the names which can be identified with existing vases, or are described with some indication of their form.
We now turn to the names that can be linked to existing vases or are described with some hint of their shape.
A name which constantly occurs in two forms is the κοτύλη or κότυλος. The distinction appears to be that the former had no handles, but the latter one,[640] but otherwise the form was probably much the same, being that of a deep cup; it is also probable that it was sometimes used like the κύαθος, as a ladle for drawing out wine, as well as for drinking. The word κοτύλη is found as early as Homer,[641] used metaphorically for the hollow where the thigh-bone joins the hip; in its proper meaning as a cup, it occurs in the familiar proverb[642] which has been adopted into our language:
A name that frequently appears in two forms is the κοτύλη or κότυλος. The difference seems to be that the former had no handles, while the latter did,[640] but otherwise, the shape was likely very similar, being that of a deep cup; it is also likely that it was sometimes used like the cup, as a ladle for pouring out wine, as well as for drinking. The word cup appears as early as Homer,[641] used metaphorically for the hollow where the thigh-bone meets the hip; in its specific meaning as a cup, it is found in the well-known proverb[642] which has been integrated into our language:
As a measure it was equivalent to six kyathi, or roughly half a pint, as already shown (p. 135). The ἡμικοτύλιον there discussed is, however, a one-handled cup, and therefore to be called a κότυλος rather than a κοτύλη. The latter is a word constantly found in Greek literature from Homer downwards, as in the passage where Andromache describes the impending fate of her orphan child, to whom a pitying patron will hold out a cup, merely to taste, not to drain.[643]
As a measure, it was equivalent to six kyathi, or about half a pint, as previously mentioned (p. 135). The __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ discussed here is a one-handled cup, so it should be referred to as a κότυλος instead of a κοτύλη. The latter is a term frequently found in Greek literature from Homer onward, as illustrated in the passage where Andromache describes the grim fate awaiting her orphaned child, for whom a compassionate patron will hold out a cup, just to taste from, not to empty.[643]

FIG. 49. KOTYLE.
FIG. 49. CUP.
Closely connected, it would seem, with the κοτύλη is the cup known as the σκύφος or σκύπφος, to which there are frequent references in the poets and elsewhere but not in Aristophanes. Homer[645] describes it as a rustic sort of bowl, which held milk; Simonides applies to it the epithet οὐατόεντα, or “handled.” Athenaeus connects the word with σκαφίς, a round wooden vessel which held milk or whey, and this seems to accord with the mention of it in Homer. It was always specially associated with Herakles,[646] who was said to have used it on his expeditions; hence certain varieties were known as σκύφοι Ἡρακλεωτικοί, but it is more probable that this word refers to Heraklea Trachinia in Northern Greece. Besides the Herakleotic, Athenaeus mentions specially Boeotian, Rhodian, and Syracusan skyphi. The ordinary shape of the vase may be inferred from the form of that which Herakles is often depicted holding on the monuments[647]; it is of the same type as the κοτύλη, but the body tapers below and has a higher foot, while the handles are placed lower down and bent upwards. Among the late black-glazed wares with opaque paintings (p. 488) some examples occur of cups with handles twisted in a kind of knot, and it has been suggested that these represent the “Heraklean knot” described by Athenaeus[648] as to be seen on the handles of these: σκύφοι Ἡρακλεωτικοί.
Closely connected, it seems, with the κοτύλη is the cup known as the cup or σκύπφος, which is often mentioned by poets and others, but not in Aristophanes. Homer[645] describes it as a rustic type of bowl that held milk; Simonides calls it οὐατόεντα, or “handled.” Athenaeus links the word with skiff, a round wooden vessel that held milk or whey, which aligns with its mention in Homer. It was always particularly associated with Herakles,[646] who was said to have used it during his adventures; hence certain varieties were known as Heracleotic cups, but it's more likely that this term refers to Heraklea Trachinia in Northern Greece. Besides the Herakleotic types, Athenaeus also mentions specific Boeotian, Rhodian, and Syracusan skyphi. The typical shape of the vase can be inferred from the version that Herakles is often shown holding on monuments[647]; it's of the same style as the κοτύλη, but the body narrows below and has a taller foot, while the handles are positioned lower and curve upwards. Among the later black-glazed wares with opaque paintings (p. 488), some examples of cups have handles twisted into a kind of knot, and it's been suggested that these represent the “Heraklean knot” described by Athenaeus[648] as seen on the handles of these: Heracleotic cups.
The word is also frequently used by Roman authors, and there is a particularly interesting passage in Suetonius (cf. p. 134) alluding to the Homerici scyphi adorned with chased designs from the Homeric poems[649] which Nero possessed; these were, of course, metal bowls with reliefs,[650] but they have their fictile counterparts in the so-called Megarian bowls (p. 499).
The word is also often used by Roman writers, and there's a particularly intriguing passage in Suetonius (cf. p. 134) that references the Homer's cups decorated with detailed designs inspired by the Homeric poems[649] that Nero owned; these were, of course, metal bowls with reliefs,[650] but they have their ceramic counterparts in the so-called Megarian bowls (p. 499).
Athenaeus[651] quotes from the philosopher Poseidonios a passage referring to drinking-cups called Παναθηναικά, which may be supposed to have some connection with the Panathenaic festival, and attempts have been made to identify them with a class of skyphi or kotylae of the R.F. period, the invariable subject on which is an owl between two olive-branches (p. 410).[652] There is no doubt some reference to the Athenian goddess, but it is more likely that they represent some kind of official measure (see above, p. 135).
Athenaeus[651] quotes the philosopher Poseidonios discussing drinking cups called Panaathinaikos, which probably have some link to the Panathenaic festival. There have been efforts to connect them to a type of skyphos or kotyle from the R.F. period, which consistently feature an owl between two olive branches (p. 410).[652] While there is certainly a reference to the Athenian goddess, it’s more likely they represent some kind of official measurement (see above, p. 135).
It will be noted that the σκύφος appears to have been originally a wooden vessel used as a milking-pail, and it is further identified in Theocritus with the wooden κισσύβιον, to which we have already alluded. Two other words are given by Athenaeus to denote large wooden bowls of the type of the σκύφος, namely the ἄμφωτις and the πέλλα[653] both used as milking-pails. They were not strictly speaking drinking-cups. Among existing Greek vases this form, viz. a deep straight-sided bowl, such as a carved wooden vessel would naturally take, seems to be best represented by the examples discovered on the site of the Cabeiric temple at Thebes, which are of this shape and of considerable size (see Fig. 98, p. 392).[654]
It’s noted that the cup seems to have originally been a wooden container used as a milking pail, and it’s further associated in Theocritus with the wooden κισσύβιον, which we’ve already mentioned. Athenaeus provides two other terms for large wooden bowls similar to the cup, namely ἄμφωτις and πέλλα[653], both of which were used as milking pails. They weren’t exactly drinking cups. Among existing Greek vases, this shape—a deep, straight-sided bowl similar to what a carved wooden vessel would typically be—is best represented by examples found at the Cabeiric temple site in Thebes, which are this shape and quite large (see Fig. 98, p. 392).[654]
The βρομίας is described by Athenaeus[655] as a cup resembling the taller skyphi, and the κιβώριον[656] (whence the ecclesiastical Latin ciborium[657]) was also a kind of skyphos. The name μαστός should also be included here, from the likeness of the cup to the skyphos. Its characteristic is that it has no foot but only a small knob, and therefore exactly resembles a woman’s breast with the nipple, whence its name. In Greek pottery the only known painted examples are of the B.F. period,[658] and these are usually modelled and painted with great care and delicacy. The so-called Megarian bowls (see p. 499) should also be included under this heading, in reference to which it has been pointed out that μαστοί of metal were dedicated in temples at Oropos in Boeotia and at Paphos.[659]
The βρομίας is described by Athenaeus[655] as a cup similar to the taller skyphi, and the κιβώτιο[656] (which is the source of the ecclesiastical Latin ciborium[657]) was also a type of skyphos. The name breast should be included here, due to the cup's resemblance to the skyphos. Its feature is that it has no foot, just a small knob, which closely resembles a woman's breast with a nipple, hence its name. In Greek pottery, the only known painted examples date back to the B.F. period,[658] and these are typically crafted and painted with great care and precision. The so-called Megarian bowls (see p. 499) should also be categorized here, as it has been noted that breasts made of metal were dedicated in temples at Oropos in Boeotia and at Paphos.[659]
Another form of cup, of which Athenaeus has much to say, is
the κύμβιον[660] (other forms being κύμβη and κύββα), which was
supposed to represent the κύπελλον of Homer. He describes it
as small and deep, without foot or handles. On the other hand,
the word also means “a boat,” and we further find the words
ἄκατος and τριήρης cited by Athenaeus[661] as names of cups, the
former being expressly called “a boat-shaped cup.” This has the
support of the author Didymos (quoted by Athenaeus, 481 F)
who says the κύμβιον was a long narrow cup like a ship.[662] A
possible instance of it is a long askos-shaped vessel in the
British Museum,[663] on which is incised
,
“Drink, do not lay me down”; but it is not of a form adapted
for drinking. The question must therefore remain undecided.
Ussing thinks that κύμβιον was originally a cup-name, and
that the other meaning is derived from it; but, on the other
hand, ἄκατος and τριήρης are merely nicknames as applied
to cups.
Another type of cup that Athenaeus talks a lot about is the kymbion[660] (other variations include cup and cube), which is believed to represent the cup from Homer's works. He describes it as being small and deep, without a foot or handles. Interestingly, the word also means "a boat," and Athenaeus[661] notes the terms ἄκατος and trireme as names for cups, with the former specifically referred to as “a boat-shaped cup.” This is supported by the author Didymos (cited by Athenaeus, 481 F), who mentions that the κύμβιον was a long, narrow cup similar to a ship.[662] One possible example is a long askos-shaped vessel in the British Museum,[663] which has the inscription
,
“Drink, do not lay me down”; however, it's not a shape designed for drinking. Therefore, this question remains unresolved. Ussing believes that κύμβιον was originally a name for a cup, with the other meaning coming from it; but on the other hand, uncharted and trireme are just nicknames for cups.
The κώθων is a cup which cannot now be identified, but is often referred to by ancient authors.[664] It seems to have been a Spartan name for a soldier’s cup, used for drinking-water, and was adapted by its recurved mouth for straining off mud.[665] It has been conjectured to have been the name for the shape we have above described as a κοτύλη, but on no good grounds; Pollux (vii. 162) wrongly classifies it with the πίθος and amphora, but it was undoubtedly a cup, as indeed he implies elsewhere (vi. 97). Usually of clay, it is sometimes described as of bronze,[666] and Aristophanes applies to it the epithet φαεινός,[667] which suggests a bright metallic surface. Hesychius and Suidas describe it as having one handle. From the κώθων was derived the word κωθωνίζεσθαι, “to drink hard.”[668]
The κώθων is a cup that can't be clearly identified today, but ancient writers often mention it.[664] It seems to have been a Spartan term for a soldier's cup, used for drinking water, and was designed with a curved mouth to filter out mud.[665] Some believe it referred to what we now describe as a κοτύλη, but there's no strong evidence for this; Pollux (vii. 162) mistakenly categorizes it with the πιθάρι and amphora, but it was definitely a cup, as he suggests in other places (vi. 97). Typically made of clay, it's sometimes said to be made of bronze,[666] and Aristophanes refers to it as shining,[667] indicating a shiny metallic surface. Hesychius and Suidas describe it as having one handle. The term κωθωνίζεσθαι, meaning "to drink hard," comes from the κώθων.[668]
The κάνθαρος was a cup so called because of a fancied resemblance to an inverted beetle.[669] It was specially associated with Dionysos,[670] and from this fact its form has been identified with certainty from the two-handled drinking-cup which he is so often depicted holding, especially on B.F. vases. It is a very beautiful though for some reason never a very popular shape in pottery, and is found at all periods.[671] In form it may be described as a deep straight-sided cup on a high stem, with loop-shaped handles starting from the rim each side and coming down to the lower edge of the body (Fig. 50). Probably it was considered a difficult shape to produce in pottery, and was commoner in metal examples.
The σκαθάρι was a cup named because it was thought to look like an upside-down beetle.[669] It was particularly linked to Dionysos,[670] and because of this connection, its design has been confidently identified with the two-handled drinking cup he is often shown holding, especially on B.F. vases. It is a very beautiful shape, although for some reason it was never very popular in pottery, appearing in all periods.[671] Its design can be described as a deep, straight-sided cup on a high stem, with loop-shaped handles that start from the rim on either side and curve down to the lower edge of the body (Fig. 50). It was probably seen as a difficult shape to make in pottery and was more commonly found in metal versions.
At all events the καρχήσιον, a similar kind of cup, seems to have been consistently made of metal. Athenaeus[672] describes it with more than usual detail as tall, moderately contracted in the middle, with handles reaching to the bottom (i.e. of the bowl). The form is to be recognised on the monuments (if not in actual examples[673]) as a variation of the κάνθαρος in which the body has a sort of “waist,” bulging out again below. Virgil mentions carchesia,[674] and silver specimens were among the dedications in the Parthenon at Athens.[675]
At any rate, the shark, a similar type of cup, appears to have always been made of metal. Athenaeus[672] describes it in more detail than usual as tall, slightly constricted in the middle, with handles that extend to the bottom (i.e. of the bowl). The shape can be seen in monuments (if not in actual examples[673]) as a variation of the beetle, where the body has a sort of "waist" that bulges out again below. Virgil mentions carchesia,[674] and silver versions were among the offerings at the Parthenon in Athens.[675]

FIG. 50. KANTHAROS.
FIG. 50. KANTHAROS.
Athenaeus[678] cites the Athenian and Argive kylikes as being of special repute; the latter are described by Simonides as φοξίχειλος, a word of doubtful meaning.[679] In the former’s own city of Naukratis a special kind of kylix[680] was made by hand (not on the wheel), with four handles and a very flat base, and this was dipped in a solution of silver to give it a metallic appearance.[681] Lacedaemonian, Chian, and Teian kylikes are also mentioned (the last-named by Alcaeus: see p. 64). But the most famous variety was the Thericleian, so named from Therikles, a Corinthian potter contemporary with Aristophanes. These cups were chiefly made at Athens; they are frequently mentioned by Middle and New Comedy writers, and are described by Athenaeus[682] as depressed round the sides, deep, with short handles. They were imitated in wood or glass, and gilded, and Athenaeus mentions that the Rhodians made ἡδυποτίδες (see above) in emulation of them.[683]
Athenaeus[678] mentions the Athenian and Argive kylikes as being well-known; the latter are referred to by Simonides as φοξίχειλος, a term whose meaning is uncertain.[679] In Naukratis, the former's own city, a unique type of kylix[680] was handcrafted (not spun on a wheel), featuring four handles and a very flat base, which was coated in a silver solution to create a metallic look.[681] Lacedaemonian, Chian, and Teian kylikes are also noted (the latter by Alcaeus: see p. 64). However, the most renowned type was the Thericleian, named after Therikles, a Corinthian potter who was a contemporary of Aristophanes. These cups were primarily produced in Athens; they are often referenced by writers of Middle and New Comedy, and Athenaeus[682] describes them as having flattened sides, being deep, with short handles. They were also replicated in wood or glass and gilded, and Athenaeus notes that the Rhodians created sweet drinks (see above) in imitation of them.[683]
Besides the various diminutive forms of κύλιξ, such as κυλίχνη (see above, p. 133), κυλίσκη, etc.,[684] there is a long list of synonyms for this form, about most of which, however, there is nothing to say except that they are probably mere nicknames. Athenaeus gives the following: Κονώνιος, Λάκαινα, λοιβάσιον, πεντάπλοον, σκάλλιον, χαλκόστομος, χόννος, and μαθαλίς; also μετάνιπτρον, from its use after the washing of the hands, i.e. at the end of the meal; Προυσίας, named from a king of Bithynia; and φιλοτησία, corresponding to our “loving-cup.”[685]
Besides the various smaller versions of cup, like κύλινδρος (see above, p. 133), κυλίσκη, and others,[684] there is a long list of synonyms for this type, though for most of them, there isn't much to say other than they are probably just nicknames. Athenaeus lists the following: Kονώνιος, Λάκαινα, λοιβάσιον, πεντάπλοον, σκάλλιον, χαλκόστομος, χόννος, and μάθημα; also πιωτό , since it's used after washing hands, i.e. at the end of the meal; Phrusis, named after a king of Bithynia; and φιλοτησία, which corresponds to our “loving-cup.”[685]
In the history of Greek vase-painting the kylix is a shape known and popular at all periods, from the Mycenaean Age down to the end of the fifth century; in the fabrics of Southern Italy it but seldom occurs. The Mycenaean form is peculiarly graceful, with its tall stem and swelling bowl; it is generally decorated with a cuttle-fish, a motive well suited to its outlines (see Plate XV.).
In the history of Greek vase painting, the kylix is a shape that has been well-known and popular during all periods, from the Mycenaean Age to the end of the fifth century; however, it rarely appears in the pottery from Southern Italy. The Mycenaean version is especially elegant, featuring a tall stem and a rounded bowl; it's typically adorned with a cuttlefish, a design that fits its shape well (see Plate XV.)
During the archaic period of Greek vases a steady development can be traced, both in form and methods of decoration, until the outburst of the R.F. style. The early Corinthian specimens (cf. p. 313) are somewhat cumbrous, with very low stem, shallow bowl with heavy overhanging lip and small handles; in strong contrast thereto are the Cyrenaic cups (p. 341 ff.), which are in execution quite in advance of their time (first half of sixth century); their graceful, delicate forms are evidently imitated from metal. These early cups are as a rule covered with a cream-coloured or buff slip and decorated all over, and the interior designs, which cover the whole or almost the whole of the inside, are a marked feature of these types.
During the early period of Greek vases, a clear progression can be seen in both shape and decoration techniques, leading up to the rise of the R.F. style. The early Corinthian pieces (cf. p. 313) are quite bulky, featuring a very low stem, a shallow bowl with a heavy overhanging lip, and small handles. In stark contrast, the Cyrenaic cups (p. 341 ff.) are made with a craftsmanship that’s ahead of their time (first half of the sixth century); their elegant, delicate shapes are clearly inspired by metal designs. Typically, these early cups have a cream-colored or buff slip covering and are decorated all around, with interior designs that cover most or all of the inside, which is a notable characteristic of these types.

FIG. 51. KYLIX (EARLIER FORM).
FIG. 51. KYLIX (OLD STYLE).
Turning to the Attic fabrics we find that in the beginning of the sixth century the prevalent form (evolved from the Corinthian type) has a high stem and deep bowl with off-set lip, the decoration being confined to the upper band of the exterior, in the form of a frieze (Fig. 51). This type is also illustrated by a small Rhodian group in the British Museum,[686] which, however, has elaborate interior designs. In the next stage, represented by the Minor Artists (see p. 379 ff.), the form remains the same, but the manner of decoration is different, interior designs again appearing; often the design is confined to a narrow band, the rest of the exterior being coloured black. Lastly, towards the end of the fifth century, an entirely new form is introduced, in which the break in the outline disappears and the bowl becomes flatter, with a gracefully-curved convex outline, while the stem is shortened (Fig. 52). This form is the one adopted throughout the R.F. period, with few exceptions, and it is possible that it was actually invented by the earliest R.F. artists, such as Nikosthenes and Pamphaios, though it is also employed by Exekias.[687] The methods of decoration cannot however be treated of here.
Turning to the Attic fabrics, we see that at the start of the sixth century, the main style (developed from the Corinthian type) features a high stem and deep bowl with an offset lip, with decoration limited to the upper band of the exterior in the form of a frieze (Fig. 51). This style is also represented by a small Rhodian group in the British Museum,[686] which, however, has intricate interior designs. In the next phase, showcased by the Minor Artists (see p. 379 ff.), the shape remains unchanged, but the decoration approach varies; interior designs make a return, often limited to a narrow band while the rest of the exterior is painted black. Finally, toward the end of the fifth century, a completely new shape emerges, eliminating the break in the outline, resulting in a flatter bowl with a gracefully curved convex outline, while the stem becomes shorter (Fig. 52). This design is the one commonly used throughout the R.F. period, with a few exceptions, and it may have actually been created by the earliest R.F. artists, like Nikosthenes and Pamphaios, although Exekias also used it.[687] The methods of decoration cannot be discussed here.

FIG. 52. KYLIX (LATER FORM).
FIG. 52. Kylix (modern version).
An extremely delicate form of kylix is used by the potter Sotades (Chapter X.), with handles in imitation of a bird’s merrythought. Towards the end of the fifth century the shape changes somewhat, the stem disappearing and the bowl becoming deeper. In Southern Italy the kylix-form is only represented by gigantic shallow bowls, with small stout handles attached to the rim, probably intended for hanging against the wall. The Naucratite kylikes mentioned above seem to have been made somewhat after this pattern; it was at any rate typical of Hellenistic taste.
An extremely delicate type of kylix is made by the potter Sotades (Chapter X.), featuring handles that resemble a bird's merrythought. Towards the end of the fifth century, the design changes a bit, with the stem disappearing and the bowl becoming deeper. In Southern Italy, the kylix shape is only represented by huge shallow bowls, with small sturdy handles attached to the rim, likely intended for hanging on the wall. The Naucratite kylikes mentioned earlier seem to have been made in a similar style; it was definitely characteristic of Hellenistic taste.

FIG. 53. PHIALE.
FIG. 53. BOWL.
Homer uses the word in two senses: (1) as equivalent to a λέβης, as if used for boiling water[691]; (2) as a cinerary urn.[692] Obviously in both these cases the significance of this particular word must not be pressed. Later, however, we find very frequent mention of the phiale in classical authors, such as Herodotos, Pindar, and Plato, in all cases with the same restricted significance, that of a vessel used in making libations. On the R.F. vases it appears in countless examples, used in this manner, especially by Nike. Aristotle, by way of illustrating the inversion of a simile, says “You may call the shield the phiale of Ares, or the phiale the shield of Dionysos,” no doubt with reference to its buckler-like shape.[693] Athenaeus (xi. 462 D) quotes a passage from Xenophanes which implies its use for holding perfumes at banquets.
Homer uses the word in two ways: (1) as equivalent to a boiler, as if for boiling water[691]; (2) as a cinerary urn.[692] Clearly, in both these cases, the meaning of this specific word should not be overstated. However, we later see frequent references to the phiale in classical authors like Herodotos, Pindar, and Plato, where it consistently means a vessel used for making libations. On the R.F. vases, it appears in countless examples used this way, especially by Nike. Aristotle, to illustrate the reversal of a simile, says, “You can call the shield the phiale of Ares, or the phiale the shield of Dionysos,” likely referencing its buckler-like shape.[693] Athenaeus (xi. 462 D) quotes a passage from Xenophanes that suggests its use for holding perfumes at banquets.
Many words occur as synonyms of φιάλη, such as the αιακις, ἄροτρον, λυκιουργεῖς, ῥυσίς, φθοίς, βάτιακιον, and λεπάστη.[694] The last-named word has been suggested above (p. 165) for a kind of large covered dish or bowl, but we can only ascertain that it was a drinking-vessel of some kind, resembling a large kylix.[695]
Many words serve as synonyms for bottle, such as αιακις, plow, you raise in production, rescue, decay, βάτιακιον, and λεπάστη.[694] The last word mentioned has been proposed earlier (p. 165) as a type of large covered dish or bowl, but we can only confirm that it was a drinking vessel of some sort, similar to a large kylix.[695]

FIG. 54. Rhyton.
FIG. 54. Drinking vessel.
The ῥυτόν, or drinking-horn (from ῥέω, “flow”), is a familiar shape in the R.F. and later styles, but as a vase-form does not occur before the middle of the fifth century.[696] Its peculiarities were: firstly, that it could not be set down without drinking the contents; secondly, that the narrow end was almost always modelled in the form of the head of some animal, or of a woman or Satyr. Some examples are known in the form of two heads back to back, usually a Satyr and a Maenad, but these having a flat circular base are an exception to the first rule noted above, and partake more of the nature of a cup than of a drinking-horn. Although no archaic examples have been preserved, the rhyton, or κέρας,[697] as it is also called, frequently appears on B.F. vases, being generally held by Satyrs or revellers, or by Dionysos.[698] Athenaeus says it was a form reserved for the use of heroes, and that κέρας was the older name for it.[699] Among the South Italian vases, it is found almost exclusively in Apulia, and these belong to the decadence of the Apulian style, the paintings being limited to a figure of Eros, or a woman, and little more. These rhyta have one handle, and the cup-part is generally cylindrical in form, tapering slightly towards the lower part, where the head is attached (Fig. 54.). In some instances the form is narrower and more elongated, with fluted body. The animals’ heads are usually left unvarnished, and coloured in detail like the terracotta figures; the mouth often forms a spout from which the liquid could be allowed to run out.[700] The heads, which occur in great variety, include the panther, fox, wolf, horse, goat, mule, deer, and dog[701]; also Gryphons and Pegasi (see below). Athenaeus mentions a vase called the τραγέλαφος,[702] which was doubtless a rhyton ending in two heads, a goat and a deer conjoined, like some known specimens; he also quotes a description of another called ελέφας, explained as a rhyton with two spouts (δίκρουνος).[703] Further, under the heading ῥέοντα, which is doubtless a synonym for ῥυτόν, he mentions one in the form of a Gryphon, another in the form of a Pegasos.[704] The name is mentioned by Demosthenes, together with κύμβια and φιάλαι.[705] It is worthy of mention that among the Mycenaean objects discovered at Enkomi in Cyprus, in 1896, and now in the British Museum, there are two or three rhyta in porcelain, corresponding in form to those of the R.F. period, and of very advanced style[706]; they are in fact quite unique.
The ῥυτόν, or drinking horn (from flow, “to flow”), is a commonly recognized shape in the R.F. and later styles, but it doesn’t appear as a vase type until the middle of the fifth century. [696] Its distinct features were: first, it couldn’t be put down without drinking from it; second, the narrow end was almost always shaped like the head of some animal, a woman, or a Satyr. Some known examples have two heads back to back, usually a Satyr and a Maenad, but these with a flat circular base are exceptions to the first rule and are more like cups than drinking horns. Although no archaic examples have survived, the rhyton, or horn, [697] as it is also called, often appears on B.F. vases, usually held by Satyrs, party-goers, or Dionysos. [698] Athenaeus mentions that it was a type meant for heroes, and that horn was the older term for it. [699] Among South Italian vases, it is found almost exclusively in Apulia, and these belong to the decline of the Apulian style, with the paintings typically limited to a figure of Eros, a woman, and not much else. These rhyta have one handle, and the cup section is generally cylindrical, tapering slightly towards the bottom where the head is attached (Fig. 54.). In some cases, the form is narrower and more elongated, with a fluted body. The animal heads are usually unvarnished and painted in detail like the terracotta figures; the mouth often serves as a spout from which liquid can flow out. [700] The heads come in a wide variety, including a panther, fox, wolf, horse, goat, mule, deer, and dog [701]; also Gryphons and Pegasi (see below). Athenaeus mentions a vase called the tragelaphus, [702] which was likely a rhyton with two heads, a goat and a deer joined together, similar to some known examples; he also cites a description of another called elephant, described as a rhyton with two spouts (two-horned). [703] Additionally, under the term ῥέοντα, which is likely a synonym for ῥυτόν, he mentions one shaped like a Gryphon, another like a Pegasos. [704] This name is referenced by Demosthenes, along with κύμβια and dreams. [705] It’s worth noting that among the Mycenaean artifacts found at Enkomi in Cyprus in 1896, now in the British Museum, there are two or three rhyta in porcelain that match the shape of those from the R.F. period and showcase a very advanced style [706]; they are indeed quite unique.
A few comparatively unimportant names of vessels for holding food and liquids at the table may next be discussed.
A few relatively minor names of containers for holding food and drinks on the table can be discussed next.

FIG. 55. PINAX.
FIG. 55. PINAX.
Vessels for holding vinegar or sauces were known by the names of ὀξύβαφον, ὀξίς, or ἐμβάφιον.[710] The shapes are not exactly known, but they were apparently small cups or dishes; the incorrect identification of the first-named with the κρατήρ we have already discussed (p. 171). The words ἐρεύς and κυψελίς are given by Pollux[711] as vases for holding sweets, and the κυμινοδόκον or κυμινοθήκη was, as the name implies, a box or receptacle for spices.[712] The last-named has been identified with the κέρνος, described by Athenaeus as “a round vessel, having attached several little kotylae (κοτυλίσκους).”[713] Two existing forms correspond in some degree to this description: one found in Cyprus and at Corinth, and consisting of a hollow ring, to which small cups or jars are attached at intervals; the other found chiefly in Melos, and consisting of a central stand, round which are grouped a varying number of alabastron-like vases, evidently designed for holding small quantities of unguents or perfumes, or perhaps flowers, eggs, or other objects. They are all of very early date, and decorated in primitive fashion.[714] A better form of the word seems to be κέρχνος. Many have been found at Eleusis,[715] and it is supposed that they were used in the Mysteries for carrying the first-fruits.[716]
Vessels for holding vinegar or sauces were known as sharp dye, sour, or embark.[710] The exact shapes aren't well documented, but they were likely small cups or dishes; the first term has been incorrectly identified with the mixing bowl we discussed earlier (p. 171). Pollux[711] mentions the words Research and κυψελίς as vases for holding sweets, while the κυμινοδόκον or cumin holder was, as the name suggests, a box or container for spices.[712] The latter has been connected to the κέρνος, which Athenaeus describes as “a round vessel, having several small kotylae (κοτυλίσκους) attached.”[713] Two existing forms somewhat match this description: one found in Cyprus and Corinth, consisting of a hollow ring with small cups or jars attached at intervals; the other, primarily found in Melos, consists of a central stand with a varying number of alabastron-like vases grouped around it, clearly intended for holding small amounts of unguents or perfumes, or possibly flowers, eggs, or other items. They all date back to very early times and are decorated in a primitive style.[714] A more accurate form of the word appears to be κέρχνος. Many have been found at Eleusis,[715] and it is believed that they were used in the Mysteries for carrying the first-fruits.[716]

FIG. 56. LEKYTHOS.
FIG. 56. LEKYTHOS.
Several kinds of vases were used for holding oil, the characteristic of all these shapes being the narrow neck and small mouth, which were better adapted for pouring the liquid drop by drop. The ordinary Greek word for an oil-flask is λύκυθος, frequently found in Aristophanes and elsewhere. We have already referred (pp. 132, 143) to the passages in the Ecclesiazusae where the practice of placing lekythi on tombs, and generally of using them for funeral purposes, finds allusion. From these passages it has been possible to identify the class of white-ground Athenian vases on which funeral subjects are painted, with absolute certainty as Lekythi. But the shape is not confined to this one class. In the early B.F. period (especially in Corinthian wares) it assumes a less elegant form, with cup-shaped mouth, short thick neck, and quasi-cylindrical body tapering slightly upwards (cf. the alabastron below). The later form, which prevails from the middle of the B.F. period down to the end of the fourth century at Athens, with very little variation of form, is one of the most beautiful types of Greek vases (Fig. 56). It has a long neck, to which the handle is attached, flat or almost concave shoulder, and cylindrical body, semi-oval at the base. The B.F. examples are seldom found in Italy, and almost all come from Athens and other Hellenic sites, or from Sicily, a country in which the form seems to have been exceptionally popular. The same may be said of the ordinary R.F. examples, which have no sepulchral reference, and are found in large numbers at Gela (Terranuova) in Sicily, but seldom elsewhere. The white lekythi have been found in Eretria, and at Gela, and Locri in Southern Italy, besides Athens. The lekythos seldom attains to any great size, except in the marble examples used as tombstones. They were probably used at the bath and in the gymnasium, and may also have served other purposes, e.g. for pigments. In illustration of this reference may be made to the well-known passage in Aristophanes’ Frogs (1200 ff.), where the jeer of Aeschylos at Euripides’ stereotyped beginnings of his plays, ληκύθιον ἀπώλεσεν, seems to imply “he is hard up for something new to say,” i.e. “he has lost his paint-pot; his lines need embellishment.”
Several types of vases were used to hold oil, all characterized by a narrow neck and small mouth, which made them ideal for pouring the liquid drop by drop. The common Greek term for an oil flask is λύκυθος, often seen in Aristophanes and other texts. We previously mentioned (pp. 132, 143) the references in the Ecclesiazusae about the practice of placing lekythi on graves and generally using them for funerals. From these references, we can confidently identify the class of white-ground Athenian vases featuring funeral themes as Lekythi. However, this shape is not limited to just this category. In the early B.F. period (especially among Corinthian wares), it takes on a less elegant shape, with a cup-shaped mouth, short thick neck, and a body that tapers slightly upwards (see the alabastron below). The later form, which was common from the middle of the B.F. period to the end of the fourth century in Athens, with very little variation, is among the most beautiful types of Greek vases (Fig. 56). It features a long neck where the handle is attached, a flat or nearly concave shoulder, and a cylindrical body that is semi-oval at the base. B.F. examples are rarely found in Italy, with most originating from Athens and other Hellenic sites, or from Sicily, where this form appears to have been particularly popular. The same is true for the typical R.F. examples, which lack any funerary connections and are found in large quantities at Gela (Terranuova) in Sicily, but rarely elsewhere. The white lekythi have been discovered in Eretria, Gela, and Locri in Southern Italy, in addition to Athens. The lekythos hardly ever reaches large sizes, except for the marble versions used as gravestones. They were likely used at baths and in gyms and may have served other purposes, like for pigments. A relevant example can be found in the famous passage from Aristophanes’ Frogs (1200 ff.), where Aeschylos mocks Euripides' clichéd openings of his plays, suggesting “he is struggling to find something new to say,” meaning “he has run out of paint; his lines need decoration.”

FIG. 57. LEKYTHOS (LATER FORM).
FIG. 57. LEKYTHOS (LATER VERSION).
Towards the end of the fifth century the lekythos takes a new departure (Fig. 57), and appears with a squat, almost spherical body, without foot (except for the base-ring). This form is sometimes known as aryballos (see below), but is perhaps more accurately described as a “wide-bodied” (Germ. bauchige) lekythos. It is very popular at Athens in the late fine or polychrome vases,[717] and was adopted exclusively in Southern Italy, where it is the only form of lekythos found. This type of vase is often found in the period of the Decadence with a subject moulded in relief attached to the front, sometimes of a comic nature.
Towards the end of the fifth century, the lekythos takes a new direction (Fig. 57) and appears with a short, almost round body, lacking a foot (except for the base-ring). This form is sometimes referred to as aryballos (see below), but might be better described as a “wide-bodied” (Germ. chubby) lekythos. It becomes very popular in Athens during the later fine or polychrome vases,[717] and was exclusively adopted in Southern Italy, where it is the only type of lekythos found. This type of vase is often associated with the later period, featuring a design in relief on the front, sometimes with a humorous theme.

FIG. 58. ALABASTRON.
FIG. 58. ALABASTER POT.
The alabastron (ἀλάβαστρον or ἀλάβαστος, both forms being found in Classical Greek) is a shape closely allied to the lekythos. It preserves the same form throughout the period of Greek vase-painting (Fig. 58.), but is not often found after the middle of the sixth century. In the early Corinthian wares it is very common. The name is derived from the material of which it was originally made, and many examples of alabaster vases of this shape have been found in excavations. It was chiefly used for holding oil, unguents, and cosmetics, and is often represented in scenes of ladies’ toilet as in use for these purposes. Its characteristics are a flat round top with small orifice, short neck, and more or less cylindrical body with rounded-off base, intended for placing in a stand (ἀλαβαστοθήκη).[718] It is generally without handles, but when they occur they are in the form of two small ears, through which a cord was passed for carrying or suspending it. The “alabaster box” of the Gospels was a vessel of this form (cf. the original Greek), and it was broken by knocking off the top, in order that the contents might flow out quickly. The name βῆσσα is also given as a synonym of the ἀλάβαστρον.[719]
The alabastron (alabaster container or alabaster, both forms found in Classical Greek) is a shape closely related to the lekythos. It maintains the same design throughout the period of Greek vase-painting (Fig. 58.), but it’s not commonly found after the middle of the sixth century. It's very common in early Corinthian wares. The name comes from the material it was originally made of, and many examples of alabaster vases of this shape have been discovered in excavations. It was mainly used to hold oil, unguents, and cosmetics, and is often depicted in scenes of women’s grooming as being used for these purposes. Its features include a flat round top with a small opening, a short neck, and a more or less cylindrical body with a rounded base, designed to be placed in a stand (There is insufficient context to modernize.).[718] It usually doesn’t have handles, but when they are present, they appear as two small ears, through which a cord was threaded for carrying or suspending it. The “alabaster box” mentioned in the Gospels was a vessel of this shape (see the original Greek), and it was broken by knocking off the top so that the contents could flow out quickly. The name βῆσσα is also used as a synonym for the alabaster.[719]

FIG. 59. ARYBALLOS.
FIG. 59. ARYBALLO.
Another vase of the same type is that known as the ἀρύβαλλος. The derivation of the word is unknown, but the first half connects it with the “ladle” class of vases (ἀρυτήρ, etc.), of which we have already spoken. It can, however, hardly be a vase of that type, and the connection seems to be its use in the bath,[720] i.e. as an oil-flask. It is generally described as resembling a purse; Athenaeus[721] says it is broader below than above, like a purse tied at the neck with a string. The name, however, is usually applied to a form of vase akin to the alabastron, but with small globular body, handle, and very short neck (Fig. 59.). This type is almost confined to the Corinthian and other early fabrics, and frequently occurs in glazed or enamelled ware (see p. 127). Its connection with the bath is undoubted, and it was generally carried on a string, together with a strigil or flesh-scraper. As this form died out in the sixth century, the name has been used, as noted above, for a later variety of the lekythos, in which the body approaches a globular form.
Another type of vase is known as the ἀρύβαλλος. The origin of the word is unclear, but the first part links it to the "ladle" category of vases (ἀρυτήρ, etc.), which we have already discussed. However, it hardly seems to be a vase of that type, and the connection appears to be its use in the bath,[720] meaning as an oil flask. It's typically described as looking like a purse; Athenaeus[721] mentions it being wider at the bottom than at the top, resembling a purse tied at the neck with a string. The term is usually applied to a type of vase similar to the alabastron, but with a small round body, handle, and very short neck (Fig. 59.). This type is mainly found in Corinthian and other early fabrics and often appears in glazed or enamelled ware (see p. 127). Its association with the bath is clear, and it was commonly carried on a string, along with a strigil or flesh-scraper. As this form faded out in the sixth century, the name has been used, as mentioned earlier, for a later variation of the lekythos, where the body takes on a more rounded shape.
Transitional between the alabastron and the aryballos is a type of which some examples occur among early Corinthian wares, with egg-shaped body, flat round top, and small ear-like handle, the base being rounded off. To this the name βομβύλιος has been tentatively given, on the authority of Antisthenes, who defines the word as meaning a kind of lekythos with narrow neck.[722] In the same passage of Athenaeus[723] it is contrasted with the quickly-emptied φιάλη or bowl; those who drink from it must do so drop by drop (κατὰ μικρὸν στάζοντες). The name may denote a cocoon, the shape of which this vase resembles, or may be imitative, from the gurgling sound made by a liquid poured therefrom. The ἐξάλειπτρον was also probably a kind of oil-flask.[724]
Transitional between the alabastron and the aryballos is a type of which some examples are found among early Corinthian wares, featuring an egg-shaped body, a flat round top, and small ear-like handles, with the base rounded off. This has been tentatively named βομβύλιος, based on Antisthenes, who defines it as a type of lekythos with a narrow neck.[722] In the same passage of Athenaeus[723], it is compared to the quickly-emptied bottle or bowl; those who drink from it must do so drop by drop (drip by drip). The name might refer to a cocoon, as this vase resembles one, or it could be inspired by the gurgling sound made when liquid is poured from it. The eraser was likely also a type of oil flask.[724]

FIG. 60. PYXIS.
FIG. 60. PYXIS.
A few forms of vases were exclusively devoted to feminine use. These include the πυξίς, a cylindrical box with cover, in which jewellery or other objects such as hair-pins, cosmetics, etc., might be kept for use in the toilet (Fig. 60.). The painted examples of this form, which nearly all belong to the later R.F. period, are usually decorated with appropriate subjects, women at their toilet, preparations for weddings, etc. The σμηματοθήκη, or soap-box, served similar purposes.[725] It seems to be represented by a form of vase of which the British Museum possesses a specimen (without figure decoration), with cover and high stem, but no handle except the knob on the cover. It is intermediate in form between the pyxis and the so-called λεπαστή (p. 165), and sometimes appears in toilet and other scenes.[726] A rare form, found almost exclusively in the R.F. period,[727] consisting of a globular vase with vertical looped handles on a high stem, has been variously named, but the latest theory is that it represents a λέβης γαμικός.[728] It contained lustral water, and is usually decorated with bridal scenes. One is depicted in a toilet scene on a pyxis in the British Museum.[729]
A few types of vases were specifically intended for women. These include the πυξίς, a cylindrical box with a lid used for storing jewelry or other items like hairpins, cosmetics, etc., for personal care (Fig. 60.). The painted examples of this type, mostly from the later R.F. period, are usually adorned with relevant themes, such as women preparing for their beauty routines or wedding preparations. The scent box, or soapbox, served similar purposes.[725] It appears to be represented by a type of vase in the British Museum, which has no figure decoration, a lid, and a tall stem, but lacks a handle aside from the knob on the lid. It has a shape that falls between the pyxis and the so-called λεπαστή (p. 165), and can sometimes be seen in scenes related to personal care and others.[726] A rare type, found almost exclusively in the R.F. period,[727] features a round vase with vertical looped handles on a tall stem, and while it has had various names, the latest theory suggests it represents a μπαίνω σε γάμο.[728] This vase contained ritual water and is typically decorated with wedding scenes. One such scene is depicted in a personal care scene on a pyxis in the British Museum.[729]

FIG. 61. EPINETRON OR ONOS.
FIG. 61. Epinetron or Onos.
Lastly, a peculiar semi-cylindrical vessel, closed at one end and open down the side (Fig. 61.), was for a long time a puzzle to archaeologists, but its use was finally determined by its appearance in a vase-painting.[730] It is there held by a seated woman, fitted over her knee and thigh, and was used while spinning to pass the thread over. The name of these objects is given by Pollux (vii. 32) as ἐπίνητρον or ὄνος (“the donkey”). Several of them are painted with spinning scenes, and the vase-painting alluded to above is curiously enough on a vase of this form.
Lastly, a strange semi-cylindrical vessel, closed at one end and open down the side (Fig. 61.), was a mystery to archaeologists for a long time, but its purpose was finally figured out thanks to its depiction in a vase painting.[730] In that painting, it is held by a seated woman, resting over her knee and thigh, and was used while spinning to guide the thread over. Pollux refers to these items (vii. 32) as epinetrón or donkey (“the donkey”). Several of them feature scenes of spinning, and interestingly, the vase painting mentioned earlier is on a vase of this shape.
There is a type of vase, of which two or three varieties occur, which, from its general likeness to a wine-skin, is usually styled Askos. It does not, however, appear that there is any direct authority for this, at least in literary records; where the word does occur, it always denotes a leather skin, such as is sometimes depicted on the vases, carried by a Seilenos or Satyr. It is, however, a convenient expression, and there is no other recorded term which can on any grounds be associated with this type.
There are a few types of vases that resemble a wine skin, commonly known as an Askos. However, it doesn't seem like there's any solid literary evidence to support this name; when the term is used, it typically refers to a leather skin, often shown on vases being held by a Seilenos or Satyr. Still, it’s a useful term, and there isn't any other name that fits this type.

FIG. 62. ASKOS.
FIG. 62. Askos.
The earliest examples, which date from the middle of the R.F. period, have a flat round body with convex top, and a projecting spout (Fig. 62); the handle is sometimes arched over the back to meet the spout, or else takes a separate ring-like form.[731] They are usually decorated with two small figures, one on each side. In the vases of Southern Italy a new form appears (Fig. 63), chiefly found in Apulia, in which the resemblance to a wine-skin is much more apparent, the tied-up pairs of legs being represented by the spout or a projection. The handle is usually arched over the back, and the pouch-shaped body sometimes assumes an almost birdlike form.
The earliest examples, dating back to the middle of the R.F. period, feature a flat round body with a convex top and a protruding spout (Fig. 62); the handle is sometimes arched over the back to connect with the spout or takes on a separate ring-like form.[731] They are typically decorated with two small figures, one on each side. In the vases from Southern Italy, a new design emerges (Fig. 63), mainly found in Apulia, where the resemblance to a wine-skin is much more obvious, with the tied-up pairs of legs represented by the spout or a protrusion. The handle is usually arched over the back, and the pouch-shaped body often takes on an almost bird-like shape.

FIG. 63. APULIAN ASKOS.
FIG. 63. APULIAN JUG.
A variety which is also common in Southern Italy is made of plain black ware, and is not painted but has a subject in relief in a medallion on the top[732]; the handle is ring-shaped[733] and the form generally resembles the variety first described, except that the body is flat on the top, and convex below, with a base-ring (Fig. 64). It seems probable that these vases were used for holding oil for feeding lamps, and consequently they are generally known by the Latin name of guttus, or “lamp-feeder” (see pp. 211, 503). Whether the painted aski were used for the same purpose is doubtful; those, however, with the large body seem to have been intended for other purposes, especially as they often have a strainer inserted in them. Some indeed appear to have been used as rattles, and still contain small balls or pebbles, placed within them for that purpose. On the whole, however, it seems more convenient to reckon the ἀσκοί with the oil-vases.[734]
A type that is also common in Southern Italy is made of plain black pottery, and it's not painted but features a design in relief within a medallion on the top[732]; the handle is ring-shaped[733]. Its shape generally resembles the variety first described, except that the top is flat and the bottom is rounded, with a base-ring (Fig. 64). It seems likely that these vases were used to hold oil for lamps, and as a result, they are commonly known by the Latin name gutter, or “lamp-feeder” (see pp. 211, 503). It's unclear if the painted aski were used for the same purpose; however, those with the large body appear to have been made for different uses, especially since they often have a strainer inside. Some even seem to have been used as rattles and still contain small balls or pebbles placed inside for that reason. Overall, it seems more practical to categorize the wine bags with the oil-vases.[734]

FIG. 64. SO-CALLED “GUTTUS.”
FIG. 64. SO-CALLED “GUTTUS.”
Among vases which do not exactly fall under the heading of any particular shape may be noted certain types of moulded vases, and those with reliefs modelled on them or attached. Many of these almost fall under the category of terracotta figures, but still must be reckoned as vases, even when painted in the methods of terracottas rather than pottery. Such are the large aski described on page 119, and the contemporary ornamental vases modelled in the form of female heads, of Maenads, or of Athena (as B.M. G 1). Other types we have described elsewhere,[735] such as the rhyta ending in animals’ heads, the kanthari and rhyta of the R.F. period in the form of human or Dionysiac heads, and the analogous vases of the archaic period. Again, there are such forms as the flasks with flat circular bodies, and the large pyxides which are often found in Southern Italy.[736] They usually bear a subject in relief, covered with a white slip and painted in pink and blue, like the Canosa vases; a specimen from Pompeii, with rich remains of colouring, has lately been acquired by the British Museum. The curious type of vase sometimes found in Sicily, with a tall conical cover, the ornamentation being partly in encaustic, partly in gilded relief, has been already mentioned.[737] There is also a late variety of the so-called kernos (p. 195), consisting of four cups united on an elaborate fluted stand, of which the British Museum possesses two good examples.[738]
Among vases that don’t neatly fit into any specific shape, there are certain types of molded vases, along with those featuring reliefs either modeled on them or attached. Many of these could almost be categorized as terracotta figures, but they still qualify as vases, even when decorated using techniques typical of terracottas instead of pottery. Examples include the large aski described on page 119, and the contemporary ornamental vases shaped like female heads, Maenads, or Athena (as in B.M. G 1). We have described other types elsewhere, [735] such as the rhyta that end in animal heads, the kanthari and rhyta from the R.F. period taking the form of human or Dionysiac heads, as well as similar vases from the archaic period. Additionally, there are designs like flasks with flat circular bodies and the large pyxides often found in Southern Italy.[736] These usually display a subject in relief, coated with a white slip and painted in pink and blue, similar to the Canosa vases; a piece from Pompeii, with rich remnants of color, has recently been acquired by the British Museum. The intriguing type of vase occasionally discovered in Sicily, featuring a tall conical cover with decoration partly in encaustic and partly in gilded relief, was mentioned earlier.[737] There is also a later version of the so-called kernos (p. 195), which consists of four cups joined on an elaborate fluted stand, of which the British Museum has two excellent examples.[738]
It should be borne in mind that all these exceptional shapes are probably imitations of metal-work, perhaps made for the benefit of those who could not afford the more expensive material, just as imitation jewellery was sometimes made in gilt terracotta. Throughout the Hellenistic period (to which the classes we are discussing chiefly belong), the universal tendency is to substitute metal vases for pottery, and moulded or relief-wares for painted decoration, and the potter, finding the painted vases were no longer appreciated, was forced to confine himself to imitating metal, and thus keep abreast with the new fashion. The whole subject of the plastic decoration of vases has been more fully dealt with elsewhere (Chapter XI.).
It's important to note that all these unique shapes are likely copies of metalwork, possibly created for those who couldn't afford more expensive materials, just like imitation jewelry was sometimes made from gilded terracotta. Throughout the Hellenistic period (which is when the types we’re discussing mainly belong), there was a general trend to replace metal vases with pottery and to use molded or relief designs instead of painted ones. As potters realized that painted vases were falling out of favor, they had to focus on imitating metal to stay up-to-date with the new style. The entire topic of the plastic decoration of vases has been explored in more detail elsewhere (Chapter XI.).
447. L. 64.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. L. 64.
448. “And in earthenware baked in the fire, within the closure of figured urns, there came among the goodly folk of Hera the prize of the olive-fruit” (Myers).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.“And in clay pots baked in the fire, inside decorated urns, there came among the noble people of Hera the reward of the olive fruit” (Myers).
449. “And he won five garlands in succession at the Panathenaic games, amphorae full of oil” (Frag. 155, ed. Bergk = Anth. P. xiii. 19). See also Schol. in Ar. Nub. 1005, and Inscr. Gr. (Atticae), ii. 965b.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.“And he won five crowns in a row at the Panathenaic games, amphorae filled with oil” (Frag. 155, ed. Bergk = Anth. P. xiii. 19). See also Schol. in Ar. Nub. 1005, and Inscr. Gr. (Attica), ii. 965b.
450. Cf. Schol. in Plat. Hipp. Min. 368 C: Λήκυθον δὲ ἀγγεῖόν τι φασίν οἱ Ἀττικοὶ ἐων ᾡ τοῖς νεκροῖς ἕφερον τὸ μύρον.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cf. Schol. in Plat. Hipp. Min. 368 C: The Athenians say that a lekythos is a vessel in which they carried perfume to the dead..
451. “And raise the great goblets, or if, Oikis, thou desirest aught else ... pour in and mix one and two full up to the brim, and let the one goblet oust the other.”
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.“So lift the big goblets, or if you, Oikis, want something different ... pour in and mix one and two all the way to the top, and let one goblet overflow into the other.”
452. Graec. Ling. Dialect, i. p. 247.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Greek Language Dialect, i. p. 247.
456. Cf. the use of the word δημόσιον on bronze and lead weights.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the use of the word public on bronze and lead weights.
457. Egger in Revue Archéol. xvi. (1867), p. 292.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Egger in Archaeological Review xvi. (1867), p. 292.
458. See Hultsch, Metrologie, p. 99 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Hultsch, Metrologie, p. 99 and following.
459. Arist. Categ. 12; also Polybius, iv. 56, ἡτοίμασαν οίνου κεράμια μύρια.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arist. Categ. 12; also Polybius, iv. 56, They made countless jars of wine..
460. B.M. F 175.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. F 175.
461. Other instances are: Millingen-Reinach, 2; Munich 423; Reinach, i. 291–92.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Other instances are: Millingen-Reinach, 2; Munich 423; Reinach, i. 291–92.
463. Cf. B.M. F 457–66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See B.M. F 457–66.
464. Suppl. 463.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Suppl. 463.
466. See Schol. in Ar. Ran. 218, and J.H.S. xx. p. 110 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Schol. in Ar. Ran. 218, and J.H.S. xx. p. 110 ff.
467. For explanation and parallels see Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. p. 119 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For explanations and comparisons, see Frazer, Golden Bough, ii. p. 119 ff.
468. Raoul-Rochette in Revue Archéol. viii. (1851), p. 112: see also Theocr. xv. 113 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Raoul-Rochette in Archaeological Review. viii. (1851), p. 112: see also Theocr. xv. 113 ff.
469. Revue Archéol. l.c. p. 118; Mart. xi. 19; Pliny, H.N. xix. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Archaeological Review p. 118; Mart. xi. 19; Pliny, H.N. xix. 59.
470. Hist. Plant. vi. 7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hist. Plant. vol. 6, p. 7.
472. Cf. Böhlau, Ion. u. Ital. Nekrop. p. 39; Berlin 1108.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Böhlau, Ion. u. Ital. Nekrop. p. 39; Berlin 1108.
473. Pernice’s arguments have been directly impugned by Kouroniotes in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1899, p. 233, and by Robinson in Boston Mus. Report, p. 73; and it certainly seems more probable that metal vessels would have been used for this purpose; moreover, the form of the θυμιατήριον is well known. But he has personally assured the present writer that the clay κώθωνες show traces internally of the use of fire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pernice’s arguments have been directly challenged by Kouroniotes in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1899, p. 233, and by Robinson in Boston Mus. Report, p. 73; and it indeed seems more likely that metal vessels would have been used for this purpose; additionally, the shape of the burning incense place is well known. However, he has personally assured the current writer that the clay κώθωνες show signs of having been used with fire on the inside.
474. Reinach, i. 235 = Naples 3255.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Reinach, i. 235 = Naples 3255.
475. See p. 214.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See page 214.
476. Adv. Leoch. 1086, 1089.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Adv. Leoch. 1086, 1089.
477. Cf. B.M. Cat. of Sculpture, i. p. 297.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Sculpture, i. p. 297.
479. E.g. B.M. D 65, 70–1; J.H.S. xix. pl. 2. On the subject generally, see ibid. p. 169 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. D 65, 70–1; J.H.S. 19. pl. 2. For more on this topic, see ibid. p. 169 and following.
481. Il. xxiii. 253.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Il. 23. 253.
482. Q. Smyrn. iii. 737.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Q. Smyrn. iii. 737.
483. It no doubt suggested Tennyson’s “Two handfuls of white dust, shut in an urn of brass.” Cf. l. 1142 (κήτει).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It definitely reminded me of Tennyson’s “Two handfuls of white dust, locked in a brass urn.” See line 1142 (κήτει).
484. Brit. School Annual, 1901–2, pls. 18–19, p. 298; Mon. Antichi, i. p. 201, pls. 1–2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.British School Annual, 1901–2, plates 18–19, p. 298; Ancient Monuments, vol. i, p. 201, plates 1–2.
485. B 130: see also p. 46.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B 130: see also p. 46.
486. No. 2422 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.No. 2422 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 34.
488. Cat. of Terracottas, C 12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. of Terracottas, C 12.
489. Mr. J. L. Myres, on opening a tomb at Amathus, in Cyprus, in 1894, found jugs, bowls, and other kinds of vases ranged round the body, like a dinner-service set out on a table.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In 1894, Mr. J. L. Myres discovered a tomb in Amathus, Cyprus, where he found jugs, bowls, and various types of vases arranged around the body, resembling a dinner set laid out on a table.
490. A good instance is the Python krater in the British Museum (F 149), one of the handles of which has been repaired with lead. See also Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. ci, note 731; B.M. B 607, B 608, E 106; Berlin 1768.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A great example is the Python krater in the British Museum (F 149), one of whose handles has been fixed with lead. Also, check out Jahn, Vasens in Munich, p. ci, note 731; B.M. B 607, B 608, E 106; Berlin 1768.
491. Gerhard, Auserl. Vasenb. ii. 145 = Reinach, ii. 75.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gerhard, Auserl. Vasenb. ii. 145 = Reinach, ii. 75.
492. Rev. Arch. iii. (1904), p. 50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rev. Arch. III. (1904), p. 50.
493. Juvenal, xiv. 308.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Juvenal, 14.308.
494. Vespae, 1437.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Vespas, 1437.
496. B.M. A 1054, B 450; Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 545.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. A 1054, B 450; Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 545.
498. Cf. also Bk. v. 198 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Bk. v. 198 ff.
499. x. 62 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. x. 62 f.
500. Recherches sur les véritables Noms des Vases Grecs, Paris, 1829.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Research on the Real Names of Greek Vases, Paris, 1829.
501. Observations sur les Noms des Vases Grecs, etc., Paris, 1833, and Supplément, 1837–38.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Observations on the Names of Greek Vases, etc., Paris, 1833, and Supplement, 1837–38.
502. Rapporto Volcente in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1831, p. 221 ff.; and in criticism of Letronne, Berlins ant. Bildwerke, i. p. 342 ff., and Ann. dell’ Inst. 1836, p. 147 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Volcente Report in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1831, p. 221 ff.; and in response to Letronne, Berlins ant. Artworks, i. p. 342 ff., and Ann. dell’ Inst. 1836, p. 147 ff.
503. Handbuch d. Archäol. § 298–301.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Handbook of Archaeology. § 298–301.
504. Ueber die hellenischen bemalten Vasen, Munich, 1844.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.About Hellenic Painted Vases, Munich, 1844.
505. De Nominibus Vasorum Graecorum, Kopenhagen, 1844. This work is very useful for its exhaustive references to classical literature. It is also critically up to the mark.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.On the Names of Greek Vases, Copenhagen, 1844. This work is very helpful for its comprehensive references to classical literature. It is also critically top-notch.
506. Angeiologie, Halle, 1854.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Angelology, Halle, 1854.
507. Vasensamml. zu München, p. lxxxvi ff. (1854).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vasensammlung in München, p. lxxxvi ff. (1854).
508. There are some very useful articles in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire under the respective headings, so far as the work has appeared (down to M in 1904).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.There are some really helpful articles in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionary under the respective headings, as far as the work has been published (up to M in 1904).
509. Cf. also xi. 462 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See also xi. 462 D.
510. Pliny (H.N. iii. 82) states that the island of Pithecusa (the modern Ischia) was so called not from πίθηκος, an ape, but from πίθος (a figulinis doliorum), implying that wine-casks were made here in antiquity, as they are at the present day.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pliny (H.N. iii. 82) says that the island of Pithecusa (now Ischia) got its name not from monkey, meaning ape, but from pitcher (a ceramic container), suggesting that wine barrels were made there in ancient times, just like they still are today.
511. Athen. xi. 465 A, and cf. 495 B; Il. xxiv. 527; see Ussing, p. 33, and Suidas, s.v. The comic poets also speak of a πιθάκνη, or small πίθος, used for holding wine at festivals.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athen. xi. 465 A, and cf. 495 B; Il. xxiv. 527; see Ussing, p. 33, and Suidas, s.v. The comic poets also mention a πιθάκνη, or small pitcher, used for holding wine at festivals.
514. B.M. B 464, F 210.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 464, F 210.
515. Op. et Di. 98; the word has been confused with πυξίς, meaning a box. See J.H.S. xx. p. 99.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Op. et Di. 98; the term has been mixed up with πυξίς, which means a box. See J.H.S. xx. p. 99.
516. Hesych. s.v.; Pollux, vii. 163.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hesych. in the word; Pollux, vii. 163.
517. This must be distinguished from κάναβος (see p. 111), a skeleton frame on which statues were modelled. See Geoponica, vi. 3, p. 4; Pollux, vii. 164; Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 42; Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 42.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This should be distinguished from canvas (see p. 111), a skeleton frame on which statues were modeled. See Geoponica, vi. 3, p. 4; Pollux, vii. 164; Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 42; Blümner, Technology, ii. p. 42.
518. Brit. School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 22; cf. Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1901, p. 404.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brit. School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 22; cf. Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1901, p. 404.
519. Ath. Mitth. 1903, pp. 96 ff., 140 ff., Beilagen 1–5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1903, pp. 96 ff., 140 ff., Beilagen 1–5.
520. Troja und Ilion, i. p. 315.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trojan and Ilium, i. p. 315.
521. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 381 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1886, pl. 4; Röm. Mitth. xii. (1897), p. 256; Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 44 ff.; Kekulé, Terracotten von Sicilien, pls. 55–7, 60; and p. 496.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 381 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1886, pl. 4; Röm. Mitth. xii. (1897), p. 256; Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 44 ff.; Kekulé, Terracotta from Sicily, pls. 55–7, 60; and p. 496.
523. ἀμφιφορεύς, from ἀμφί, “on either side,” and φέρω, “I carry.” Athenaeus (xi. 501 A) explains it as ὁ ἑκατέρωθεν κατὰ τὰ ὧτα δυνάμενος φέρεσθαι.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.amphora, from amphi, “on either side,” and φέρω, “I carry.” Athenaeus (xi. 501 A) describes it as the one able to be carried along by both sides through the ears.
524. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. iii. (1850), p. 7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. iii. (1850), p. 7.
525. Dumont, Inscrs. Céramiques, pl. 9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Dumont, Inscrs. Céramiques, plate 9.
526. The order here given is that suggested by H. von Gaertringen in Inscr. Gr. xii. pt. 1, p. 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The order provided here is the one recommended by H. von Gaertringen in Inscription Group xii. pt. 1, p. 8.
527. Dumont, Inscrs. Céramiques, pl. 6; see also Revue Archéol. N.S. iii. (1861), pls. 9, 10, p. 283.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dumont, Ceramics, pl. 6; see also Archaeology Review N.S. iii. (1861), pls. 9, 10, p. 283.
528. Jahrbücher für Philol. Suppl. xvii. (1890), p. 281.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbooks for Philology. Suppl. xvii. (1890), p. 281.
529. Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2121.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Boeckh, C.I.G. vol. ii, p. 2121.
530. Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. iii. (1850), p. 84.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. iii. (1850), p. 84.
532. Stoddart in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. iii. (1850), p. 1 ff., iv. (1853), p. 1 ff.; Boeckh, C.I.G. iii. Nos. 5375–5392, 5555–5566, 5751 (Sicily); Philologus, 1851, p. 278 ff. (Sicily); Jahrb. für Philol. Suppl.-Bd. xviii. p. 520 ff.; Abh. d. phil.-phil. Kl. d. k. bayer. Akad. d. Wiss. ii. (1837), p. 781 ff.; Mélanges Gréco-Romaines, i. p. 416 ff. (Olbia); Dumont, Inscrs. Céramiques de Grèce, Paris, 1872; Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 127 ff.; Jahrb. für Philol. Suppl.-Bd. iv. p. 453, v. p. 447, x. pp. 1, 207 (Olbia); Inscr. Gr. (Ins. Maris Aegaei), xii. pp. 175–203, Nos. 1065–1441 (amphora-handles from Rhodes); and other references already given.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Stoddart in Trans. Roy. Soc. Lit. 2nd Ser. iii. (1850), p. 1 ff., iv. (1853), p. 1 ff.; Boeckh, C.I.G. iii. Nos. 5375–5392, 5555–5566, 5751 (Sicily); Philologus, 1851, p. 278 ff. (Sicily); Journal of Philology Suppl.-Bd. xviii. p. 520 ff.; Proceedings of the Philosophical-Philosophical Class of the Bavarian Academy of Sciences ii. (1837), p. 781 ff.; Greco-Roman Studies, i. p. 416 ff. (Olbia); Dumont, Inscrs. Greek Ceramics, Paris, 1872; Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 127 ff.; Journal of Philology Suppl.-Bd. iv. p. 453, v. p. 447, x. pp. 1, 207 (Olbia); Inscription Gr. (Ins. Maris Aegei), xii. pp. 175–203, Nos. 1065–1441 (amphora-handles from Rhodes); and other references already given.
533. E.g. Athens 657.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. Athens 657.
535. E.g. Baumeister, iii. p. 1975, fig. 2114; Athens 688, 690.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. Baumeister, iii. p. 1975, fig. 2114; Athens 688, 690.
536. Berlins ant. Bildw. p. 346; see also Thiersch, Tyrrhen. Amphoren, p. 1 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berlins ant. Bildw. p. 346; see also Thiersch, Tyrrhen. Jars, p. 1 ff.
539. A “transitional” example has recently been published by Hartwig in Röm. Mitth. 1901, pl. 5, p. 117.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A “transitional” example was recently published by Hartwig in Röm. Mitth. 1901, pl. 5, p. 117.
541. Cf. B 603–609 with F 331, 332 in the Fourth Vase Room of the Brit. Mus. But it appears in Southern Italy at an earlier period than the fourth century; see Patroni, Ceram. Antica, p. 138, and below, p. 485.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B 603–609 with F 331, 332 in the Fourth Vase Room of the British Museum. However, it appears in Southern Italy earlier than the fourth century; refer to Patroni, Ceramic. Antique, p. 138, and below, p. 485.
542. See for examples F 339, 340 in Brit. Mus., and Patroni, Ceramica Antica, p. 142.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for examples F 339, 340 in Brit. Mus., and Patroni, Antique Ceramics, p. 142.
543. See Patroni, Ceramica Antica, p. 79.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Patroni, Ancient Ceramics, p. 79.
544. Instances in B.M., E 350, and Brussels Museum (Noel des Vergers, Étrurie, pls. 32–36); also a plain wine-amphora of this form, dredged up from the sea, in the Terracotta Room, British Museum, Case 51.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Examples in B.M., E 350, and the Brussels Museum (Noel des Vergers, Etruria, pls. 32–36); also a simple wine amphora of this type, pulled up from the sea, in the Terracotta Room, British Museum, Case 51.
545. See Pollux, x. 78; Athen. xi. 495 A. The former gives πελίκα as an Aeolic synonym of λεκάνη.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pollux, x. 78; Athen. xi. 495 A. The former states that πελίκα is an Aeolic synonym for bowl.
546. B.F. “pelikae” in B.M., B 190–192.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.F. “pelikae” in B.M., B 190–192.
547. x. 72. Cf. also Plat. Com. apud Athen. xi. 783 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.x. 72. See also Plat. Com. apud Athen. xi. 783 D.
548. Lys. 196. See also Demosth. Lacr. 933, where eighty stamni of sour wine are mentioned.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lys. 196. See also Demosth. Lacr. 933, which mentions eighty jars of sour wine.
549. Οἰνοδόχον ἀγγεῖον, ad Il. xviii. 1163, 23. Cf. also Herodotos, i. 194; Xen. Anab. i. 9, 25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wine pitcher, ad Il. xviii. 1163, 23. Cf. also Herodotos, i. 194; Xen. Anab. i. 9, 25.
550. Lucian, Meretr. dial. 14; Athen, iii. 116 F.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lucian, Meretr. dial. 14; Athen, iii. 116 F.
551. xi. 784 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 784 AD.
552. Pollux, vi. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pollux, 6th edition, chapter 14.
553. Vesp. 676, and Schol. ad loc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Vesp. 676, and Schol. at this location
555. xi. 499 B, q.v. for several quotations illustrative of this word; also Anth. P. vi. 248 (στειναύχην).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 499 B, see below for several quotes that explain this word; also Anth. P. vi. 248 (στειναύχην).
556. Quaest. Conviv. i. 1, 5, p. 614 E (λαγυνίς): cf. Phaedr. i. 26, 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Questions at the Dinner i. 1, 5, p. 614 E (λαγυνίς): cf. Phaedr. i. 26, 8.
557. Hesych. s.v. βυτίον.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hesych. s.v. βυτίον.
558. See for a fine instance, Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes, 650.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out a great example in Brit. Mus. Cat. of Bronzes, 650.
559. Cf. Hdt. iii. 20; Athen. xi. 483 D; Hor. Od. iv. 11, 2; 12, 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hdt. iii. 20; Athen. xi. 483 D; Hor. Od. iv. 11, 2; 12, 17.
560. Av. 1032; Eccl. 1002.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Av. 1032; Eccl. 1002.
561. Ussing, p. 45. Cf. Pind. Ol. vi. 68; also Schol. in Nem. x. 64.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ussing, p. 45. See Pind. Ol. vi. 68; also Schol. in Nem. x. 64.
562. xi. 496 A. See Boston Mus. Report, 1899, p. 73.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 496 A. See Boston Mus. Report, 1899, p. 73.
563. Cf. 327 with 539. See for other mentions of the word, Ussing, p. 44.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See 327 with 539. For other mentions of the word, refer to Ussing, p. 44.
564. Trapezitae, 33; cf. Lucian, Hermot. 40, 57 (κάλπις), and Chap. XXI.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trapezitae, 33; see also Lucian, Hermot. 40, 57 (kálpis), and Chap. XXI.
565. Soph. O.C. 473, λαβὰς ἀμφιστόμους. He is here speaking of a κρατήρ, but in l. 478 he calls the same vase a κρωσσός.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Soph. O.C. 473, λαβὰς ἀμφιστόμους. He refers to a mixing bowl here, but in line 478, he calls the same vase a none.
566. Cf. also Aesch. Fr. 91, and Eur. Cycl. 89; Ion, 1173; Theocr. xiii. 46.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Aesch. Fr. 91, and Eur. Cycl. 89; Ion, 1173; Theocr. xiii. 46.
567. Mosch. iv. 34; Anth. P. vii. 710.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mosch. iv. 34; Anth. P. vii. 710.
568. Alex. 20.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Alex. 20.
569. Hesych. s.v.; Pollux, viii. 66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hesych. in the specific volume.; Pollux, viii. 66.
570. xi. 495 A.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 495 A.
571. Cf. Hdt. i. 25 and the Sigean inscription (Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 78).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hdt. i. 25 and the Sigean inscription (Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 78).
572. Examples of such painted stands in the B.M. are A 383–85, 464 (Geometrical); A 1349; B 167 (does not belong to the amphora below which it is placed). A 741 is unpainted; F 279 is placed on an ornamental open stand of bronze.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Examples of such painted stands in the B.M. are A 383–85, 464 (Geometrical); A 1349; B 167 (does not belong to the amphora below which it is placed). A 741 is unpainted; F 279 is placed on an ornamental open stand of bronze.
573. See Hdt. iv. 61, 152; Athen. xi. 472 A and v. 198 D, 199 B, 199 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hdt. iv. 61, 152; Athen. xi. 472 A and v. 198 D, 199 B, 199 E.
575. The Aristonoös krater (see p. 297) is almost of the Mycenaean form, and represents the transition to the Corinthian. Cf. also Notizie degli Scavi, 1895, p. 185, for one found at Syracuse.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The Aristonoös krater (see p. 297) is nearly in the Mycenaean style and represents the shift to the Corinthian style. Also, see Excavation News, 1895, p. 185, for one found at Syracuse.
576. For specimens found at Corinth, see Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1898, p. 196; the form is also depicted on the Corinthian pinakes (Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, Nos. 12, 18).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For specimens found at Corinth, see Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1898, p. 196; the form is also shown on the Corinthian pinakes (Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, Nos. 12, 18).
577. xi. 475 D. But Couve, in his valuable article in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionnaire (s.v. Kelebe), is equally confident that the passage implies a kind of krater.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 475 D. But Couve, in his important article in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dictionary (s.v. Kelebe), is equally sure that the passage suggests a type of krater.
578. The Antaios krater in the Louvre, G 103.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The Antaios krater in the Louvre, G 103.
579. See Berlins Ant. Bildw. p. 358, No. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Berlins Ant. Bildw. p. 358, No. 18.
580. Cf. B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 6.
581. Cf. F 37, 269–73 in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See F 37, 269–73 in B.M.
584. Cf. Plat. Symp. 214 A, where it is described as holding more than eight kotylae.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Plat. Symp. 214 A, where it is described as holding more than eight kotylae.
585. J.H.S. xix. pl. 6, p. 141; cf. Arch. Anzeiger, 1889, p. 91; Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 821, fig. 1026.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xix. pl. 6, p. 141; cf. Arch. Anzeiger, 1889, p. 91; Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 821, fig. 1026.
586. A vase of the same type, but probably used as a “puzzle-jug,” is published in the Bull. de Corr. Hell. xix. pls. 19, 20.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A vase of the same kind, possibly used as a “puzzle jug,” is featured in the Bull. de Corr. Hell. xix. pls. 19, 20.
588. Cf. Athen. xi. 503 C and 467 D. In § 467 F he identifies the δεῖνος with the ποδανίπτηρ; this use would be parallel to the Homeric use of the λέβης for washing (see below).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athen. xi. 503 C and 467 D. In § 467 F, he links the terrible with the footbath; this usage would be similar to the Homeric use of the boiler for washing (see below).
589. Cf. Schol. in Ar. Nub. 280, 1472 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Schol. in Ar. Nub. 280, 1472 ff.
590. Cf. the use of the word λέβης for a cinerary urn by Aeschylus and Sophokles (Ag. 444; Cho. 686; El. 1401).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the use of the word boiler for a cinerary urn by Aeschylus and Sophocles (Ag. 444; Cho. 686; El. 1401).
591. xi. 470 D. An example in the B.M. is F 306.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 470 D. An example in the British Museum is F 306.
592. E.g. Il. xxi. 362; Od. xix. 386.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. Il. xxi. 362; Od. xix. 386.
593. iv. 61.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. iv. 61.
594. E.g. B.M. B 221, B 328.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. B 221, B 328.
595. Paus. v. 10, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Paus. v. 10, 4.
596. Thuc. iv. 100.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Thuc. iv. 100.
597. Hence the word χυτρισμός. Cf. the episode in Ar. Thesm. 505 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.So, the word χυτρισμός. See the episode in Ar. Thesm. 505 ff.
598. ix. 113–14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ix. 113–14.
599. Cf. Ar. Ach. 1076.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Ar. Ach. 1076.
600. Op. et Di. 748.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. et Di. 748.
601. Ran. 505.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ran. 505.
602. vi. 89 and x. 66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. vi. 89 and x. 66.
603. x. 66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. 66.
604. Eur. Fr. 373; Pherekr. Δουλοδ. 4 (apud Athen. xi. 480 B).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Eur. Fr. 373; Pherekr. Δουλοδ. 4 (quoted in Athen. xi. 480 B).
605. B.M. Vases, iv. G 194.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. Vases, vol. iv, G 194.
606. Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, p. 78.
607. v. 195 C, 199 E: see also Pollux, vi. 100; Plut. Alex. 20.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.v. 195 C, 199 E: see also Pollux, vi. 100; Plut. Alex. 20.
608. Ussing, p. 116; Poll. x. 77.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ussing, p. 116; Poll. x. 77.
609. Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture, i. p. 166, No. 32511.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpture, i. p. 166, No. 32511.
610. Hdt. i. 200.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hdt. 1.200.
611. Athen. xi. 494 A (ποτήριον). See also Liddell and Scott, s.v.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athen. xi. 494 A (glass). See also Liddell and Scott, s.v.
612. See Liddell and Scott, s.v.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Liddell and Scott, s.v.
613. Cf. B.M. Nos. 587, 588, etc.; also Olympia, iv. pl. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Nos. 587, 588, etc.; also Olympia, iv. pl. 34.
614. Cat. 1727.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 1727.
616. Cf. Hom. Od. iii. 468, iv. 128, x. 361; Il. x. 576; also J.H.S. Suppl. iv. p. 139.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hom. Od. iii. 468, iv. 128, x. 361; Il. x. 576; also J.H.S. Suppl. iv. p. 139.
618. See Pollux, x. 76–78; Ar. Av. 840, 1143, Vesp. 600; Schol. in Pac. 1244; Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 3071; and generally, Ussing, p. 118. The name has been conventionally given to a kind of jar; see above, p. 164.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pollux, x. 76–78; Ar. Av. 840, 1143, Vesp. 600; Schol. in Pac. 1244; Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 3071; and generally, Ussing, p. 118. The name has been traditionally assigned to a type of jar; see above, p. 164.
619. Budge, Life and Exploits of Alexander, p. 4 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Budge, Life and Exploits of Alexander, p. 4 ff.
621. Cf. the modern superstition against crossing a knife and fork on a plate.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the current superstition against crossing a knife and fork on a plate.
622. vi. 46.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. vi. 46.
623. xi. 479 F; cf. Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 150, line 30 = B.M. Inscrs. 29.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 479 F; cf. Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 150, line 30 = B.M. Inscrs. 29.
624. Od. i. 136; xviii. 398.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Od. i. 136; xviii. 398.
625. E.g. B.M. A 1532, B 33, B 52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. A 1532, B 33, B 52.
626. Athen. x. 425 D (in form ὄλπις); xi. 495 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athen. x. 425 D (in form Hope); xi. 495 B.
627. German Schnabelkanne. This type of mouth is often seen in the primitive pottery of Cyprus.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.German Schnabelkanne. This kind of mouth is often found in the early pottery from Cyprus.
628. vi. 103; x. 92.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. vi. 103; x. 92.
629. ii. 168.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 168.
630. Athen. x. 424 B; xi. 783 F.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athen. x. 424 B; xi. 783 F.
631. Ar. Eq. 1091; Pollux, x. 63; Theophr. Char. 9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ar. Eq. 1091; Pollux, x. 63; Theophr. Char. 9.
632. Hesych. s.v.; Pollux, vi. 19; Athen. x. 424 C; Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2139; Schol. in Ar. Vesp. 855.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hesych. s.v.; Pollux, vi. 19; Athen. x. 424 C; Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2139; Schol. in Ar. Vesp. 855.
633. Ach. 245 and Schol.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ach. 245 and Schol.
634. Ach. 1067 and Schol.; Athen. iv. 169 B; Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 161, 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ach. 1067 and Schol.; Athen. iv. 169 B; Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 161, 3.
635. See also Pollux, x. 66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Also see Pollux, x. 66.
636. It should be noted that the cups he describes are always of metal.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It's important to note that the cups he talks about are always made of metal.
637. Od. ix. 346, xiv. 78; cf. the description in Theocr. i. 26 ff., and see below, p. 185; also Ussing, p. 126.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Od. ix. 346, xiv. 78; cf. the description in Theocr. i. 26 ff., and see below, p. 185; also Ussing, p. 126.
638. xi. 488 ff.; cf. Il. xi. 632. It is described by Homer as “studded with golden nails; and four handles there were; and about each rested two golden doves; and beneath there were two bottoms.”
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 488 ff.; cf. Il. xi. 632. Homer describes it as “adorned with golden nails; it had four handles; resting on each were two golden doves; and underneath, there were two bases.”
640. Poll. vi. 96; Athen. xi. 478 B, F.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Poll. vi. 96; Athen. xi. 478 B, F.
641. Il. v. 306.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Il. v. 306.
642. Athen. xi. 478 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. xi. 478 E.
643. Il. xxii. 494. See for other instances of its use, Od. xv. 312, xvii. 12 (πύρνον καὶ κοτύλην, “bite and sup”); Schol. ad Ar. Plut. 1054; and Athen. xi. 478–79.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Il. xxii. 494. See for other examples of its use, Od. xv. 312, xvii. 12 (πυρνόπνευμα καὶ κοτύλη, “bite and sup”); Schol. ad Ar. Plut. 1054; and Athen. xi. 478–79.
644. Apud Athen. 482 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. According to Athen. 482 B.
645. Od. xiv. 112. See Athenaeus, xi. 498 for quotations; also Eur. Cycl. 256, 390, 556, and Liddell and Scott, s.v.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Od. xiv. 112. Check out Athenaeus, xi. 498 for quotes; also Eur. Cycl. 256, 390, 556, and Liddell and Scott, s.v.
646. Athen. xi. 500 A; Macrob. v. 21, 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athen. xi. 500 A; Macrob. v. 21, 16.
647. E.g. B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, 1244, 1272, 1309–14; Stephani, Ausruhende Herakles, pp. 151 ff., 195 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, 1244, 1272, 1309–14; Stephani, Resting Hercules, pp. 151 ff., 195 ff.
648. Ἡράκλειος δεσμός (500 A).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ἡράκλειος δεσμός (500 A).
649. The sculptor Mys made a σκύφος Ἡρακλεωτικός with the sack of Troy chased upon it (Athen. xi. 782 B).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The sculptor Mys created a Heracleian cup featuring the siege of Troy depicted on it (Athen. xi. 782 B).
650. In C.I.G. ii. 2852 silver σκύφοι chased with figures of animals are recorded among the offerings in the temple of Apollo at Branchidae.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In C.I.G. ii. 2852, silver σκύφοι decorated with animal figures are mentioned among the gifts at the temple of Apollo in Branchidae.
651. xi. 495 A.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 495 A.
652. E.g. B.M. E 152, and see Cat. iii. p. 14. The owl and olive-branch seem to have been official marks; they appear on coins and dicasts’ tickets.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. E 152, and see Cat. iii. p. 14. The owl and olive branch seem to have been official symbols; they show up on coins and jurors' tickets.
653. xi. 783 D; 495 C; cf. Theocr. i. 25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 783 D; 495 C; cf. Theocr. i. 25.
654. Cf. B.M. B 77, 78; J.H.S. xiii. p. 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. B 77, 78; J.H.S. xiii. p. 78.
655. xi. 784 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 784 AD.
656. See id. xi. 477 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See id. xi. 477 E.
657. The word also occurs in Horace (Od. ii. 7, 22) for a large wine-cup.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The word also appears in Horace (Od. ii. 7, 22) to refer to a large wine cup.
658. E.g. B.M. B 370, 371, 681.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example B.M. B 370, 371, 681.
659. Robert, Homerische Becker, p. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Robert, Homeric Baker, p. 3.
660. xi. 481 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 481 D.
661. xi. 782 F, 500 F.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 782°F, 500°F.
662. Cf. Macrob. v. 21: pocula procera ac navibus similia. In illustration of the resemblance of a bowl to a ship we may cite the story of the wise men of Gotham, also the golden bowl of the Sun (p. 181), and the form of the Welsh coracle.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Macrob. v. 21: long cups similar to ships. To illustrate the similarity between a bowl and a ship, we can mention the story of the wise men of Gotham, the golden bowl of the Sun (p. 181), and the shape of the Welsh coracle.
663. F 596.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. F 596.
664. Athen. xi. 483 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. xi. 483 B.
665. Cf. Ar. Eq. 600, and see the account of this cup given by Plutarch, Lycurg. 9. The word for the inner rim or lip is ἄμβων (Pollux, vi. 97; Critias apud Athen. xi. 483 B; see ibid. viii. p. 347 B). The shape formerly regarded as a κώθων on account of its recurved lip has been thought by Pernice to have been used for incense (Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 60); but see above, p. 140.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ar. Eq. 600, and check Plutarch's description of this cup in Lycurg. 9. The term for the inner rim or lip is pulpit (Pollux, vi. 97; Critias apud Athen. xi. 483 B; see ibid. viii. p. 347 B). The shape that was previously thought to be a κώθων due to its curved lip has been considered by Pernice to have been used for incense (Yearbook, 1899, p. 60); but see above, p. 140.
666. Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 161.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Boeckh, C.I.G. vol. 1, p. 161.
667. Pac. 1094.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pac. 1094.
668. Athen. xi. 483 F.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. xi. 483 F.
669. Ibid. 473 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. 473 D.
670. Macrob. v. 21.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Macrob. vol. 21.
671. See J.H.S. xviii. p. 288. For typical examples see Athens 612 and Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1897, p. 450 (Boeotian); also Berlin 1737, 2116–20, 2876, 2877, 4019; Anzeiger, 1891, p. 116.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See J.H.S. xviii. p. 288. For typical examples, see Athens 612 and Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1897, p. 450 (Boeotian); also Berlin 1737, 2116–20, 2876, 2877, 4019; Anzeiger, 1891, p. 116.
672. xi. 474 E; cf. v. 198 B, C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 474 E; see also v. 198 B, C.
673. E.g. Visconti, Mus. Pio-Clem. iv. pl. 35; B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, B 490.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example Visconti, Mus. Pio-Clem. iv. pl. 35; B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, B 490.
674. Georg. iv. 380.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Georg. IV. 380.
675. Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 140, 141, 150 = B.M. Inscrs. 27–29.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Boeckh, C.I.G. i. 140, 141, 150 = B.M. Inscrs. 27–29.
676. So called from being turned (κυλίεσθαι) on the wheel (Athen. xi. 480 B). The word constantly occurs in literature: Phokyl. 11; Sappho, 5; Hdt. iv. 70, etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It's called this because it gets spun (κυλίεσθαι) on the wheel (Athen. xi. 480 B). The term frequently appears in literature: Phokyl. 11; Sappho, 5; Hdt. iv. 70, etc.
677. E.g. B.M. E 49, 50. Cf. Hermippus apud Athen. xi. 480 E, and the Ficoroni cista (Roscher, i. p. 527).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. E 49, 50. See Hermippus in Athen. xi. 480 E, and the Ficoroni cista (Roscher, i. p. 527).
678. xi. 480 C (quoting Pindar).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 480 C (quoting Pindar).
680. Athen. xi. 480 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. x. 480 E.
682. xi. 470 E, 471 D; cf. v. 199 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 470 E, 471 D; see also v. 199 B.
683. xi. 469 B. In § 464 C he speaks of Ρὁδιακαὶ χυτρίδες, which lessened the tendency to inebriety, and in § 496 F he describes a cup called Ρὁδίας.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 469 B. In § 464 C, he talks about Ρόδια και θερμίδες, which reduced the likelihood of drunkenness, and in § 496 F, he describes a cup called Ρόδια.
684. Pollux, vi. 95–98; x. 66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pollux, vi. 95–98; x. 66.
685. Ar. Lys. 203.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ar. Lys. 203.
686. B 379–82.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B 379–82.
687. A recent writer (Böhlau, in Athen. Mitth. for 1900, p. 40 ff.) attributes this shape to an Ionic origin.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A recent author (Böhlau, in Athen. Mitth. for 1900, p. 40 ff.) claims that this shape has Ionic roots.
688. See generally Athen. xi. 501 ff. Isidorus (Etym. xx. 5) says: “Phyalae dictae quod ex vitro fiant” (sc. ὔαλον).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See generally Athen. xi. 501 ff. Isidorus (Etym. xx. 5) says: "Phyalae are called that because they're made of glass." (sc. ồalon).
689. The words βαλανωτή, βαλανειόμφαλος, and καρυωτή also seem to be descriptive of this type. Phialae (καρυωταί) dedicated to Agathe Tyche, Themis, Leto, and Hekate, were among the possessions of the temple of Apollo at Branchidae (Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2852).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The words βαλανωτή, βαλανειόμφαλος, and καρυωτή also seem to describe this type. Phialae (καρυωταί) dedicated to Agathe Tyche, Themis, Leto, and Hekate were part of the possessions of the temple of Apollo at Branchidae (Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2852).
691. Il. xxiii. 270, where it is described as ἀπυρωτός, implying that it was used over a fire.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Il. xxiii. 270, where it is described as non-flammable, indicating that it was meant to be used over a fire.
692. Ibid. l. 243.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. l. 243.
693. Rhet. iii. 4: cf. Athen. x. 433 C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Rhet. iii. 4: cf. Athen. x. 433 C.
694. See Athen. xi. s.vv.; also Pollux, vi. 98.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athen. xi. s.vv.; also Pollux, vi. 98.
695. Schol. in Ar. Pac. 916.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Schol. in Ar. Pac. 916.
696. Cf. B.M. E 784–803.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See B.M. E 784–803.
697. See for a discussion of this word, Athen. xi. 476 A.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for a discussion of this word, Athen. xi. 476 A.
698. E.g. B.M. B 42, 46, 181, 204, etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. B 42, 46, 181, 204, etc.
699. xi. 461 B, 497 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 461 B, 497 B.
700. διατετρημένον, Athen. xi. 497 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. διατετρημένον, Athen. xi. 497 E.
701. Exx. in B.M. F 417–36.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Exx. in B.M. F 417–36.
702. xi. 500 E. In the temple of Apollo at Branchidae there were παλίμποτοι, τραγέλαφοι, πρότομοι, with dedicatory inscriptions to Apollo and Artemis; evidently rhyta of this kind (Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2852). An example in the B.M. (F 431) ends in the heads of a boar and dog conjoined.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 500 E. In the temple of Apollo at Branchidae, there were palimpsests, tragelaphs, and protomes, along with dedicatory inscriptions to Apollo and Artemis; clearly, rhyta of this type (Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 2852). An example in the B.M. (F 431) features the heads of a boar and dog merged together.
703. xi. 468 F; cf. 497 A.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 468 F; see also 497 A.
705. In Meid. 565 fin.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. In Meid. 565 end.
707. Pollux, vi. 84–5; x. 86; Ar. passim; Lucian, Somn. 14, p. 723 (τρύβλιον); see Ussing, De nom. vas. graec. p. 160 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pollux, vi. 84–5; x. 86; Ar. passim; Lucian, Somn. 14, p. 723 (τρύβλιον); see Ussing, De nom. vas. graec. p. 160 ff.
711. x. 92. Liddell and Scott state that ἐρεύς is a vox nihili.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.x. 92. Liddell and Scott say that Black is a voice of nothing.
712. Pollux, x. 93.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pollux, x. 93.
713. xi. 476 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. XI. 476 E.
714. See Brit. School Annual, iii. (1896–97) p. 58; Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 271; Couve in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dict. s.v. Kernos. Athenaeus cannot have known this type.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Brit. School Annual, iii. (1896–97) p. 58; Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 271; Couve in Daremberg and Saglio’s Dict. s.v. Kernos. Athenaeus cannot have known this type.
715. Ath. Mitth. 1898, pls. 13, 14; Ephem. Arch. 1885, pl. 9, 1897, p. 163 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1898, pls. 13, 14; Ephemeral Architecture 1885, pl. 9, 1897, p. 163 ff.
716. Ath. Mitth. loc. cit. p. 295.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. same source p. 295.
717. See Jahrbuch, 1894, p. 57 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Yearbook, 1894, p. 57 ff.
719. Athen. xi. 784 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. xi. 784 B.
720. See Pollux, vii. 166; x. 63.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pollux, vii. 166; x. 63.
721. xi. 783 F; he derives the -βαλλος from βαλάντιον (sic). He also says it is like the αρύστιχος, and that ἀρυστίς = πρόχοος.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xi. 783 F; he gets the -βαλλος from wallet (sic). He also mentions that it's similar to the αρύστιχος, and that ἀρυστίς = πρόχοος.
722. See Athen. xi. 784 D; Pollux, vi. 98; Hippokrates, 494, 55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athen. xi. 784 D; Pollux, vi. 98; Hippokrates, 494, 55.
723. He somewhat vaguely identifies it with the Thericleian and Rhodian kylikes. Pollux (vi. 98) also implies it to be a cup.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.He somewhat vaguely connects it to the Thericleian and Rhodian cups. Pollux (vi. 98) also suggests it is a cup.
724. See Ussing, p. 117; Pollux, vi. 106, x. 121; Ar. Ach. 1063.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ussing, p. 117; Pollux, vi. 106, x. 121; Ar. Ach. 1063.
725. Hesych. s.v. ῥύμμα. Also called σμηματοδοκίς.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hesych. s.v. ῥύμμα. Also known as σμηματοδοκίς.
726. E.g. B.M. 208, 225, 376, 386, 794, 810, D 65. But see on this shape Pernice in Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 68, and Robinson in Boston Mus. Report, 1899, p. 73. The latter rejects Pernice’s incense-burner theory (see above, p. 140), and suggests their use for perfume or scented water.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example B.M. 208, 225, 376, 386, 794, 810, D 65. But see on this shape Pernice in Yearbook, 1899, p. 68, and Robinson in Boston Mus. Report, 1899, p. 73. The latter rejects Pernice’s incense-burner theory (see above, p. 140), and suggests their use for perfume or scented water.
727. The B.M. has a late B.F. example, B 298.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The B.M. has a recent B.F. example, B 298.
728. Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 129.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1899, p. 129.
729. E 774; E 810 in the B.M. is a good example of this form.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.E 774; E 810 in the B.M. is a good example of this form.
730. It was formerly thought to be a kind of roof-tile. See Robert in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1892, p. 247; B.M. B 597, 598; Athens 1588–92.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It used to be believed that it was a type of roof tile. Check out Robert in Eph. Arch. 1892, p. 247; B.M. B 597, 598; Athens 1588–92.
731. See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 17.
732. See op. cit. iv. p. 8, fig. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See op. cit. iv. p. 8, fig. 18.
736. B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, D 204 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, D 204 ff.
738. Cat. of Terracottas, D 209–10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Catalog of Terracottas, D 209–10.
CHAPTER V
TECHNICAL PROCESSES
Nature of clay—Places whence obtained—Hand-made vases—Invention of potter’s wheel—Methods of modelling—Moulded vases and relief-decoration—Baking—Potteries and furnaces—Painted vases and their classification—Black varnish—Methods of painting—Instruments and colours employed—Status of potters in antiquity.
Nature of clay—Sources of extraction—Handcrafted vases—Invention of the potter's wheel—Modeling techniques—Molded vases and decorative relief—Baking process—Potteries and kilns—Painted vases and their classification—Black gloss—Painting methods—Tools and colors used—Status of potters in ancient times.
In this chapter we propose to deal with the various technical processes required for the manufacture of painted vases, that being of all the methods of working in clay employed by the Greeks the most important, and thus, as already implied, forming the main branch of our subject. These vases show, in fact, the highest point of perfection to which the ceramic art attained.
In this chapter, we plan to discuss the different technical processes needed to make painted vases, which is the most significant method of working with clay used by the Greeks. As mentioned earlier, this is the core focus of our topic. These vases represent the peak of perfection achieved in ceramic art.
In the making of Greek vases we can distinguish four separate stages: (1) Preparation of the clay; (2) Modelling (a) on the wheel, (b) by hand, or (c) from a mould; (3) Baking; (4) Painting, glazing, and other decoration. The last-named is not absolutely essential, i.e. a vase, especially one for ordinary daily use, may be considered complete without it. Further, the three first stages are practically the same at all periods of Greek art, whereas the systems of painting and decoration are subject to local variations and chronological development. For the purposes of the present chapter it is sufficient to consider only those vases which have undergone the complete process of manufacture, or what are known for the purposes of study as “Painted Greek Vases.”
In the creation of Greek vases, we can identify four distinct stages: (1) Preparing the clay; (2) Shaping (a) on the wheel, (b) by hand, or (c) using a mold; (3) Firing; (4) Painting, glazing, and other decorations. The last stage isn't strictly necessary, meaning a vase, especially one for everyday use, can be considered finished without it. Additionally, the first three stages are pretty much the same throughout all periods of Greek art, while the methods of painting and decorating vary by location and evolve over time. For the purposes of this chapter, it's enough to focus on those vases that have gone through the entire manufacturing process, referred to in this study as “Painted Greek Vases.”
1. Clay Preparation
The paste of these vases is similar to terracotta in its general characteristics, such as the constitution of the mixture of which it is composed; it is in general very delicate, but deeper in tone and finer in texture than that of the terracottas. Brongniart has described it as “tender, easily scratched or cut with a knife, remarkably fine and homogeneous, but of loose texture”[739]; but it would be more accurate to say that it varies in one respect, being sometimes so hard that cutting or scratching has no effect upon it. When broken it exhibits a dull opaque colour, varying from red to yellow and yellow to grey. On being struck it gives forth a dull metallic sound; it is exceedingly porous, and easily allows water to ooze through.
The material of these vases is similar to terracotta in its overall traits, like the makeup of the mixture it consists of; it tends to be very delicate, but deeper in color and finer in texture than typical terracotta. Brongniart described it as “soft, easily scratched or cut with a knife, exceptionally fine and uniform, but with a loose texture”[739]; however, it’s more accurate to say that it varies in one way, being sometimes so hard that cutting or scratching has no effect. When broken, it shows a dull, opaque color that ranges from red to yellow and yellow to gray. When struck, it produces a dull, metallic sound; it is highly porous and easily lets water seep through.
The surface was protected by a fine, thin alkaline glaze, which is semi-transparent, enhancing the colours with which the vase was painted, like the varnish of a picture. It is this glaze which forms the special distinction of the Greek painted vases and renders them, in contradistinction to common pottery or earthenware, the counterpart of the medieval faïences or majolicas, or the finer porcelain of the present day.
The surface was coated with a fine, thin alkaline glaze that is semi-transparent, bringing out the colors with which the vase was painted, much like the varnish on a painting. This glaze is what makes Greek painted vases unique and sets them apart from ordinary pottery or earthenware, making them comparable to medieval faïences or majolicas, as well as the finer porcelain we have today.
As to the chemical composition of the paste, it would seem that hitherto investigations have been confined to vases of Italian origin, but probably those found on Greek soil would yield similar results. The principal ingredients are clay, silicic acid, and iron oxide, with slight admixtures of carbonate of lime and magnesia. The principal results of previous investigations have been tabulated by Blümner,[740] and yield the following average result (chiefly from analyses of vases from Southern Italy):—
As for the chemical makeup of the paste, it seems that past studies have mostly focused on vases from Italy, but it's likely that those found in Greece would show similar findings. The main components are clay, silica, and iron oxide, with small amounts of lime and magnesium carbonate. The key findings from earlier research have been summarized by Blümner,[740] and present the following average result (primarily based on analyses of vases from Southern Italy):—
Silicic acid | 52 to 60 parts. |
Clay earth | 13 to 19 parts. |
Chalk | 5 to 10 parts. |
Magnesia | 1 to 3 parts. |
Iron oxide | 12 to 19 parts. |
The largest proportion of clay found in any one vase was 27 parts; there was also one instance given of 24 parts of iron oxide.
The highest amount of clay found in a single vase was 27 parts; there was also one case where it was noted as having 24 parts of iron oxide.
The variations in tone of the clay of Greek vases are very marked. The usual colour is an ochre varying from yellowish-white to brownish-red, the mean being a sort of orange. These variations were apparently regulated by the amount of iron oxide employed. It has been noted by Jahn[741] that vases were sometimes moulded “double,” i.e. turned on the wheel in two different thicknesses of clay, the finer and ruddier forming the exterior surface for decoration.
The color variations in the clay of Greek vases are quite noticeable. The typical color is an ochre that ranges from yellowish-white to brownish-red, with the average being a kind of orange. These differences were likely influenced by the amount of iron oxide used. Jahn noted that vases were sometimes made "double," meaning they were shaped on the wheel using two different thicknesses of clay, with the thinner and redder layer creating the outer surface for decoration.
The earliest and most primitive Greek vases (including those of the Mycenaean period) in most cases exhibit the natural quality of the clay, ranging from yellow to grey in colour; it is usually coarse and insufficiently baked, and protected by no lustrous glaze. In the early archaic vases, such as those of Melos, Athens, and Rhodes, we observe a pale yellow tone, which is apparently not a glaze, but inherent in the clay.[742] Thenceforward the clay becomes appreciably redder and warmer in tone until the lustrous glaze reaches its perfection in the Attic vases of the fifth century. In the later Italian fabrics again there is a great degeneration, the clay rapidly reverting to a paler hue, especially in the vases of Campania; while in the Etruscan imitations of the third century it is a dull coarse yellow, apparently due to a preponderance of lime. Generally speaking, it may be said that the colour depends on the proportion in which the constituent parts are mixed, a larger proportion of iron oxide producing a redder, a larger proportion of lime a paler hue.
The earliest and most basic Greek vases (including those from the Mycenaean period) mostly show the natural quality of the clay, which ranges from yellow to gray in color; it's usually coarse and not fired enough, lacking any shiny glaze. In the early archaic vases, like those from Melos, Athens, and Rhodes, we see a light yellow tone that seems to be part of the clay rather than a glaze.[742] From that point on, the clay becomes noticeably redder and warmer in color until the shiny glaze reaches its peak in the Attic vases of the fifth century. In the later Italian styles, there's significant decline, with the clay quickly returning to a lighter shade, especially in the vases from Campania; while in the Etruscan copies from the third century, it's a dull, coarse yellow, likely due to a high lime content. Generally speaking, the color depends on the mix of the materials, where a higher amount of iron oxide results in a redder hue, and a higher amount of lime leads to a paler color.
The clay is permeable, allowing water to exude when not glazed, and when moistened emits a strong earthy smell. It is not known how this paste was prepared, for the Greeks have left few or no details of their processes, but it has been conjectured that the clay was fined by pouring it into a series of vats, and constantly decanting the water, so that the last vat held only the finest particles in suspension. The clay was worked up to the right consistency with the hands, and is supposed to have been ground in a mill or trodden out with the feet. Either red or white clay, or a mixture of the two, was preferred by the ancients, according to the nature of the pottery required to be made, as we learn from an interesting passage in the Geoponica:—“All kinds of earth are not suited for pottery, but some prefer the reddish variety, others the white; others again blend the two ... but the potter ought personally to assist in the operations and see that the clay is well levigated and not placed on the wheel until he has obtained a clear idea of the probable appearance of the jar after the baking” (vi. 3).
The clay is porous, allowing water to seep out when it’s unglazed, and when damp, it has a strong earthy smell. It's unclear how this clay was processed, as the Greeks have provided few details about their methods, but it’s believed that the clay was refined by pouring it into several vats and regularly decanting the water, so that the last vat contained only the finest particles. The clay was shaped to the right consistency by hand and likely ground in a mill or trodden by foot. The ancients preferred either red or white clay or a mix of the two, depending on the type of pottery being made, as mentioned in an interesting section of the Geoponica:—“Not all types of earth are suitable for pottery; some prefer the reddish kind, others the white; some even blend the two... but the potter should personally oversee the process and ensure that the clay is well refined and not put on the wheel until he has a clear vision of how the jar will look after firing” (vi. 3).
Certain sites enjoyed in antiquity great reputation for their clays. One of the most celebrated was that procured from a mine near the promontory of Cape Kolias,[743] close to Phaleron, from which was produced the paste which gave so much renown to the products of the Athenian Kerameikos. The vases made of it became so fashionable, that Plutarch[744] relates an anecdote of a person who, having swallowed poison, refused to drink the antidote except out of a vessel made of this clay. It seems to have been of a fine quality, but not remarkably warm in tone when submitted to the furnace; ruddle, or red ochre (rubrica), being employed to impart to it that rich deep orange glow which distinguishes the finest vases of the best period.[745] Corinth,[746] Knidos, Samos, and various other places famous for their potteries, were provided with fine clays. At Koptos, in Egypt, and in Rhodes, vases were manufactured of an aromatic earth.[747] The extreme lightness of the paste of these vases was remarked by the ancients, and its tenuity is mentioned by Plutarch.[748] That it was an object of ambition to excel in this respect, appears from the two amphorae mentioned by Pliny as preserved in the temple of Erythrae,[749] of extreme lightness and thinness, made by a potter and his pupil when contending which could produce the lightest vase. The thinnest vases which have come down to us are scarcely thicker than pieces of stout paper. Great difference is to be observed in the pastes of vases from widely-separated localities, due either to the composition or to the baking, as has been noted in the case of the terracottas (p. 113).
Certain sites in ancient times were highly regarded for their clays. One of the most famous was from a mine near Cape Kolias,[743] close to Phaleron, which produced the paste that made the Athenian Kerameikos so renowned. The vases made from this clay became so popular that Plutarch[744] recounts a story about someone who, after swallowing poison, refused to take the antidote unless it was served in a vessel made from this clay. It seems to have been of high quality, but not particularly warm in color when fired; ruddle, or red ochre (rubrica), was used to give it that rich deep orange hue that characterizes the finest vases from the best period.[745] Corinth,[746] Knidos, Samos, and several other locations known for their pottery had access to fine clays. In Koptos, Egypt, and Rhodes, they created vases from an aromatic earth.[747] The ancient people noticed the extreme lightness of these vase pastes, and Plutarch noted its thinness.[748] It was clearly a goal to excel in this aspect, as evidenced by the two amphorae mentioned by Pliny that were stored in the temple of Erythrae,[749] noted for their remarkable lightness and thinness, crafted by a potter and his student who were competing to make the lightest vase. The thinnest vases that survive today are hardly thicker than sturdy paper. There is a significant difference in the pastes of vases from different regions, attributed either to their composition or to the firing process, as has been observed with the terracottas (p. 113).
2. Vase Manufacturing
The earliest glazed vases were made with the hand, but the wheel was an invention of very remote antiquity, as has been noted in our Introductory Chapter. It is generally supposed that its origin is to be attributed to Egypt. Its introduction into Greece may easily be traced by a study of primitive pottery from any site such as Crete, Cyprus, or Troy, where the distinction between hand-made and wheel-made vessels is clear. Thus in the tombs of Cyprus which belong to the Bronze Age, the earlier finds, dating from about 2500–1500 B.C., are exclusively of hand-made pottery.[750] The latter part of the Bronze Age may be regarded as a transitional period, in which the tombs contain hand-made unglazed painted vases, together with pottery of a much more developed character, with a lustrous yellow glaze, bearing unmistakable evidence of having been turned on a wheel. This pottery appears to be largely imported, as opposed to the local wares, which are still hand-made, and its widespread distribution over the whole of the “Aegean” area marks an important epoch in the history of early ceramics (see Chapter VI.). It covers the period from 1500 to about 900 B.C., and it is to this time that we may attribute the general use of the potter’s wheel in Greece, although it was known even earlier, as some isolated specimens prove.
The earliest glazed vases were made by hand, but the wheel was invented a long time ago, as mentioned in our Introductory Chapter. It's generally believed that it originated in Egypt. Its introduction to Greece can easily be traced by examining primitive pottery from sites like Crete, Cyprus, or Troy, where the difference between hand-made and wheel-made vessels is clear. In the tombs of Cyprus from the Bronze Age, the earlier finds, dating from about 2500–1500 B.C., are entirely hand-made pottery.[750] The later part of the Bronze Age can be seen as a transitional period, where tombs contain hand-made unglazed painted vases alongside pottery that is much more advanced, featuring a shiny yellow glaze and clear evidence of being made on a wheel. This pottery seems to be largely imported, in contrast to the local wares, which are still hand-made, and its widespread presence throughout the “Aegean” area signifies an important time in the history of early ceramics (see Chapter VI.). This period spans from 1500 to about 900 BCE, and we can attribute the general use of the potter’s wheel in Greece to this time, although it was known earlier, as some isolated examples demonstrate.
Among the Greeks there were many contending claims for the honour of having invented the potter’s wheel. Tradition attributed it to various personages, such as Daedalos,[751] or his nephew and rival Talos[752]; Hyperbios of Corinth[753]; Koroibos of Athens; and Anacharsis the Scythian.[754] Kritias, the comic poet, claimed the invention for Athens—“that city which ... invented pottery, the famous offspring of the wheel, of earth, and of fire.”[755] There is also a familiar allusion to it in Homer,[756] which is a fair testimony to its antiquity:—
Among the Greeks, there were many competing claims for the honor of inventing the potter’s wheel. Tradition credited it to various figures, such as Daedalos,[751] or his nephew and rival Talos[752]; Hyperbios of Corinth[753]; Koroibos of Athens; and Anacharsis the Scythian.[754] Kritias, the comic poet, claimed the invention for Athens—“that city which ... invented pottery, the famous creation of the wheel, earth, and fire.”[755] There is also a well-known reference to it in Homer,[756] which serves as a good indication of its ancient origins:—
As regards the traditions, even Strabo[757] realised their absurdity, when he asked, “How could the wheel be the invention of Anacharsis, when his predecessor Homer knew of it?” On the other hand, Poseidonios adheres to the tradition, maintaining that the passage in Homer is an interpolation.[758] Other allusions to the wheel are in the writings of Plato[759] and the comic poet Antiphanes.[760]
As for the traditions, even Strabo[757] recognized their absurdity when he asked, “How could Anacharsis invent the wheel if Homer, who came before him, was already aware of it?” On the other hand, Poseidonios sticks to the tradition, arguing that the mention in Homer's work is an interpolation.[758] Other references to the wheel can be found in the writings of Plato[759] and the comic poet Antiphanes.[760]

FIG. 65. POTTER’S WHEEL (FROM A PAINTING OF ABOUT 600 B.C.).
FIG. 65. POTTER’S WHEEL (FROM A PAINTING AROUND 600 B.C.).
Among the Egyptians and Greeks the wheel took the form of a low circular table, turned with the hand, not as nowadays with the foot.[761] The assumption that the wheel was turned with the foot is only supported by one passage in the Book of Ecclesiasticus[762]; the evidence of Plutarch[763] and Hippokrates[764] tells decidedly against it. In 1840 some discs of terracotta, strengthened with spokes and a leaden tire, came to light on the site of the ancient potteries at Arezzo, and these had evidently been used as potter’s wheels.[765] The process is also represented on two or three vases, as on a Corinthian painted tablet of about 600 B.C. (Fig. 65),[766] on a kylix in the British Museum (B 433), on a B.F. hydria in Munich (Fig. 67 b, below), and on a R.F. fragment from the Acropolis of Athens (Fig. 66),[767] which shows a man modelling the foot of a large krater, while a boy or slave turns the wheel, as on the Munich vase. On the British Museum cup the potter is seated on a low stool, apparently modelling a vase which he has just turned into shape on the wheel.
Among the Egyptians and Greeks, the wheel was shaped like a low circular table, turned by hand rather than by foot like it is today.[761] The idea that the wheel was turned with the foot is supported by just one reference in the Book of Ecclesiasticus[762]; evidence from Plutarch[763] and Hippokrates[764] strongly suggests otherwise. In 1840, some terracotta discs, reinforced with spokes and a lead tire, were discovered at the ancient potteries in Arezzo, indicating they had been used as potter’s wheels.[765] This process is also represented on two or three vases, such as on a Corinthian painted tablet from around 600 BCE (Fig. 65),[766] on a kylix in the British Museum (B 433), on a B.F. hydria in Munich (Fig. 67 b, below), and on a R.F. fragment from the Acropolis of Athens (Fig. 66),[767] which depicts a man shaping the foot of a large krater while a boy or slave turns the wheel, similar to the Munich vase. In the British Museum cup, the potter is seated on a low stool, seemingly shaping a vase that he has just formed on the wheel.

FIG. 66. POTTER’S WHEEL (FROM A VASE OF ABOUT 500 B.C.).
FIG. 66. POTTER’S WHEEL (FROM A VASE AROUND 500 B.C.).
In making the vases the wheel was used in the following manner:—A piece of paste of the required size was placed upon it vertically in the centre, and while it revolved was formed with the finger and thumb, the potter paying regard not only to the production of the right shape, but to the necessary thickness of the walls. This process sufficed for the smaller pieces, such as cups or jugs; the larger amphorae and hydriae required the introduction of the arm. The feet, necks, mouths, and handles were separately turned on moulds, and fixed on while the clay was moist. They are often modelled with great beauty and precision, especially the feet, which are admirably finished off, to effect which the vase must have been inverted. The modelling and separate attachment of the handle is represented in more than one ancient work of art (see Fig. 66). In many cases the joining of the handles is so excellent that it is easier to break than to detach them. Great technical skill was displayed in turning certain peculiar forms of vases, and generally speaking the Greeks with their simple wheel effected wonders, producing shapes still unrivalled for beauty.
In making the vases, the wheel was used like this: a piece of clay of the required size was placed vertically in the center, and as it spun, it was shaped with the finger and thumb. The potter focused not only on creating the right shape but also on ensuring the walls had the right thickness. This method worked for smaller items like cups or jugs; however, larger amphorae and hydriae required the use of the arm. The feet, necks, mouths, and handles were shaped separately on molds and attached while the clay was still wet. They are often crafted with great beauty and precision, especially the feet, which are finished exceptionally well—this was likely done while the vase was turned upside down. The modeling and separate attachment of the handle can be seen in several ancient artworks (see Fig. 66). In many cases, the way the handles are joined is so well done that it's easier to break them than to remove them. There was great technical skill involved in shaping certain unique forms of vases, and generally speaking, the Greeks used their simple wheel to create astonishing works, producing shapes that remain unmatched in beauty.
In the case of the earlier vases, which are made by hand, after the clay was properly kneaded the potter took up a mass of the paste, and hollowing it into the shape of walls with one hand, placed the other inside it and pressed it out into the required form. In this way also the thickness of the walls could be regulated. When raised or incised ornaments were required, he used modeller’s tools, such as wooden or bronze chisels. The largest and coarsest vases of the Greeks were made with the hand, and the large πίθοι, or casks, such as have been recently found in such numbers in Crete and Thera (p. 152), were modelled by the aid of a kind of hooped mould (κάνναβος): see ibid.). The smaller and finer vases, however, were invariably turned on the wheel. On a Graeco-Roman lamp from Pozzuoli, in the British Museum,[768] a potter is seen standing and modelling a vase before his furnace, in the manner no doubt employed at all periods.
In the case of the earlier vases, which were made by hand, after the clay was properly kneaded, the potter would take a piece of the paste, hollow it out to form the walls with one hand, and use the other hand inside to shape it into the desired form. This method also allowed for the regulation of the wall thickness. When raised or incised decorations were needed, he used modeling tools like wooden or bronze chisels. The largest and roughest Greek vases were made by hand, and the large πίθοι, or casks, which have recently been found in abundance in Crete and Thera (p. 152) were shaped using a type of hooped mold (cannabis): see ibid.. However, the smaller and more refined vases were always turned on the wheel. On a Graeco-Roman lamp from Pozzuoli, in the British Museum,[768], a potter is depicted standing and shaping a vase in front of his furnace, using a technique that was likely common throughout all periods.
Certain parts of the ancient painted vases were modelled by the potter from the earliest times—e.g. on those of the Geometrical period horses are occasionally found on the covers of the flat dishes moulded in full relief, and in other examples the handle is enriched with the moulded figure of a serpent twining round it. This kind of ornament is more suitable to works in metal than in clay, and suggests the idea that such vases were, in fact, imitations of metallic ones. On vases of all periods moulded bosses and heads, like the reliefs on metal vases, are sometimes found; even in black-figured vases the insertions of the handles of hydriae and oinochoae are occasionally thus enriched. In the later styles modelling was more profusely employed; small projecting heads were affixed to the handles of jugs[769] at their tops and bases, and on the large kraters found in Apulia the discs in which the handles terminated (see above, p. 171) were ornamented with heads of the Gorgon Medusa, or with such subjects as Satyrs and Maenads. These portions were sometimes covered with the black varnish used for the body of the vase, but frequently they were painted with white and red colours of the opaque kind.
Certain parts of ancient painted vases were shaped by the potter from the earliest times—e.g. during the Geometric period, horses occasionally appear on the covers of flat dishes in full relief, and in other examples, the handle is embellished with a molded figure of a serpent winding around it. This type of decoration is more suitable for metal works than for clay, suggesting that these vases were actually imitations of metal ones. Vases from all periods sometimes feature molded bosses and heads, similar to the reliefs found on metal vases; even in black-figure vases, the attachments of the handles of hydriae and oinochoae are occasionally enhanced this way. In later styles, modeling was used more extensively; small projecting heads were added to the handles of jugs[769] at their tops and bases, and on the large kraters found in Apulia, the discs where the handles ended (see above, p. 171) were adorned with heads of the Gorgon Medusa or subjects like Satyrs and Maenads. These sections were sometimes coated with the black varnish used for the vase body, but often they were painted with opaque white and red colors.
But the art of modelling was soon extensively superseded by that of moulding, or producing several impressions from a mould, generally itself of terracotta. The subject was in the first place modelled in relief with considerable care; and from this model a cast in clay was taken and then baked. The potter availed himself of moulds for various purposes. From them he produced entire parts of his vase in full relief, such as the handles, and possibly in some instances the feet. He also stamped out certain ornaments in relief, much in the same manner as the ornaments of cakes are prepared, and fixed them while moist to the still damp body of the vase. Such ornaments were principally placed upon the lips or at the base of the handles, and in the interior of the kylikes or cups of a late style. A late bowl of black glazed ware in the British Museum (see Plate XLVIII.) contains an impression from one of the later Syracusan decadrachms having for its subject the head of Persephone surrounded by dolphins: it was struck about 370 B.C. by Euainetos.[771]
But the art of modeling was soon largely replaced by that of molding, or making several impressions from a mold, which was usually made of terracotta. First, the subject was carefully modeled in relief. From this model, a clay cast was taken and then baked. The potter used molds for various purposes. From them, he produced complete parts of his vase in full relief, like the handles, and possibly in some cases the feet. He also stamped out certain decorative elements in relief, similar to how cake decorations are made, and attached them while still wet to the damp body of the vase. These ornaments were mainly placed on the rims or at the base of the handles, and inside the kylikes or cups of a later style. A later bowl of black glazed pottery in the British Museum (see Plate XLVIII.) contains an impression from one of the later Syracusan decadrachms featuring the head of Persephone surrounded by dolphins: it was minted around 370 B.C. by Euainetos.[771]
The last method to be described is that of producing the entire vase from a mould by stamping it out, a process extensively adopted in Roman pottery. During the best period of the fictile art, while painting flourished, such vases were very rare; but on the introduction of a taste for magnificent vases of chased metal, the potters endeavoured to meet the public taste by imitating the reliefs of metal ware.
The final method to be discussed involves creating the whole vase from a mold by stamping it out, a technique widely used in Roman pottery. During the peak of this art form, when painting was popular, such vases were quite uncommon; however, with the rise of a preference for grand vases made of chased metal, potters tried to cater to public taste by mimicking the designs of metalware.
The most remarkable of these moulded vases are the rhyta or drinking-horns, the bodies of which terminate in the heads of animals, produced from a mould (see above, p. 192). By the same process were also made vases in the form of jugs or lekythi, the bodies of which are moulded in the shape of human heads, and sometimes glazed, while the necks were fashioned on the lathe, and the handles added. These were coloured and ornamented on the same principle as the rhyta, the vase-portion being generally covered with a black glaze, but sometimes with a white slip, after the manner of the terracottas. Besides the rhyta, phialae, or saucers, were also moulded; fine examples of which process may be seen on the flat bossed saucers, or phialae mesomphaloi, discussed in Chapter XI., p. 502.
The most remarkable of these molded vases are the rhyta or drinking horns, whose bodies end in the heads of animals, created using a mold (see above, p. 192). By the same method, vases shaped like jugs or lekythi were also made, with bodies molded in the form of human heads, and sometimes glazed. The necks were shaped on a lathe, and handles were added. These were decorated and colored in the same way as the rhyta, with the vase part usually covered in a black glaze, though sometimes a white slip was used, similar to terracottas. In addition to the rhyta, vials, or saucers, were also molded; excellent examples of this technique can be seen on the flat bossed saucers, or Phials with central dip, detailed in Chapter XI., p. 502.
Amphorae and other vases of late black ware, the bodies of which are reeded, were also evidently produced from moulds, and could not be made by the expensive process of modelling. Of smaller dimensions, but also made by moulding, were the vases known as gutti, or “lamp-feeders” (see above, p. 200). They have reeded bodies, long-necked mouths, and circular handles; and on their upper surface a small circular medallion in bas-relief, with a mythological subject. Such vases are principally found in Southern Italy and in Sicily, and belong to the second century B.C. (Chapter XI., p. 502). After being moulded they were entirely covered with a black glaze. Other vases again are entirely moulded in human or animal forms, with a small mouth or spout. These are found at all periods, but chiefly in the archaic Rhodian and Corinthian fabrics, and again reviving in the later stages of vase-fabrics in Southern Italy. Examples may be seen in the First Vase Room (Cases 33–34 and F) and Fourth Vase Room (Case B) of the British Museum: see also Plate XLVI. Others again retain the form of the jug or lekythos, with a figure or relief attached to the front of the body and coloured or covered with a white slip, while the back is varnished black. The whole subject is treated in fuller detail in Chapter XI.
Amphorae and other vases of late black ware, with their reeded bodies, were clearly produced from molds and couldn’t be made using the costly modeling method. A smaller type, known as gutti, or “lamp-feeders” (see above, p. 200), were also made using molds. They feature reeded bodies, long necks, and circular handles, and have a small circular medallion in bas-relief with a mythological theme on their upper surface. These vases are mostly found in Southern Italy and Sicily, dating back to the second century BCE (Chapter XI., p. 502). After being molded, they were completely coated with a black glaze. Other vases are fully molded into human or animal shapes, equipped with a small mouth or spout. These appear throughout all periods, largely in archaic Rhodian and Corinthian styles, and again resurging in the later stages of vase-making in Southern Italy. You can find examples in the First Vase Room (Cases 33–34 and F) and Fourth Vase Room (Case B) of the British Museum: see also Plate XLVI. Others maintain the shape of a jug or lekythos, featuring a figure or relief on the front of the body, colored or covered with a white slip, while the back is varnished black. The entire topic is explored in more detail in Chapter XI.
Many vases of the fourth century and later are entirely covered with a coating of black glaze, while rows of small stamped ornaments, apparently made with a metal punch, have been impressed on the wet clay before the glaze was applied. These decorations are unimportant in their subjects, which are generally small Gorgons’ heads, tendrils, or palmettes, and hatched bands, arranged round the axis of the vase. This latter ornament was probably produced by rolling the edge of a disc notched for the purpose round the vase, in the same manner as a bookbinder uses his brass punch. When these vases came into use the potter’s trade had ceased to be artistic, and was essentially mechanical. They are found on almost all sites from Cyprus to Italy.[772]
Many vases from the fourth century and later are completely covered with a layer of black glaze, while rows of small stamped designs, likely made with a metal punch, have been pressed into the wet clay before the glaze was applied. These decorations aren’t significant in their themes, which usually feature small Gorgon's heads, tendrils, or palmettes, along with hatching patterns, arranged around the vase's surface. The latter ornament was probably created by rolling the edge of a notched disc around the vase, similar to how a bookbinder uses a brass punch. By the time these vases were in use, pottery had stopped being an art form and had become more of a mechanical process. They can be found at almost all sites from Cyprus to Italy.[772]
After the vases had been made on the wheel they were duly dried in the sun[773] and lightly baked, after which they were ready for varnishing and painting; it is evident that they could not be painted while wet and soft. Moreover the glaze ran best on a surface already baked. It is also probable that the glaze was brought out by a process of polishing, the surface of the clay being smoothed by means of a small piece of wood or hard leather. At all events this seems the most satisfactory interpretation of a vase-painting in Berlin (Fig. 67a),[774] where a boy is seen applying a tool of some kind to the outer surface of a completed vase (kotyle); that the vase is not yet varnished is shown by its being left in a red colour, while two others, varnished black all over, stand on the steps of an oven close by, probably to dry after the application of the varnish.
After the vases were shaped on the wheel, they were carefully dried in the sun[773] and lightly baked, making them ready for varnishing and painting; it's clear that they couldn't be painted while they were wet and soft. Additionally, the glaze worked best on a surface that was already baked. It's also likely that the glaze was enhanced by polishing, with the clay surface smoothed using a small piece of wood or hard leather. In any case, this interpretation aligns well with a vase painting in Berlin (Fig. 67a),[774] where a boy is depicted using some kind of tool on the outer surface of a finished vase (kotyle); the fact that the vase isn't varnished is indicated by its red color, while two others, fully varnished in black, are sitting on the steps of an oven nearby, likely drying after the varnish was applied.

FIG. 67. (a) CUP IN BERLIN WITH BOY POLISHING VASE; (b) HYDRIA IN MUNICH: INTERIOR OF POTTERY.
FIG. 67. (a) CUP IN BERLIN WITH A BOY POLISHING A VASE; (b) HYDRIA IN MUNICH: INTERIOR OF POTTERY.
Many vases, whether decorated with designs or not, are varnished black throughout the exterior, except the feet and lips, and we cannot be certain whether or not any glaze had been previously applied to the surface; but in respect of the red-figured vases, it is clear from the method employed (see p. 221) that they were originally glazed throughout.
Many vases, whether they have designs or not, are completely varnished black on the outside, except for the feet and rims, and we can't be sure if a glaze was applied to the surface before. However, regarding the red-figured vases, it's clear from the technique used (see p. 221) that they were originally fully glazed.
This lustrous glaze is, like the black varnish, now quite a lost art. Seen under a microscope it has evidently been fused by baking; it yields neither to acids nor the blow-pipe. It is remarkably fine and thin, insomuch that it can only be analysed with great difficulty. No lead entered into its composition. It is however far inferior to modern glazes, being permeable by water; but it is not decomposed by the same chemical agents. On the later R.F. vases it is of decidedly inferior quality, and often scales away, carrying the superimposed colours with it.[775]
This shiny glaze is, like the black varnish, now pretty much a lost skill. When viewed under a microscope, it’s clear that it was fused by baking; it doesn’t react with acids or a blowpipe. It’s extremely fine and thin, making it only analyzable with great difficulty. No lead was used in its composition. However, it’s much less effective than modern glazes, as it allows water to pass through; yet, it doesn’t break down with the same chemical agents. On the later R.F. vases, the quality is noticeably poorer, and it often flakes off, taking the colors on top with it.[775]
3. Making Vases
The process of baking (ὀπτᾶν, coquere) was regarded as one of the most critical in the potter’s art. It was not indeed universal, as Plato[776] distinguishes between vases which have or have not been exposed to the action of fire (ἔμπυρα and ἄπυρα), and Pliny[777] speaks of fictile crudum (ὠμόν) used for medicinal purposes. But all the vases that have come down to us have certainly been baked. The necessary amount of heat required was regulated by the character of the ware, and in the case of most Greek fabrics it appears to have been high. Many examples exist of discoloured vases which have been subjected to too much or too little heat, and in which the varnish has acquired a greenish or reddish hue. On the other hand, in some of those that have been subjected to subsequent burning, the red glaze has turned to an ashen-grey colour,[778] the black remaining unimpaired; but there are also instances of the varnish peeling off, the red colour alone preserving the outline of the figures.
The baking process (roasting, coquere) was considered one of the most essential in pottery making. It wasn’t universal, as Plato[776] distinguishes between vases that have been fired and those that haven’t (flames and unburned), and Pliny[777] refers to fired clay (raw) used for medicinal purposes. However, all the vases that survive today have definitely been fired. The amount of heat required was determined by the type of pottery, and for most Greek pottery, it seems to have been quite high. There are many examples of discolored vases that were exposed to too much or too little heat, which caused the glaze to take on a greenish or reddish tint. On the flip side, some vases that underwent additional firing have seen their red glaze turn ashen-grey,[778] while the black parts remained unchanged; but there are also cases where the glaze has flaked off, leaving only the red color to outline the figures.
Other accidents were liable to befall them in the baking, such as the cracking of the vase under too great heat; this produced an effect expressed by the term πυρορραγής or φοξός, words which seem to have some reference to the sound of a cracked pot.[779] Or the shape of a vase might be damaged while it was yet soft, one knocking against another and denting its side, or crushing the lip through being carelessly superimposed. On a R.F. amphora in the British Museum (E 295) a dent has been caused by the pressure of another vase, which has left traces of a band of maeanders. This probably happened when the vases were in the kiln for the second firing. The quality of the baking was tested by tapping the walls of the vase.[780]
Other accidents could happen while they were baking, like a vase cracking because of too much heat; this created an effect described by the terms bleeding or φοξός, which seem to relate to the sound of a cracked pot.[779] Or the shape of a vase might get damaged while it was still soft, such as one knocking against another and leaving a dent, or crushing the lip by being carelessly stacked. On an R.F. amphora in the British Museum (E 295), a dent was caused by the pressure of another vase, which left marks of a band of maeanders. This likely occurred when the vases were in the kiln for the second firing. The quality of the baking was tested by tapping the walls of the vase.[780]
These misfortunes were attributed to the action of malicious demons, whose influence had to be counteracted in various ways; thus, for instance, a Satyric or grotesque head was placed in front of the furnace and was supposed to have an apotropaeic effect against the evil eye.[781] The pseudo-Homeric hymn addressed to the potters of Samos invokes the protection of Athena for the vases in the furnace, and mentions the evil spirits which are ready to injure them in the case of bad faith on the potter’s part. Among the names given are: Ἄσβεστος, “the Unquenchable”; Σμάραγος, “the Crasher”; Σύντριψ, “the Smasher”; Ὠμόδαμος, “the Savage Conqueror.”
These unfortunate events were blamed on the actions of malicious demons, whose influence needed to be countered in various ways. For example, a grotesque head was placed in front of the furnace and was believed to ward off the evil eye. [781] The pseudo-Homeric hymn dedicated to the potters of Samos calls for Athena's protection over the vases in the furnace and mentions the evil spirits that are ready to harm them if the potter acts with bad intentions. Some of the names mentioned include: Unquenchable, "the Unquenchable"; Smaragos, "the Crasher"; Smashed, "the Smasher"; Raw Power, "the Savage Conqueror."
As depicted on vases and elsewhere, the ancient furnaces seem to have been of simple construction, tall conical ovens fed by fires from beneath, into which the vases were placed with a long shovel resembling a baker’s peel. The kilns were heated with charcoal or wood fuel, and in some of the representations of them we see men holding long instruments with which they are about to poke or rake the fires (Fig. 68). They had two doors, one for the insertion of the vases and one for the potter to watch the progress of the baking. For vases of great size, like the huge πίθοι, special ovens must have been necessary; and we have a representation on a Corinthian pinax[783] of such an oven, the roof of which resembles the upper part of a large pithos surrounded by flames.
As shown on vases and in other places, the ancient furnaces appear to have been simply built, tall cone-shaped ovens that were fed by fires from below, into which the vases were placed using a long shovel similar to a baker’s peel. The kilns were heated with charcoal or wood, and in some of the images, we see men holding long tools to poke or rake the fires (Fig. 68). They had two doors—one for putting in the vases and another for the potter to monitor the baking process. For larger vases, like the massive πίθοι, special ovens must have been required; we also have an image on a Corinthian pinax[783] of such an oven, whose roof looks like the upper part of a large pithos surrounded by flames.

FIG. 68. SEILENOS AS POTTER.
FIG. 68. SEILENOS THE POTTER.
On the lamp from Pozzuoli in the British Museum, referred to on p. 209, there is a curious subject in relief, representing a potter about to place a vase in an oven with a tall chimney; and on a hydria at Munich[784] (Fig. 67 b) a man is about to place an amphora in a kiln, while other jars (painted white) stand ready to be baked. But for our purposes the Corinthian pinakes are even more valuable for the information they afford. There are several representing the exterior of the conical furnace, with men standing by watching the fires and tending them with rakes[785]; in another we have a bird’s-eye view in horizontal section of the interior of an oven, filled with jugs of various forms (Fig. 69). Flames are usually indicated rising from underneath the ovens.[786]
On the lamp from Pozzuoli in the British Museum, mentioned on p. 209, there's an interesting relief showing a potter about to put a vase in an oven with a tall chimney; and on a hydria in Munich[784] (Fig. 67 b), a man is about to place an amphora in a kiln, while other jars (painted white) are ready to be baked. But for our purposes, the Corinthian pinakes are even more valuable for the information they provide. There are several that depict the exterior of the conical furnace, with men standing by to watch the fires and tending to them with rakes[785]; in another, we have a bird’s-eye view in horizontal section of the oven's interior, filled with jugs of various shapes (Fig. 69). Flames are typically shown rising from beneath the ovens.[786]

FIG. 69. INTERIOR OF FURNACE (FROM CORINTHIAN PINAX)
FIG. 69. INTERIOR OF FURNACE (FROM CORINTHIAN PINAX)
The Munich hydria (Fig. 67b) reproduces the interior of a potter’s workshop with such detail that a full description of the scene may be permissible.[787] On the left of the picture a seated man seems to be examining an amphora, which has just been finished (it is painted black) and is brought up for his approval. Next is seen an amphora on the potter’s wheel, painted white to indicate its imperfect state; one man places his arm inside to shape the interior, while another turns the wheel for him. On their right another white amphora is being carried out, just fresh from the wheel, but without handles or mouth, to be dried in the open or at the furnace; next is another standing on the ground to dry. On the right of the scene stands the foreman or master of the pottery, before whom a nude man carries what has been thought to be a sack of coals for the furnace, which is seen on the extreme right.
The Munich hydria (Fig. 67b) shows the inside of a potter’s workshop in such detail that a complete description of the scene seems appropriate.[787] On the left side of the image, a seated man appears to be inspecting an amphora that has just been finished (it’s painted black) and is presented for his approval. Next, there’s an amphora on the potter’s wheel, painted white to indicate its imperfect state; one man is putting his arm inside to shape the interior, while another turns the wheel for him. To their right, another white amphora is being carried out, just fresh from the wheel, but without handles or mouth, to be dried in the open air or at the furnace; next, there’s another one standing on the ground to dry. On the right side of the scene stands the foreman or master of the pottery, in front of whom a nude man carries what is thought to be a sack of coals for the furnace, which is seen on the far right.
Even more vivid and instructive, in spite of its careless execution, is the painting on a kotyle found at Exarchos or Abae in Lokris, and now in the Athens Museum (Fig. 70).[788] The style is that of the imitation B.F. vases found in the temple of the Kabeiri at Thebes, late in the fifth century. We see represented the interior of a potter’s workshop, in which the master of the business sits holding up a kylix in one hand, while with the other he threatens a slave, who runs off with three kotylae ready for the furnace; three similar kotylae stand by the master’s feet, and behind him are two more vases on a shelf. On the right of the scene a workman sits at a table on which is a pot full of paint, with a brush in it; he holds up a newly-painted kotyle, admiring his workmanship. The picture is completed by a realistic representation of an unfortunate slave suspended by cords to the ceiling as a punishment for some offence, while another belabours him with a leather thong.
Even more vivid and instructive, despite its rough execution, is the painting on a kotyle found at Exarchos or Abae in Lokris, which is now in the Athens Museum (Fig. 70).[788] The style resembles the imitation B.F. vases discovered in the temple of the Kabeiri at Thebes, from the late fifth century. It depicts the inside of a potter’s workshop, where the master sits holding a kylix in one hand while threatening a slave with the other, who is fleeing with three kotylae ready for the furnace. Three similar kotylae are at the master’s feet, and behind him are two more vases on a shelf. To the right of the scene, a worker is sitting at a table with a pot full of paint and a brush in it; he holds up a newly-painted kotyle, admiring his work. The picture is completed by a realistic depiction of an unfortunate slave hanging from cords from the ceiling as punishment for some offense, while another slave is beating him with a leather thong.

FIG. 70. INTERIOR OF POTTERY.
FIG. 70. POTTERY INTERIOR.
It would appear that the vases after the baking were often placed on the exterior of the furnace, either to prevent the too rapid cooling of the clay, or (as indicated on the Berlin cup) for the pigments to dry. Jahn and others have published a gem[789] on which a small two-handled vase is placed on the top of an oven, and a youth is applying two sticks to it, perhaps in order to take it down without injury by the contact of the hand. A companion gem,[790] on which an artist is painting a similar jar, shows a jug and a kylix standing on a kiln.
It seems that after firing, the vases were often set on the outside of the furnace, either to avoid the clay from cooling too quickly, or (as noted on the Berlin cup) to let the pigments dry. Jahn and others have published a gem[789] depicting a small two-handled vase on top of an oven, with a young man using two sticks to lift it, possibly to avoid burning his hands. Another gem,[790] shows an artist painting a similar jar, with a jug and a kylix resting on a kiln.
When the vases were returned from the furnace, the potter appears to have made good as far as possible the defects of those not absolutely spoiled; and if naturally or by accident any parts remained too pale after the baking, the defect was remedied by rubbing them over with a deep red ochre, which supplied the necessary tone.
When the vases came back from the furnace, it seems the potter did his best to fix the defects of those that weren't completely ruined; and if any areas ended up too light after baking, the issue was fixed by rubbing them with a rich red ochre to provide the needed color.
4. Art
We may distinguish three principal classes of painted pottery, of which one at least admits of several subdivisions:—
We can identify three main types of painted pottery, with at least one category having several subcategories:—
(1) Primitive Greek vases, with simple painted ornaments, chiefly linear and geometrical, laid directly on the ground of the clay with the brush. The colour employed is usually a yellowish or brownish red, passing into black. The execution varies, but is often extremely coarse.
(1) Early Greek vases, decorated with simple painted designs, mostly linear and geometric, were painted directly onto the clay surface with a brush. The colors used are typically a yellowish or brownish red, transitioning to black. The craftsmanship varies, but is often very rough.
(2) Greek vases (and Italian imitations) painted with figures. These may be subdivided as follows:—
(2) Greek vases (and Italian copies) painted with figures. These can be broken down into the following categories:—
(b) Vases with figures left in the red glaze on a ground of black varnish (see Frontispiece, Vol. I.).
(b) Vases featuring figures in red glaze against a black varnish background (see Frontispiece, Vol. I.).
(3) (a) Vases of various dates with outline or polychrome decoration on white ground (see Plate XLIII.);
(3) (a) Vases from different periods with outline or multicolored designs on a white background (see Plate XLIII);
(b) Vases (also of various dates) with designs in opaque colour on black ground.
(b) Vases (also from different time periods) featuring designs in solid colors on a black background.
Of these, the second group is by far the largest and most important, and the complicated and technical processes which it involved will demand by far the greater share of our attention in the following account of the methods of painting. In both the classes (a) and (b) the colouring is almost confined to a contrasting of the red glazed ground of the clay with a black varnish-like pigment, a contrast which perhaps more than anything else furnishes the great charm of a Greek vase.
Of these, the second group is by far the largest and most important, and the complex and technical processes involved will require most of our attention in the following discussion of painting techniques. In both classes (a) and (b), the coloring is mostly limited to contrasting the red glazed surface of the clay with a black varnish-like pigment, a contrast that perhaps more than anything else provides the significant appeal of a Greek vase.
This black varnish is particularly lustrous and deep, but varies under different circumstances. Great difference of opinion has always existed as to its nature, and the method by which it was brought to such perfection by the Greeks. The variations in its appearance are due partly to differences of locality and fabric, partly to accidents of production. It is seen in its greatest perfection in the so-called Nolan amphorae of the severe red-figure period; and at its worst in the Etruscan and Italiote imitations of Greek fabrics. On the vases found at Vulci it shows a tendency to assume a greenish hue, as opposed to the blue-black of the Nolan vases, while variations in the direction of red, brown, and (on late South Italy fabrics) grey are of frequent occurrence. It is probable that these gradations of quality are mainly due to the action of fire, according as a higher or lower temperature was employed. On the other hand, the ashen-grey hue which vases of all periods sometimes assume[791] seems to be due to the direct action of fire in contact with them, and this may perhaps be explained by supposing that they had been burnt on a funeral pyre. This varnish also varies in the thickness with which it was laid on, as can be easily detected with the finger.
This black varnish is especially shiny and rich, but its appearance changes in different situations. There's always been a big debate about its composition and how the Greeks perfected it. The differences in its look come from various factors like location and materials, as well as production mistakes. It appears at its best in the Nolan amphorae from the strict red-figure period, and at its worst in the Etruscan and Italiote copies of Greek styles. On vases found at Vulci, it tends to take on a greenish tint, unlike the blue-black of the Nolan vases, while shifts toward red, brown, and (on later South Italy pieces) grey are common. These quality variations are likely due to how fire interacted with them, depending on whether a higher or lower temperature was used. On the flip side, the ashen-grey color that vases from all periods sometimes have seems to come from direct contact with fire, which might suggest they were burned on a funeral pyre. This varnish also differs in how thickly it was applied, which can easily be felt by touch.
Although the chemical action of the earth sometimes causes the black varnish to disappear entirely, leaving only the figures faintly indicated on the red-clay ground, there has never yet been found any acid which has any effect upon it.[792] Various opinions have been promulgated, from Caylus downwards, as to the elements of which it is composed.[793] Brongniart[794] has analysed it with the following results:—
Although the Earth's chemical processes can sometimes completely erase the black varnish, leaving only the designs faintly visible on the red clay, no acid has ever been discovered that affects it.[792] Various theories have been proposed, starting with Caylus, about what it’s made of.[793] Brongniart[794] has analyzed it with the following results:—
Silicic acid | 46·30 | 50·00 |
Clay earth | 11·90 | |
Iron oxide | 16·70 | 17·00 |
Chalk | 5·70 | |
Magnesia | 2·30 | |
Soda | 17·10 | |
Copper | traces. |
It is unnecessary here to enter in detail into the numerous other theories of its composition, but so far it cannot be said that any certainty has been attained.
It isn't necessary to go into detail about the many other theories of its composition, but so far, we can't say that any certainty has been reached.
Turning now to the methods by which the black varnish was applied, we find it necessary to distinguish between the two classes of black-figured and red-figured vases; some vases, of course, are completely covered with it, having no painted design, but these do not enter into the question.
Turning now to how the black varnish was applied, we need to differentiate between two types of vases: black-figured and red-figured. Some vases are entirely coated with it, lacking any painted design, but these aren't part of the discussion.
In the black-figured vases the figures are painted in black silhouette on the red ground of the vase, the outlines being first roughly indicated by a pointed instrument making a faint line.[795] The surface within these outlines was then filled in with the black pigment by means of a brush, the details of anatomy, drapery, armour, etc., being subsequently brought out in part by further incising of lines with a pointed tool. In some of the finest vases, such as those of Amasis and Exekias (p. 381), the delicacy and minuteness of these lines is brought to an extraordinary pitch of perfection. After a second baking had taken place, the designs were further enriched by the application of opaque purple and white pigments, usually following certain conventional principles, the flesh of women and devices on shields, for instance, being always white, folds of drapery always purple. A third baking at a much lower heat was necessary to fix these colours, and the vase was then complete.
In black-figured vases, the figures are painted in black silhouette on the red background of the vase, with the outlines first roughly marked by a pointed tool creating a faint line. The inside of these outlines was filled in with black pigment using a brush, with details of anatomy, drapery, armor, and so on being highlighted by further incising lines with a pointed tool. In some of the finest vases, like those by Amasis and Exekias (p. 381), the delicacy and precision of these lines reach an astonishing level of perfection. After a second baking, the designs were enhanced with opaque purple and white pigments, usually following specific conventions—like the flesh of women and designs on shields being always white, and folds of drapery always purple. A third baking at a much lower temperature was needed to set these colors, and then the vase was finished.
It should here be noted that there are really two subdivisions of these black-figured vases, which may be termed for convenience “red-bodied” and “black-bodied.”[796] In the former the whole vase stands out in the natural red colour of the clay; whereas in the latter the treatment approaches more nearly to the red-figure method which we shall presently discuss. The whole body of the vase is in these examples covered with the black varnish, with the exception of a framed panel of red, on which the figures are painted. This distinction may be well observed in the Second Vase Room of the British Museum, where most of the vases on the east side of the room belong to the former or “red-bodied” class, while all those on the west side are “black-bodied,” with designs in panels.
It’s important to note that there are actually two subcategories of these black-figured vases, which we can conveniently call “red-bodied” and “black-bodied.”[796] In the red-bodied vases, the entire vase showcases the natural red color of the clay; whereas in the black-bodied vases, the design is more similar to the red-figure technique that we will discuss shortly. In these examples, the entire vase is covered in black varnish, except for a framed panel of red where the figures are painted. You can see this distinction clearly in the Second Vase Room of the British Museum, where most of the vases on the east side of the room are in the “red-bodied” category, while all those on the west side are “black-bodied” and feature designs in panels.
In the red-figured vases the black varnish is used as the background, and covers the whole vase, as in the “black-bodied” B.F. fabrics, the figures not being actually painted, but left red in the colour of the clay. The process was as follows:—Before the varnish was applied the outlines of the figures were indicated, not by incised lines but by drawing a thick line of black with a brush round their contours. It is probable that a fine brush was used at first, especially for more delicate work, and then a broader brush producing a line about an eighth of an inch in thickness. The process, be it noted, is more akin to drawing than painting; and it was as draughtsmen par excellence that the red-figure artists excelled. The next stage was to mark the inner details by means of very fine black lines (corresponding to the incised lines of B.F. vases), or by masses of black for surfaces such as the hair; white and purple were also employed, but far more sparingly than on the earlier vases. In the late Athenian and South Italian vases a tendency to polychromy sprang up, but the main process always remained the same to the final decadence of the art. The figures being completed and protected from accidents by their broad black borders, the varnishing of the whole exterior surface was then proceeded with. This was of course a purely mechanical business. A fragment of a red-figured vase in the Sèvres Museum forms an excellent illustration of the method employed, as, although the figures are finished, the ground has never been filled in, and the original black border is plainly visible (Fig. 71).
In the red-figured vases, black varnish serves as the background, covering the entire vase, similar to the “black-bodied” B.F. fabrics. The figures aren't actually painted; they are instead left red in the color of the clay. The process was as follows: before applying the varnish, the outlines of the figures were indicated, not with incised lines but by drawing a thick line of black with a brush around their edges. It's likely that a fine brush was initially used, especially for more delicate work, before switching to a broader brush that created a line about an eighth of an inch thick. It should be noted that this method is closer to drawing than painting; the red-figure artists excelled as draughtsmen exemplary. The next step was to mark the inner details with very fine black lines (similar to the incised lines found on B.F. vases) or with blocks of black for areas like the hair. White and purple were also used, but much less frequently than on earlier vases. In the later Athenian and South Italian vases, there was a tendency toward polychromy, but the main process stayed consistent until the art's final decline. Once the figures were completed and protected from mishaps by their broad black borders, the varnishing of the entire exterior surface was carried out. This was, of course, a purely mechanical task. A fragment of a red-figured vase in the Sèvres Museum serves as an excellent example of the method used, as even though the figures are finished, the background has never been filled in, and the original black border is clearly visible (Fig. 71).

FIG. 71. FRAGMENT OF UNFINISHED RED-FIGURED VASE.
FIG. 71. FRAGMENT OF UNFINISHED RED-FIGURED VASE.
The result of the second baking was to fix the varnish and cause it to permeate the surface of the clay in such a way as to become practically inseparable from it. The subsidiary colours, on the other hand, which were laid on over the black, are always liable to disappear or fade.
The outcome of the second baking was to set the varnish and allow it to soak into the surface of the clay so that it became almost inseparable from it. The additional colors, however, which were applied over the black, are always at risk of fading or disappearing.
A very interesting representation of painters at work on their vases is to be seen on a hydria from Ruvo (Fig. 72).[797] Three painters are seated at work with their brushes, of whom two are being crowned by Victories, while the third is about to receive a wreath from Athena, the protecting goddess of the industry. Their paint-pots are to be seen by their side. At one end of the scene a woman is similarly occupied.
A very interesting depiction of painters at work on their vases can be seen on a hydria from Ruvo (Fig. 72).[797] Three painters are seated, using their brushes. Two of them are being crowned by Victories, while the third is about to receive a wreath from Athena, the goddess who protects their craft. You can see their paint pots next to them. At one end of the scene, a woman is working in a similar fashion.
From Blümner.
From Blümner.

FIG. 72. STUDIO OF VASE-PAINTER.
FIG. 72. VASE PAINTER'S STUDIO.
In class 3 (a), or vases with figures on white ground, we have to deal with the process of covering the naturally pale clay with a white slip of more or less thick and creamy consistency, on which the designs were painted. In the archaic period this process is fairly common, especially in the earliest vases of Corinth and of Ionia, and at Kyrene and Naukratis. It was revived at Athens about the end of the sixth century (see pp. 385, 455). But when once the white slip was laid on, the technical process differed little from that in use on ordinary red-ground vases, except for the general avoidance of white as an accessory; it merely results that instead of a contrast of black and red, one of black and cream is obtained. The method was one also largely practised in early painting, as we see in the Corinthian pinakes and the sarcophagi of Clazomenae (pp. 316, 362).
In class 3 (a), or vases with figures on a white background, we need to look at the process of covering the naturally light clay with a white slip that has a thick and creamy consistency, on which the designs were painted. This technique was quite common during the archaic period, especially in the earliest vases from Corinth, Ionia, and at Kyrene and Naukratis. It was revived in Athens around the end of the sixth century (see pp. 385, 455). However, once the white slip was applied, the technical process didn’t differ much from that used on standard red-ground vases, aside from generally avoiding white as an accent; it simply results in a contrast of black and cream instead of black and red. This method was also widely practiced in early painting, as seen in the Corinthian pinakes and the sarcophagi of Clazomenae (pp. 316, 362).
But there is another class of white-ground vases to which we must devote more special attention, namely, those on which the figures are painted either in outline or with polychrome washes on the same white slip. The earliest instance of such a method is in the series of fragments found at Naukratis, dating from the beginning of the sixth century (see p. 348), which technically and artistically are of remarkably advanced character, and combine the two methods of painting in outline and in washes of colour. In the fifth century the practice was revived at Athens as a means of obtaining effective results with small vases, and became especially characteristic of one class, the funeral lekythi, which are elsewhere described (Chapter XI.). This, however, must serve as the most convenient place for a few remarks on their technique.
But there’s another type of white-ground vases that deserves our special attention, specifically those where the figures are painted either in outline or with colored washes on the same white slip. The earliest example of this technique is found in the fragments recovered at Naukratis, dating back to the beginning of the sixth century (see p. 348). These pieces are technically and artistically quite advanced, combining both outline painting and color washes. In the fifth century, this practice was revived in Athens as a way to achieve striking results with smaller vases, becoming particularly characteristic of one type: the funeral lekythi, which are described elsewhere (Chapter XI.). However, this is the most convenient spot to include a few comments on their technique.
The vases, after they had left the wheel and were fitted with handle, etc., were covered with a coating of white flaky pigment, in consistency resembling liquid plaster of Paris, or, when dry, pipeclay. They received this coat of white while still on the wheel, and then a second coating, of the usual black varnish, was applied to such parts as were not required for decoration. Usually the white covered the cylindrical part of the body, and the shoulder up to the neck; black was applied to the mouth, neck, handle, base of body, and stem. The clay, it should be noted, is of the ordinary kind, but two varieties have been distinguished, one of pale red, for light thin vases, the other of a blackish-grey, for thicker and heavier ware. The natural colour appears on the inside of the lip and foot. Before being removed from the wheel the vases were finely polished, which gave to the white coating a sort of lustrous sheen; they were then fired at a low temperature.
The vases, after coming off the wheel and having handles and other features added, were covered with a layer of white, flaky paint that was similar in texture to liquid plaster, and when dry, resembled pipe clay. They received this white coat while still on the wheel, and then a second layer of standard black varnish was applied to the parts that weren't meant for decoration. Typically, the white covered the cylindrical part of the body and the shoulder up to the neck; black was used on the mouth, neck, handle, base of the body, and stem. It's worth noting that the clay is of the regular kind, but two types have been identified: one is pale red for light, thin vases, and the other is blackish-grey for thicker, heavier pieces. The natural color can be seen on the inside of the lip and foot. Before being taken off the wheel, the vases were polished to give the white coating a nice shine; they were then fired at a low temperature.
The method of decoration[798] was usually as follows:—A preliminary sketch was made with fine grey lines, ignoring draperies (hence the lines of figures are usually visible through the draperies), but not always necessarily followed when the colours were laid on. This was done as soon as the first lines were dry, the colour being applied with a fine brush and in monochrome—black, yellow, or red—following the lines of the sketch more or less closely. In the later examples red was used exclusively, and at all periods at Athens; but in the vases attributed to Locri and Sicily, a black turning to yellow is used. This combination of black and yellow is also used on the best Attic vases for various details, such as eyes and hair. The outlines also served to indicate the folds of the draperies. For the surfaces of drapery and other details, polychrome washes were employed, the colour being spread uniformly by means of a large brush. All varieties of red from rose to brown are found, also violet, light and brownish yellow, blue, black, and green. Hair is sometimes treated in outline, sometimes by means of washes. It is noteworthy that in the later examples the wash-colours were often painted right over the red lines. On the bodies of the figures these washes are rare, but in some cases shades of brown are used for flesh colour, as on the figure of Hypnos on a lekythos in the British Museum (D 58).
The decoration method[798] typically went like this: First, a sketch was made with fine gray lines, skipping the draperies (which is why the lines of the figures are usually visible through the draperies), though it wasn’t always strictly followed when applying colors. This was done as soon as the initial lines dried, with colors being applied using a fine brush and in monochrome—black, yellow, or red—often closely following the lines of the sketch. In later examples, red was used exclusively, although at all times in Athens; in the vases linked to Locri and Sicily, a black that shifts to yellow was used. This black and yellow combination is also seen on the best Attic vases for detailing such as eyes and hair. The outlines also indicated the folds of the draperies. For the surfaces of the drapery and other details, polychrome washes were used, applied evenly with a large brush. A variety of reds from rose to brown are present, along with violet, light and brownish yellow, blue, black, and green. Hair is sometimes outlined, sometimes treated with washes. It's interesting to note that in the later examples, the wash colors were often painted right over the red lines. While these washes are rare on the bodies of the figures, shades of brown are used for flesh color in some cases, like on the figure of Hypnos on a lekythos in the British Museum (D 58).
At Athens this polychrome decoration was not indeed limited to the lekythi, but was extended to the kylix, the pyxis, and other forms, of which some beautiful examples exist in the British Museum and at Athens.[799] In these, as in the best of the lekythi, the drawing of Greek artists seems almost to have reached perfection, and arouses our wonder yet more when we reflect that everything was done merely by freehand strokes of the brush. This technique is practically limited to the period 480–350 B.C.
At Athens, this colorful decoration wasn't just limited to lekythi, but also appeared on kylix, pyxis, and other forms, with some stunning examples found in the British Museum and in Athens.[799] In these pieces, as well as in the finest lekythi, the skill of Greek artists seems to have almost reached perfection, which is even more impressive when we consider that everything was done solely with freehand brush strokes. This technique is primarily found in the period 480–350 BCE
The subsidiary ornamentation of the lekythi was put on either after the main design or before, this being immaterial. The lines above the design can be seen to have been painted on the wheel, as they go all round the vase; but the palmettes on the shoulder and maeander patterns above the design do not extend beyond it. After the colouring the vases appear to have been fired again, and in some cases the white slip was probably varnished. The details of their manufacture show that the lekythi were not intended for daily use; the shape is awkward for handling—the handles, for instance, are obviously not intended for practical use—and the delicate, lightly baked slip made them too porous for liquids. Everything tends in the direction of elegance and delicacy.
The extra decoration on the lekythi was applied either after or before the main design; it doesn't matter which. The lines above the design are painted on the wheel, as they go all the way around the vase, but the palmettes on the shoulder and the meander patterns above the design don't extend beyond it. After being colored, the vases seem to have been fired again, and in some cases, the white slip was likely varnished. The details of how they were made indicate that the lekythi weren't meant for everyday use; the shape is awkward to handle—the handles, for example, clearly aren't designed for practical use—and the delicate, lightly baked slip made them too porous for liquids. Everything leans towards elegance and delicacy.
Our next sub-division consists of vases, chiefly of late date, in which the decoration is by means of opaque colours laid on the surface of a vase altogether coated with black varnish or glaze. The process is not indeed one absolutely unknown in earlier times, for there is the primitive Kamaraes ware of Crete (p. 266), and also a small series of archaic vases belonging to the early part of the fifth century (p. 393) in which this principle is adhered to, the designs being painted in opaque red or white on the black varnish. The latter seem to show a development from the black-figure period, to the end of which they belong, and may have been intended to rival the new red-figure method, but failed to attain popularity.
Our next section includes vases, mostly from a later period, where the decoration is done using opaque colors applied to the surface of a vase that is completely covered in black varnish or glaze. This technique isn’t entirely new, as seen in the primitive Kamaraes ware from Crete (p. 266), and a small group of archaic vases from the early fifth century (p. 393) that also follow this approach, with designs painted in opaque red or white on the black varnish. These vases appear to be an evolution from the black-figure style, to which they belong, and may have been made to compete with the newer red-figure technique, though they didn’t become popular.
We next meet with the process in Southern Italy, where it again appears as the last effort of a worn-out fashion to flicker into life with renewed popularity. The centre of this revival, which follows on after the Apulian vases of the third century, was Gnatia (Fasano), on the coast of that district. The vases are partly modelled in relief, or have ornaments in relief attached; the decoration, in white and purple, is confined to one side only, and is very feeble and limited in its scope. An apparently local variety, perhaps made in Campania by native craftsmen, has the figures in opaque red, with details marked by rudely incised lines.
We next encounter the process in Southern Italy, where it reemerges as a last-ditch effort of a fading trend to spark back to life with new popularity. The center of this revival, which follows the Apulian vases of the third century, was Gnatia (Fasano), along the coast of that area. The vases are partly shaped in relief or have relief ornaments attached; the decoration, in white and purple, is limited to one side only and is quite weak and restricted in its design. A seemingly local variation, possibly made in Campania by local craftsmen, features figures in opaque red, with details outlined by roughly incised lines.

FIG. 73. VASE-PAINTER VARNISHING CUP ON WHEEL.
FIG. 73. VASE-PAINTER VARNISHING CUP ON WHEEL.
The instruments which were
employed for the painting of the
vases were not, as formerly supposed,
limited to a metal or reed pen, and
a camel’s-hair brush. It has been recently
pointed out in a most illuminating article
by Dr. Hartwig[800] that the lines of black
bordering the figures on red-figured vases are
usually double, the space in between being
filled in with varnish thus:
.
Practical experiments have shown that this can be
obtained with a feather brush or pen, drawing
the lines separately, not concurrently, as
might be done with a metal pen.[801] The
feathers of the snipe were specially suitable
for this purpose, as were also those of the swallow. It is
probable that we see the use of the ordinary brush on the Ruvo
vase-painting already mentioned, but this was no doubt used for
filling in the ground and all parts where the colour was laid
on in large masses. Again, on a fragment from the Athenian
Acropolis (Fig. 73)[802] a man is seen covering the inside of a B.F.
kylix with black varnish while he turns it on the wheel; this
is also done with an ordinary brush. But there is a R.F.
kylix,[803] on the interior of which we see the undoubted use of
the feather-brush or pen (Fig. 74). In his left hand the painter
seems to hold the sharp tool for engraving the outlines of the
figures, and with his right he manipulates the feather-pen
which is seen to consist of a small feather inserted in a
wooden holder.
The tools used for painting the vases were not, as previously thought, just a metal or reed pen and a camel’s-hair brush. It has recently been highlighted in a very insightful article by Dr. Hartwig[800] that the black lines outlining the figures on red-figured vases are typically double, with the space in between filled in with varnish, like this:
. Practical experiments have demonstrated that this effect can be achieved with a feather brush or pen, drawing the lines individually rather than simultaneously, as one might do with a metal pen.[801] The feathers from the snipe were particularly good for this, as were those from the swallow. It's likely that we see the use of a regular brush on the Ruvo vase-painting previously mentioned, but it was probably used mainly for filling in the background and areas where the color was applied in large sections. Additionally, on a fragment from the Athenian Acropolis (Fig. 73)[802], a man is shown coating the inside of a B.F.
kylix with black varnish while he spins it on the wheel; this is also done with a regular brush. However, there is a R.F. kylix,[803] where we can clearly see the use of the feather-brush or pen (Fig. 74). In his left hand, the painter appears to hold a sharp tool for engraving the outlines of the figures, while with his right, he uses the feather-pen, which consists of a small feather fitted into a wooden holder.

FIG. 74. VASE-PAINTER USING FEATHER-BRUSH.
FIG. 74. VASE-PAINTER WITH FEATHER BRUSH.
It is not likely that this instrument was generally used before the introduction of the R.F. style; it would hardly have been required either for the silhouette figures of the B.F. vases or the outlines on the white ground. According to Hartwig, Andokides, one of the earliest R.F. artists (about 520 B.C.) was making experiments in the use of the feather-pen, and in the course of twenty years, in the vases of Epiktetos and his school, its use had become general. It is not indeed unknown on B.F. vases, and can be traced in the ornamentation where fine lines were required, as on the Amasis vase in the Bibliothèque Nationale.[804] It was probably first used in the more developed Ionic pottery, but as we have seen had no chance of becoming generally used until the essentially linear R.F. style came into vogue. The artists who reached the height of skill in its use were Meidias and the painters of the delicate little vases of the latter half of the fifth century, this instrument being also admirably adapted for making the fine inner lines in which the painters of that period achieved such success.
It’s unlikely that this tool was widely used before the R.F. style came about; it probably wasn't needed for the silhouette figures on B.F. vases or the outlines on the white ground. Hartwig mentions that Andokides, one of the earliest R.F. artists (around 520 BCE), was experimenting with the feather-pen, and over the next twenty years, in the vases made by Epiktetos and his school, its use became common. While it isn’t completely absent from B.F. vases, you can see its application in the decoration where fine lines were necessary, like on the Amasis vase in the Bibliothèque Nationale.[804] It likely first appeared in the more advanced Ionic pottery, but, as we've noted, it didn’t have a chance to become widely used until the linear R.F. style became popular. The artists who mastered its use were Meidias and the painters of the delicate small vases from the latter half of the fifth century, as this tool was also well-suited for creating the fine inner lines that those painters excelled at.
Besides the painting-brush and the feather-pen, the other instruments used in the decoration of vases include the pointed graving-tools employed for incised lines, modelling-tools for the parts in relief, a stick for steadying the hand while at work, and a pair of compasses. The latter were employed for marking circles, as may be clearly seen on shields on the B.F. vases, where the mark left by the central point of the compasses is often visible.
Besides the paintbrush and the feather pen, other tools used in decorating vases include pointed engraving tools for incised lines, modeling tools for raised parts, a stick to stabilize the hand while working, and a pair of compasses. The compasses were used for drawing circles, which can clearly be seen on shields on the B.F. vases, where the mark left by the central point of the compasses is often visible.
The difficulties in the painting of Greek vases must have been numerous. In the first place, it was necessary for the artist to finish his sketch with great rapidity, since the clay rapidly absorbed the colouring matter, and the outlines were required to be bold and continuous, any joins producing a bad effect. Again, the vases were often painted while in an upright position, and the artist was obliged to stoop, rise, and execute his work in these difficult attitudes; nor could he remove the pencil from any figure which he had once begun. The eye must have been his only guide. Then, as he was obliged to draw his outline upon a damp surface, the black colour which he used was instantly confounded with the tint of the clay. The lines grew broad at first, and afterwards contracted themselves, leaving but a light trace, so that the artist could with difficulty discern what he had been doing. Moreover, the lines, once begun, could not be left off except where they met other lines which cut or terminated them. Thus, for example, the profile of a head must have been executed with a single continuous line, which could not be interrupted till it met the neck; and in drawing a thigh or leg, the whole outline must have been finished without taking off the pencil: proceeding from the top downwards, making use of the point to mark the horizontal lines, and afterwards rising upwards to finish the opposite side. The drawing was done entirely by the hand and no pattern used.
The challenges in painting Greek vases must have been many. First, the artist had to complete his sketch quickly because the clay absorbed the paint fast, requiring bold and continuous outlines, as any breaks would look bad. Additionally, the vases were often painted while upright, forcing the artist to stoop and rise repeatedly, making it difficult to work in those positions; he couldn't lift the pencil from any figure once he started. His eye had to guide him entirely. Since he had to draw on a damp surface, the black paint mixed quickly with the clay color. At first, the lines would be thick and then thin out, leaving just a light trace, making it hard for the artist to see what he was doing. Furthermore, once a line was started, it couldn't be stopped unless it met another line. For instance, the profile of a head had to be drawn with one continuous line that couldn't break until it met the neck; similarly, when sketching a thigh or leg, the whole outline had to be completed without lifting the pencil, starting from the top and using the tip to mark horizontal lines before moving up to finish the other side. The drawing was done entirely by hand, with no patterns used.
The outlines round the figures on R.F. vases were drawn strongly, in the manner described above, to prevent the background encroaching on the figure. That this was done while the clay was moist appears by the outlines uniting, which could not have taken place if the clay had been dry. It was so difficult to fill in the outlines without alteration, that they were frequently changed, and sometimes the ground was not reached, while at others it exceeded the line.
The outlines around the figures on R.F. vases were drawn sharply, as previously described, to keep the background from overlapping with the figure. You can tell this was done while the clay was still wet because the outlines joined together, which wouldn't have happened if the clay had been dry. It was often hard to fill in the outlines without altering them, so they were frequently modified, and sometimes the background didn't touch the lines, while other times it went beyond them.
The ancient artists, notwithstanding these difficulties, observed all the laws of balance and proportion, especially ἰσομετρία, or the law of equal height of all figures; conveyed expression by means of attitude; and, by the use of profile, and the introduction of accessories, or small objects, into the background, contrived to compensate for the want of perspective.
The ancient artists, despite these challenges, followed all the rules of balance and proportion, especially isometry, or the principle of equal height for all figures; conveyed expression through posture; and, by using profiles and adding small objects into the background, managed to make up for the lack of perspective.
This latter deficiency was due to the use of flat colours, which did not allow of shades, and the figures were consequently not seen in masses distinguished by light and shade, but isolated in the air. Hence, in order to make the figures distinct, and to express by attitude all the actions and sentiments required, the artist was compelled to use profile. The black colour, the choice of which may at first appear singular, is, after all, the most harmonious, and the best suited for showing the elegance and purity of the outline; whilst by its aptness to reveal any defects of shape, it compelled the artist to be very careful in his drawing.
This issue arose because of the use of flat colors, which didn’t allow for shading, making the figures appear isolated in space rather than grouped with light and shadow. To make the figures stand out and to convey all the necessary actions and emotions through their poses, the artist had to rely on profiles. The use of black, which might initially seem unusual, is actually the most harmonious choice and works best to highlight the elegance and purity of the outlines. Additionally, because it reveals any flaws in shape, it forced the artist to be very meticulous in their drawing.
The colours employed[805] were, as we have seen, remarkably few in number. Of the black varnish which plays such an important part, and of its composition we have already spoken. Of the opaque accessory colours, the white is said by Brongniart[806] to be a carbonate of lime or fine clay. It is evidently an earth of some kind, and gives no trace of lead under analysis. The creamy slip of the white-ground vases is of similar character, and appears to be a kind of pipeclay. It was probably of the same character as the earth of Melos used by Polygnotos.[807] The deep purple or crimson, so largely employed on the Corinthian and early Attic B.F. vases, is known to be an oxide of iron, an element which entered largely into the red glaze. The yellow found on the white vases and those of Apulia as an accessory to white is of an ochrous nature. The red used for outlines on the white lekythi is probably not vermilion (minium), but red ochre (μίλτος, rubrica). Blue and green, which are rarely found, and only on vases of the later styles, were produced from a basis of copper. On vases from the time of Euphronios and Brygos (about 480 B.C.) onwards, gilding was occasionally employed, the process being one which we have already described (see above, p. 210). Good instances of this process are to be seen in the fourth-century vases from Capua, which are glazed black throughout and ornamented solely with gilding.[808] But the gold leaf has often perished. Besides Capua, these vases are found chiefly in Athens and the Cyrenaica.
The colors used[805] were, as we’ve seen, surprisingly few. We’ve already discussed the black varnish and its composition, which is quite significant. Of the opaque additional colors, Brongniart[806] mentions that the white is likely a carbonate of lime or fine clay. It’s clearly some type of earth and shows no hint of lead under analysis. The creamy slip of the white-ground vases is of a similar nature and seems to be a type of pipeclay. It was probably similar to the earth from Melos used by Polygnotos.[807] The deep purple or crimson, commonly used on Corinthian and early Attic B.F. vases, is known to be an oxide of iron, which is a major component of the red glaze. The yellow found on the white vases and those from Apulia, as an accent to white, is of an ochrous type. The red used for outlines on the white lekythi is likely not vermilion (minium), but red ochre (μίλτος, rubric). Blue and green, which are rarely seen and only on later style vases, were made from copper. From the time of Euphronios and Brygos (around 480 BCE) onward, gilding was occasionally used, a process we’ve already described (see above, p. 210). Good examples of this technique can be found in the fourth-century vases from Capua, which are completely black glazed and decorated only with gilding.[808] However, the gold leaf has often deteriorated. Besides Capua, these vases are mostly found in Athens and Cyrenaica.
5. Potters' Status
It now remains to say something respecting the makers of Greek vases—the potters of antiquity. Unfortunately, however, little is known of their condition, except that they formed a guild, or fraternity, and that they amassed considerable fortunes by exporting their products to the principal emporia of the ancient world. The existence of two Kerameikoi, or pottery districts, at Athens shows the great commercial importance of the manufacture. In later times there seems to have been a considerable tendency to division of labour among the potters, and each man “specialised” in some particular shape; hence we find them characterised as χυτρεύς and χυτροπλάθος,[809] ληκυθοποιός,[810] καδοποιός,[811] or κωθωνοποιός.[812] It is assumed that the word ἐποίησεν, “made,” when found on a vase, indicates the potter, and not the artist, although it is reasonable to suppose that when no artist’s name accompanies the formula the potter was at the same time the painter. On one vase the names of two potters, Glaukytes and Archikles, are found[813]; one has been supposed to be the artist’s, but it is more probable they were partners.
It’s time to talk about the creators of Greek vases—the potters of ancient times. Unfortunately, not much is known about their situation, except that they were part of a guild and made a lot of money by exporting their products to the major trade centers of the ancient world. The existence of two Kerameikoi or pottery districts in Athens highlights the significant commercial value of their work. Later on, there seems to have been a noticeable trend towards division of labor among the potters, with each person "specializing" in a specific shape. This is why we see them identified as χυτρεύς, χυτροπλάθος,[809] liquor maker,[810] trash can,[811] or κωθωνοποιός.[812] It is thought that the word made, meaning “made,” when found on a vase, refers to the potter, not the artist. However, it’s reasonable to assume that when there’s no artist's name listed, the potter also did the painting. On one vase, the names of two potters, Glaukytes and Archikles, are present[813]; one has been thought to belong to the artist, but it’s more likely they were partners.
By the Athenians, potters were called Prometheans,[814] from the Titan Prometheus, who made man out of clay—which, according to one myth, was the blood of the Titans, or Giants—and was thus the founder of the fictile art. It was not, however, much esteemed, although without doubt the pursuit of it was a lucrative one, and many of the trade realised large fortunes; in proof of which may be cited the well-known anecdote of Agathokles,[815] who, at a time when the rich used plate, was in the habit of mixing earthenware with it at his table, telling his officers that he formerly made such ware, but that now, owing to his prudence and valour, he was served in gold—an anecdote which also suggests that the profession was not highly esteemed. The guild at Athens was called ἐκ κεραμέων, “of the potters,”[816] and we also hear of a college of κεραμεῖς at Thyateira.[817] However, the competition in the trade was so warm as to pass into a proverb, and the animosity of some of the rival potters is even recorded upon the vases.[818] To this spirit are also probably to be referred many of the tricks of the trade, such as imitations of the names of makers, and the numerous illegible inscriptions. When the potter’s establishment—called an ergasterion—was large, he employed under him a number of persons, some of whom were probably free but poor citizens, whilst others were slaves belonging to him.[819] How the labour was subdivided there are no means of accurately determining, but the following hands were probably employed:—(1) A potter, to make the vase on the wheel; (2) an artist, to trace with a point in outline the subject of the vase; (3) a painter, who executed the whole subject in outline, and who probably returned it to No. 2, when incised lines were required; (4) a modeller, who added such parts of the vase as were moulded; (5) a fireman, who took the vase to the furnace and brought it back; (6) a fireman for the furnace; (7) packers, to prepare the vases for exportation. Hence it may readily be conceived that a large establishment employed a considerable number of hands, and exhibited an animated scene of industrial activity.
The Athenians referred to potters as Prometheans,[814] named after the Titan Prometheus, who created man from clay—which, according to one myth, was made from the blood of the Titans, or Giants—and thus began the art of pottery. However, it wasn’t held in high regard, though it was undoubtedly a profitable pursuit, and many in the trade accumulated significant wealth; a well-known story about Agathokles[815] illustrates this. At a time when the wealthy used silverware, he would mix earthenware with it at his table, telling his guests that he once made such pottery but that now, thanks to his wisdom and bravery, he was served in gold—this story also implies that the profession wasn’t highly valued. The guild in Athens was called from potters, “of the potters,”[816] and there is also mention of a college of ceramists in Thyateira.[817] Nonetheless, competition in the trade was so fierce that it became a proverb, and the rivalry among some potters is even noted on the vases.[818] This competitive spirit likely explains many of the tricks of the trade, such as copying the names of makers and the numerousillegible inscriptions. When a potter's workshop—known as an ergasterion—was large, he employed several people, some of whom were probably free but struggling citizens, while others were his slaves.[819] It’s hard to determine exactly how the labor was divided, but the following roles were likely involved:—(1) a potter to shape the vase on the wheel; (2) an artist to outline the vase’s design; (3) a painter, who completed the design in detail and might have sent it back to No. 2 for incising; (4) a modeler, who added molded parts to the vase; (5) a fireman, who took the vase to the kiln and brought it back; (6) a furnace fireman; (7) packers, who prepared the vases for shipping. Therefore, it can easily be imagined that a large workshop employed many workers and displayed a lively scene of industrial activity.
739. Traité, i. p. 548.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Treaty, i. p. 548.
740. Technologie, ii. p. 56.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Technology, ii. p. 56.
741. Die Malerei, p. 176.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Painting, p. 176.
742. See Jahn, Vasens. zu München, p. cxliv; and Brunn-Lau, Griech. Vasen, p. 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jahn, Vasens. to Munich, p. cxliv; and Brunn-Lau, Greek Vases, p. 6.
743. Suidas, s.v.; Athenaeus, xi. 482 B; Blümner, Technol. ii. p. 36.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Suidas, s.v.; Athenaeus, xi. 482 B; Blümner, Tech. ii. p. 36.
744. De recta audiendi rat. 9, § 42 D.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.De recta audiendi rat. 9, § 42 D.
745. Suidas, s.v. Κωλιάδος κεραμῆες; cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 152.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Suidas, s.v. Κωλιάδος κεραμῆες; cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 152.
746. For representations of quarrying for clay at Corinth see the pinakes at Berlin, Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, Nos. 7, 23.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For depictions of clay quarrying in Corinth, check out the pinakes in Berlin, Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, Nos. 7, 23.
747. Athen. xi. 464 B. C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. xi. 464 B.C.
748. Reg. et Imp. Apophth. 174 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reg. and Imp. Apopht. 174 E.
749. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 161.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pliny, H.N. 35.161.
750. Myres in Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 16.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Myres in Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 16.
751. Diod. Sic. iv. 76.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Diodorus Sicilus iv. 76.
752. See Frazer, Pausanias, note to i. 21, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Frazer, Pausanias, note to i. 21, 4.
753. Pliny, H.N. vii. 198; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. xiii. 27.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pliny, H.N. 7.198; Schol. ad Pind. Ol. 13.27.
754. Diog. Laert. i. 105; Suidas, s.v. Ἀνάχαρσις.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Diogenes Laertius i. 105; Suda, s.v. Ἀνάχαρσις.
755. Athen. i. 28 C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athen. i. 28 C.
756. Il. xviii. 600.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Il. 18. 600.
757. vii. 303.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. vii. 303.
758. Seneca, Ep. 90, 31.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Seneca, Letter 90, 31.
759. Rep. 420 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rep. 420 E.
760. Apud Athenaeum, x. 449 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. At the Athenaeum, x. 449 B.
761. See Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 38, note 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Blümner, Tech, ii. p. 38, note 3.
762. xxxviii. 29: κεραμεὺς καθήμενος ... καὶ συστρέφων ἐν ποσὶν αὐτοῦ τροχόν.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.xxxviii. 29: A potter sits down ... and shapes the wheel with his feet.
763. De gen. Socr. 20, p. 588 F.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.De gen. Socr. 20, p. 588 F.
764. i. 645 K, quoted by Blümner.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.i. 645 K, quoted by Blümner.
765. Blümner, ii. p. 39; Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 40, note. See also Chapters XXI.-XXII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Blümner, ii. p. 39; Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, p. 40, note. See also Chapters XXI.-XXII.
766. Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, figs. 17, 18; cf. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 106.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, figs. 17, 18; cf. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 106.
767. Ath. Mitth. xiv. (1889), p. 157.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. xiv. (1889), p. 157.
768. Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 51.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Blümner, Technology, ii. p. 51.
770. Reinach, Répertoire, i. 11 = Petersburg 525.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Reinach, Directory, i. 11 = Petersburg 525.
771. Evans, in Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319 = B.M. Cat. iv. G 121, 122.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Evans, in Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319 = B.M. Cat. iv. G 121, 122.
772. See for examples B. M. Cat. iv. G 87–95.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for examples B. M. Cat. iv. G 87–95.
773. Cf. Aesop, Fab. 166 a, b.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Aesop, Fab. 166 a, b.
774. Cat. 2542 = Blümner, Technologie, ii. p. 50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 2542 = Blümner, Tech, ii. p. 50.
775. Brongniart, Traité, i. p. 552.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Brongniart, Traité, vol. 1, p. 552.
776. Legg. iii. 679 A.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Legg. III. 679 A.
777. H.N. xxix. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 29.34.
778. E.g. B.M. B 426, E 459.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example B.M. B 426, E 459.
779. Cf. Ar. Ach. 933: ψοφεῖ λάλον τι καὶ πυρορραγές. See also Suid. s.v. πυρορραγές; Pollux, vii. 164; Etym. Magn. p. 798, 17; and Schol. in Hom. Il. ii. 219. I cannot but think that in the term φοξός, as applied to Thersites' head, there is some correspondence to our phrase “crack-brained.” Simonides (apud Athen. xi. 480 D) speaks of a φοξίχειλος Ἀργείη κύλιξ, a term of disputed meaning; but a cup of which the brim (χεῖλος) would suggest the shape of a peaked head is hardly conceivable; and here again there must surely be some notion of sound.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cf. Ar. Ach. 933: ψοφεῖ λάλον τι καὶ πυρορραγές. See also Suid. s.v. pyorrhea; Pollux, vii. 164; Etym. Magn. p. 798, 17; and Schol. in Hom. Il. ii. 219. I can't help but think that in the term φοξός, as it relates to Thersites' head, there’s some connection to our phrase “crack-brained.” Simonides (apud Athen. xi. 480 D) mentions a Fox-headed Argive cup, a term with an unclear meaning; but a cup where the rim (lip) suggests the shape of a peaked head is hard to imagine; and once again there must certainly be some idea of sound.
780. See Blümner, op. cit. ii. p. 46.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Blümner, op. cit. vol. 2, p. 46.
782. Lenormant, La Grande Grèce, i. p. 94.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lenormant, The Great Greece, i. p. 94.
783. Berlin 802 = Ant. Denkm. i. 8, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berlin 802 = Ant. Denkm. i. 8, 4.
784. Cat. 731 = Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, pl. 1, fig. 1, p. 27.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 731 = Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1854, pl. 1, fig. 1, p. 27.
786. Examples are: Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, figs. 12, 19b, 22 (in Berlin); Gaz. Arch. 1880, pp. 105, 106 (in Louvre).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Examples are: Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 8, figs. 12, 19b, 22 (in Berlin); Gaz. Arch. 1880, pp. 105, 106 (in Louvre).
787. A better drawing has recently been given in Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. p. 159; but the reproduction in Fig. 67 is accurate in all essentials.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A better drawing has recently been provided by Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. p. 159; however, the reproduction in Fig. 67 is accurate in all key details.
788. Cat. 1114 = Ath. Mitth. xiv. (1889), p. 151.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 1114 = Ath. Mitth. xiv. (1889), p. 151.
789. See Blümner, ii. p. 52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Blümner, vol. ii, p. 52.
790. Ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source.
791. See above, p. 214.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See above, p. 214.
792. Blümner (ii. p. 75) gives an account of various chemical experiments made upon it.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Blümner (ii. p. 75) provides a description of various chemical experiments conducted on it.
793. See Blümner, ii. p. 76 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Blümner, ii. p. 76 ff.
794. Traité, i. p. 550.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Treatise, i. p. 550.
795. This process is well illustrated on certain vases (e.g. B 158 in Brit. Mus.), where the artist has subsequently altered his design, and the lines still remain visible.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This process is clearly shown on some vases (e.g. B 158 in the British Museum), where the artist has later changed his design, and the original lines are still visible.
797. Baumeister, iii. p. 1992, fig. 2137 = Reinach, i. 336.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Baumeister, iii. p. 1992, fig. 2137 = Reinach, i. 336.
798. See Pottier, Lecythes blancs, p. 99 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier, White lecythos, p. 99 ff.
799. See Chapter XI., and Hartwig, Meisterschalen, p. 499.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Chapter XI, and Hartwig, Master Cups, p. 499.
800. Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 147 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1899, p. 147 ff.
801. See Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 376.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 376.
802. Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 154.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1899, p. 154.
803. Jahrbuch, 1899, pl. 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1899, pl. 4.
804. Cat. 222.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 222.
805. See Durand-Gréville in Rev. Arch. xviii. (1891), p. 99 ff., xix. (1892), p. 363 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out Durand-Gréville in Rev. Arch. xviii. (1891), p. 99 ff., xix. (1892), p. 363 ff.
806. See Blümner, Technol. ii. p. 81.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Blümner, Technol. vol. 2, p. 81.
807. See for the four colours used by him, Plut. de defect. orac. 47, 436 C; Cic. Brut. 18, 70; and cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the four colors he used, Plut. de defect. orac. 47, 436 C; Cic. Brut. 18, 70; and see also Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 50.
808. On vases with gilding, see Jahn, Vasen mit Goldschmuck (1865).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For vases with gold embellishments, check out Jahn's work, Vases with gold decoration (1865).
809. Plat. Theaet. 147 A, Rep. iv. 421 D; Pollux, vii. 163.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Plat. Theaet. 147 A, Rep. iv. 421 D; Pollux, vii. 163.
810. Strabo, xv. 717; Pollux, vii. 182.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Strabo, xv. 717; Pollux, vii. 182.
811. Schol. in Ar. Pac. 1202.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Scholar. in Ar. Pac. 1202.
812. Pollux, vii. 160.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pollux, vii. 160.
813. B.M. B 400.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 400.
814. Lucian, Prom. in Verbis, 2; cf. Lactantius, Div. Inst. ii. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lucian, Prom. in Verbis, 2; cf. Lactantius, Div. Inst. ii. 11.
815. Plutarch, Apophth. Reg. et Imp. 176 E.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Plutarch, Apophth. Reg. et Imp. 176 E.
816. Cf. B.M. Cat. of Sculpt. i. 599; Ross-Meier, Demen von Attika, p. 122, No. 67. The persons here mentioned were not necessarily potters.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Sculpt. i. 599; Ross-Meier, Demen of Attica, p. 122, No. 67. The people mentioned here were not necessarily potters.
817. Boeckh, C.I.G. ii. 3485.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Boeckh, C.I.G. vol. ii, p. 3485.
818. Hes. Op. et Di. 25: καὶ κεραμεὺς κεραμεῖ κοτέει; quoted by Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 4, 21, and Plat. Lys. 215 C. Euthymides on one of his vases places the boast, “Euphronios never did anything like this.” See for these two artists, Chapter X.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hes. Op. et Di. 25: and potter the potter is angry; quoted by Aristotle, Rhet. ii. 4, 21, and Plat. Lys. 215 C. Euthymides on one of his vases says, “Euphronios never did anything like this.” For more about these two artists, see Chapter X.
PART II
HISTORY OF GREEK VASE-PAINTING
CHAPTER VI
PRIMITIVE FABRICS
Introductory—Cypriote Bronze-Age pottery—Classification—Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus—Graeco-Phoenician fabrics—Shapes and decoration—Hellenic and later vases—Primitive pottery in Greece—Troy—Thera and Cyclades—Crete—Recent discoveries—Mycenaean pottery—Classification and distribution—Centres of fabric—Ethnography and chronology.
Introductory—Cypriot Bronze Age pottery—Classification—Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus—Graeco-Phoenician textiles—Shapes and decoration—Hellenic and later vases—Primitive pottery in Greece—Troy—Thera and the Cyclades—Crete—Recent discoveries—Mycenaean pottery—Classification and distribution—Centers of production—Ethnography and chronology.
In the preceding chapters we have given a general résumé of the subject of Greek pottery; we have discussed the sites on which Greek vases have been found, the methods employed in their manufacture, the shapes which they assume, and the uses to which they were put both on earth and in the tombs; and we have now reached perhaps the most important part of the subject, at any rate in the eyes of archaeologists, namely, the history of the rise, development and decadence of painting on Greek vases.
In the previous chapters, we provided an overview of Greek pottery. We covered the locations where Greek vases have been discovered, the techniques used in their production, the various shapes they take, and the purposes they served both in daily life and in tombs. Now, we've arrived at what is perhaps the most significant aspect of the topic, at least from the perspective of archaeologists: the history of the emergence, evolution, and decline of painting on Greek vases.
It has already been noted (in Chapter I.) that this branch of the study of Greek vases is one that has only been called into existence in comparatively recent times, and that up to the year 1854 or thereabouts all attempts at dating the vases (chiefly of course owing to the poverty of material) were purely empirical and tentative. They were moreover largely combined with fantastic interpretations of the painted designs.
It has already been noted (in Chapter I.) that this area of research into Greek vases is relatively new, and until around 1854, all efforts to date the vases (mainly due to the lack of evidence) were mostly guesswork and experimental. Additionally, these attempts were often mixed with outlandish interpretations of the painted designs.
During the last forty years, and especially during the last twenty, the steady growth of archaeological study and increased attention to excavations have enormously increased both the material at command and the power of utilising it with scientific method. The extensive finds of pottery in Greece, Asia Minor, Northern Africa, Italy, and elsewhere, including more especially products of the earlier periods, have enabled the students of the subject to trace the sequence of fabrics from the rude wares of Troy and the Greek Islands up to the graceful and finished products of the Athenian ateliers, and onward to the overgrown luxuriousness of the gigantic Apulian wares. The subjects of the paintings, once of all-absorbing, are now only of subordinate interest, except so far as they illustrate certain phases of development, and the chief interest of the vases is the question of their origin, their maker, or their place in relation to others.
Over the last forty years, especially in the last twenty, the ongoing growth of archaeological research and increased focus on excavations have greatly expanded both the available materials and the ability to use them with scientific methods. The extensive discoveries of pottery in Greece, Asia Minor, Northern Africa, Italy, and other regions, particularly from earlier periods, have allowed scholars to trace the evolution of ceramics from the crude wares of Troy and the Greek Islands to the elegant and refined products of Athenian workshops, and further to the excessive opulence of the massive Apulian wares. The subjects of the paintings, once highly captivating, are now only of secondary interest, unless they illustrate specific developmental phases, with the primary focus on the origin of the vases, their makers, or their relationship to others.
It will therefore be the object of this and of the succeeding chapters to trace with all possible detail, as far as space permits, the history of Greek vase-manufacture and vase-painting in all their aspects. We have already indicated (p. 31) the limits within which the subject falls, and the convenient rough division into four main classes of which it permits (p. 23). This introductory chapter, therefore, deals with the primitive fabrics, leading up, through the two following, to the period of black-figured vases in Chapter IX. The lines of demarcation are, indeed, difficult if not impossible to draw, but they must not in any case be taken as rigid ones, being largely conventional, and only adopted in order to obtain a point of division for the chapters.
It will be the goal of this chapter and the following ones to thoroughly explore, as much as space allows, the history of Greek vase-making and vase-painting in all their forms. We have already outlined (p. 31) the scope of the topic and the useful rough classification into four main categories which it allows (p. 23). This introductory chapter focuses on the early styles, leading up, through the next two chapters, to the period of black-figured vases in Chapter IX. The boundaries are indeed difficult, if not impossible, to define, but they shouldn’t be seen as strict lines, as they are largely conventional and only established to provide a point of division for the chapters.
Perhaps the leading feature of the early history of Greek vases is the gradual coalescence of the numerous local fabrics first into two or three main streams, and finally into the one great and all-absorbing current of Athenian art. In the sixth century this was really brought about more by historical causes than anything else, as a result of the gradually increasing supremacy of Athens in art and culture from the time of the Peisistratidae down to that of Perikles.
Perhaps the most important aspect of the early history of Greek vases is the gradual merging of the various local styles first into two or three main streams, and eventually into the single dominant current of Athenian art. In the sixth century, this was primarily driven by historical factors, stemming from the steadily growing dominance of Athens in art and culture from the era of the Peisistratidae up to the time of Perikles.
One region, and one only, pursues its artistic course without regard to the contemporaneous tendencies prevailing in the Greek world, and that is the island of Cyprus. Here again the causes are largely political, as we shall see; largely also ethnographical and geographical, from the character of the inhabitants and the position of the island, a meeting-place and bone of contention between the great nations of the Eastern Mediterranean. For this reason we propose to deal first with the pottery of Cyprus, which has little in common with that of the rest of Greece, and always retains something of its primitive character, though it is always as much influenced from Greece on the one hand as from the East on the other. It is in Cyprus also that we meet with some of the earliest remains of pottery yet found on Greek soil.
One region, and only one, follows its own artistic path without caring about the contemporary trends of the Greek world, and that is the island of Cyprus. The reasons for this are mainly political, as we will see; they are also largely ethnographic and geographic, based on the nature of the inhabitants and the island's position as a crossroads and point of conflict among the major powers of the Eastern Mediterranean. For this reason, we will first focus on the pottery of Cyprus, which is quite different from that of the rest of Greece and consistently retains some of its primitive traits, while still being influenced both by Greece and the East. Cyprus is also where we find some of the earliest pottery remains discovered on Greek territory.
§ 1. Cyprus Pottery
Cesnola, Cyprus; O.-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer; Perrot and Chipiez, Hist. de l’Art, iii. p. 648 ff.; Cyprus Mus. Cat. (Myres and O.-Richter); B.M. Excavations in Cyprus (Turner Bequest), 1894–6; Dümmler in Ath. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 209 ff.; Archaeologia, xlv. p. 127 ff.; Pottier, Cat. des Vases ant. du Louvre, i. p. 82 ff., and other references there given.
Cesnola, Cyprus; O.-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer; Perrot and Chipiez, Art History, iii. p. 648 ff.; Cyprus Mus. Cat. (Myres and O.-Richter); B.M. Excavations in Cyprus (Turner Bequest), 1894–6; Dümmler in Ath. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 209 ff.; Archaeologia, xlv. p. 127 ff.; Pottier, Cat. des Vases ant. du Louvre, i. p. 82 ff., and other references there given.
In order to understand aright the history of Cypriote art, it is indeed necessary to know something of its ethnography and political history, and the various influences to which it has been subjected. But space forbids us to do more than make very brief allusions to the more important of these features. Speaking generally, Cyprus may be regarded as a centre wherein have met all the currents of ancient civilisation, forming an amalgamation of artistic elements. Thus Cypriote art, though it loses in originality, gains in interest; and yet though often slavishly imitative, it has at bottom great individuality, more especially in its pottery. Hence it will be seen that it is essentially necessary to consider the pottery of Cyprus as a thing apart.
To truly understand the history of Cypriote art, it's essential to have some knowledge of its ethnography and political history, as well as the various influences it has experienced. However, we can only briefly touch on the most significant aspects due to space constraints. Generally speaking, Cyprus can be seen as a hub where all the streams of ancient civilization converged, creating a blend of artistic elements. While Cypriote art may lack originality, it makes up for that with its richness, and though it often closely imitates others, it still retains a strong individuality, especially in its pottery. Therefore, it is crucial to view the pottery of Cyprus as a unique subject in itself.
As regards chronology, except for a certain determinable sequence of artistic phases, even more caution than in dealing with Hellenic art is required. The remarkable conservatism and persistence of types exhibited by Cypriote art has more than once proved a pitfall, and has given rise to considerable controversy at one time or another. Dates can only be used in the vaguest manner.
When it comes to chronology, aside from a few identifiable artistic phases, we need to be even more careful than when studying Hellenic art. The notable conservatism and enduring styles seen in Cypriote art have often been misleading and have sparked significant debate at various times. Dates can only be referenced very loosely.
The pottery of Cyprus falls under three headings, which for convenience, though not perhaps with the strictest accuracy, are usually defined as follows:—
The pottery of Cyprus is categorized into three main groups, which are described for convenience, though they may not be entirely accurate, as follows:—
1. Bronze Age, from about 2500 B.C. to 800 B.C.
1. Bronze Age, from about 2500 BCE to 800 BCE
2. Graeco-Phoenician period, from 800 B.C. to 400 B.C., overlapping with
2. Graeco-Phoenician period, from 800 BCE to 400 BCE, overlapping
3. Hellenic period, from 550 B.C. to 200 B.C., representing the time during which imported Greek vases are found in the tombs, native pottery gradually dying out except in the form of plain vessels.
3. Hellenic period, from 550 B.C. to 200 B.C., marks the time when imported Greek vases appear in the tombs, while local pottery slowly fades away, remaining only as basic vessels.
The pottery of the Bronze-Age period again falls into two distinct periods: (1) Copper Age or pre-Mycenaean period (2500–1500 B.C.), during which few bronze implements are found in the tombs, and all the pottery is purely indigenous, the work of the original inhabitants of the island, without any admixture of importations. (2) The Mycenaean period (1500–800 B.C.), during which the local pottery (including both unpainted and painted vases) is reinforced by large quantities of imported Mycenaean pottery, together with elaborately decorated vases of Mycenaean technique, either made locally or specially made for Cyprus and imported.
The pottery from the Bronze Age can be divided into two main periods: (1) the Copper Age or pre-Mycenaean period (2500–1500 B.C.), during which very few bronze tools are found in the tombs, and all the pottery is purely local, created by the island's original inhabitants, without any outside influences. (2) The Mycenaean period (1500–800 B.C.), when local pottery (including both unpainted and painted vases) is supplemented by a large amount of imported Mycenaean pottery, along with intricately decorated vases made using Mycenaean techniques, either produced locally or specially crafted for Cyprus and brought in.
The sites on which Bronze-Age remains are found (see above, p. 66) are chiefly confined to the central and southern parts of the island, the most important sites being near the modern towns of Nicosia, Larnaka, and Famagusta. The discovery in these tombs of such objects as milking-bowls and querns is an additional proof of the conclusion naturally to be drawn—that the early inhabitants of Cyprus were a race of pastoral lowlanders.[820] The tombs (see p. 35) are mostly pit-tombs of moderate depth, recalling in type the Egyptian mastaba, and burial is universal.
The sites where Bronze Age remains are found (see above, p. 66) are mainly located in the central and southern regions of the island, with the most significant sites near the modern towns of Nicosia, Larnaka, and Famagusta. The discovery of items like milking bowls and querns in these tombs provides further evidence supporting the conclusion that the early inhabitants of Cyprus were a group of pastoral lowlanders.[820] The tombs (see p. 35) are mostly pit tombs of moderate depth, resembling the Egyptian mastaba, and burial was a common practice.
There is no doubt that the art of pottery was introduced into Cyprus coincidently with the beginning of the Copper Age, which may be placed at about the year 2000 B.C. Although no bronze is found in the earliest tombs, on the other hand stone implements are absent, and the types of the pottery are identical with those of the later Bronze Age. It will be seen that it presents throughout very striking parallels with the pottery of Hissarlik, which will form the subject of the next section. The forms are largely similar and the technique is the same, but the Hissarlik pottery is ruder and of inferior clay. Stone implements are found at Hissarlik, but no copper, from which the inference may be drawn that that metal, being indigenous to Cyprus, supplanted stone there at an earlier date than in the Troad, whither it had to find its way by means of commerce. It was no doubt largely due to the existence of its copper ores that Cyprus so early shows an advance in its civilisation.
There’s no doubt that pottery was introduced to Cyprus at the start of the Copper Age, around 2000 BCE While no bronze is found in the earliest tombs, there are also no stone tools, and the pottery types are the same as those in the later Bronze Age. You'll notice that it shares significant similarities with the pottery from Hissarlik, which will be discussed in the next section. The shapes are mostly alike, and the techniques are similar, but Hissarlik pottery is coarser and made from lower quality clay. Stone tools are present at Hissarlik, but no copper, suggesting that since copper was native to Cyprus, it replaced stone tools there earlier than in the Troad, where it had to arrive through trade. The presence of copper ores likely contributed to Cyprus’s early advancement in civilization.
The shapes of the earliest Cypriote pottery are purely indigenous and very characteristic, but the technique may very likely have been learned from elsewhere; in regard to which it should be noted that as it is invariably hand-made, an Egyptian origin is altogether precluded, owing to the early use of the wheel for pottery in that country (see pp. 7, 206). For the most part the forms are characterised by a tendency to fantastic and unsymmetrical modelling, with a preference for complicated forms, such as two or three vases joined together. Others again imitate gourds or vessels of straw and basket-work, such as are used in Cyprus at the present day. They have no foot or “base-ring” to stand upon; and another characteristic is the frequent absence of handles, the place of which is supplied by small ears, by means of which the vase was hung up or carried by cords.[821] Sometimes these ears cover the whole outline of the vase. The plastic principle is always popular in the Bronze-Age pottery, and manifests itself in more than one direction. From the first it is exhibited in the tendency, so common in early art, to combine the vase and the statuette,[822] a tendency which is even stronger in the pottery of Hissarlik. It also takes the form of designs in relief covering the surface of, or moulded to, the vase.
The shapes of the earliest Cypriot pottery are entirely indigenous and very distinctive, but the techniques were likely learned from other places. It's important to note that since these pottery pieces are always hand-made, they could not have originated from Egypt, where the potter's wheel was used early on (see pp. 7, 206). Most of the forms show a tendency for fantastical and asymmetrical designs, often preferring complex structures, like two or three vases joined together. Some also mimic gourds or straw and basket-like vessels that are still used in Cyprus today. These pieces do not have a foot or “base-ring” to stand on, and another feature is the frequent lack of handles, which are replaced by small ears that allow the vase to be hung or carried with cords.[821] Sometimes, these ears encompass the whole shape of the vase. The plasticity principle remains popular in Bronze Age pottery and shows itself in various ways. From the beginning, there's a common trend in early art to merge the vase with the figurine,[822] a trend that is even more pronounced in the pottery from Hissarlik. It also appears as relief designs that cover or are molded into the surface of the vase.
In one point Cyprus is manifestly in advance of the rest of the ancient world, and that is, in the decoration of the pottery. Here, in fact, we meet with the first attempts at painted vases, combined with the employment of a fine bright red or polished black slip to cover the surface. In the earlier varieties the designs, when they occur, are confined to simple rectilinear geometrical patterns incised through the slip before baking; but these are soon supplemented by the employment, first of a matt-white pigment, secondly of a brown-black paint obtained from the native umber. The only other locality in which painted vases occur at so early a period is the island of Thera (see below, p. 260).
Cyprus is clearly ahead of the rest of the ancient world in one aspect: pottery decoration. Here, we see the earliest attempts at painted vases, using a fine bright red or polished black slip to cover the surface. In the earlier types, the designs, when present, are limited to simple straight-line geometric patterns carved into the slip before firing. However, these soon expand to include, first, a matte white pigment, and then a brown-black paint derived from local umber. The only other place with painted vases from such an early time is the island of Thera (see below, p. 260).
We pass now to the consideration of the later Bronze-Age pottery—namely, that which is found in tombs together with vases of Mycenaean style. In this we see various modifications of the indigenous art, and witness its eventual transformation by the introduction of new processes and ideas from various sources. The main streams of influence are three in number, coming from the east, south, and west respectively. Of these the first represents the Asiatic civilisations of Babylonia and the Hittites, to whom in the first place are due the engraved cylinders frequently found in these tombs, and at a comparatively late date such objects as the ivory draught-box from Enkomi in the British Museum, which affords points of comparison with the reliefs of Kouyounjik. Egyptian influences date from the invasion of Cyprus by Thothmes III. (eighteenth dynasty), about 1450 B.C., as exemplified by the frequent occurrence of scarabs and porcelain objects. A counter-influence of Cyprus on Egypt is seen in the presence of exported Cypriote pottery in tombs at Kahun, Saqqara, and elsewhere.[823] Lastly, there is the far more extensive influence of the Mycenaean civilisation, covering several hundred years, and eventually absorbing the indigenous fabrics until the foundations of a new phase of decorative art were laid on a combination of the two. The Mycenaean vases belong to the later styles exclusively (see below, p. 271), and show a strong preference for certain forms such as the false-necked amphora and the large richly-decorated krater peculiar to Cyprus; but these we must discuss later in fuller detail. Briefly, they represent the first entry of Greece proper into the Cypriote world.
We now turn to the later Bronze Age pottery, specifically that which is found in tombs alongside Mycenaean-style vases. Here, we see various modifications of the local art and observe its eventual transformation through the introduction of new techniques and ideas from different sources. The main influences come from three directions: east, south, and west. The first influence is from the Asiatic civilizations of Babylonia and the Hittites, which are responsible for the engraved cylinders commonly discovered in these tombs. Additionally, a later example is the ivory draught-box from Enkomi in the British Museum, which offers comparisons with the reliefs from Kouyounjik. Egyptian influences began with Thothmes III’s invasion of Cyprus (eighteenth dynasty), around 1450 B.C., as seen through the frequent occurrence of scarabs and porcelain items. There's also a counter-influence from Cyprus on Egypt, demonstrated by the presence of exported Cypriote pottery in tombs at Kahun, Saqqara, and elsewhere.[823] Lastly, the much broader influence of the Mycenaean civilization spans several hundred years, ultimately absorbing the indigenous styles and laying the groundwork for a new phase of decorative art that blends the two. The Mycenaean vases belong exclusively to the later styles (see below, p. 271), showing a strong preference for certain forms like the false-necked amphora and the large, elaborately decorated krater typical of Cyprus. However, we'll discuss these in greater detail later. In short, they mark the first entry of mainland Greece into the Cypriote world.
The ethnological affinities of the early inhabitants of Cyprus cannot be positively ascertained. In M. Heuzey’s opinion they were Asiatics, Syrian rather than Phoenician, and he suggests that the names of Kition (Chittim) and Amathus (Hamath) imply Hittite and Hamathite colonists. Dümmler regarded them as closely akin to the race which inhabited the second city at Hissarlik,[824] an idea to which the similarity of the pottery might be thought to lend support. At all events in Greek legend this people was personified by the mythical king Kinyras, the father of Adonis, who came from the neighbouring Asiatic coast. The Hellenic, or rather Achaean, invasion is crystallised into the legends of Teucer’s colonisation of Salamis after the fall of Troy,[825] of an Arcadian settlement at Kerynia and elsewhere, and of the founding of Curium by Argives (? Mycenaeans).[826]
The ethnic background of the early inhabitants of Cyprus isn't definitively known. According to M. Heuzey, they were Asiatics, more specifically Syrian than Phoenician, and he suggests that the names Kition (Chittim) and Amathus (Hamath) indicate Hittite and Hamathite colonists. Dümmler believed they were closely related to the people who lived in the second city at Hissarlik,[824] a theory that might be supported by the similarities in pottery. In any case, Greek mythology depicted this group through the legendary king Kinyras, the father of Adonis, who came from the nearby Asian coast. The Hellenic, or more accurately Achaean, invasion is reflected in the legends of Teucer’s colonization of Salamis after the fall of Troy,[825] an Arcadian settlement at Kerynia and elsewhere, and the founding of Curium by Argives (? Mycenaeans).[826]
The first attempt to classify the pottery of Cyprus, and to distinguish between the Bronze-Age wares and what are now known as the Graeco-Phoenician fabrics, was made by the late Mr. T. B. Sandwith in 1876.[827] Considering the comparative poverty of material at his command, and the state of archaeological knowledge at the time, his brief but illuminating monograph is a wonderfully accurate and scientific contribution, and, so far as it goes, his classification can still be accepted in the main. But the extensive series of excavations in the island since the British occupation, and the investigation of such fruitful sites as Salamis, Curium, and Kition, have resulted in a great advance of our knowledge of the subject. The elaborate classification made by Messrs. Myres and Ohnefalsch-Richter of the representative collections of the Cyprus Museum must for the present be regarded as final, and of necessity forms the basis of the succeeding description.
The first effort to categorize the pottery of Cyprus and differentiate between the Bronze Age wares and what are now referred to as the Graeco-Phoenician fabrics was undertaken by the late Mr. T. B. Sandwith in 1876.[827] Considering the limited resources he had and the level of archaeological knowledge at that time, his short but insightful monograph is a remarkably accurate and scientific contribution, and his classification can still generally be accepted. However, the extensive series of excavations on the island since the British occupation, along with the exploration of significant sites like Salamis, Curium, and Kition, have greatly enhanced our understanding of the topic. The detailed classification created by Messrs. Myres and Ohnefalsch-Richter of the representative collections of the Cyprus Museum should currently be viewed as definitive and forms the foundation for the following description.
The pottery of the Bronze Age may be classified under two main headings: Painted and Unpainted Pottery. Of these the former is practically confined to the later tombs, and we naturally turn first to the unpainted pottery as taking precedence in chronology and development.
The pottery of the Bronze Age can be divided into two main categories: Painted and Unpainted Pottery. The painted pottery is mostly found in later tombs, so we will first focus on the unpainted pottery since it takes precedence in terms of chronology and development.
Almost the commonest, and probably the earliest, variety is the red polished ware, sometimes plain, but generally ornamented with incised patterns or reliefs (see Plate XI., Nos. 3, 4, 7).[828] The polished surface, which seems to betoken a great advance in technique, was doubtless produced by means of a burnisher. In some varieties the surface is black, a result due to the action of smoke in firing. The commonest forms are a globular bottle with long neck and handle, a plain bowl, a cooking-pot on feet, and a two-handled globular amphora; besides composite and abnormal forms. None of these vases have any kind of base except the cooking-pots.
Almost the most common and probably the earliest type is the red polished ware, which can be plain but is usually decorated with incised patterns or reliefs (see Plate XI, Nos. 3, 4, 7).[828] The polished surface, indicating a significant advance in technique, was likely created using a burnisher. In some varieties, the surface is black, a result of smoke during firing. The most common shapes include a globular bottle with a long neck and handle, a plain bowl, a cooking pot on feet, and a two-handled globular amphora, along with various composite and unusual forms. None of these vases have any type of base except for the cooking pots.
The incised patterns, when they occur, are scratched in deeply before firing, and often filled in with white; the patterns, which tend to become more and more elaborate, consist of zigzags, wavy lines, chequers and lozenges, network patterns, and concentric circles. Ornament in relief is applied in the form of strips of clay, often worked into the shape of rude figures of trees, snakes, animals, or simple patterns. Many tombs and even cemeteries, as at Alambra, Agia Paraskevi, and elsewhere, contain no other form of pottery; but though these are undoubtedly earlier than the mixed tombs, the red ware in a degenerate form continues long afterwards.
The carved designs, when they appear, are deeply etched before firing and often filled in with white. These designs, which tend to become increasingly intricate, include zigzags, wavy lines, checkerboards, diamonds, network patterns, and concentric circles. Raised decorations are added in the form of strips of clay, which are often shaped into rough figures of trees, snakes, animals, or simple patterns. Many tombs and even cemeteries, like those at Alambra, Agia Paraskevi, and other locations, contain no other type of pottery; although these are definitely older than the mixed tombs, the red pottery in a less refined version continues for a long time afterward.
There is also a small class of black-slip ware, covered with a thin dark lustreless slip which flakes off easily. The ornamentation, which is seldom absent, is generally in the form of a straight or wavy line with a row of dots alternately on either side, either incised or in relief. The forms are much the same as in the red ware, but often seem to suggest metal or leather prototypes.
There is also a small category of black-slip ware, coated with a thin, dull dark slip that easily chips off. The decoration, which is usually present, typically consists of a straight or wavy line with a row of dots alternately placed on either side, either carved or raised. The shapes are quite similar to those found in the red ware, but often appear to be inspired by metal or leather designs.
An interesting class is formed by the black punctured ware, in which the clay is black throughout, without a slip, but partly polished. Most of these vases are small jugs with a narrow neck, swelling body, and small foot, and they are ornamented with punctured dots, usually in triangular patches, but sometimes irregularly distributed. In Cyprus they are mostly found in the early necropolis at Kalopsida, but they also occur in the late Mycenaean tombs at Enkomi. The special interest of this ware is that it is found in Egypt, under such circumstances that it can fairly be dated; notably at Khata'anah in conjunction with scarabs and flint chips of the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties (2500–2000 B.C.). It is also found in the Fayûm, where Prof. Petrie obtained some good specimens.[829]
An interesting type of pottery is the black punctured ware, where the clay is completely black without any slip, and it has a partially polished finish. Most of these vases are small jugs with a narrow neck, a rounded body, and a small base, decorated with punctured dots, often arranged in triangular patterns, though sometimes placed irregularly. In Cyprus, they are mainly found in the early burial site at Kalopsida, but they also appear in the later Mycenaean tombs at Enkomi. The particular significance of this pottery is that it has been discovered in Egypt in conditions that allow for accurate dating, especially at Khata'anah alongside scarabs and flint chips from the twelfth and thirteenth dynasties (2500–2000 BCE). It is also found in the Fayûm, where Prof. Petrie collected some excellent examples.[829]
Allied to this is the Cypriote bucchero ware, of plain black clay without slip, ornamented with ribs or flutings. It is only found in the later tombs, and can be traced through the subsequent transitional period.[830]
Allied to this is the Cypriot bucchero pottery, made of plain black clay without a slip, decorated with ridges or grooves. It is only found in the later tombs and can be traced through the following transitional period.[830]
Of the remaining fabrics the most conspicuous is that termed by Mr. Myres the base-ring ware, which is marked off from other Bronze-Age types by its flat-ringed base in all cases. The clay is dark and of fine texture, with thinly-glazed surface. The ornament is either in relief or painted in matt-white, the patterns being exclusively of a basket or network type (Plate XI., figs. 1, 2). The reliefs, when they occur, consist of scrolls or raised seams curving over the body, obviously in imitation of the seams of a leather bottle; they sometimes end in a leaf-ornament,[831] and at other times take the form of a snake. This fabric is very commonly found in the later tombs with Mycenaean vases, and hardly earlier. It has been found in Egypt and at Lachish.[832]
Of the remaining fabrics, the most noticeable is what Mr. Myres calls base-ring ware, which is distinguished from other Bronze Age types by its flat-ringed base. The clay is dark and has a fine texture, with a thinly-glazed surface. The decorations are either raised or painted in matte white, with patterns that are exclusively of a basket or network style (Plate XI, figs. 1, 2). The raised decorations, when present, consist of scrolls or ridges that curve over the body, clearly mimicking the seams of a leather bottle; they sometimes end with a leaf design,[831] and at other times take the shape of a snake. This fabric is commonly found in later tombs alongside Mycenaean vases, and rarely appears earlier. It has been discovered in Egypt and at Lachish.[832]

Early Cypriote Pottery (British Museum).
1, 2, “Base-ring” Black Ware; 3, 4, 7, Incised Red and Black Wares; 5, 6, “White-slip” Wares.
Early Cypriot Pottery (British Museum).
1, 2, “Base-ring” Black Ware; 3, 4, 7, Incised Red and Black Wares; 5, 6, “White-slip” Wares.
Among the rarer varieties of unpainted wares Mr. Myres includes white base-ring ware (plates and bowls), imitations of straw-plait or wicker-work, and plain wheel-made wares with red or black slip, of peculiar form.[833]
Among the rarer types of unglazed pottery, Mr. Myres includes white base-ring ware (plates and bowls), replicas of straw weaving or wickerwork, and simple wheel-made pottery with red or black slip, featuring unique shapes.[833]
Among the Painted Pottery by far the most widely-spread local fabric is that styled by Mr. Myres the white-slip ware, which appears in the tombs of the later Bronze Age, and is more than any other associated with Mycenaean vases. In cemeteries such as Enkomi, Curium, and Maroni[834] it has been found in large quantities in almost every tomb, and its range is not limited to Cyprus. The characteristics of this ware are a black gritty clay, worked very thin, and a thick white creamy slip with which it is covered both inside and out; it is exceedingly brittle, and perfect specimens are comparatively uncommon. The ornament is laid on in a black pigment, often turning to red by the action of fire; the most common form is that of a hemispherical bowl with a flat triangular handle, notched at the apex. Almost the only other forms are a long-necked flask or bottle of the lekythos type and a large jug with cylindrical body (like an olpe) and a flat thumb-piece above the handle.
Among the Painted Pottery, the most widespread local style is known as white-slip ware, a term coined by Mr. Myres. This type shows up in tombs from the later Bronze Age and is more commonly linked to Mycenaean vases than any other. In cemeteries like Enkomi, Curium, and Maroni[834], it has been found in large numbers in nearly every tomb, and its distribution isn't just limited to Cyprus. The key features of this ware include a black gritty clay that is very thin and a thick creamy white slip covering both the inside and the outside; it's extremely fragile, and well-preserved examples are quite rare. The decoration is applied using a black pigment that often turns red due to the heat of firing; the most common shape is a hemispherical bowl with a flat triangular handle that has a notch at the top. The other forms are primarily a long-necked flask or bottle of the lekythos type and a large jug with a cylindrical body (similar to an olpe) and a flat thumb-piece above the handle.
Mr. Myres[835] points out that the scheme of decoration seems intended to imitate the binding and seams of a leather bowl; it usually consists of a band of various patterns (lattice-work, zigzags, lozenges, or lines of dots) round the rim, from which similar bands descend vertically, but do not meet at the bottom. Similarly the handle seems intended to represent two pieces of flexible wood bound together. In the case of the jugs the patterns follow a similar principle, giving the effect of a decoration in panels to the upper part. Specimens of this ware are given in Plate XI., Nos. 5, 6.
Mr. Myres[835] notes that the decoration scheme appears designed to mimic the binding and seams of a leather bowl. It typically features a band of various patterns (like lattice-work, zigzags, lozenges, or dots) around the rim, with similar bands extending down vertically but not meeting at the bottom. The handle also seems to represent two pieces of flexible wood bound together. For the jugs, the patterns follow a similar principle, creating a panel-like decoration in the upper part. Examples of this ware are shown in Plate XI., Nos. 5, 6.
Beyond the confines of Cyprus isolated specimens of this ware have been found at Athens, Hissarlik, Thera, Lachish in Palestine, and at Saqqara and Tell-el-Amarna in Egypt, in the last-named instance along with Mycenaean vases.[836] The resemblance of some white-slip wares to the Dipylon vases is not a little curious.[837] But it can hardly be thought that the one influenced the other.
Beyond the borders of Cyprus, isolated examples of this pottery have been discovered in Athens, Hissarlik, Thera, Lachish in Palestine, and at Saqqara and Tell-el-Amarna in Egypt, the last of which included Mycenaean vases.[836] The similarity between some white-slip pottery and the Dipylon vases is quite interesting.[837] However, it's unlikely that one directly influenced the other.
The other local painted wares are by no means so common. They are, in fact, almost limited to specimens of an unpolished white ware, with fine cream-coloured clay, on which patterns such as groups of straight or wavy lines, chevrons, chequers, and triangles filled with hatched lines are painted with a pigment varying from dull black to dull red. The commonest forms are one-handled bowls and small bottles, either globular or sausage-shaped. The latter are distinguished by often having long tube-like spouts attached and by the numerous perforated projections for the attachment of strings, handles being generally absent at first, but when they are introduced the projections remain as an ornamental survival. In a few isolated specimens the surface is covered with a polished slip. Others again are covered with a black glaze,[838] on which are painted in dull red groups of short parallel lines, which (as Mr. Myres points out) seem to have been executed at a single stroke with a cluster of brushes.
The other local painted pottery isn't as common at all. It's actually almost limited to pieces made of unpolished white ware, using fine cream-colored clay, onto which designs like straight or wavy lines, chevrons, checkers, and triangles filled with hatched lines are painted in pigments that range from dull black to dull red. The most common shapes are one-handled bowls and small bottles that are either round or sausage-shaped. The sausage-shaped ones often have long, tube-like spouts attached and many perforated bumps for string attachments, typically lacking handles at first, but once handles are added, the bumps stay as a decorative feature. In a few isolated pieces, the surface has a polished slip. Others are covered with a black glaze,[838] onto which short parallel lines are painted in dull red, which (as Mr. Myres notes) seem to have been done in one stroke with a bunch of brushes.
The Mycenaean pottery which has been found on not a few sites in Cyprus, and of late years in such surprising quantities at Enkomi and in the neighbourhood of Larnaka and Limassol (Maroni, Curium, etc.), belongs properly to another section of this chapter, and would not call for discussion in this connection, but for the fact that in Cyprus it presents certain features which seem to be almost exclusively local. At all events it is advisable to consider how far Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus differs from that found in Rhodes, Crete, or Mycenae.
The Mycenaean pottery found at several sites in Cyprus, and more recently in surprising amounts at Enkomi and around Larnaka and Limassol (Maroni, Curium, etc.), actually belongs to another section of this chapter and wouldn't usually require discussion here, except that in Cyprus it shows certain features that seem to be almost unique to the area. In any case, it's worth looking at how Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus differs from the pottery found in Rhodes, Crete, or Mycenae.
Two points claim our attention in the first instance: (1) that in point of technique the Cypriote finds fall absolutely into line with those in other parts of the Mycenaean world; (2) that the range of subjects depicted on the vases found in Cyprus is wider and in a measure more developed than elsewhere. To what extent we may be permitted, bearing both facts in mind, to predicate a local fabric of Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus, must for the present remain an open question; at the same time it seems extremely probable that the larger vases, which it will be necessary to discuss in detail, are, if not of local manufacture, at all events a fabric made specially for exportation to Cyprus, as we shall see was the case with a later variety of black-figured Attic ware.
Two points demand our attention at the outset: (1) that the techniques used by Cypriots align perfectly with those found in other regions of the Mycenaean world; (2) that the variety of subjects represented on the vases discovered in Cyprus is broader and somewhat more advanced than in other areas. To what extent we can assert a local production of Mycenaean pottery in Cyprus, keeping both of these facts in mind, remains an open question for now; however, it seems very likely that the larger vases, which we’ll need to discuss in detail, are, if not locally made, at least produced specifically for export to Cyprus, similar to what we’ll see with a later type of black-figured Attic pottery.
The peculiarity of the Cypriote-Mycenaean pottery is that whereas on other sites the decoration is confined to linear ornaments, and animal or vegetable subjects drawn almost exclusively from the aquatic world (such as cuttle-fish, shell-fish, or seaweed), in Cyprus we find represented not only animals, such as bulls, deer, goats, and dogs, but even human figures, both male and female, and monsters such as Sphinxes and Gryphons. Having regard to what M. Pottier[839] calls the law of the hierarchie des genres, it does not seem impossible that this may imply a late survival of Mycenaean art in Cyprus, and although this view has been hitherto strongly contested in certain quarters, it finds support from other evidence obtained in recent excavations. The whole chronology of Cypriote pottery is still in a very unsettled state, and until it can be definitely shown that the Cypriote Geometrical style began concurrently with the appearance of Geometrical pottery in Greece, it is still admissible to urge that Mycenaean art prevailed here for some time subsequent to its disappearance from the greater part of the Hellenic world. For this the accepted date is the end of the tenth century B.C., but it is not necessary to extend its influence in Cyprus more than two centuries longer, i.e. beyond the eighth century, at the latest.
The unique feature of Cypriote-Mycenaean pottery is that while most other sites only show linear decorations and animal or plant designs primarily from the underwater world (like cuttlefish, shellfish, or seaweed), in Cyprus we can see not just animals like bulls, deer, goats, and dogs, but also human figures, both male and female, as well as mythical creatures such as Sphinxes and Gryphons. Considering what M. Pottier[839] refers to as the law of the gender hierarchy, it seems possible that this might indicate a late survival of Mycenaean art in Cyprus. Although this idea has been heavily debated in some circles, it has backing from other findings from recent excavations. The entire timeline of Cypriote pottery is still quite uncertain, and until it can be clearly demonstrated that the Cypriote Geometrical style began at the same time as the Geometrical pottery in Greece, we can still argue that Mycenaean art lingered here for some time after it faded from most of the Hellenic world. The accepted date for this is the end of the tenth century BCE, but it doesn’t need to be considered influential in Cyprus for more than another two centuries, i.e. until the eighth century at the latest.
If we accept the view generally held that the Mycenaean civilisation was Achaean, and that after the Dorian invasion its representatives were driven in an easterly direction and settled on the coast of Asia Minor; and if again we regard this as an historical version of the Greek traditions of the Trojan war and the subsequent migrations of the Achaean heroes[840]; we may then consider that the stories of Teucer’s foundation of a new Salamis and of an Argive colonisation of Curium find their verification in the Mycenaean settlements recently discovered on those two Cypriote sites. The extent and richness of the old Salamis at Enkomi at any rate seems to suggest that it may have flourished as a Mycenaean settlement for some centuries.
If we accept the commonly held belief that the Mycenaean civilization was Achaean, and that after the Dorian invasion its representatives moved eastward and settled along the coast of Asia Minor; and if we see this as an historical interpretation of the Greek legends about the Trojan War and the later migrations of the Achaean heroes[840]; we can consider that the tales of Teucer founding a new Salamis and an Argive colonization of Curium are validated by the Mycenaean settlements recently discovered at those two sites in Cyprus. The sizeand wealth of the old Salamis at Enkomi seems to indicate that it may have thrived as a Mycenaean settlement for several centuries.
But to return to the pottery. Two forms are eminently characteristic of the Cypriote varieties. Of these, one—the “false amphora” (p. 271)—is not peculiar to the island, but is found wherever Mycenaean pottery has penetrated; though especially common in Cyprus, it is in fact the most popular of all Mycenaean shapes. The other is a large krater, found in two varieties, either a straight-sided deep bowl with wide mouth and no neck, or a spheroidal vessel on a high stem, with a low straight neck of less diameter than the body. It is this latter class which appears to be of local manufacture and presents such a variety of painted decoration.
But to get back to the pottery. Two forms are particularly characteristic of the Cypriote varieties. One of these—the “false amphora” (p. 271)—is not unique to the island but can be found wherever Mycenaean pottery has spread; although it is especially common in Cyprus, it is actually the most popular of all Mycenaean shapes. The other form is a large krater, which comes in two varieties: either a straight-sided deep bowl with a wide mouth and no neck, or a spheroidal vessel on a high stem, with a low straight neck that's narrower than the body. It’s this latter type that seems to be locally made and shows a wide range of painted decoration.
Up to the year 1895 only some half-dozen of these kraters were known, one of which was found by General Cesnola in the rich necropolis at Agia Paraskevi near Nicosia[841]; another he alleged to have come from Amathus, but it was no doubt found at Maroni, not so far distant, where for many years a Bronze-Age cemetery has been known. In the above-named year two more came to light at Curium,[842] one of the same type as General Cesnola’s, with figures driving two-horse chariots; the other having in addition the unique subject of a series of women, each figure in a separate panel, represented as waving their arms or holding flowers.[843] These were speedily followed by the rich and valuable series from Enkomi now in the British Museum, since which time other interesting specimens have been obtained for the Museum in various excavations or have found their way into the hands of local collectors (see Plate XII.).
Up until 1895, only about six of these kraters were known, one of which was discovered by General Cesnola in the rich burial site at Agia Paraskevi near Nicosia[841]; another he claimed to have come from Amathus, but it was likely found at Maroni, which is not far away and has had a Bronze Age cemetery for many years. In that same year, two more were uncovered at Curium,[842] one of the same type as General Cesnola’s, featuring figures driving two-horse chariots; the other additionally showcased a unique series of women, each depicted in a separate panel, waving their arms or holding flowers.[843] These were quickly followed by a rich and valuable collection from Enkomi now housed in the British Museum, and since then, other intriguing specimens have been acquired for the Museum through various excavations or have ended up in the hands of local collectors (see Plate XII.).

Mycenaean Vases from Cyprus (British Museum).
Mycenaean Vases from Cyprus (British Museum).
Native imitations of the Mycenaean vases, which have been described as “sub-Mycenaean wares,” have been found in considerable numbers on most of the sites where the genuine Mycenaean ware exists. They fall technically under the heading of painted white ware (p. 251),[844] the difference being that the decoration is in matt colour (varying from black to red) on an unpolished drab ground. The patterns mostly follow Mycenaean models, but some are new. They are well represented on the Mycenaean site at Curium,[845] especially in one or two tombs of transitional character, and in some cases the decoration is of a distinctly Geometrical type, illustrating the development of the succeeding style. In any case it is not difficult to distinguish them from the genuine Mycenaean fabrics.
Native imitations of the Mycenaean vases, referred to as “sub-Mycenaean wares,” have been discovered in large quantities at most sites where authentic Mycenaean ware is present. Technically, they are categorized as painted white ware (p. 251),[844] with the main difference being that the decoration is in matt color (ranging from black to red) on an unpolished drab background. The designs mostly mimic Mycenaean models, though some are original. They are prominently found at the Mycenaean site in Curium,[845] particularly in a couple of transitional tombs, and in some instances, the decoration is distinctly Geometrical, showcasing the evolution of the following style. Ultimately, it’s fairly easy to differentiate them from the authentic Mycenaean fabrics.
In these so-called sub-Mycenaean vases we can trace the best evidence of the transition from the Bronze Age to the succeeding or Graeco-Phoenician period. But on the whole the line of demarcation is clearly defined, as for instance by the forms and position of the tombs, which become larger and lie deeper; by the appearance of iron implements and bronze fibulae; and by the fact that all the native pottery is now made on the wheel. Relations with continental Greece are evidenced by the occasional importation of Geometrical pottery of the Dipylon type (as in the great vase found at Curium), dating from the ninth and eighth centuries B.C. As we have already seen, the first Hellenic settlements in Cyprus seem to have followed on more or less immediately after the Dorian invasion, in the sites of Salamis, Curium, Kerynia, Paphos, and others which afterwards became the capitals of small Hellenic kingdoms.
In these so-called sub-Mycenaean vases, we can see clear evidence of the shift from the Bronze Age to the following Graeco-Phoenician period. Overall, the line of separation is well-defined, seen in the larger and deeper tombs, the emergence of iron tools and bronze brooches, and the fact that all local pottery is now wheel-made. Connections with mainland Greece are shown by the occasional import of Geometric pottery of the Dipylon type (like the large vase found at Curium), dating back to the ninth and eighth centuries BCE As we've noted before, the first Greek settlements in Cyprus seem to have established soon after the Dorian invasion, in places like Salamis, Curium, Kerynia, Paphos, and others that later became the capitals of small Greek kingdoms.
On the other hand, the Phoenician thalassocracy, which began about the ninth century B.C., never had much foothold in Cyprus, less at any rate than was formerly supposed. Politically at all events the Phoenician influence was comparatively small, even in their settlements at Kition and Amathus[846]; we read of expeditions of the kings of Tyre in the tenth and eighth centuries, the object of which was to force the former town to pay tribute; but subsequently they were compelled by the Assyrian domination under Sargon to retreat westwards. In the seventh century a new power arose in the shape of Egypt, and in the sixth Cyprus became a tributary of Amasis.[847] Throughout, however, relations with Greece were maintained, and we read that in 501 B.C. the Cypriote princes joined the Ionians in their revolt against Persia, a fact which shows the strength of the Hellenic element.
On the other hand, the Phoenician thalassocracy, which started around the ninth century BCE, never really established a strong presence in Cyprus, even less than previously thought. Politically, the Phoenician influence was relatively minor, even in their settlements at Kition and Amathus[846]; we read about expeditions by the kings of Tyre in the tenth and eighth centuries aimed at forcing the former town to pay tribute; but later on, they were forced to retreat westward due to Assyrian control under Sargon. In the seventh century, a new power emerged in the form of Egypt, and in the sixth century, Cyprus became a tributary of Amasis.[847] Nonetheless, they maintained relationships with Greece, and we note that in 501 BCE, the Cypriote princes joined the Ionians in their revolt against Persia, highlighting the strength of the Hellenic influence.
Nevertheless the term “Graeco-Phoenician,” which has been adopted to describe the art of this period, is convenient, and can hardly be improved upon, if we bear in mind that the term “Phoenician” really represents the combination of Egyptian and Assyrian elements of art which filtered through that race into Cyprus, and in which sometimes the one, sometimes the other has the predominance. This is seen perhaps more clearly in the sculpture, metal-work, and terracottas, as for instance in the incised bronze and silver bowls,[848] than in the pottery. Painted pottery was never a feature of Oriental art, and the Phoenician influence in the pottery is confined to borrowed motives of Oriental character, like foreign words in a language. Another proof that Cyprus resisted the Phoenician domination is afforded by the curious fact that though the Greeks of the mainland adopted the Phoenician alphabet entirely, in Cyprus, on the other hand—where, above all, we should have expected to find it—its place is taken by a syllabary, the forms of which appear to bear some relation to the Lycian, Carian, and Pamphylian alphabets. That this syllabary, which is universally employed for inscriptions down to the fourth century, is of a very high antiquity is shown by its close affinities with the newly-discovered Cretan script, and by the fact that single characters of a similar type are often found engraved on the handles of Mycenaean vases in Cyprus. Each character represents a syllable, not a letter (except in the case of vowels), and the dialect is thought to be largely influenced by Aeolic.
However, the term “Graeco-Phoenician,” used to describe the art of this period, is practical and hard to improve on, considering that “Phoenician” really reflects the blend of Egyptian and Assyrian artistic elements that came through this culture to Cyprus, where sometimes one influence is stronger than the other. This is perhaps more evident in the sculpture, metalwork, and terracottas, like the engraved bronze and silver bowls,[848] than in pottery. Painted pottery was never a significant aspect of Oriental art, and the Phoenician influence in pottery is limited to borrowed motifs of an Oriental style, much like foreign words in a language. Another indication that Cyprus resisted Phoenician control is the interesting fact that, while the mainland Greeks fully adopted the Phoenician alphabet, in Cyprus, where we would mostly expect to find it, there is instead a syllabary that seems to be related to the Lycian, Carian, and Pamphylian alphabets. The syllabary, which was widely used for inscriptions until the fourth century, has ancient roots, demonstrated by its close similarities to the recently uncovered Cretan script and the presence of individual characters of a similar type often found engraved on Mycenaean vase handles in Cyprus. Each character stands for a syllable, not a letter (except for vowels), and the dialect is believed to be heavily influenced by Aeolic.
Mycenaean influence, as might be expected, was slow to die out in Cyprus, and the pottery is no exception. It is seen not only in the patterns, such as the concentric circles—an invention of the Cypriote-Mycenaean pottery, which forms a favourite and almost universal motive at a later date—but in the subjects and technique. The practice of painting figures in outline, not in silhouette, as in the birds and beasts of the Enkomi kraters, the use of dull red and black pigments on an unglazed light-coloured surface, and many other details are an heritage from the Bronze Age, extending over many a succeeding century. With these are combined the influences of the early Attic pottery,[849] in the panels of Geometrical patterns, and the later rosette and conventionalised lotos-flower, which, with the concentric circles, form the stock-in-trade of the “Graeco-Phoenician” potter. The British Museum collection includes one or two remarkable isolated specimens which illustrate this principle. It is for instance instructive to compare the Sphinxes on a krater from Enkomi[850] with those on a large amphora lately acquired from the Karpas,[851] or the oinochoe from General Cesnola’s collection with a chariot-scene (Plate XIII.),[852] with those from Mycenaean sites similarly decorated. On the other hand, the extraordinary large vase from Tamassos,[853] with its crudely and childishly drawn figures, combines a curious admixture of Greek and Oriental motives, and early as it must be, is not Mycenaean in conception or technique.
Mycenaean influence, as you would expect, took a long time to fade in Cyprus, and pottery illustrates this well. You can see it not just in the designs, like the concentric circles—an innovation of Cypriote-Mycenaean pottery that became a popular and almost universal motif later on—but also in the subjects and methods used. The practice of painting figures in outline rather than silhouette, as seen in the birds and animals on the Enkomi kraters, the use of dull red and black pigments on an unglazed light-colored surface, and many other details are a legacy from the Bronze Age that continued for many centuries. Alongside these are the influences from early Attic pottery, particularly in the panels featuring geometric patterns, and the later rosette and stylized lotus flowers, which, along with the concentric circles, are staples for the “Graeco-Phoenician” potter. The British Museum collection includes a few remarkable standalone pieces that illustrate this principle. For example, it’s insightful to compare the Sphinxes on a krater from Enkomi with those on a large amphora recently acquired from Karpas, or the oinochoe from General Cesnola’s collection with a chariot scene, with those from Mycenaean sites that are similarly decorated. On the other hand, the unusually large vase from Tamassos, with its crudely and childishly drawn figures, shows a strange mix of Greek and Oriental motifs, and although it’s early, it isn’t Mycenaean in concept or technique.
Oriental influence is not, however, altogether wanting in the pottery. The lotos-flowers and rosettes, of which we have already spoken, are derived respectively from Egypt and Assyria, and the conventionalised palm-trees, which also appear, are of course purely Oriental. So too, again, the typically Oriental subject of the sacred tree between two animals appears in various forms. But here again we are met with the surprising fact that the Oriental element is far stronger in Greece than in Cyprus, as will be seen later in the account of the early Hellenic fabrics; and no doubt it is due to this cause that the Geometric style was not driven out from Cyprus as it was from Greece, but continued for many centuries.
Oriental influence is definitely present in the pottery. The lotus flowers and rosettes, which we've already mentioned, come from Egypt and Assyria, while the stylized palm trees are clearly Oriental. Additionally, the common Oriental theme of the sacred tree between two animals shows up in different forms. However, it's surprising that the Oriental influence is much stronger in Greece than in Cyprus, as will be discussed later in the overview of early Hellenic fabrics. This is likely why the Geometric style remained in Cyprus for many centuries, unlike in Greece, where it was pushed out.
In attempting a detailed description of the Graeco-Phoenician pottery, it will be seen that any chronological system is impossible. The conservative tendency of Cypriote art caused the same methods of decoration to be employed with extraordinary persistency during a period of time which saw the whole development of Hellenic vase-painting from its earliest beginnings to its decline, and though there is a certain amount of variety, there is no development properly speaking, and the latest fabrics are, artistically speaking, on the same level as the earliest. It might be thought that the evidence of excavations would compensate for this absence of artistic criteria; but such is not the case. As a general rule in tombs containing imported Greek vases, the dates of which can be fixed within reasonable limits, native pottery is conspicuous by its absence, as may be seen from the results obtained at Curium. In any case, in the tombs richest in Hellenic pottery, as at Poli, the local wares are largely of a definitely late character, and so far distinct from the Geometrical and Orientalising fabrics as to form a class by themselves. Another difficulty which has to be taken into account, is that caused by the frequency of re-burials in Cypriote tombs. Of this there were countless instances at Amathus and Poli, so much so that explorers of the latter site were actually led to believe that the Geometrical pottery was contemporaneous with remains of the Hellenistic age with which it was frequently found.[854] But where trustworthy evidence can be obtained, it entirely militates against this possibility.
In trying to provide a detailed description of the Graeco-Phoenician pottery, it's clear that establishing a chronological system is impossible. The conservative nature of Cypriote art led to the same decoration methods being used consistently over a long time, during which the entire evolution of Hellenic vase-painting took place, from its earliest beginnings to its decline. While there is some variety, there isn't really any true development, and the latest pieces are, artistically speaking, on par with the earliest ones. One might assume that excavation evidence would make up for this lack of artistic criteria; however, that's not the case. Generally, in tombs with imported Greek vases, whose dates can be established with reasonable accuracy, native pottery is noticeably absent, as seen in the findings at Curium. In any case, in the tombs richest in Hellenic pottery, like those at Poli, the local wares are often distinctly late and so different from the Geometrical and Orientalizing styles that they form their own unique category. Another challenge to consider is the frequent re-burials in Cypriote tombs. There were countless examples of this at Amathus and Poli; in fact, explorers at the latter site were led to believe that the Geometrical pottery was contemporary with remains from the Hellenistic period with which it was often found.[854] But where reliable evidence is available, it completely contradicts this possibility.
The principal sites[855] on which “Graeco-Phoenician” pottery has been found are: Amathus, Curium, Dali (Idalion), Kition, Lapathos, Poli (Marion-Arsinoe), Paphos, Salamis, Soli, and Tamassos. Other sites are not at present identified, but the finds were made in the neighbourhood of the modern Achna, Ormidhia, and other villages, and in the Karpas. Of these sites the richest are Amathus, Dali, Curium, and Poli; but in the finest collection of vases of this class, that of General Cesnola at New York, the alleged sites are not always to be accepted with certainty.
The main sites[855] where “Graeco-Phoenician” pottery has been discovered include: Amathus, Curium, Dali (Idalion), Kition, Lapathos, Poli (Marion-Arsinoe), Paphos, Salamis, Soli, and Tamassos. There are other sites not currently identified, but finds were made around modern Achna, Ormidhia, and other villages, as well as in the Karpas region. Among these sites, Amathus, Dali, Curium, and Poli are the richest; however, some of the alleged locations in the finest collection of this type of vases, which belongs to General Cesnola in New York, may not always be reliably recognized.

FIG. 75. JUG WITH CONCENTRIC CIRCLES: GRAECO-PHOENICIAN PERIOD (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 75. JUG WITH CONCENTRIC CIRCLES: GRAECO-PHOENICIAN PERIOD (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Graeco-Phoenician pottery is, as has been said, exclusively wheel-made, and almost always supplied with a “base-ring.” Reliefs and incised ornaments are never found, but instances of moulded wares, combining the vase with the statuette, are not wanting, especially among the later varieties. The designs are usually painted in a non-lustrous black pigment, varied with the use of opaque purple and white, corresponding to the pigments employed by Hellenic potters. The ground is either white, without any polish or slip—as in the painted white ware of the Bronze Age and sub-Mycenaean fabrics—or else covered with a more or less lustrous red slip, varying from a bright orange or deep red to a dark brown (the latter usually with unpolished surface). Purple is employed only on the white wares, white only on the red. The typical decoration of the white wares consists of lotos-patterns, tree-ornaments, and water-fowl. Generally speaking, these are earlier than the red. On the lustrous red wares the decoration is usually confined to simple patterns of concentric circles, vertical and horizontal, maeander crosses, lozenges and triangles. Fig. 75, from Curium, is a typical specimen of the more elaborate types, and another is shown in Plate XIII.
Graeco-Phoenician pottery is, as mentioned, entirely made on a wheel and almost always has a "base-ring." There are never any reliefs or incised designs, but there are examples of molded wares that combine vases with statuettes, especially among the later types. The designs are typically painted in a non-shiny black pigment, with additions of opaque purple and white, similar to the pigments used by Hellenic potters. The base is either white, without any polish or slip—like the painted white ware from the Bronze Age and sub-Mycenaean styles—or covered with a shiny red slip, which can range from bright orange or deep red to dark brown (the latter usually has an unpolished surface). Purple is only used on white wares, while white is reserved for red wares. The typical decoration of the white wares features lotus patterns, tree designs, and waterfowl, which are generally older than the red wares. For the shiny red wares, the decoration usually consists of simple patterns of concentric circles, vertical and horizontal lines, meander crosses, diamonds, and triangles. Fig. 75, from Curium, is a typical example of the more elaborate types, and another is shown in Plate XIII.
The forms are at first very varied, but gradually crystallise into some half-dozen main types: dishes, bowls on stems, lekythi with one or two handles, jugs with globular bodies, and large amphorae with vertical side-handles. Of these the jug is by far the commonest. Among the peculiar forms in the earlier tombs (eighth to sixth centuries) may be mentioned aski in the form of birds or oxen (the latter a Mycenaean survival), and a kind of flask with barrel-shaped body, on which the decoration of concentric circles, etc., does not follow the usual horizontal system of classical pottery, but is disposed vertically, in contradiction to all artistic feeling (see Plate XIII.). The circles are often very fine and close, and were produced by holding a brush full of paint close to the surface of the vase as it was turned on the wheel. The drawing of the circles in different planes, without regard to the lines of the vase, was easily effected by placing it in different positions. In the period of Hellenic importations the principal form is the jug with ovoid body and modelled spout, and flat dishes are also common.
The shapes start out quite diverse but eventually solidify into about six main types: dishes, stemmed bowls, lekythi with one or two handles, jugs with round bodies, and large amphorae with vertical side handles. Among these, the jug is by far the most common. In the earlier tombs (eighth to sixth centuries), some unique forms include aski shaped like birds or oxen (the latter being a Mycenaean holdover) and a type of flask with a barrel-shaped body. On this flask, the decoration of concentric circles and so on doesn’t follow the usual horizontal style of classical pottery but is arranged vertically, going against all artistic conventions (see Plate XIII). The circles are often very fine and closely spaced, created by holding a brush full of paint near the vase's surface as it spun on the wheel. The drawing of the circles in various planes, regardless of the vase's lines, was easily done by changing its position. During the period of Hellenic imports, the main shape is the jug with an oval body and a shaped spout, and flat dishes are also quite common.
Unpainted pottery is almost as common as painted in the Graeco-Phoenician period, and calls for a few words of separate treatment. For the most part it comes under the heading of Domestic Ware, or earthenware vessels similar to those in ordinary use at the present day. They are made of plain, unrefined, usually reddish, clay, without any slip or polish, and include various forms of jugs, bowls, and plates, as well as the large wine-amphorae with pointed bases universally found at all periods. Many lamps and small “cup-and-saucer” double bowls occur in this category. In the earlier tombs of the Transitional period, pottery of a black-slip ware, with reeded body, is frequently found, chiefly in the form of jugs and kraters. Plain black wares, like the Italian bucchero, are also rarely found; as are vessels covered with a fine red slip and polished.
Unpainted pottery is almost as common as painted pottery during the Graeco-Phoenician period, and it deserves a few words of its own. Most of it falls under the category of Domestic Ware, or earthenware vessels similar to those we use today. They are made from plain, unrefined, usually reddish clay, without any slip or polish, and include various types of jugs, bowls, and plates, along with the large wine amphorae with pointed bases that were widely found throughout all periods. Many lamps and small “cup-and-saucer” double bowls are also included in this category. In the earlier tombs of the Transitional period, pottery with a black slip and reeded body is commonly found, primarily in the shape of jugs and kraters. Plain black wares, like the Italian bucchero, are also rarely discovered; as well as vessels covered with a fine red slip and polished.
In most of the painted pottery of the Graeco-Phoenician period, especially in its earlier phases, the technical methods are those which we have already described in speaking not only of the “sub-Mycenaean” or Transitional fabrics, but also of the painted white ware of the Bronze-Age tombs. That is to say, that the decoration is in dull colour on a lustreless and (usually) unpolished white or drab ground. The colour, however, is usually not red, as in the earlier stages, but black, red being used chiefly as an accessory or for picked-out details. The latter varies from a pale brick-red to deep purple. The system of decoration is often extremely elaborate, although the range of subjects is limited. Apart from geometrical or conventional patterns, such as the stylised palmette, lotos-flower, stars, or trees, we only find water-fowl, fish, a few quadrupeds such as bulls or deer,[856] and finally human figures. But the last are exceedingly rare, and confined to the white wares, the best example being perhaps the very Oriental design of two warriors driving in a chariot,[857] or the worshippers rendering homage to seated deities on the fine vase from Ormidhia (Fig. 76).[858]
In most of the painted pottery from the Graeco-Phoenician period, especially in its earlier stages, the techniques are those we've already discussed in relation to the “sub-Mycenaean” or Transitional styles, as well as the painted white ware found in Bronze-Age tombs. This means that the decoration is done in dull colors on a flat and usually unpolished white or gray background. However, the color is typically not red, as it was in earlier periods; instead, it's often black, with red mainly used as an accent or for highlighted details. The red can range from a light brick-red to a deep purple. The decoration style can be very intricate, although the subject matter is somewhat limited. Aside from geometric or traditional patterns, such as stylized palmettes, lotus flowers, stars, or trees, we mainly see waterfowl, fish, and a few four-legged animals like bulls or deer, and very rarely, human figures. These figures are mostly found on white wares, with perhaps the best example being the distinctly Oriental design of two warriors in a chariot, or worshippers paying tribute to seated deities on the exquisite vase from Ormidhia (Fig. 76).

Cypriote Pottery: Graeco-Phoenician Period (British Museum).
Cypriot Pottery: Graeco-Phoenician Era (British Museum).
The system of geometrical decoration on some of the earlier vases, especially the large jars, is often extremely elaborate, covering every available inch of the surface[859]; the patterns consist of rosettes, panels of lozenge-pattern or chequers, triangles of hatched lines, dotted circles, etc., all combined in parallel bands or friezes, much in the same way as on the Dipylon wares. The disappearance of this elaborate style, together with human figures and figures of animals, is perhaps to be accounted for by the importations of Hellenic wares which began in the sixth century, and relegated the local fabrics to a subordinate position, just as in Greece the early Geometrical fabrics were obscured by the Mycenaean pottery (see below, p. 279).
The geometric designs on some of the earlier vases, especially the large jars, are often very intricate, covering every inch of the surface[859]; the patterns include rosettes, panels with diamond shapes or checkerboards, triangles with hatched lines, dotted circles, and more, all arranged in parallel bands or friezes, similar to the designs found on the Dipylon wares. The decline of this detailed style, along with the depiction of human figures and animals, may be attributed to the influx of Hellenic wares that started in the sixth century, which pushed local styles into a secondary role, just as the early Geometric styles in Greece were overshadowed by Mycenaean pottery (see below, p. 279).
Some interesting specimens, forming a late survival of these earlier Geometrical wares, were found at Amathus in 1894.[860] They include one which has a parallel in a vase found at Phocaea by Prof. Ramsay,[861] and originally thought to be Ionic in origin; the decoration consists of a head of Hathor the Egyptian goddess in a panel, with debased geometrical patterns. There can be no doubt now that the fabric is Cypriote, probably of the fifth century, and not without traces of Ionic influence. Another shows a remarkable development in the direction of naturalism, and the subject is unique in Cypriote pottery: men banqueting under a palm-tree.
Some interesting examples, representing a later version of these earlier geometric styles, were discovered at Amathus in 1894.[860] They include one that has a parallel in a vase found at Phocaea by Prof. Ramsay,[861] originally thought to be Ionic in origin; the decoration features a head of Hathor, the Egyptian goddess, in a panel, with simplified geometric patterns. There’s no doubt now that the material is Cypriot, likely from the fifth century, and shows some signs of Ionic influence. Another piece shows a significant shift towards naturalism, depicting a unique scene in Cypriot pottery: men feasting under a palm tree.

From Baumeister.
FIG. 76. CYPRIOTE VASE FROM ORMIDHIA.
From Baumeister.
FIG. 76. CYPRIOTE VASE FROM ORMIDHIA.
These probably date from the fifth century, the period which seems to be represented by the later Geometrical red wares with concentric circles, now slowly dying out under the influence of Hellenic importations, and exceedingly rare in tombs where Greek vases are found. At the same time a great transformation comes over the contents of the tombs, which themselves begin to increase in size, with a shorter δρόμος, to which a flight of steps leads down. Other tombs—and this is often the case where Greek importations are found, as at Curium—are merely in the form of ramifying passages cut in the earth, without any structural remains. Sixth century and earlier Greek fabrics, such as the Geometrical, Corinthian, or Ionian wares, are very rare; but the imported Dipylon vase found by General Cesnola at Curium[862] is a notable instance. Black-figured vases when found are almost invariably of a late and careless type, characteristic of the last efforts of that style in the fifth century. There is, however, a remarkable exception in the case of a small class of jugs, which are in shape an exact imitation of the globular Cypriote jugs with concentric-circle decoration[863]; the long narrow neck and trefoil mouth, with its incised eyes, are retained, but the decoration is purely Attic, in the style of B.F. vases of 520–500 B.C. These are found at Poli and Amathus, and appear to have been made specially at Athens for importation to Cyprus. Poli (Marion) was for some reason a great centre for Athenian imports in general, and has yielded many fine specimens of Hellenic pottery (see p. 67). Red-figured vases signed by Chachrylion, Hermaios, etc., have been found here,[864] and at Curium a fine R.F. krater with the name of Megakles (καλός)[865]; also some fine white-ground specimens at Poli.[866]
These likely date back to the fifth century, the period represented by the later Geometrical red wares with concentric circles, which are now gradually fading out due to Hellenic imports and are extremely rare in tombs where Greek vases are found. At the same time, the contents of the tombs undergo a significant transformation, with the tombs themselves growing in size and featuring a shorter δρόμος, accessible by a flight of steps. Other tombs—this is often true where Greek imports are found, such as at Curium—are simply made up of branching passages cut into the earth, lacking any structural remains. Sixth-century and earlier Greek fabrics, like the Geometrical, Corinthian, or Ionian wares, are quite rare; however, the imported Dipylon vase discovered by General Cesnola at Curium is a notable example. When black-figured vases are found, they are almost always of a late and careless type, typical of the final efforts of that style in the fifth century. There is, however, a remarkable exception in the form of a small class of jugs, which are shaped to closely resemble the globular Cypriote jugs with concentric-circle decoration; the long, narrow neck and trefoil mouth, complete with its incised eyes, are preserved, but the decoration is purely Attic, in the style of black-figure vases from 520–500 B.C. These have been found at Poli and Amathus and seem to have been made specifically in Athens for export to Cyprus. Poli (Marion) was notably a major center for Athenian imports and has produced many fine examples of Hellenic pottery (see p. 67). Red-figure vases signed by Chachrylion, Hermaios, and others have been found here, and at Curium, there is a fine red-figure krater with the name of Megakles (καλός); also, some exquisite white-ground specimens at Poli.
By the fourth century, if not earlier, the Geometrical and Hellenic vases are almost entirely replaced by a new class of wares, which may be termed “Graeco-Cypriote,” in contradistinction to the Graeco-Phoenician. The same red clay, covered with a more or less polished red slip, still obtains, but the painted decoration is confined to olive-wreaths in brown or plain bands of colour. We also witness the revival of an old practice, in a partial return to the taste for plastic decoration on vases. In many of the fourth-century tombs are found large pitchers, with a spout modelled in the form of a woman holding a jug, out of which the liquid was intended to pour (Plate XIII.).[867] These are sometimes richly decorated in polychrome, red, blue, green, black, pink, and white; but the colouring is apt to flake off and disappear. The imported wares of the fourth century are confined to plain cups and bowls of glazed black ware with stamped patterns, such as are often found in Greece and Italy. In the Hellenistic period (300–146 B.C.) painted vases are practically unknown, though a few rare specimens have turned up at Curium[868]; and it is not long before they are entirely replaced by the glass vessels and common wine-amphorae of the large and elaborate Roman tombs.
By the fourth century, if not earlier, Geometric and Hellenic vases were almost entirely replaced by a new type of pottery, known as “Graeco-Cypriote,” as opposed to Graeco-Phoenician. The same red clay, covered with a more or less polished red slip, is still used, but the painted decoration is limited to olive-wreaths in brown or plain color bands. We also see a return to an old practice, with a partial revival of the taste for three-dimensional decoration on vases. In many fourth-century tombs, large pitchers are found, featuring a spout shaped like a woman holding a jug, from which the liquid was meant to flow (Plate XIII.). These pitchers are sometimes beautifully decorated in multiple colors—red, blue, green, black, pink, and white—but the paint tends to flake off and disappear. The imported pottery of the fourth century mainly includes simple cups and bowls made of glazed black ware with stamped patterns, which are often found in Greece and Italy. In the Hellenistic period (300–146 BCE), painted vases are nearly nonexistent, although a few rare examples have been discovered at Curium[868]; and soon after, they are completely replaced by the glass vessels and common wine amphorae found in the large and elaborate Roman tombs.
§ 2. Ancient Pottery in Greece
Troy: Schliemann, Ilios; Dörpfeld, Troja 1893, and Troja und Ilion (1902), i. p. 243 ff.; Dumont-Pottier, Céramiques, i. p. 3 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 74 ff.
Troy: Schliemann, Ilios; Dörpfeld, Trojan War 1893, and Trojan City and Ilium (1902), i. p. 243 ff.; Dumont-Pottier, Ceramics, i. p. 3 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Collection. i. p. 74 ff.
Thera: Fouqué, Santorin; Dumont-Pottier, Céramiques, i. p. 19 ff.; Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vi. p. 135 ff.; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, p. 18; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 119 ff.; Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, vol. ii. (1903), p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. xxviii. (1903), p. 1 ff.
Thera: Fouqué, Santorini; Dumont-Pottier, Ceramics, i. p. 19 ff.; Perrot, Art History, vi. p. 135 ff.; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vases, p. 18; Pottier, Louvre Catalog. i. p. 119 ff.; Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, vol. ii. (1903), p. 127 ff.;
Melos: Excavations of British School at Phylakopi (J.H.S. Suppl. Vol. iv. 1904). See also Dümmler in Ath. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 15 ff.
Melos: Excavations by the British School at Phylakopi (J.H.S. Suppl. Vol. iv. 1904). See also Dümmler in Ath. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 15 ff.
The earliest remains of pottery on Hellenic soil are to be sought chiefly in the Cyclades and on the site of ancient Troy. We have already had occasion to allude to the latter in speaking of the earliest Cypriote fabrics, and it is therefore fitting that we should now give it our first attention.
The earliest pottery found in Greece mainly comes from the Cyclades and the site of ancient Troy. We've already mentioned Troy when discussing the earliest Cypriot pottery, so it's appropriate that we focus on it now.
The site of Troy, now known as Hissarlik, was, as is well known, first explored by Dr. Schliemann in his laudable endeavours to prove the truth of the early Greek legends of the Trojan War. Although doubtless there are visible links between the Homeric poems and the discoveries at Hissarlik, and although it is not necessary to deny all credence to the historical truth of the “Bible of the Greeks,” yet it is now generally recognised that Dr. Schliemann’s pardonable enthusiasm sometimes led him to hasty conclusions. For instance, Dr. Dörpfeld in his more recent investigations proved that if any remains are to be connected with the tale of Troy, it is those of the sixth, not of the second or burnt city.[869] Nine layers in all have been traced, of which the five lowest may be termed prehistoric, the third, fourth, and fifth being mere villages on the ruins of the first two. In the lowest and earliest of all, which may be roughly dated 3000–2500 B.C., flint implements were found, together with rude black pottery: hand-made utensils baked in the open, with rings for suspension in place of handles.
The site of Troy, now called Hissarlik, was, as is well known, first explored by Dr. Schliemann in his admirable efforts to prove the truth of the early Greek legends about the Trojan War. While there are certainly visible connections between the Homeric poems and the findings at Hissarlik, and while it’s unnecessary to completely dismiss the historical truth of the “Bible of the Greeks,” it is now generally accepted that Dr. Schliemann’s understandable enthusiasm sometimes led him to premature conclusions. For example, Dr. Dörpfeld, in his more recent research, demonstrated that if any remains can be linked to the story of Troy, they belong to the sixth city, not the second or burned one.[869] A total of nine layers have been identified, of which the five lowest can be classified as prehistoric, with the third, fourth, and fifth being nothing more than villages built on the ruins of the first two. In the lowest and earliest layer, roughly dated to 3000–2500 BCE, flint tools were found, along with simple black pottery: handmade utensils that were baked in open fires, featuring rings for hanging instead of handles.
The second city belongs to the period 2500–2000 B.C., and it is this which has yielded pottery analogous to the earliest examples from Cyprus (p. 238). It is of the same rough hand-polished black ware, with decoration either of a plastic character or engraved in the clay while wet and filled in with white paint. Apart from this there are no traces of painted decoration, or of any slip; but the colour of the surface varies with the firing. The patterns consist of zigzags, circles, and other rudimentary geometrical ornaments. A few wheel-made specimens were found, but the majority are made by hand. What artistic sense was evinced by these primitive potters was shown exclusively in the forms, and in the tendency which is especially conspicuous in primitive times, though it lingered on through the history of Greek art, and again broke out in the period of the decadence, to combine the ceramic and the plastic idea, and to give to the vase the rude resemblance of the human form.[870] That this was no far-fetched idea is shown by the universal nomenclature which permits us to speak of the mouth, neck, shoulder, body, and foot of a vase—a principle which has been extended by general consent to countless inanimate objects. Thus we find the Hissarlik potter incising eyes on the upper part of the vase, or affixing lumps of clay to give a rude suggestion of ears, nose or breasts, or bands to denote necklaces. The handles often seem intended for rudimentary arms, and we are tempted to see in the hat-shaped covers of the vases the idea of a head-covering. Schliemann even went so far as to regard them as actual idols, and was led by the superficial resemblance of some to the form of an owl into identifying them with figures of the “owl-eyed” (γλαυκῶπις) Pallas Athena (cf. Fig. 77). But this interpretation has not found favour for many reasons, and the accidental combination of forms is obviously only an artistic phase. There are also many similar shapes, such as plain jars and jugs, and deep funnel-shaped cups with two graceful handles.
The second city dates back to the period of 2500–2000 BCE, and it has produced pottery that is similar to the earliest examples from Cyprus (p. 238). This pottery is made of rough hand-polished black ware, with decorations either being three-dimensional or engraved into the wet clay and then filled with white paint. Other than that, there are no signs of painted decoration or slip; the surface color varies with the firing process. The designs feature zigzags, circles, and other simple geometric patterns. A few pieces were made on a wheel, but most were crafted by hand. The artistic skill displayed by these early potters is evident mainly in the shapes, and there is a tendency, especially noticeable in primitive times (though it persisted through Greek art history and re-emerged during periods of decline), to blend the ideas of ceramics and sculpture, giving vases a rough resemblance to human forms.[870] This idea isn't far-fetched since there’s a common naming convention that allows us to refer to a vase's mouth, neck, shoulder, body, and foot—a principle that has been widely agreed upon for many inanimate objects. For instance, the Hissarlik potter carved eyes on the upper part of the vase and added lumps of clay to suggest ears, noses, or breasts, as well as bands to represent necklaces. The handles often resemble rudimentary arms, and we might interpret the hat-shaped lids of the vases as head coverings. Schliemann even suggested that they were actual idols, using their superficial resemblance to owls to link them to images of the “owl-eyed” (bright-eyed) Pallas Athena (cf. Fig. 77). However, this interpretation has not gained support for various reasons, and the coincidental combination of forms is clearly just an artistic trend. There are also many other shapes, like plain jars and jugs, as well as deep funnel-shaped cups with two elegant handles.

FIG. 77. “OWL-VASE” FROM TROY.
FIG. 77. "Owl Vase" from Troy.
M. Dumont[871] classifies the fabrics as follows: (1) ordinary vessels, plates, etc.; (2) large jars or amphorae; (3) primitive kraters, deep cups, etc.; (4) spherical vases with base-ring [?] and long neck[872]; (5) long two-handled cups; (6) vases reproducing the human form; (7) vases in the form of pigs and other animals; (8) exceptional forms, such as double vases; (9) vases with incised patterns, on one of which a Sphinx is engraved. Figs. 78–80 give examples of classes (5), (7), and (8); Fig. 77 a specimen of class (6).[873]
M. Dumont[871] categorizes the fabrics as follows: (1) ordinary vessels, plates, etc.; (2) large jars or amphorae; (3) primitive kraters, deep cups, etc.; (4) spherical vases with base-ring [?] and long neck[872]; (5) long two-handled cups; (6) vases shaped like the human form; (7) vases shaped like pigs and other animals; (8) unique forms, like double vases; (9) vases with incised patterns, one of which has a Sphinx engraved on it. Figs. 78–80 show examples of classes (5), (7), and (8); Fig. 77 is a specimen of class (6).[873]

FIG. 78. FUNNEL-VASE FROM TROY.
FIG. 78. FUNNEL-VASE FROM TROY.
The Hissarlik pottery may be regarded as a local development, partly parallel with that of Cyprus,[874] partly derivative therefrom; of Oriental influence there are no traces, but the connection with Thera and Cyprus is indisputable.
The Hissarlik pottery can be seen as a local development, somewhat similar to that of Cyprus,[874] while also being partly influenced by it; there are no signs of Oriental influence, but the link to Thera and Cyprus is clear.

FIG. 79. VASE IN FORM OF PIG, FROM TROY.
FIG. 79. PIG-SHAPED VASE, FROM TROY.
Passing over the unimportant traces of the three succeeding settlements, we find in the sixth city a great advance. The plastic forms disappear, and generally speaking the shapes become more classical. Besides plain pottery with matt-black polished surface we meet with painted vases with curvilinear and vegetable patterns. The remains of genuine Mycenaean pottery, the fortifications and buildings, with great halls in the style of Mycenae and Tiryns, bear out Dr. Dörpfeld’s contention that this is the Troy of Homer. Two points among the pottery finds of this period are worth noting; firstly that they included a fragment of Cypriote “white-slip” ware, secondly that Geometrical patterns mingle with the Mycenaean in the upper layers.
Moving past the minor remnants of the three later settlements, we see a significant development in the sixth city. The plastic forms are gone, and overall, the shapes become more classical. In addition to simple pottery with a matte-black polished surface, we find painted vases featuring curvy and plant-based designs. The remnants of authentic Mycenaean pottery, along with the fortifications and structures—including large halls resembling those in Mycenae and Tiryns—support Dr. Dörpfeld’s claim that this is the Troy of Homer. Two notable points among the pottery discoveries from this period are: first, the inclusion of a fragment of Cypriote “white-slip” ware, and second, the blending of Geometric patterns with Mycenaean designs in the upper layers.

FIG. 80. VASE WITH TWO NECKS (TROY).
FIG. 80. VASE WITH TWO NECKS (TROY).
The three remaining layers cover respectively the archaic period, the developed Hellenic and Hellenistic periods, and the age in which the city of Ilium was refounded by the Romans. Dr. Dörpfeld found some interesting local fabrics dating from the fifth century, examples of which had previously been obtained by Mr. Calvert for the British Museum.[875]
The three remaining layers represent the archaic period, the advanced Hellenic and Hellenistic periods, and the time when the city of Ilium was rebuilt by the Romans. Dr. Dörpfeld discovered some intriguing local fabrics from the fifth century, some of which had previously been acquired by Mr. Calvert for the British Museum.[875]
Of almost equal antiquity with the remains at Hissarlik is some of the pottery discovered in the Cyclades, and especially at Thera. Here, indeed, we meet with the earliest known examples of Greek painted pottery (Crete excepted), and that, as we shall see, of a remarkably developed type.
Some pottery found in the Cyclades, especially at Thera, is almost as old as the remains at Hissarlik. Here, we actually encounter the earliest known examples of Greek painted pottery (excluding Crete), and as we will see, it belongs to a remarkably advanced type.
The island of Thera may be described as a sort of prehistoric Pompeii buried under volcanic deposits, which have completely transformed the configuration of the island. The results of preliminary excavations by the French in 1866 showed that the cataclysm which overwhelmed the island must (on geological grounds) have taken place about the twentieth century B.C., and that the remains of pottery must be anterior to this event.[876] Herodotos[877] states that Kadmos founded a settlement in the fourteenth century, and the Minyae again about the twelfth, and the island must have been uninhabitable for a long time previously.
The island of Thera can be described as a kind of prehistoric Pompeii, buried under layers of volcanic material that have completely changed its shape. Preliminary excavations by the French in 1866 indicated that the disaster that struck the island must have occurred around the twentieth century B.C. for geological reasons, and that the pottery fragments found are older than this event.[876] Herodotos[877] mentions that Kadmos established a settlement in the fourteenth century, and the Minyae again around the twelfth century, suggesting that the island had been uninhabitable for a long time before that.
The houses and other remains of civilisation discovered below the volcanic deposits show an advance on Hissarlik (second city) and the earliest Cypriote culture, and the pottery is no exception. The vases are wheel-made, fired at a moderate heat in closed furnaces (sometimes baked in the sun), and plastic forms are almost wanting.[878] Many are pierced with holes in the bottom, for what purpose is not known. They were often found in situ, mixed with stone implements, and with evidence of having contained grain. The forms are very regular, a cylindrical shape being specially affected, and they are made of a badly levigated clay, covered with a greyish slip, on which the patterns are laid in matt colours—white, black, or red—without any incised markings.
The houses and other remnants of civilization uncovered under the volcanic deposits demonstrate an improvement over Hissarlik (the second city) and the earliest Cypriote culture, and the pottery reflects this as well. The vases are made on a wheel, fired at moderate temperatures in closed furnaces (sometimes dried in the sun), and they mostly lack sculpted forms.[878] Many have holes pierced in the bottom, though their purpose is unclear. They were often discovered in place, mixed with stone tools and showing signs of having held grain. The shapes are quite uniform, particularly a cylindrical shape, and they are made from poorly refined clay, coated with a grayish slip, on which the designs are applied in matt colors—white, black, or red—without any carved markings.

From Baumeister.
FIG. 81. VASES FROM THERA.
From Baumeister.
FIG. 81. VASES FROM THERA.
M. Dumont distinguishes four varieties of ornament: simple patterns, such as bands, hatchings, and dots; volutes, wave-patterns, and intersecting circles; vegetable motives, such as long narrow leaves or flowers; and animals, including deer, and ducks or swans. Generally there is a strong predilection for vegetable motives, and in this naturalistic tendency we may see the prelude to the Mycenaean period. Among those now at the French School at Athens, which has the best collection, are several interesting examples illustrated in Fig. 81.[879] One is a trefoil-mouthed jug with running quadrupeds in black, and red bands, on a grey ground; another jug is painted with birds in black, the details in red and white. A sort of cream-jug is decorated with water-plant patterns; a cylindrical jar with oblique wreaths; and a dish with seaweed. A funnel-shaped vase and a beak-mouthed jug are obvious prototypes of Mycenaean forms.
M. Dumont identifies four types of ornament: simple patterns like bands, hatchings, and dots; spirals, wave patterns, and intersecting circles; plant motifs, such as long narrow leaves or flowers; and animals, including deer, ducks, or swans. There is typically a strong preference for plant motifs, and this naturalistic trend may signal the beginning of the Mycenaean period. Among those currently at the French School at Athens, which has the best collection, there are several interesting examples shown in Fig. 81.[879] One is a jug with a trefoil mouth featuring running animals in black and red bands on a gray background; another jug is decorated with black birds with red and white details. A type of cream jug is adorned with patterns of water plants; a cylindrical jar has diagonal wreaths; and a dish showcases seaweed. A funnel-shaped vase and a jug with a beak mouth are clear prototypes of Mycenaean forms.
The chief differences from the Hissarlik vases are in the forms and methods of decoration, but resemblances may be noted in the long narrow necks, and the rings for suspension, as in the plastic forms when they do occur. That the fabric is a local one hardly admits of doubt, but it is interesting to note the occurrence of a bowl of white-slip ware from Cyprus in Thera,[880] and conversely the appearance of a vase of Thera fabric at Mycenae.[881] Thus we have evidence of extensive commercial relations. Some tombs of the Hellenic period seem to have been dug right down into the volcanic deposit, for they contained pottery with Geometrical decoration.[882]
The main differences from the Hissarlik vases are in the shapes and decoration techniques, but there are similarities in the long narrow necks and the suspension rings, especially in the rare plastic forms. It's clear that the material is local, but it's interesting to see a bowl of white-slip ware from Cyprus found in Thera,[880] and on the flip side, a vase made from Thera material at Mycenae.[881] This suggests there were extensive trade connections. Some tombs from the Hellenic period appear to have been excavated directly into the volcanic layer, as they contained pottery with Geometrical designs.[882]
The discovery of primitive stone idols in Thera shows that it belonged to the Cycladic civilisation, which extended from 2500 to 1600 B.C., filling up the gap between Hissarlik and Mycenae. It has been suggested that these Cycladic peoples were Carians,[883] subsequently driven to the Asiatic mainland by Minos, who typifies the rising power of Crete and the Mycenaean world.[884] This Cycladic civilisation is also exemplified in the earliest finds from other islands, such as Amorgos, Syra, Paros, and Antiparos, and in other instances noted early in the century by the observant traveller Ross.[885] The pottery from these sites is, however, less advanced than that of Thera, but varies in character. Painted patterns were found on vases from Amorgos and Syra, the latter in the form of brown foliage on yellow ground.
The discovery of primitive stone idols in Thera shows that it was part of the Cycladic civilization, which lasted from 2500 to 1600 BCE, bridging the gap between Hissarlik and Mycenae. It's been suggested that these Cycladic people were Carians,[883] who were later pushed to the Asian mainland by Minos, who represents the rising power of Crete and the Mycenaean world.[884] This Cycladic civilization is also shown in the earliest finds from other islands, like Amorgos, Syra, Paros, and Antiparos, as well as in other examples noted early in the century by the keen traveler Ross.[885] The pottery from these sites is, however, less advanced than that of Thera but varies in style. Painted patterns were discovered on vases from Amorgos and Syra, the latter featuring brown foliage on a yellow background.
It would not be right to conclude this section without some notice of the remarkably interesting pottery excavated at Phylakopi in Melos by the British School in 1896–99, which is important as forming a connecting link between the Cycladic wares and the fully-developed Mycenaean style. Space forbids more than a brief abstract of the results obtained, which have just been given to the world in an admirable publication.[886] Mr. C. C. Edgar, to whom the task of studying the pottery was allotted, distinguishes four main groups:
It wouldn’t be right to wrap up this section without mentioning the incredibly interesting pottery that was excavated at Phylakopi in Melos by the British School between 1896 and 1899. This pottery is significant as it connects Cycladic styles with the fully developed Mycenaean style. Limited space only allows for a brief summary of the results, which have recently been published in an excellent report.[886] Mr. C. C. Edgar, who was assigned to study the pottery, identifies four main groups:
1. (a) Primitive pottery of the cist-tomb type, corresponding to that of Hissarlik; (b) more advanced ware of the same kind.
1. (a) Basic pottery from the cist-tomb type, similar to that found in Hissarlik; (b) more developed pottery of the same type.
2. Painted Geometrical wares.
2. Painted geometric ceramics.
3. Local pottery in Mycenaean style with spiral and naturalistic designs, falling into two divisions, earlier and later.
3. Local pottery in Mycenaean style featuring spiral and realistic designs, divided into two categories: earlier and later.
4. Imported Mycenaean pottery of the third and fourth styles (see below, p. 271).
4. Imported Mycenaean pottery from the third and fourth styles (see below, p. 271).
Generally speaking the pottery is of local make, and Phylakopi seems to have been an important centre in the early Mycenaean period, having considerable intercourse with Crete. The earliest wares (class 1) include plain pottery, hand-made, with burnished brown surface or simple incised patterns; those of class 2 are painted in lustrous or matt black on a white slip, or in white on lustrous black or red, with simple patterns; they appear to be hand-made. The Mycenaean pottery is more or less akin to that found elsewhere in the Aegean.
Generally, the pottery is locally made, and Phylakopi seems to have been an important center during the early Mycenaean period, having significant interaction with Crete. The earliest wares (class 1) are plain, hand-made pottery with a burnished brown surface or simple incised patterns; those of class 2 are painted in shiny or matte black on a white slip, or in white on shiny black or red, featuring simple designs; they also appear to be hand-made. The Mycenaean pottery is somewhat similar to that found in other parts of the Aegean.
§ 3. Crete
Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 64 (finds in 1878 at Knossos); Milchhoefer, Anfänge der Kunst; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, p. 22; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 173; Mon. Antichi, vi. p. 333 ff.; J.H.S. xxi. p. 78 ff., xxiii. p. 157 ff.; British School Annual, vi. p. 85 ff., vii. p. 51, and ix. p. 297 ff.; Proc. Soc. Antiqs. xv. (1894), p. 351 ff.
Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 64 (found in 1878 at Knossos); Milchhoefer, Beginnings of Art; Furtwaengler and Loeschcke,
In turning our attention next to the island of Crete, we are confronted with a new element in Greek archaeology; namely, the results of the recent discoveries, which as yet have hardly become material ripe for use in a general handbook. On the other hand, their singular importance deserves full recognition. It must, therefore, be borne in mind that much in the succeeding section is merely the embodiment of previous researches, and that the new evidence can only be briefly summarised.
As we shift our focus to the island of Crete, we encounter a new aspect of Greek archaeology: the results of recent discoveries that are not yet fully integrated into a general handbook. However, their unique significance deserves acknowledgment. It's important to note that much of the following section reflects earlier research, and the new evidence will only be summarized briefly.
Allusion has just been made to the thalassocracy of Minos and its bearing on the history of early Greek civilisations, and the recent discoveries have done much to show that the prince who built the great palace at Knossos in the early days of Mycenaean civilisation, if he is not actually the Minos of Greek legend, yet represents the rising power which extended its dominion over the Aegean and drove the Carian people to the mainland. This supremacy of Crete from the fifteenth to the eleventh century was artistic as well as political. The Crete of Minos was, moreover, the point of contact between the Aegean peoples and the Oriental races; and in the story of the Minotaur we may perhaps see a reflection of the human sacrifices offered to the Phoenician Moloch or Melkarth. The familiar passage in Homer[887] which deals with the ethnography of Crete speaks of four component elements, which may be explained as (1) the Eteokretes, or aborigines of the island, to whom the early civilisation exemplified in their ceramic and glyptic products is mainly due; (2) the Kydonii or Leleges, brought by Minos from the islands[888]; (3) the Achaeans or mainland Greeks of the period of the Trojan War; (4) the Dorians, whose connection with the island dates from the eleventh century onwards.
Allusion has just been made to the thalassocracy of Minos and its impact on the history of early Greek civilizations, and recent discoveries have done a lot to show that the prince who built the great palace at Knossos in the early days of Mycenaean civilization, even if he isn't exactly the Minos of Greek legend, still represents the rising power that expanded its control over the Aegean and pushed the Carian people to the mainland. This dominance of Crete from the fifteenth to the eleventh century was artistic as well as political. The Crete of Minos was also the meeting point between the Aegean peoples and the Oriental races; and in the story of the Minotaur, we might see a reflection of the human sacrifices offered to the Phoenician Moloch or Melkarth. The well-known passage in Homer[887] that discusses the ethnography of Crete refers to four main groups, which can be explained as (1) the Eteokretes, or the original inhabitants of the island, to whom the early civilization shown in their pottery and carvings is mainly attributed; (2) the Kydonii or Leleges, brought by Minos from the islands[888]; (3) the Achaeans or mainland Greeks from the time of the Trojan War; (4) the Dorians, whose connection with the island dates from the eleventh century onward.
Even before the recent excavations pottery had been found in Crete which dated from the dawn of the Mycenaean period, and from the island’s early connection with Egypt was thought to be contemporaneous with that of Hissarlik and Thera. From the circumstances of its first appearance in any quantity at Kamaraes, in the plain of Ida, it has usually been named after that place. Dr. Orsi discovered two fragments of Hissarlik type at Phaestos,[889] also a vase of island type, one of Thera type,[890] and some early Cypriote wares.[891] Large numbers of fragments of this ware in the Museum at Candia were first noted by Dr. Orsi and Mr. J. L. Myres about 1894.[892] The extensive discoveries made by Messrs. Hogarth and Welch for the British School at Athens in 1899–1900 (see p. 60) have added still further to our knowledge of the ware; and these, taken in conjunction with Mr. Arthur Evans’s extensive finds at Knossos (1899–1902), have enabled a recent writer to draw up a tentative classification of all the prehistoric pottery of Crete.[893]
Even before the recent excavations, pottery had been discovered in Crete that dates back to the beginning of the Mycenaean period. Due to the island’s early connections with Egypt, it was believed to be contemporary with that of Hissarlik and Thera. Because of where it first appeared in significant quantities at Kamaraes, in the plain of Ida, it is commonly referred to as Kamaraean ware. Dr. Orsi found two fragments of Hissarlik-type pottery at Phaestos,[889] a vase of island type, one of Thera type,[890] and some early Cypriote wares.[891] Large numbers of fragments of this ware in the Museum at Candia were first noted by Dr. Orsi and Mr. J. L. Myres around 1894.[892] The extensive discoveries made by Messrs. Hogarth and Welch for the British School at Athens in 1899–1900 (see p. 60) further enhanced our understanding of the ware; and these findings, along with Mr. Arthur Evans’s extensive discoveries at Knossos (1899–1902), have allowed a recent author to create a tentative classification of all the prehistoric pottery of Crete.[893]
In his paper Mr. Mackenzie divides the pottery into three main classes, which he distinguishes as Neolithic, Early and Middle Minoan, and Late Minoan. The first-named extends down to about 3000 B.C.; the second covers the period 3000–2000 B.C.; and the third (including Mycenaean pottery of the usual types) lasts down to 1500 B.C., about which time the Cretan supremacy came to an end, and the Mycenaean centre of gravity was shifted to the mainland of Greece.
In his paper, Mr. Mackenzie categorizes the pottery into three main classes: Neolithic, Early and Middle Minoan, and Late Minoan. The Neolithic period lasts until about 3000 BCE; the Early and Middle Minoan period ranges from 3000 to 2000 B.C.; and the Late Minoan period (which includes typical Mycenaean pottery) continues until 1500 B.C.. Around this time, Cretan dominance ended, and the focus of Mycenaean culture shifted to mainland Greece.
(1) Pottery of the Neolithic period is quite exceptional in Aegean localities; yet the evidence from the excavations is so unmistakable that there can be no question of its great antiquity. It consists of common household vessels of grey clay, hand-made and burnished; at first devoid of decoration, but subsequently fragments appear with incised patterns filled in with white. These, it may be noted, may help to date the analogous wares from Troy and Egypt. The black surface becomes more and more lustrous, and in some cases a sort of rippling effect is produced in the soft clay with a blunt instrument[894]; finally an age of decline manifests itself, but at the same time an advance is made from filling in hollows with white to painting in colours on the flat surface.
(1) Neolithic pottery is quite remarkable in Aegean regions; however, the evidence from the digs is so clear that there's no doubt about its great age. It includes common household items made of grey clay, crafted by hand and polished; initially, there was no decoration, but later on, fragments appear with incised designs filled in with white. These might help date similar pieces from Troy and Egypt. The black surface becomes increasingly shiny, and in some instances, a kind of rippling effect is created in the soft clay using a blunt tool[894]; eventually, a period of decline sets in, but at the same time, there's a shift from filling hollows with white to painting colors on the flat surfaces.
(2) The pottery in this stage is still hand-made; but the clay, which is of a brick or terracotta colour, is greatly improved, and shows that a potter’s oven must have been employed. The most remarkable feature is that, along with the white or polychrome patterns on dark ground, the origin of which has been noted, there appear vases with patterns in lustrous dark colour on buff ground, like the Mycenaean wares. Hitherto it had been supposed that the latter process was much later than the other[895]; but the Cretan evidence admits of no doubt as to their synchronism, even at this early stage of painted pottery in any form. The pre-Mycenaean character of the Early Minoan deposits is, for instance, proved by the entire absence of plain pottery of Mycenaean types. It is then clear that Crete developed both independently of, and with far greater rapidity than, the rest of the Aegean at this period. The painted patterns are usually of a Geometrical character.[896]
(2) The pottery at this stage is still hand-made, but the clay, which is a brick or terracotta color, shows significant improvement, indicating that a potter’s oven was likely used. The most striking feature is that, alongside the white or multicolored patterns on a dark background, which have been previously noted, there are vases with shiny dark patterns on a buff background, similar to Mycenaean wares. Until now, it was thought that the latter technique came much later than the other; however, the evidence from Crete clearly shows that they were developed simultaneously, even at this early stage of painted pottery in any form. The pre-Mycenaean nature of the Early Minoan deposits is demonstrated by the complete absence of plain pottery of Mycenaean types. It is clear that Crete progressed both independently of and much faster than the rest of the Aegean during this time. The painted patterns are typically geometric.
The middle deposits of the third millennium, found above the floors of the first palace, are, like the preceding, both polychrome and monochrome in their decoration. The former include most of the types formerly known as Kamaraes ware, the patterns being mainly but not exclusively Geometrical; the curvilinear are rather later in date. The commonest shape is one resembling a tea-cup.[897] In the next stage relief-work is introduced to enhance the polychrome effect, probably in imitation of metal. In the latest deposits a great decline is manifest, and the monochrome vases tend to assert themselves to the exclusion of the others.
The middle deposits from the third millennium, located above the floors of the first palace, are, like the earlier ones, both colorful and single-toned in their decoration. The colorful ones include most types previously known as Kamaraes ware, with patterns that are mainly geometric, though not exclusively; the curvilinear patterns come a bit later. The most common shape resembles a tea cup.[897] In the next stage, relief work is added to enhance the colorful effect, likely inspired by metal designs. In the latest deposits, there’s a noticeable decline, and the single-toned vases start to dominate, pushing the others aside.
That the period under discussion must have been one of great length is shown by the depth of the “Minoan” deposits; they are, moreover, so extensive at Knossos, and so scanty and isolated are examples from other sites, that it cannot be doubted that here we have the centre of the fabric. As regards their date we have good evidence from early Aegean deposits in Egypt. By means of Professor Petrie’s finds at Kahun in the Fayûm, which include specimens of the best Minoan ware,[898] we are able to place the height of the period about 2500 B.C.
That the time we're talking about must have been very long is clear from the thickness of the “Minoan” layers; they are, in addition, so widespread at Knossos, while examples from other locations are so few and scattered, that it's undeniable this was the center of the culture. In terms of dating, we have solid evidence from early Aegean layers found in Egypt. Thanks to Professor Petrie’s discoveries at Kahun in the Fayûm, which include pieces of the finest Minoan pottery,[898] we can determine that the peak of this period occurred around 2500 BCE

From Brit. School Annual, ix.
Stand for Vase; Kamaraes Ware.
From Palaiokastro, Crete.
From Brit. School Annual, 9.
Stand for vase; Kamaraes ware.
From Palaiokastro, Crete.
The appearance of the so-called Kamaraes ware is unmistakable, with its bright, almost gay, aspect, and the contrast of the colours with the lustrous black ground. The pigments employed are four in number—milky white, yellow ochre, brick-red, and purple-red. These vases are mostly made on the wheel, and the buff-coloured clay is fairly well levigated, as is the slip, on which the pigments are directly laid; its lustre often almost rivals that of the best Hellenic pottery. Mr. Evans found some specimens in 1902 of an extremely delicate character, almost as thin as an egg-shell. The colours are, however, sometimes dull and powdery, and apt to flake away except when fired. The forms are of a Cycladic type, the favourite being a two-handled globular vase with spout, and a pear-shaped one-handled vase, also with a spout[899] (see also Plate XIV.[900]).
The look of Kamaraes ware is unmistakable, with its bright, cheerful appearance and the contrast of colors against the shiny black background. The pigments used are four in total—milky white, yellow ochre, brick-red, and purple-red. Most of these vases are made on the wheel, and the buff-colored clay is well-prepared, as is the slip, which the pigments are applied to directly; its shine often rivals that of the best Hellenic pottery. Mr. Evans discovered some very delicate examples in 1902, nearly as thin as egg shells. However, the colors can sometimes be dull and powdery, prone to flaking off unless fired. The shapes are of a Cycladic style, with the most popular being a two-handled globular vase with a spout and a pear-shaped one-handled vase, also with a spout [899] (see also Plate XIV.[900]).
The decoration is, as has been indicated, plastic as well as pictorial; the relief ornaments are often of an elaborate type, as may be seen in some of Mr. Hogarth’s finds.[901] Some vases are merely covered with knobs, or with a sort of honeycombing in relief[902]; in others toothed or bossed bands are employed, either simply or combined into complex patterns. In any case this plastic element is quite a new departure. The pictorial designs include geometrical and linear patterns, zigzags, network, concentric circles, spirals, and swastikas; leaves, rosettes, and other vegetable forms; fishes, and even in one case a human figure.[903] The chief field of decoration is the shoulder of the vase.
The decoration is, as mentioned, both three-dimensional and pictorial; the raised ornaments are often quite intricate, as shown in some of Mr. Hogarth’s discoveries.[901] Some vases are simply covered with knobs or have a kind of honeycomb relief[902]; in others, ridged or raised bands are used, either on their own or combined into complex patterns. In any case, this three-dimensional aspect is a significant new trend. The pictorial designs feature geometric and line patterns, zigzags, nets, concentric circles, spirals, and swastikas; as well as leaves, rosettes, and other plant shapes; fish, and even in one instance a human figure.[903] The primary area for decoration is the shoulder of the vase.
Although varying in the extent of their naturalism, the patterns exhibit considerable boldness and power of drawing; they seem to be drawn chiefly from floral or textile sources, and are closely parallel to the Thera vases, but more advanced. Some motives are of Mycenaean character, such as the use of rows of white dots[904]; on the other hand, the style of the fishes and human figure is more like that of the Geometrical vases.
Although differing in their level of naturalism, the patterns show a lot of boldness and strong drawing skills; they appear to be primarily inspired by flowers or textiles and are similar to the Thera vases, but more developed. Some elements have a Mycenaean influence, like the use of rows of white dots[904]; meanwhile, the style of the fish and human figures resembles that of the Geometric vases.
Mr. Hogarth notes that metal types of Kamaraes cups appear in the hands of Kefti tributaries in the paintings of the tomb of Rekhmara (about 1550 B.C.), and he even found their Neolithic prototypes at Kephala, near Knossos.[905] He also traces a connection with the early Aegean pottery of Phylakopi in Melos. The Kamaraes pottery can be shown not to have survived the incoming of the new Mycenaean influences, but the patterns rapidly became conventionalised, and are replaced by the new motives of the Mycenaean wares. It may further be noted that fragments of Kamaraes ware have turned up not only in Egypt, as at Kahun (already mentioned), but at Tiryns, in the fifth and sixth Acropolis graves at Mycenae, and at Curium in Cyprus.
Mr. Hogarth notes that metal types of Kamaraes cups appear in the hands of Kefti tributaries in the paintings of the tomb of Rekhmara (about 1550 B.C.), and he even found their Neolithic prototypes at Kephala, near Knossos.[905] He also traces a connection with the early Aegean pottery of Phylakopi in Melos. The Kamaraes pottery can be shown not to have survived the arrival of new Mycenaean influences, but the patterns quickly became conventionalized and were replaced by the new designs of the Mycenaean wares. It may also be noted that fragments of Kamaraes ware have been found not only in Egypt, as at Kahun (already mentioned), but also at Tiryns, in the fifth and sixth Acropolis graves at Mycenae, and at Curium in Cyprus.
(3) The pottery of the “Late Minoan” period from the palace of Knossos falls into two groups—the “palace” style, and the ordinary Mycenaean fabrics. The former class of vases has been found in considerable numbers in the second palace, and also at Zakro and other sites. The vases are painted in a lustrous brown-to-black glaze on a buff hand-polished slip, with fine and elaborate naturalistic designs, including vegetable patterns, birds, and fishes; others, again, are more architectonic in character.[906] We also find adaptations of the Kamaraes style, with bands of white paint laid on the black varnish, the usual forms being a flat bowl and a small cup with flat handles like the Vaphio cups.[907]
(3) The pottery from the “Late Minoan” period at the palace of Knossos can be divided into two groups—the “palace” style and the regular Mycenaean styles. The first type of vases has been discovered in large quantities at the second palace, as well as at Zakro and other locations. These vases feature a shiny brown-to-black glaze on a smooth buff slip, adorned with intricate and detailed naturalistic designs, including plant patterns, birds, and fish; others have a more architectural appearance.[906] We also see adaptations of the Kamaraes style, characterized by bands of white paint applied over the black varnish, with the typical shapes being a flat bowl and a small cup with flat handles similar to the Vaphio cups.[907]
In their decoration the most highly developed varieties of the “palace” style show a parallelism with the wall-paintings, the patterns consisting of rosettes, spirals, and conventional flowers; in some very naturalistic examples this is strongly marked, the designs of olive and myrtle wreaths and bulbous plants showing an almost Japanese fidelity to nature. Others, again, have marine subjects—seaweed, shells, and rocks. Lastly, there are the representations of the double axe, which Mr. Evans has shown to be a religious symbol.[908]
In their design, the most advanced versions of the "palace" style closely resemble the wall paintings, featuring patterns made up of rosettes, spirals, and stylized flowers. In some very realistic examples, this similarity is quite pronounced, with designs of olive and myrtle wreaths and bulbous plants exhibiting an almost Japanese attention to detail in nature. Others feature marine themes—seaweed, shells, and rocks. Finally, there are depictions of the double axe, which Mr. Evans has identified as a religious symbol.[908]
The whole of this pottery belongs to the third or highest period of Mycenaean pottery, a time when decadence was actually beginning to set in, concurrent with the end of the eighteenth dynasty. At this time all over the Aegean area, in Melos, Egypt, and elsewhere, the styles of pottery were perfectly uniform, and had clearly been imported from one centre. In the light of recent discoveries we can no longer doubt that this centre was Crete, and the previous history of its pottery and the early development of its technical processes, as well as its geographical position, point in the same direction. About the year 1500 B.C. the site appears to have been invaded and abandoned, with the consequent result that Mycenaean civilisation now spread all over the Aegean, centring chiefly in Greece, where it lasted several centuries longer. Of its influence on Cyprus we have already spoken.
The entire collection of this pottery belongs to the third or highest period of Mycenaean pottery, a time when decline was starting to set in, coinciding with the end of the eighteenth dynasty. During this period, across the Aegean region, in Melos, Egypt, and beyond, pottery styles were completely uniform and clearly imported from a single source. Recent discoveries make it clear that this source was Crete, and the earlier history of its pottery, along with the initial development of its techniques and its geographical position, supports this conclusion. Around the year 1500 B.C.E., it seems the site was invaded and abandoned, leading to the spread of Mycenaean civilization throughout the Aegean, primarily in Greece, where it continued for several centuries. We have already discussed its influence on Cyprus.
Mycenaean vases had turned up in Crete for some time previous to 1899 in a sporadic fashion[909]; but these, being for the most part of the ordinary type, do not call for separate consideration. There is, however, one class that appears to be peculiar to the island. It consists of large “false amphorae” and other vases, made of a rough coarse-grained clay, and decorated in the “third Mycenaean” style with large cuttle-fish; at Knossos this was found only outside the palace, and was probably a coarse household ware. A good specimen has also been found at Curium in Cyprus.[910]
Mycenaean vases had been found in Crete sporadically for some time before 1899[909]; however, most of these were of the ordinary type and don’t require separate discussion. There is one category, though, that seems unique to the island. It includes large "false amphorae" and other vases made from rough, coarse-grained clay, decorated in the "third Mycenaean" style with large cuttlefish; at Knossos, this was only discovered outside the palace and was likely a type of coarse household ware. A good example has also been found at Curium in Cyprus.[910]
§ 4. MYCENAEAN POTTERY
Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Mykenische Thongefässe (1879), and Mykenische Vasen (1886); Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 47 ff.; Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vi. p. 893 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 181 ff. General reference should also be made to Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations (transl. E. Sellers); Schliemann’s own works; Hall, Oldest Civilisation of Greece; Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycenaean Age; and other works.
Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Mycenaean clay vessels (1879), and Mycenaean Vases (1886); Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 47 ff.; Perrot, Art History, vi. p. 893 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 181 ff. General references should also include Schuchhardt, Schliemann’s Excavations (translated by E. Sellers); Schliemann’s own writings; Hall, Oldest Civilisation of Greece; Tsountas and Manatt, The Mycenaean Age; and other related works.
We have already had occasion to deal to some extent with Mycenaean pottery in connection with Cyprus and Crete, but it is now necessary to review it as a whole in the light of the present state of our knowledge of this wonderful civilisation and its products. To enter here upon the wide and much-debated questions to which the discoveries of the last thirty years have given rise is of course beyond our province; but the pottery of the people to whom the name Mycenaean has been somewhat loosely given is of so homogeneous a character, although found in all parts of the Mediterranean, that it may be treated as a phase of Greek ceramics, independently of considerations of ethnography and chronology. First found in any quantity at Ialysos in the island of Rhodes, its exact position in the history of early art was not then recognised; but when the marvellous discoveries of Heinrich Schliemann at Mycenae became known to the world, including large numbers of similar vases, Sir Charles Newton readily recognised that the Ialysos vases in the British Museum belonged to the same class. It was not long before the whole number of vases of this type, now christened Mycenaean, was collected in a “Corpus” by two German scholars, with numerous illustrations; but since that time the excavations of “Mycenaean” sites in Cyprus and Crete must have doubled or even trebled the material available.
We've already touched on Mycenaean pottery in relation to Cyprus and Crete, but it's now important to look at it as a whole given our current understanding of this remarkable civilization and its products. Delving into the broad and heavily debated issues that discoveries over the last thirty years have raised is beyond our scope; however, the pottery from the people referred to as Mycenaean is so consistent in style, despite being found throughout the Mediterranean, that it can be regarded as a part of Greek ceramics, independent of ethnographic and chronological concerns. Initially discovered in significant quantities at Ialysos on the island of Rhodes, its exact place in the early history of art wasn’t recognized at that time. But when Heinrich Schliemann's incredible discoveries at Mycenae became known, including many similar vases, Sir Charles Newton quickly recognized that the Ialysos vases in the British Museum were of the same category. It wasn't long before a comprehensive collection of these vases, now called Mycenaean, was compiled in a "Corpus" by two German scholars, complete with numerous illustrations. Since then, excavations at "Mycenaean" sites in Cyprus and Crete have likely doubled or even tripled the amount of material available.
The pottery at Mycenae was found in four different positions, implying consecutive chronological stages, ranging roughly from the fifteenth to the tenth or even ninth century. On these grounds Furtwaengler and Loeschcke[911] distinguished four main classes; but it will be seen that these are capable of even more subdivision. There are, in fact, two main classes, distinguished by the use of matt and lustrous colour respectively; and of the first of these two, of the second four, subdivisions are possible.
The pottery found at Mycenae was discovered in four different locations, indicating various chronological stages that range roughly from the fifteenth to the tenth or even ninth century. Based on this, Furtwaengler and Loeschcke[911] identified four main classes; however, it’s clear that these can be divided even further. In fact, there are two main classes, distinguished by the use of matt and shiny color respectively; and for the first of these two, there are four possible subdivisions within the second.
Class (1) is indeed comparatively rare,[912] and only found at Thera and in the oldest tombs on the Mycenaean Acropolis; it represents the transition from the pottery of Troy and Thera to that of Mycenae. The subdivision is a purely technical one: (a) vases of pale coarse clay, with patterns in a brown colour, some hand-made[913]; (b) wheel-made vases of a reddish and finer clay, the designs in black and pale red, occasionally white.[914] The decoration generally resembles that of the Thera vases, and animals occasionally appear.
Class (1) is quite rare,[912] and is only found at Thera and in the oldest tombs on the Mycenaean Acropolis; it marks the shift from the pottery of Troy and Thera to that of Mycenae. The subdivision is strictly technical: (a) vases made of pale coarse clay, with patterns in a brown color, some handmade[913]; (b) wheel-made vases of reddish, finer clay, featuring designs in black and light red, occasionally white.[914] The decoration typically resembles that of the Thera vases, and animals sometimes appear.
(2) The vases with lustrous painting may be classified as follows:
(2) The vases with shiny artwork can be categorized as follows:
(b) Similar clay, but coated with a white or yellow slip on which geometrical or floral patterns are painted in lustrous black.[916]
(b) Similar clay, but covered with a white or yellow slip that has shiny black geometrical or floral patterns painted on it.[916]
(c) Fine clay with polished yellow surface; designs in black turning to red or yellow, with occasional details in white; chiefly marine plants and animals, but occasionally (especially in Cyprus) human figures.[917] This class is by far the most numerous of all, but is not found in Thera. It corresponds with the period 1400–1000 B.C.
(c) Fine clay with a smooth yellow surface; designs in black that shift to red or yellow, with occasional white details; mainly featuring marine plants and animals, but sometimes (especially in Cyprus) includes human figures.[917] This type is by far the most common of all, but it is not found in Thera. It dates back to the period 1400–1000 BCE
(d) Clay grey or reddish, less brilliant, as is also the black; large figures of quadrupeds and human figures.[918] The vases are sometimes painted inside, which is a sign of late date.
(d) Clay that is gray or reddish, less shiny, like the black; large figures of four-legged animals and people.[918] The vases are sometimes painted inside, which indicates a later date.
The structure of these vases is very varied, and no less than 122 different forms may be distinguished in the illustrations to the Mykenische Vasen. Most characteristic and popular is the “false amphora,” as it is generally termed (German, Bügelkanne), a vase with spheroidal body, of varying size, with the peculiarity that the ordinary neck and mouth on the top are closed by a flat handle arching over the vase, and the only aperture is a spout on one side (see Plate XV. and Fig. 82). These are very widely distributed, but their decoration is as a rule very simple; they appear depicted on the paintings of Egyptian tombs of the eighteenth dynasty, and this has often been used as an argument for the dating of Mycenaean vases. But they must have remained in favour for a considerable period. Other favourite shapes are: a funnel-shaped vase with handle at the top, doubtless a reminiscence of a Hissarlik type (p. 258); a tall graceful two-handled goblet or kylix, almost invariably decorated with cuttle-fish (see Plate XV.), as the funnel-vases are with murex (purple dye) shells; a beaked jug (German Schnabelkanne), derived from Thera; a squat jar or pyxis, with three small handles (cf. Fig. 82); and a tall pear-shaped vase with three handles on a high stem, which is perhaps the prototype of the hydria. The large kraters are, as we have seen, peculiar to Cyprus. Rarer forms are a sort of mug, and a combination of the false amphora and pyxis. Mention should also be made of the painted λάρνακες or ossuaria found in Crete by Mr. J. H. Marshall (p. 268 above) and by Dr. Orsi.[919]
The designs of these vases are quite diverse, with at least 122 different forms identifiable in the illustrations of the Mycenaean Vases. The most distinctive and popular is known as the “false amphora” (in German, Steam iron), which features a round body in varying sizes. What makes it unique is that instead of a traditional neck and mouth, it has a flat handle that arches over the top, with a single spout on one side (see Plate XV. and Fig. 82). These vases are widely found, though their decorations are generally simple; they are depicted in the paintings of Egyptian tombs from the eighteenth dynasty, often used to date Mycenaean vases. They likely remained popular for a long time. Other common shapes include: a funnel-shaped vase with a handle on the top, probably recalling a Hissarlik type (p. 258); a tall, elegant two-handled goblet or kylix, usually decorated with cuttlefish (see Plate XV.), while the funnel vases are adorned with murex (purple dye) shells; a beaked jug (in German, Spouted jug) originating from Thera; a squat jar or pyxis with three small handles (cf. Fig. 82); and a tall, pear-shaped vase with three handles on a high stem, which may be the prototype of the hydria. The large kraters, as we have seen, are specific to Cyprus. Less common forms include a type of mug and a combination of the false amphora and pyxis. It's also worth noting the painted larnaques or ossuary found in Crete by Mr. J. H. Marshall (p. 268 above) and by Dr. Orsi.[919]
The technique presents several entirely new features, such as the use of a slip as a basis for the colours; the polished, brilliant, and even surface; and above all the lustrous black varnish, which was the peculiar pride of Greek potters, and is now a lost art. The comparative monotony of the colouring is probably due to a purely technical reason, namely, the difficulty of resisting the action of fire; otherwise such an artistic people would doubtless have exhibited the same richness of colouring in their pottery that we find in their frescoes.
The technique includes several completely new features, like using a slip as the base for the colors, a polished, shiny, and smooth surface, and especially the glossy black varnish, which was a unique source of pride for Greek potters and is now a lost art. The relative dullness of the colors is likely due to a technical issue, specifically the challenge of withstanding fire; otherwise, such an artistic culture would surely have shown the same richness of colors in their pottery that we see in their frescoes.

MYCENAEAN POTTERY
(British Museum).
MYCENAEAN POTTERY
(British Museum).
Religious ideas, on the other hand, are strangely conspicuous by their absence. Mycenaean mythology is so far almost nonexistent in the art; and although attempts have at times been made to detect traces of early cults, as in the figures of men dressed as animals,[921] or the representations of the double axe,[922] they have not as yet met with universal acceptance. More improbable is the curious idea recently mooted,[923] that the subjects of the vase-paintings indicate an acquaintance with such theories as those of biological evolution.
Religious ideas, however, are oddly missing. Mycenaean mythology is almost nonexistent in the art; and while there have been attempts to find traces of early cults, such as in depictions of men dressed as animals,[921] or representations of the double axe,[922] these have not been widely accepted. Even more unlikely is the strange suggestion made recently,[923] that the themes in the vase paintings show an awareness of concepts like biological evolution.

FIG. 82. MYCENAEAN VASES WITH MARINE SUBJECTS (BRIT. MUS.).
FIG. 82. MYCENAEAN VASES WITH MARINE THEMES (BRIT. MUS.).
Mycenaean pottery has been found on a very large number of sites throughout the Mediterranean. The most productive have been Mycenae, Crete, and Cyprus, especially the cemetery at Enkomi in the latter island. Other Cypriote centres are Curium, Agia Paraskevi near Nicosia, Maroni, and the neighbourhood of Dali and Larnaka (see p. 66). In Attica the Acropolis of Athens and the beehive tombs of Spata and Menidi have been most fruitful, and finds have been made at Haliki and elsewhere. In the Peloponnese the chief site is Tiryns, and many fragments have also been found at Nauplia; in Central Greece several sites in Boeotia, such as Orchomenos, may be mentioned. Of the Aegean islands, Rhodes and Melos are most conspicuous, especially the sites of Ialysos in the former island, Phylakopi in the latter. In Asia Minor, Mycenaean remains are rare, except at Troy, but in Egypt there is ample evidence of a close commercial relation, as in the finds at Tell-el-Amarna, in the Fayûm, and elsewhere. In the Western Mediterranean, Syracuse has yielded numerous fragments, and occasional finds have been made in Italy.[924]
Mycenaean pottery has been discovered at a wide range of sites across the Mediterranean. The most productive locations include Mycenae, Crete, and Cyprus, particularly at the cemetery in Enkomi on the latter island. Other important places in Cyprus are Curium, Agia Paraskevi near Nicosia, Maroni, and the areas around Dali and Larnaka (see p. 66). In Attica, the Acropolis of Athens and the beehive tombs of Spata and Menidi have produced significant finds, along with discoveries at Haliki and other locations. In the Peloponnese, Tiryns is the key site, with many fragments also found at Nauplia; in Central Greece, various sites in Boeotia, such as Orchomenos, are noteworthy. Among the Aegean islands, Rhodes and Melos stand out, especially the sites of Ialysos on Rhodes and Phylakopi on Melos. In Asia Minor, Mycenaean remains are scarce, except for Troy, but there is plenty of evidence of a strong commercial relationship with Egypt, as seen in the finds at Tell-el-Amarna, in the Fayûm, and elsewhere. In the Western Mediterranean, Syracuse has produced numerous fragments, with occasional finds in Italy.[924]
Having reviewed the extent of Mycenaean influence, the next question we must consider is which, if any, was the centre whence this pottery was exported. It had been for some time observed that the early varieties of Thera, and those of Crete and Cyprus (v. supra), showed strong indications of local origin; but on the whole the Mycenaean pottery proper is remarkably uniform and homogeneous. It is perhaps possible to detect technical differences between the pottery, e.g., of Athens and Rhodes, but they may be only differences of date rather than fabric. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke regarded Argolis as the centre of manufacture, at least for the later lustrous varieties[925]; Pottier, on the other hand, writing before the recent discoveries, thought that Crete was, after Thera, the original centre, and Argolis only subsequently, the pottery of Rhodes lying midway between. In the light of the Cretan discoveries it is now possible largely to disregard previous theories. We have seen that Mycenaean pottery found in Crete has a pedigree which no other region can claim, and that it can only have a local origin. We have also seen that the Cretan supremacy came to an end about 1500 B.C., and that, though the pottery may have continued to be made in the island, it ceased to be an exclusive centre, and for the remainder of the Mycenaean Age the art, learned in Crete, spread to other Aegean centres—Mycenae, Rhodes, and Cyprus.
Having looked into the extent of Mycenaean influence, the next question we need to think about is which, if any, was the center from which this pottery was exported. It's been noted for some time that the early types from Thera, as well as those from Crete and Cyprus (v. supra), show strong signs of local origins; however, in general, the Mycenaean pottery itself is quite uniform and consistent. There might be some technical differences in the pottery, e.g., between Athens and Rhodes, but these could just be variations in time rather than production methods. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke considered Argolis to be the manufacturing center, at least for the later shiny types[925]; Pottier, on the other hand, who wrote before the recent discoveries, believed that Crete was, after Thera, the original center, with Argolis coming afterward, while the pottery from Rhodes fell in between. Given the findings from Crete, it is now largely possible to set aside earlier theories. We have seen that Mycenaean pottery found in Crete has a lineage that no other region can claim, indicating it must have a local origin. Additionally, we noted that Cretan dominance ended around 1500 BCE, and while pottery may have still been produced on the island, it stopped being the exclusive center. For the rest of the Mycenaean Age, the techniques learned in Crete spread to other Aegean centers—Mycenae, Rhodes, and Cyprus.
A far more difficult question to decide is the ethnographical one, together with the consideration of the relation of the Mycenaean civilisation to others in which the same decoration appears (as in the case of the spiral). One point seems to be abundantly clear, viz. that Mycenaean decoration owes nothing to Oriental influences. That there was a close relation with the East has already been indicated, and is much more apparent in other forms of Mycenaean art; but no student of this art in general can doubt that it is, as has been pointed out, purely spontaneous and unique, the art of a people of genuine artistic genius. Among the art of ancient races it stands alone in this respect, that of Egypt and Assyria, its only prominent rivals, being always essentially conventional; and herein lies its special distinction.
A much tougher question to tackle is the ethnographical one, along with considering how Mycenaean civilization relates to others where the same decoration appears (like in the case of the spiral). One thing seems very clear: Mycenaean decoration doesn't come from Oriental influences. While a close relationship with the East has been noted and is much clearer in other forms of Mycenaean art, no one studying this art can honestly doubt that it is, as mentioned, completely spontaneous and unique, created by a people with true artistic talent. Among the art of ancient cultures, it stands out in this way, as its only significant competitors, Egypt and Assyria, were always fundamentally conventional; and this is where its unique distinction lies.
That the Mycenaeans were a maritime people admits of no doubt. It is shown by the position of their chief centres, by the evidence of their extensive commercial relations, and, as far as concerns their pottery, pre-eminently by the subjects which form the staple decoration. Hence of late years an attempt has been made to substitute for “Mycenaean” the more comprehensive term “Aegean,” and there is much to be said in its favour. As regards the actual ethnographical position of the race, Quot homines, tot sententiae, may almost be said. They have been identified with the Achaeans, the Pelasgians, the Phoenicians, the Carians, and as combinations of Phrygians with Cretans, of Phoenicians with Greeks of Asia Minor.[926] But few of these terms have real historical value, and such identifications do not really advance the solution of the question.
That the Mycenaeans were a seafaring people is beyond question. This is evident from the locations of their main centers, their wide-ranging trade connections, and especially the themes depicted in their pottery. Recently, an effort has been made to replace “Mycenaean” with the broader term “Aegean,” and there are good reasons for this shift. Regarding the actual ethnic background of the group, As many people, as many opinions could almost be applied. They have been linked to the Achaeans, the Pelasgians, the Phoenicians, the Carians, and as mixtures of Phrygians with Cretans, and Phoenicians with Greeks from Asia Minor.[926] But few of these terms hold real historical significance, and such identifications don’t really help in answering the question.
A more real ground of battle is that afforded by the question of date, though on this point scholars now show a greater tendency to fall into line, and a period culminating in the years 1400 to 1100 or 1000 B.C. is now very generally accepted.[927] The question necessarily turns largely on the evidence afforded by Crete and Egypt, and so far as this is trustworthy it all points in the same direction. But it would be beyond the scope of a work of this kind to do more than briefly summarise the general results of archaeological criticism.
A more concrete basis for debate is found in the question of the date, although scholars currently seem more inclined to agree, with a timeframe spanning from around 1400 to 1000 B.C. now widely accepted.[927] The issue largely hinges on the evidence from Crete and Egypt, and as far as this evidence is reliable, it all points in the same direction. However, it would be beyond the scope of this type of work to do more than briefly summarize the general findings of archaeological analysis.
An interesting study of Mycenaean ornamentation has been made by Dr. Riegl,[928] who deals generally with the principles underlying its vegetable motives, and points out that here we first meet with scrolls or continuous bands of foliage applied to a decorative purpose. These motives are peculiar to Greek art, and in Mycenaean design their origin is to be sought. In this way we may regard it as the immediate forerunner of Hellenic art, although its development was temporarily arrested by the Dorian invasion, just as the people who produced it formed the basis of the Hellenic race. The naturalism of Mycenaean ornament, which is seen both in continuous and in isolated patterns, is in marked contrast to the convention of Egypt, where the same motives may be in use. It is not, in short, the motive, but its treatment, which shows the independence of Mycenaean art. There are, again, other patterns, such as the spiral, which cannot be traced in Oriental art, and seem to be purely original, at least as far as concerns the Eastern Mediterranean.
An interesting study of Mycenaean ornamentation has been conducted by Dr. Riegl,[928] who generally discusses the principles behind its plant motifs and points out that this is where we first encounter scrolls or continuous bands of foliage used for decorative purposes. These motifs are unique to Greek art, and the origins of their design can be found in Mycenaean culture. In this way, we can see it as the direct precursor to Hellenic art, even though its development was temporarily halted by the Dorian invasion, similar to how the people who created it laid the groundwork for the Hellenic race. The naturalism of Mycenaean ornamentation, evident in both continuous and individual patterns, contrasts sharply with the conventions of Egypt, where similar motifs are found. In short, it's not the motif itself but how it's treated that demonstrates the independence of Mycenaean art. Additionally, there are other patterns, like the spiral, that can’t be traced back to Oriental art and seem to be completely original, at least concerning the Eastern Mediterranean.
Another recent writer, Dr. S. Wide, has noticed that where Mycenaean influence was originally strongest, as in Crete and Rhodes, there its characteristics were most strongly impressed upon the art of the succeeding period, and he is inclined to place the centre of the fabric in these islands or on the coast of the adjoining continent of Asia. At all events the Mycenaean influence shows itself more in the pottery of the islands than it does in Attica; and, in Crete and Rhodes in particular, instances have been found of undoubted survivals of typical Mycenaean ornaments in later pottery.[929]
Another recent writer, Dr. S. Wide, has pointed out that where Mycenaean influence was initially strongest, like in Crete and Rhodes, its characteristics were most significantly reflected in the art of the following period. He tends to believe that the core of this development is found in these islands or along the nearby coast of Asia. In any case, Mycenaean influence is more apparent in the pottery of the islands than in Attica; specifically, in Crete and Rhodes, there have been clear examples of typical Mycenaean designs surviving in later pottery.[929]
820. See Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Cyprus Museum Catalog p. 14.
821. Cf. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. figs. 487–93.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Perrot, Art History, iii. figs. 487–93.
822. Cf. Perrot, op. cit. iii. figs. 498–503.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Perrot, op. cit. iii. figs. 498–503.
823. See Hall, Oldest Civilisation of Greece, p. 72.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hall, Oldest Civilization of Greece, p. 72.
824. See Athen. Mitth. xi. p. 249 ff., and Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vi. p. 648. A fragment of late Bronze-Age Cypriote pottery was found at Hissarlik (Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 286, fig. 182).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athen. Mitth. xi. p. 249 ff., and Perrot, Art History, vi. p. 648. A piece of late Bronze Age Cypriote pottery was discovered at Hissarlik (Dörpfeld, Trojan and Ilium, i. p. 286, fig. 182).
825. See Meursius, Cyprus, i. chap. 20; Heuzey, Cat. des Fig. ant. du Louvre, p. 115.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Meursius, Cyprus, i. chap. 20; Heuzey, Catalog of Ancient Figures at the Louvre, p. 115.
826. Strabo, xiv. 6, p. 683.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Strabo, 14.6, p. 683.
827. Archaeologia, xlv. p. 127 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Archaeologia, vol. xlv, p. 127 ff.
828. Similar red polished wares were found in the New-Race tombs of Egypt (seventh to tenth dynasty), but in spite of the likeness it cannot be said that one is borrowed from the other (Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 16).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Similar red polished pottery was discovered in the New-Race tombs of Egypt (seventh to tenth dynasty), but despite the similarities, it's not accurate to say one is derived from the other (Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 16).
829. See Hall, Oldest Greek Civilisation, p. 69; Journ. Hell. Stud. xi. pl. 14; Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 38.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hall, Oldest Greek Civilization, p. 69; Journ. Hell. Stud. xi. pl. 14; Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 38.
831. E.g. A 66 in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. E.g. A 66 in B.M.
832. Hall, Oldest Civilisation, pp. 72, 98.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hall, Oldest Civilization, pp. 72, 98.
833. E.g. B.M. A 67–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. A 67–8.
834. Cf. Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 34 ff., 72.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 34 and following, 72.
835. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 39.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cyprus Museum Catalog. p. 39.
836. Myres, ibid.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Myres, same source.
837. Cf. for instance the jug given in Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 408, fig. 29.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See, for example, the jug mentioned in Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 408, fig. 29.
838. E.g. B.M. A 134: cf. Cyprus Mus. Cat. 401–2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. A 134: see Cyprus Mus. Cat. 401–2.
839. Cat. des Vases du Louvre, i. p. 250: see below, pp. 284, 315.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Catalog of the Vases of the Louvre, i. p. 250: see below, pp. 284, 315.
840. The Trojan legends were familiar in Cyprus, as the Κυπριακά of the local Cyclic poet Stasinos shows.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The Trojan legends were well-known in Cyprus, as the Cypriot by the local Cyclic poet Stasinos demonstrates.
841. Cf. Perrot, Hist, de l’Art, iii. pp. 714–15, figs. 525–26.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Perrot, History of Art, iii. pp. 714–15, figs. 525–26.
842. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 73.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 73.
843. Recent discoveries by Mr. Arthur Evans at Knossos (Brit. Sch. Annual, 1901–2, p. 15) seem to suggest that these panels may be meant for windows or storeys of houses. Cf. also the bronze from Enkomi (Excavations, p. 10).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Recent findings by Mr. Arthur Evans at Knossos (Brit. Sch. Annual, 1901–2, p. 15) indicate that these panels might be intended for windows or levels of houses. See also the bronze from Enkomi (Excavations, p. 10).
844. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 59.
845. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 74.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 74.
846. See Athen. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 248; cf. also Meursius, Cyprus, i. chap. 10; Heuzey, Cat. des Fig. ant. du Louvre, pp. 116–17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athen. Mitth. xi. (1886), p. 248; cf. also Meursius, Cyprus, i. chap. 10; Heuzey, Catalog of Ancient Figures from the Louvre, pp. 116–17.
847. Cypriote pottery with concentric circles has been found at Nebesheh in the Delta. It was brought by the Cypriote mercenaries, enrolled by Psammetichus, in the seventh century (Eg. Expl. Fund, 4th Mem. pl. 3, p. 20).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cypriot pottery with concentric circles has been discovered at Nebesheh in the Delta. It was brought by the Cypriot mercenaries recruited by Psammetichus in the seventh century (Eg. Expl. Fund, 4th Mem. pl. 3, p. 20).
848. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. p. 769 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Perrot, Art History, iii. p. 769 ff.
849. M. Pottier (Louvre Cat. i. p. 92) thinks that Greek influence may explain all the stages of Cypriote pottery from the Mycenaean period onwards. See also on this subject Dümmler, in Ath. Mitth. xi. p. 284.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.M. Pottier (Louvre Catalog. i. p. 92) believes that Greek influence might account for all the phases of Cypriote pottery starting from the Mycenaean period. For more on this topic, see Dümmler in Ath. Mitth. xi. p. 284.
850. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 8, fig. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Excavations in Cyprus, p. 8, fig. 14.
851. B.M. C 244.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. C 244.
852. B.M. C 121 = Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. pp. 716–17, figs. 527–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. C 121 = Perrot, Art History, iii. pp. 716–17, figs. 527–8.
853. B.M. C 120 = Rev. Arch. ix. (1887), p. 77 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. C 120 = Rev. Arch. ix. (1887), p. 77 ff.
854. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 26.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cyprus Museum Catalog. p. 26.
855. Ibid. p. 21.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. p. 21.
856. See Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. figs. 510–13; ibid. figs. 520–23 (human figures); Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 55, pls. 44–6; Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 75, 104 ff.; J.H.S. v. p. 103.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Perrot, Art History, vol. iii, figs. 510–13; ibid. figs. 520–23 (human figures); Cesnola, Cyprus, p. 55, pls. 44–6; Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 75, 104 ff.; J.H.S. vol. v, p. 103.
858. Perrot, op. cit. iii. p. 711, fig. 523.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Perrot, op. cit. iii. p. 711, fig. 523.
859. E.g. Perrot, op. cit. iii. figs. 507, 523, pp. 699, 711; Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 104–5, figs. 151–52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, Perrot, see above iii. figs. 507, 523, pp. 699, 711; Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 104–5, figs. 151–52.
860. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 105, fig. 152.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Excavations in Cyprus, p. 105, fig. 152.
861. B.M. C 268 = J.H.S. ii. p. 304.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. C 268 = J.H.S. ii. p. 304.
862. Cyprus, pl. 29.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cyprus, p. 29.
863. See O.-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer, p. 497, and frontispiece to text volume; also B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 105, fig. 152.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See O.-Richter, Kypros, the Bible, and Homer, p. 497, and frontispiece to text volume; also B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 105, fig. 152.
864. B.M. E 34; Branteghem Cat. 30; Klein, Meistersig.2 p. 221.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. E 34; Branteghem Cat. 30; Klein, Meistersig.2 p. 221.
865. Louvre A 258.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Louvre A 258.
866. E.g. J.H.S. xii. pl. 14; Jahrbuch, 1887, pl. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. J.H.S. 12. plate 14; Annual report, 1887, plate 11.
867. See Hermann, Gräberfeld von Marion, p. 46 ff.; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 78, 109.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hermann, Marion Cemetery, p. 46 ff.; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, pp. 78, 109.
869. Troja 1893, p. 86; Troja u. Ilion, i. p. 18. On the pottery generally see the latter, p. 243 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Trojan War 1893, p. 86; Trojan City and Ilium, i. p. 18. For general information on the pottery, see the latter, p. 243 ff.
870. Its evolution is well illustrated by the Canopic vases described in Chapter XVIII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Its development is clearly shown by the Canopic vases discussed in Chapter XVIII.
871. Céramiques, i. p. 6: see for examples ibid. pp. 7, 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ceramics, i. p. 6: see for examples ibid. pp. 7, 11.
872. A jug with beak-shaped mouth, called by the Germans a Schnabelkanne. The base-ring to which he alludes is not apparent. Cf. for the type Fig. 81 below, from Thera.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A jug with a spout, referred to by the Germans as a Pour-over coffee maker. The base-ring he mentions isn’t visible. See Fig. 81 below for the type from Thera.
873. See Schliemann, Ilios, pp. 340, 372, 375, 384.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Schliemann, Ilios, pp. 340, 372, 375, 384.
874. Cf. Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Cyprus Mus. Cat. p. 18.
875. ibid., p. 118; ibid., i. p. 310; B.M. B 83 ff.; and see p. 339.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.ibid., p. 118; ibid., i. p. 310; B.M. B 83 ff.; and see p. 339.
876. See Fouqué, Santorin, passim; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 28; Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, i. p. 36 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Fouqué, Santorini, passim; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 28; Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, i. p. 36 ff.
877. iv. 147–48.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. iv. 147–48.
878. One is given by Dumont-Pottier, pl. 2, fig. 13.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.One is provided by Dumont-Pottier, pl. 2, fig. 13.
879. See Dumont-Pottier, p. 21, figs. 32–3, pls. 1, 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dumont-Pottier, p. 21, figs. 32–3, pls. 1, 2.
880. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, pl. 12, No. 80.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vases, pl. 12, No. 80.
881. Fouqué, op. cit. p. 127, note.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Fouqué, source cited. p. 127, note.
882. On the later pottery from Thera see generally Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, ii. p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information on the later pottery from Thera, see generally Hiller von Gaertringen, Thera, ii. p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.
883. Dümmler (Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 45) calls them “Leleges”; but he places Minos in the Geometrical period.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dümmler (Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 45) refers to them as “Leleges”; however, he puts Minos in the Geometric period.
884. Cf. Hdt. i. 171, and Thuc. i. 4–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hdt. i. 171, and Thuc. i. 4–8.
885. Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 15; Ross, Reisen durch die Inseln, passim; Athens Mus. Nos. 23–9, 136, 142–43; J.H.S. v. p. 53 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1886, p. 15; Ross, Island Hopping, throughout; Athens Mus. Nos. 23–9, 136, 142–43; J.H.S. v. p. 53 ff.
886. J.H.S. Suppl. Papers, vol. iv. (1904).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. Supplementary Papers, vol. 4 (1904).
887. Od. xix. 172 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Od. 19. 172 ff.
888. Hdt. i. 171.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hdt. i. 171.
889. Mon. Antichi, vi. p. 342, pl. 12, figs. 50, 52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. Antichi, vi. p. 342, pl. 12, figs. 50, 52.
890. Ibid. pl. 11, figs. 44–5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ibid. p. 11, figs. 44–5.
891. Ibid. pl. 10, fig. 23; pl. 12, figs. 57, 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Same source. pl. 10, fig. 23; pl. 12, figs. 57, 59.
892. Mon. Antichi, vi. p. 333 ff., pls. 9–11; Proc. Soc. Antiqs. 2nd Ser. xv. p. 351 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ancient Mondays, vi. p. 333 ff., pls. 9–11; Proc. Soc. Antiqs. 2nd Ser. xv. p. 351 ff.
893. J.H.S. xxiii. p. 157 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 23, p. 157 ff.
894. Ibid. pl. 4, figs. 6–14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. pl. 4, figs. 6–14.
895. See, for instance, Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, p. vi.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See, for example, Furtwaengler and Loeschcke,
896. J.H.S. xxi. p. 97, fig. 31, will serve as an example.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xxi. p. 97, fig. 31, will serve as an example.
897. Ibid. xxiii. p. 171.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ibid. 23. p. 171.
898. Ibid. xi. pl. 14, figs. 5–10, p. 275.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ibid. xi. pl. 14, figs. 5–10, p. 275.
899. Cf. Mon. Antichi, vi. pl. 9, fig. 8; pl. 10, fig. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Old School, vi. pl. 9, fig. 8; pl. 10, fig. 14.
900. From Brit. School Annual, ix. p. 308.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.From Brit. School Annual, ix. p. 308.
901. J.H.S. xxi. pls. 6, 7, p. 84 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xxi. pls. 6, 7, p. 84 ff.
902. Mon. Antichi, vi. pl. 9, figs. 2, 6; pl. 10, fig. 14.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon Antichi, vi. pl. 9, figs. 2, 6; pl. 10, fig. 14.
903. Ibid. pl. 9, fig. 10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. pl. 9, fig. 10.
904. Ibid. p. 339.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. p. 339.
905. Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 85. On the Kefti, see ibid. viii. p. 157 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 85. On the Kefti, see ibid. viii. p. 157 ff.
906. See for examplesJ.H.S. xxiii. p. 192 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for examplesJ.H.S. xxiii. p. 192 ff.
907. Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 88.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 88.
908. J.H.S. xxi. p. 99 ff. See the larnax published by Mr. Bosanquet in Brit. School Annual, viii. pls. 18–9: cf. ibid. vii. p. 52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. 21. p. 99 and following. See the larnax published by Mr. Bosanquet in Brit. School Annual, vol. 8, plates 18–19; see also ibid. vol. 7, p. 52.
909. See Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vasen, pls. 13–4; Ath. Mitth. 1886, pl. 3 and pl. 4 (a large pithos with reliefs, for which compare p. 152 above); Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1880, p. 125, 1892, p. 295; Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vi. p. 451 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 176.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Vases, pls. 13–4; Ath. Mitth. 1886, pl. 3 and pl. 4 (a large pithos with reliefs, for which compare p. 152 above); Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1880, p. 125, 1892, p. 295; Perrot, Art History, vi. p. 451 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Catalog. i. p. 176.
910. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 74, fig. 128. cf. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, op. cit. pl. 14, No. 88; Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 91.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Excavations in Cyprus, p. 74, fig. 128. cf. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, op. cit. pl. 14, No. 88; Brit. School Annual, vi. p. 91.
911. Myken. Vasen, p. vi. ff. The evidence from Crete, however, appears to upset this chronology, the vases with lustrous painting being there found on a level with the matt paintings on dark ground.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Myken. Vases, p. vi. ff. The evidence from Crete, however, seems to disrupt this timeline, as the vases with shiny painting are found at the same level as the matte paintings on dark backgrounds.
912. For examples see Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Thongef. pls. 1; 4, 13; 5, 20; 7, 40; 11, 52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For examples, see Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, Myken. Thongef. pp. 1; 4, 13; 5, 20; 7, 40; 11, 52.
913. Myken. Thongef. pl. 1, fig. 6; Myken. Vasen, pls. 23–4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
914. Myken. Thongef. pl. 8; pl. 11, 52; Myken. Vasen, pl. 23.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Myken. Thongef. pl. 8; pl. 11, 52; Myken. Vases, pl. 23.
915. Myken. Thongef. pl. 6, 32, 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Myken. Thongef. pl. 6, 32, 34.
916. Myken. Thongef. pl. 12; Myken. Vasen, pls. 7, 25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
917. Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. 22, p. 99, fig. 20; Myken. Thongef. pls. 2, 4; Myken. Vasen, pls. 26–34, 39–41.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. 22, p. 99, fig. 20; Myken. Thongef. pls. 2, 4; Myken. Vases, pls. 26–34, 39–41.
918. Myken. Vasen, pls. 37–41.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Myken. Vasen, pp. 37–41.
919. Mon. Antichi, i. p. 201 ff., pls. 1–2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. Antichi, i. p. 201 ff., pls. 1–2.
920. See J.H.S. xvii. pp. 75, 76.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. 17, pp. 75, 76.
921. Cook in J.H.S. xiv. p. 81 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cook in J.H.S. 14, p. 81 ff.
922. Evans in J.H.S. xxi. p. 99 ff. Recent discoveries seem to leave little room for doubt as to the correctness of Mr. Evans' theories.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Evans in J.H.S. xxi. p. 99 ff. Recent discoveries appear to strongly support Mr. Evans' theories.
923. Rev. Arch. xxvi. (1895), p. 1 ff.; xxx. (1897), p. 81 ff.: cf. ibid. xxviii. (1896), p. 24 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Rev. Arch. xxvi. (1895), p. 1 ff.; xxx. (1897), p. 81 ff.: cf. ibid. xxviii. (1896), p. 24 ff.
924. See J.H.S. xxiv. p. 125.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. 24, p. 125.
925. Myken. Vasen, p. ix. ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Myken. Vasen, p. ix. ff.
926. See for a summary of the theories, Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 200 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for a summary of the theories, Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 200 ff.
927. See Hall, Oldest Civilisation, chap. iii.; Pottier, op. cit. i. p. 209; and Arch. Anzeiger, 1892, p. 11 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hall, Oldest Civilisation, chap. iii.; Pottier, op. cit. i. p. 209; and Arch. Anzeiger, 1892, p. 11 ff.
928. Stilfragen, p. 112 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Stilfragen, p. 112 ff.
929. See Wide, in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 233; and for some general considerations on Mycenaean pottery and its achievements, Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 247.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Wide, in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 233; and for some general thoughts on Mycenaean pottery and its accomplishments, Pottier, Louvre Catalog. i. p. 247.
CHAPTER VII
RISE OF VASE-PAINTING IN GREECE
Geometrical decoration—Its origin—Distribution of pottery—Shapes and ornamentation of vases—Subjects—Dipylon vases—Boeotian Geometrical wares—Chronology—Proto-Attic fabrics—Phaleron ware—Later Boeotian vases—Melian amphorae—Corinth and its pottery—“Proto-Corinthian” vases—Vases with imbrications and floral decoration—Incised lines and ground-ornaments—Introduction of figure-subjects—Chalcidian vases—“Tyrrhenian Amphorae.”
Geometrical decoration—Its origin—Distribution of pottery—Shapes and ornamentation of vases—Subjects—Dipylon vases—Boeotian Geometrical wares—Chronology—Proto-Attic fabrics—Phaleron ware—Later Boeotian vases—Melian amphorae—Corinth and its pottery—“Proto-Corinthian” vases—Vases with imbrications and floral decoration—Incised lines and ground-ornaments—Introduction of figure-subjects—Chalcidian vases—“Tyrrhenian Amphorae.”
§ 1. The Geometric Era
Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 154 ff.; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1872, p. 138 ff.; Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 94 ff.; 1899, pp. 26, 78, 188; Ath. Mitth. 1881, p. 106; 1892, p. 285; 1893, p. 73 ff.; 1896, p. 385 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 212 ff. For Boeotian Geometrical pottery, Böhlau in Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 325 ff.; for early Argive wares, Waldstein, Argive Heraeum, i. p. 49 ff.
Perrot, Art History, vii. p. 154 ff.; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1872, p. 138 ff.; Yearbook, 1886, p. 94 ff.; 1899, pp. 26, 78, 188; Ath. Mitth. 1881, p. 106; 1892, p. 285; 1893, p. 73 ff.; 1896, p. 385 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 212 ff. For Boeotian Geometrical pottery, Böhlau in Yearbook, 1888, p. 325 ff.; for early Argive wares, Waldstein, Argive Heraeum, i. p. 49 ff.
It has hitherto been a truism of archaeology that the Dorians brought with them from Central Europe a new form of art, of which the chief characteristic is that of rectilinear and geometrical decoration, forming, it is obvious, a marked contrast to the curvilinear and naturalistic Mycenaean designs. This new principle was thought to be most conspicuously illustrated by the pottery which now replaces the Mycenaean. But certain recent discoveries have given occasion for some scepticism in regard to the acceptance of this idea as conveying the whole truth; and even if they do not radically alter preconceived ideas, they are at least worthy of consideration.
It has previously been a common belief in archaeology that the Dorians brought a new form of art with them from Central Europe, characterized mainly by straight and geometric patterns, which clearly contrasts with the curved and naturalistic designs of the Mycenaeans. This new principle was thought to be most clearly shown in the pottery that has now taken the place of Mycenaean styles. However, some recent discoveries have raised doubts about whether this idea captures the complete truth; and even if they don't completely change established views, they are still worth considering.
At Aphidna in Attica a find has been made of very rude pottery, without glaze or varnish, but with decoration of a Geometrical character, sometimes painted.[931] Although earlier than any other pottery in Attica, it need not be pre-Mycenaean in date; it seems more likely to be a contemporary survival. Early wares have also been found in the islands, as in Aegina, with Geometrical ornament in matt-colour; nor must we forget that the Geometrical principle was known in Cyprus and the Cyclades, as also at Hissarlik, at a very remote age. From these data Dr. Wide has ingeniously drawn the conclusion that the Geometrical style was always indigenous in Greece,[932] pointing out that it was more likely and more in accordance with historical precedent that the Dorians, like Rome in later days, accepted the art of the people they conquered[933] than that they introduced their own and forced it upon the subjugated race. This theory has the additional merit of disposing of a difficulty which had always been felt. If the Geometrical pottery was Dorian, how do we account for its reaching its height in Attica, which was never at any time Doric, or influenced by Doric characteristics? But if it can be shown to be indigenous in Attica, the difficulty disappears.
At Aphidna in Attica, a discovery has been made of very basic pottery, without glaze or varnish, but decorated in a Geometrical style, sometimes painted.[931] Although this pottery precedes all other pottery in Attica, it doesn't necessarily have to be pre-Mycenaean in date; it seems more likely to be a contemporary survival. Early wares have also been found in the islands, such as in Aegina, featuring Geometrical designs in matt-colour; we should also remember that the Geometrical style was recognized in Cyprus and the Cyclades, as well as at Hissarlik, at a very early period. Based on this evidence, Dr. Wide has cleverly concluded that the Geometrical style was always native to Greece,[932] noting that it is more likely, and aligns better with historical patterns, that the Dorians, similar to Rome later on, adopted the art of the people they conquered[933] rather than imposing their own art on the conquered population. This theory also effectively resolves a longstanding issue. If the Geometrical pottery was Dorian, how do we explain its peak in Attica, which was never Doric nor influenced by Doric traits? However, if it can be demonstrated to be native to Attica, that problem vanishes.
Again, it is necessary to explain the varying character of Geometrical pottery in different parts of Greece, as compared with the homogeneity of the Mycenaean wares. If, as was supposed, the Geometrical style came full-grown into Greece, why should this be? Dr. Wide therefore maintains that there were in Greece concurrently a Bauernstil or domestic art, aboriginal and industrial, which produced the rude geometrical fabrics, and a Herrenstil or art de luxe, exotic and ornamental, which we know as Mycenaean. With the upheaval and dispersion of the Achaean aristocracy this art practically died out, but the humbler industry held its ground, and gradually forged its way to comparative excellence, perhaps learning much from Mycenaean technique.
Once again, it's important to explain the different styles of Geometric pottery found in various parts of Greece, especially compared to the uniformity of Mycenaean ceramics. If the Geometric style appeared fully formed in Greece, why would that be? Dr. Wide therefore argues that at the same time, there existed in Greece a concurrent Farmhouse style or domestic art, indigenous and practical, that produced the rough geometric designs, alongside a Men's style or luxury art, which was exotic and decorative, known as Mycenaean. With the upheaval and scattering of the Achaean elite, this art mostly faded away, but the simpler craft persisted and gradually improved, likely picking up techniques from Mycenaean artistry.
The real novelty of the developed Geometrical pottery which now manifests itself in Greece consists in its evolution as a style, and the combination of the patterns into an artistic system, with a continuous progress towards symmetry and rhythm. Geometrical patterns are indeed the property of all primitive peoples, and are no less spontaneous and universal in their origin than the folk-lore stories which we find adopting the same or similar forms in all parts of the world. In Greece, no doubt, the cultured traditions of Mycenaean art had in course of time their due effect, and both in technique and in ornament left their impress on the inferior fabrics,[934] as we have seen to have been the case, especially in the Greek islands. It is an influence which is not confined to the pottery, but made itself felt, for instance, in architecture. It can hardly be doubted that in the Lion Gate of Mycenae we find the prototype of the Doric column; and the parallel with the Geometrical pottery can be further followed up when we consider that Doric architecture also became the common property of Continental Greece, and also realised its highest perfection at Athens.
The real innovation of the Geometrical pottery that we now see in Greece lies in its development as a style and the way the patterns are combined into an artistic system, showing a continuous progression towards symmetry and rhythm. Geometric patterns are found in all primitive cultures, and their origins are just as spontaneous and universal as the folk tales that appear in similar forms all around the world. In Greece, certainly, the refined traditions of Mycenaean art over time had a significant impact, influencing both technique and decoration, as we’ve observed, especially in the Greek islands. This influence extends beyond pottery; it was also felt in architecture. It's hard to deny that the Lion Gate of Mycenae serves as a precursor to the Doric column, and we can further draw parallels with Geometrical pottery when we consider that Doric architecture also became a shared characteristic of Continental Greece and achieved its highest form in Athens.
The Geometrical pottery has been found in great numbers in Attica and Boeotia, in the islands of Aegina, Melos, Thera, Rhodes, and Crete,[935] in Argolis and Laconia, in Sicily and Etruria, and also isolated specimens in Cyprus and the Troad.[936] That found in Italy and Cyprus is certainly exported from the mainland. It has been observed that each region has its own peculiar variety of the style, and this is especially conspicuous in the examples from Attica and Boeotia.[937] The first writer who attempted to deal with it scientifically was Conze,[938] but owing to its clearly-defined characteristics it has always been more or less correctly treated by the older schools of archaeologists. But with a more extended outlook over the fabrics of early Hellas, many problems have arisen in connection with it which have called for more recent discussion, and the writings of Kroker, Böhlau, and Wide in particular should be studied.[939]
The Geometric pottery has been found in large quantities in Attica and Boeotia, in the islands of Aegina, Melos, Thera, Rhodes, and Crete,[935] in Argolis and Laconia, as well as in Sicily and Etruria, with a few isolated pieces in Cyprus and the Troad.[936] The pottery discovered in Italy and Cyprus was definitely imported from the mainland. It has been noted that each region has its own unique take on the style, particularly evident in the examples from Attica and Boeotia.[937] The first person to analyze it scientifically was Conze,[938] but because of its well-defined characteristics, it has generally been understood fairly accurately by earlier schools of archaeologists. However, a broader examination of the early Greek materials has raised many questions that require more recent exploration, and the works of Kroker, Böhlau, and Wide, in particular, should be reviewed.[939]
At Mycenae fragments of Geometrical pottery were found both on the surface and in the palace, among the débris of the huts built on its site; while in the island of Salamis there is a cemetery of distinctly transitional character, containing false amphorae with linear decoration and combinations of the spiral with the maeander.[940] It may be noted that a similar transitional cemetery was found by Mr. Paton at Assarlik in Caria,[941] and that the “sub-Mycenaean” pottery of Cyprus (p. 246) has been shown to exhibit the same combination of features. These facts fall into line with what has already been said as to the survival of Mycenaean art in these fabrics.
At Mycenae, pieces of Geometric pottery were discovered both on the surface and inside the palace, amidst the debris of the huts built on its site. Meanwhile, on the island of Salamis, there is a cemetery with a distinctly transitional character, featuring fake amphorae with linear designs and combinations of spirals with the meander.[940] It’s worth mentioning that a similar transitional cemetery was found by Mr. Paton at Assarlik in Caria,[941] and that the “sub-Mycenaean” pottery of Cyprus (p. 246) has been shown to display the same mix of features. These facts align with what has already been stated about the continuation of Mycenaean art in these materials.
From the fact that large quantities of this ware have been obtained from the tombs of the Kerameikos near the Dipylon Gate of Athens, chiefly between 1870 and 1891, it has frequently been styled Dipylon ware; but it is questionable whether this title should not be reserved for varieties peculiar to this site. These Dipylon tombs were in the form of deep quadrangular trenches, and the bodies had been sometimes inhumed, sometimes cremated, the bones being placed in vessels of bronze or clay, containing smaller objects. Above the trenches was a layer of earth mixed with burnt offerings, on the top of which, outside the tombs, were placed the large painted vases (representing the tombstones or stone sepulchral vases of later times) which now form a prominent part of the collections at Athens and in the Louvre.[942]
From the fact that large amounts of this pottery have been found in the tombs of the Kerameikos near the Dipylon Gate of Athens, mainly between 1870 and 1891, it’s often called Dipylon ware; however, it's debatable whether this name should only apply to types specific to this area. These Dipylon tombs were designed as deep rectangular trenches, and the bodies were sometimes buried and sometimes cremated, with the bones placed in vessels made of bronze or clay, along with smaller items. Above the trenches was a layer of earth mixed with burnt offerings, and on top, outside the tombs, were the large painted vases (serving as tombstones or stone grave vases from later times) that now make up a significant part of the collections in Athens and the Louvre.[942]
Turning to treat of their general characteristics, we note that the vases are all wheel-made, of a carefully-prepared red clay covered with a lustrous and impermeable yellow slip, on which the designs are painted in the same lustrous black as the Mycenaean wares. Later, but rarely, white is introduced as an accessory. As regards the shapes, there is less variety than in Mycenaean pottery. They include the typical forms of Dipylon vases, a large wide-mouthed krater on a high stem, and an amphora with cylindrical neck and side-handles; also the lebes, the cylindrical jug or olpe, the wide bowl or skyphos, and the pyxis or covered jar. Open-work stands for vases are often found in the Cyclades.[943] On the covers of the pyxides a group of two or three rudely-modelled horses sometimes forms the handle. In considering the forms generally, it is permissible to say that the potter of the day was in advance of his Mycenaean predecessor, although the painter was not.
Turning to their general characteristics, we see that the vases are all wheel-made, crafted from a carefully prepared red clay covered with a shiny and waterproof yellow slip, on which the designs are painted in the same glossy black as Mycenaean pottery. Later on, but rarely, white is added as an accent. In terms of shapes, there is less variety compared to Mycenaean pottery. They include the typical forms of Dipylon vases, such as a large wide-mouthed krater on a tall stem, and an amphora with a cylindrical neck and side handles; also the lebes, the cylindrical jug or olpe, the wide bowl or skyphos, and the pyxis or covered jar. Open-work stands for vases are often found in the Cyclades.[943] On the covers of the pyxides, two or three roughly-shaped horses sometimes form the handle. In considering the forms overall, it’s fair to say that the potter of the time was ahead of his Mycenaean predecessor, although the painter was not.
The decoration follows a development which permits of the division of Geometrical vases into three periods, in which we follow Kroker[944]: (1) for a long time it is exclusively limited to Geometrical patterns, and (2) even when quadrupeds and birds are introduced they are still only decorative (as in Boeotia); (3) finally, while the animals take a subsidiary place, human figures and large compositions spring into prominence. But this final development is chiefly characteristic of Athens. Wide distinguishes four varieties of the Dipylon ware: (a) amphorae, with black varnished bodies and designs only on the neck; (b) “black Dipylon ware,” mainly varnished, but more decorated than (a); (c) large vases, with linear decoration or figures all over in horizontal friezes (the tomb-amphorae); (d) as the last, but with vertical panels, divided like metopes. His view is that these represent a continuous development, but that the style did not last long in Attica. Returning to Kroker’s classification, it must be borne in mind that the three classes are not successive in point of time, only in artistic development; the plain linear decoration survived throughout, and is often found in tombs contemporaneously with the figure subjects.
The decoration shows a progression that allows us to divide Geometrical vases into three periods, following Kroker[944]: (1) for a long time, it was strictly limited to Geometrical patterns, and (2) even when animals and birds were added, they remained purely decorative (like in Boeotia); (3) eventually, while animals took a back seat, human figures and large compositions became prominent. However, this final stage is mainly characteristic of Athens. Wide identifies four types of Dipylon ware: (a) amphorae with black varnished bodies and designs only on the neck; (b) “black Dipylon ware,” mostly varnished but more decorated than (a); (c) large vases with linear decoration or figures everywhere in horizontal friezes (the tomb-amphorae); (d) similar to the last but with vertical panels, arranged like metopes. He believes these represent an ongoing development, but that the style didn’t last long in Attica. Returning to Kroker’s classification, it’s important to remember that the three categories are not sequential in terms of time, just in artistic evolution; the plain linear decoration persisted throughout and is often found in tombs alongside the figure subjects.
The patterns are mainly, though not exclusively, rectilinear, and sometimes extremely elaborate. The favourite are a large bold maeander, chevrons, chequers, and arrangements of hatched lines; also squares, with diagonals and much ground-ornament. Among the simpler motives are lines of dots, triangles, lozenges, and various forms of crosses; but concentric and “tangent” circles occur not infrequently, the latter being clearly derived from the Mycenaean spiral, and one vegetable motive appears in the form of a conventionalised leaf, later developed into a rosette. M. Perrot[945] gives a very instructive diagram of the typical scheme of ornamentation on the neck and body of a vase, including most of the principal varieties. It should also be noted that these patterns occur frequently on the field of the designs as ground-ornaments, to cover the vacant spaces.
The patterns are mostly, but not exclusively, straight-edged, and sometimes very intricate. Popular ones include a large bold meander, chevrons, checkers, and arrangements of hatched lines; there are also squares with diagonal lines and a lot of background ornamentation. Among the simpler motifs are dotted lines, triangles, diamonds, and various types of crosses; however, concentric and “tangent” circles appear regularly, with the latter clearly derived from the Mycenaean spiral. One plant motif is shown as a stylized leaf, which later evolved into a rosette. M. Perrot[945] provides a very informative diagram of the typical ornamentation layout on the neck and body of a vase, which includes most of the main varieties. It’s also worth noting that these patterns often appear in the background of the designs to fill in empty spaces.
In the arrangement of the patterns an architectural instinct is clearly at work, the influence of the Doric metope being especially prominent. They are usually arranged, as the diagram (Fig. 83) shows, in horizontal bands round the neck and body, like the bands of painted ornament on the entablature of a temple. The metopes and triglyphs are represented by large square patterns of ornament, separated by narrow vertical strips of simpler motives (cf. Fig. 84). The introduction of the frieze principle proper is a later development. Generally speaking, there is an invariable tendency towards symmetry and refinement in the arrangement. When figure subjects begin to be introduced, it betokens a great advance in decorative art, especially over the Cypriote and other varieties of the style. In the tendency to a horror vacui, the style is inferior to Mycenaean, as also in the figure-drawing, of which more anon. The absence of any plant-ornament is most characteristic, as showing the great change from the Mycenaean spirit; but it was not long before this element was destined to reappear and virtually usurp the field of decoration.[946]
In the arrangement of the patterns, an architectural instinct is clearly at play, with the influence of the Doric metope being especially noticeable. They are typically arranged, as the diagram (Fig. 83) illustrates, in horizontal bands around the neck and body, similar to the painted ornament bands on a temple's entablature. The metopes and triglyphs are represented by large square decorative patterns, separated by narrow vertical strips with simpler designs (cf. Fig. 84). The introduction of the proper frieze principle is a later development. Generally, there is a consistent tendency toward symmetry and refinement in the arrangement. When figure subjects start to be included, it signals a significant advancement in decorative art, especially compared to the Cypriote and other variations of the style. In terms of a fear of empty spaces, the style is lacking compared to Mycenaean, as well as in figure drawing, which will be discussed further. The absence of any plant ornamentation is particularly notable, showcasing the significant shift from the Mycenaean spirit; however, it wasn't long before this element was set to reappear and effectively dominate the field of decoration.[946]

From Perrot’s Hist. de l’Art.
FIG. 83. SCHEME OF ORNAMENTATION ON GEOMETRICAL VASES.
From Perrot’s History of Art.
FIG. 83. DESIGN OF DECORATION ON GEOMETRIC VASES.
In regard to its ornamentation the Geometrical style may be said to have attained success. It is not so, however, with its representations of living form, least of all those of human beings. But this is only in accordance with the principle which M. Pottier styles the hierarchie des genres, a principle which is universal in all early development of Greek art, and to which we have already referred (p. 245: see also p. 315). Briefly it is this: first, the predominance of pure ornament and the perfecting of the same; secondly, the employment of animal forms and the relegation of ornament to a subsidiary place; thirdly and lastly, the rise and development of human forms, the other animals ceasing to form the main theme of decoration, and sinking to the level of mere decorative adjuncts.
In terms of decoration, the Geometrical style can be considered successful. However, this is not the case when it comes to representing living forms, especially humans. This aligns with the principle that M. Pottier calls the genre hierarchy, a principle that is universal in the early development of Greek art, which we have already mentioned (p. 245: see also p. 315). In brief, it is this: first, the focus on pure ornament and its refinement; second, the use of animal forms while ornament takes a backseat; and finally, the emergence and growth of human forms, with other animals no longer being the main focus of decoration and becoming mere decorative elements.

FIG. 84. GEOMETRICAL VASE WITH PANELS (BRIT. MUS.).
FIG. 84. GEOMETRIC VASE WITH PANELS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Hence we find that figures of animals when first introduced on Geometrical vases are of a conventional and ill-drawn character, but show a gradual progress and development. Human forms again, which now appear for the first time, are only seen in a very rude and undeveloped stage, from which there is continuous development throughout the archaic period till perfection is reached in the fifth century. Their original extreme conventionality may be the result of a training in Egyptian canons of art.
Hence we find that animal figures, when first seen on geometric vases, are conventional and poorly drawn, but they show gradual progress and development. Human forms, which now appear for the first time, are only depicted in a very rough and underdeveloped way, from which there is ongoing development throughout the archaic period until perfection is achieved in the fifth century. Their initial extreme conventionality may stem from training in Egyptian artistic standards.
The favourite animal motives are the horse, the deer, and water-fowl. The first also appears in a plastic form, surmounting the covers of vases and forming a sort of handle. Usually a single animal is seen in a metope-like panel (cf. Fig. 84), and the frieze system is seldom found at this period. A curious conception is that of a lion or wolf devouring a man, whose legs are seen protruding from its mouth, and this appears to have been adopted by the Etruscans, on whose archaic bronze-work and bucchero vases it sometimes occurs.[947] The lions on the Geometrical vases, it may be noted in passing, are obviously drawn without knowledge, and borrowed from Asiatic art; the same conventional type obtains at a later date, as in the Burgon lebes (below, p. 296).
The favorite animal motifs are the horse, the deer, and waterfowl. The first also appears in a sculpted form, topping the covers of vases and creating a sort of handle. Usually, a single animal is depicted in a metope-like panel (cf. Fig. 84), and the frieze system is rarely found during this period. An interesting concept is that of a lion or wolf eating a man, whose legs are shown sticking out from its mouth, and this seems to have been adopted by the Etruscans, where it sometimes appears on their archaic bronze work and bucchero vases.[947] The lions on the Geometric vases, it’s worth noting, are clearly drawn without understanding and borrowed from Asian art; the same conventional style continues later, as seen in the Burgon lebes (below, p. 296).
Human figures are almost confined to the large vases from the
Dipylon cemetery, which are evidently a purely local product;
almost the only exceptions are two from Boeotia (see below,
p. 288), and one from Rhodes in the British Museum (A 439).
The infantile and barbarous style of the figures recalls in a
measure the primitive marble idols from the Cyclades; there
is seldom any actual distinction of sex, the narrow waist,
wide hips, and tapering limbs being apparently common to
both. The figures being painted in plain silhouette, there is
no attempt at rendering features. Where it is intended to
represent a warrior, the body is completely hidden behind a
shield of the Boeotian type
,
a ready resource of the artist
for avoiding anatomical difficulties, which was also adopted
later by his seventh-century Corinthian successors, except that
in the latter case the shield is circular.
Human figures are mostly found on the large vases from the Dipylon cemetery, which are clearly a local creation; the only significant exceptions are two from Boeotia (see below, p. 288), and one from Rhodes in the British Museum (A 439). The childish and crude style of the figures somewhat resembles the primitive marble idols from the Cyclades; there's rarely any real distinction of sex, with the narrow waist, wide hips, and slender limbs being seemingly typical for both genders. The figures are painted in simple silhouette, with no effort made to depict facial features. When representing a warrior, the entire body is obscured by a Boeotian-style shield
, which helps the artist avoid anatomical issues. This approach was also later used by his seventh-century Corinthian successors, except in their case, the shield is circular.
The subjects include battles and naval scenes, dances of women hand in hand, and funeral processions. From the combination of ships with funeral scenes, it would seem that they were sometimes used for carrying the dead. A remarkable lebes recently acquired by the British Museum[948] is decorated with a large ship-of-war with two banks of rowers (bireme), and appears to represent a warrior landing therefrom on shore.[949] The funeral scenes on the great Dipylon vases are exceedingly elaborate, and exhibit a corpse drawn on a bier, accompanied by chariots and bands of mourning women beating their heads.[950] By a conventional attempt at perspective the figures are often placed above the central group when they are supposed to be on its farther side, just as, in the fresco from Tiryns, and an “Island-gem” of the Mycenaean period, a man leading a bull is represented over its back.[951]
The subjects include battles and naval scenes, women dancing hand in hand, and funeral processions. The mix of ships with funeral scenes suggests that they might have sometimes been used for transporting the dead. A notable lebes recently acquired by the British Museum[948] features a large warship with two rows of rowers (bireme) and seems to show a warrior landing on the shore.[949] The funeral scenes on the grand Dipylon vases are highly detailed, depicting a corpse on a bier, accompanied by chariots and groups of mourning women striking their heads.[950] In a conventional attempt at perspective, figures are often depicted above the central group when they are meant to be on the far side, just as in the fresco from Tiryns and an "Island-gem" from the Mycenaean era, where a man leading a bull is shown over its back.[951]
Two very interesting specimens of Geometrical fabrics are in the museum at Kopenhagen,[952] late indeed and almost transitional in character, but still typical. One is a deep two-handled cup or bowl with long panels on either side, in two tiers; the upper ones are filled with ornaments and animals, and in the lower are several subjects—combatants, lyre-players, a dance of armed men with shield and spear, two lions devouring a man (see above), and men with jugs and lustral branches preparing for some religious rite. The other is a jug, with very little ornamentation except on the background of the designs, which also include several subjects. On the neck is a man holding horses; on the shoulder, dogs pursuing a hare; and on the body, combats on land and sea.
Two very interesting examples of geometric fabrics are in the museum in Copenhagen,[952] quite late and almost transitional in style, but still typical. One is a deep, two-handled cup or bowl with long panels on either side, arranged in two tiers; the upper panels are filled with ornaments and animals, while the lower ones depict several scenes—fighters, lyre players, a dance of armed men with shields and spears, two lions attacking a man (see above), and men with jugs and purification branches preparing for a religious ceremony. The other is a jug, with minimal decoration except in the background of the designs, which also include several scenes. On the neck is a man holding horses; on the shoulder, dogs chasing a hare; and on the body, battles on land and sea.
In the range of subjects a general correspondence with epic poetry is to be noted,[953] as in the funerals and combats; but there are some important discrepancies, such as the quadriga in place of the Homeric biga, the types of the ships, and in the appearance of horsemen, which are of course unknown to Homer.[954]
In terms of topics, there’s a clear connection to epic poetry,[953] like in the themes of funerals and battles; however, there are significant differences, such as the use of the quadriga instead of the Homeric biga, the various types of ships, and the depiction of horsemen, which, of course, Homer wouldn’t have known.[954]
The Geometrical vases found in Boeotia form an important and distinct local variety, which calls for separate treatment. The existence of this local style was first suspected by Furtwaengler in 1878 on seeing the first finds made at Thebes, and it has since been studied with great care and detail by Böhlau.[955] Among these finds were, in addition to the recognised local pottery, ordinary (imported) Dipylon vases, and later Proto-Corinthian and Corinthian wares, as well as bronze fibulae and terracotta figures, to which subsequent reference must be made. Similar pottery was also found in large numbers on the site of the temple of Apollo at Mount Ptoös in 1885–91, and other examples have turned up at Tanagra. It has been suggested, though on somewhat slight grounds, that Aulis was the centre of the local fabric; and, further, it was supposed by Böhlau, who is supported by Perrot,[956] that the Boeotian wares represent a primitive phase of the Geometrical pottery, anterior to the Dipylon, and consequently that Boeotia is the original home of the style as a whole. But in view of what has been said above, and generally of the relation of the Boeotian pottery to the Dipylon, and to the later Proto-Corinthian, it seems doubtful if this view can be maintained. Moreover, it has been pointed out by M. Holleaux,[957] in discussing the Ptoös finds, that the pure Geometrical vases were found at a lower level than the typical local wares, and were never found either with them or with the analogous terracotta figures. This certainly points to the later origin of the Boeotian pottery.
The geometrical vases discovered in Boeotia are an important and distinctive local style that deserves separate consideration. The existence of this local style was first suggested by Furtwaengler in 1878 when he observed the first finds at Thebes, and it has since been carefully studied in detail by Böhlau.[955] Among these discoveries were, in addition to the known local pottery, regular (imported) Dipylon vases, as well as later Proto-Corinthian and Corinthian wares, along with bronze fibulae and terracotta figures, which will be referenced later. Similar pottery was also found in large quantities at the temple of Apollo on Mount Ptoös between 1885 and 1891, and more examples have appeared at Tanagra. It has been suggested, though on somewhat weak evidence, that Aulis was the hub of this local production; furthermore, Böhlau, supported by Perrot,[956] has proposed that the Boeotian wares represent a primitive stage of the Geometrical pottery, predating the Dipylon, and thus that Boeotia is the original home of the style overall. However, considering what has been previously mentioned, and the relationship between Boeotian pottery and the Dipylon, as well as the later Proto-Corinthian styles, it seems questionable whether this view can be sustained. Additionally, M. Holleaux has noted,[957] when discussing the Ptoös finds, that the pure geometrical vases were discovered at a lower level than the typical local wares and were never found alongside them or the corresponding terracotta figures. This certainly indicates that the Boeotian pottery is of a later origin.
The local clay differs from that of Athens both in nature and appearance, being less well levigated and of a reddish-yellow colour, as compared with the warm brown of the Dipylon. Further, the designs are not laid directly on the clay, as in the latter, but on a thin creamy-yellow slip, as in Mycenaean and Ionian pottery. The technique is, generally speaking, inferior, as is also the black pigment used; the work is rough and hasty, the drawing careless and inaccurate.
The local clay is different from that of Athens in both composition and appearance; it’s less refined and has a reddish-yellow color, compared to the warm brown of the Dipylon. Additionally, the designs aren’t applied directly to the clay like in the Dipylon, but on a thin creamy-yellow slip, similar to Mycenaean and Ionian pottery. Overall, the technique is generally inferior, as is the black pigment used; the craftsmanship is rough and rushed, and the drawing is sloppy and imprecise.
The vases are mostly small, at least compared with those of the Dipylon, and the favourite shape is the kylix, with or without a stem. Out of seventy-two examples given by Böhlau, no less than fifty-five take this form. He traces its development from a deep bowl with “base-ring,” which seems to be related to the Cypriote white-slip one-handled bowls; but the Boeotian type has at first two small finger-pieces in place of handles, afterwards replaced by a single handle for hanging up. The majority, however, have no less than four handles, and that they were still intended for suspension is shown by the method of decoration which can only be properly seen in this position (cf. Fig. 85).
The vases are mostly small, especially compared to those from the Dipylon, and the most popular shape is the kylix, with or without a stem. Out of seventy-two examples provided by Böhlau, fifty-five are this shape. He traces its evolution from a deep bowl with a “base-ring,” which seems related to the Cypriote white-slip one-handled bowls; however, the Boeotian type initially features two small finger pieces instead of handles, which were later replaced by a single handle for hanging. Most, however, have at least four handles, and the fact that they were still meant for suspension is indicated by the decoration method that can only be properly seen in this position (cf. Fig. 85).

From Jahrbuch.
FIG. 85. BOEOTIAN GEOMETRICAL VASES (BERLIN MUSEUM).
From Yearbook.
FIG. 85. BOEOTIAN GEOMETRICAL VASES (BERLIN MUSEUM).
There is a wearisome uniformity in the patterns, and indeed in the decoration generally. Only two examples are known from Boeotia with human figures,[958] and the rest belong to the intermediate class, with its combination of animals and decorative patterns. On the exterior is usually a broad frieze, divided by bands of ornament into four or five fields, in which are birds or palmette patterns; these panels are not necessarily arranged with reference to the position of the handles. The patterns comprise rows of vertical zigzags, dotted lozenges, chevrons, latticed triangles, rosettes, and scrolls, the first-named being specially characteristic of Boeotia. It is to be noted that the typical Athenian motives, the maeander and the ornamented square, do not occur; in fact, these bowls have no analogies in the Dipylon ware. But it is also interesting to observe the appearance of a new vegetable element in the form of friezes of palmettes and lotos-flowers.[959] The importance of this feature is due to the extensive part it was destined to play in the ornamentation of Greek vases all through the sixth century. Some of the palmettes are remarkably advanced, and the whole pattern is even emancipated from the confinement of the frieze, and treated freely without regard to space.[960] Böhlau, in his analysis of the ornament as a whole, notes its independence of the Athenian vases, though remaining a parallel and closely-related development.
There is a tiring sameness in the designs, and really in the decorations in general. Only two examples from Boeotia feature human figures,[958] and the rest belong to the intermediate class, which combines animals and decorative patterns. Typically, the exterior has a wide frieze divided by bands of ornament into four or five sections, featuring birds or palmette designs; these panels aren’t always aligned with the handle positions. The patterns include rows of vertical zigzags, dotted diamonds, chevrons, lattice triangles, rosettes, and scrolls, with the zigzags being especially characteristic of Boeotia. Notably, typical Athenian designs like the meander and the decorated square do not appear here; in fact, these bowls have no equivalents in the Dipylon ware. However, it is also interesting to see a new plant element emerging in the form of friezes with palmettes and lotus flowers.[959] The significance of this feature lies in its prominent role in the decoration of Greek vases throughout the sixth century. Some of the palmettes are impressively advanced, and the entire pattern is even liberated from the constraints of the frieze, represented freely without regard to space.[960] Böhlau, in his analysis of the overall decoration, notes its independence from Athenian vases, while still being a parallel and closely related development.
Individual vases do not call for much comment, but there is a curious coffer of terracotta from Thebes in Berlin (Fig. 86),[961] painted with figures in this style. The subjects include the Asiatic Artemis, a hare-hunt, a woman leading a horse, a horse tied up, and two serpents erect, confronted. The ground is filled in with rosettes, crosses, and other ornaments, such as the so-called swastika.
Individual vases don't need much commentary, but there's an interesting terracotta box from Thebes displayed in Berlin (Fig. 86),[961] that's decorated with figures in this style. The designs include the Asiatic Artemis, a hare hunt, a woman leading a horse, a tied-up horse, and two upright serpents facing each other. The background is filled with rosettes, crosses, and other decorative elements, including the so-called swastika.

From Jahrbuch.
FIG. 86. COFFER FROM THEBES: BOEOTIAN GEOMETRICAL STYLE
(BERLIN MUSEUM).
From Yearbook.
FIG. 86. COFFER FROM THEBES: BOEOTIAN GEOMETRIC STYLE
(Berlin Museum).
While on the subject of the Boeotian vases it is worth while to call attention to the remarkable parallels presented by two other classes of objects also found in that region: bronze fibulae and terracotta statuettes. The former may be regarded as important chronological evidence, inasmuch as their development can be clearly traced from their first appearance at the end of the Mycenaean period (about the tenth century), and similar types have been found in Rhodes, at Olympia, and elsewhere. The characteristic of the Boeotian fibulae is the flat plate which forms the foot (in some cases the central part or bow), and is generally of a quadrangular form, decorated with an engraved subject, usually animals or birds of a similar type to those painted in the panels on the vases. More rarely ships or human figures are found.[962]
While discussing the Boeotian vases, it's important to highlight the interesting similarities seen in two other types of objects also found in that area: bronze fibulae and terracotta statuettes. The fibulae are significant chronological evidence since their evolution can be clearly traced from their first appearance at the end of the Mycenaean period (around the tenth century), with similar types discovered in Rhodes, Olympia, and other locations. The defining feature of the Boeotian fibulae is the flat plate that forms the foot (and in some cases the central part or bow), which is typically quadrangular in shape and decorated with engraved images, usually of animals or birds similar to those painted in the panels on the vases. Less commonly, ships or human figures can also be found.[962]
The terracotta figures (p. 123), on the other hand, bear a different relation to the pottery. They are flat board-like figures (σανίδες), known to the modern Greek digger as “Pappades,” the high head-dress which they wear suggesting to him the well-known hat of the orthodox “Papas” or priest. The flat surface of the body gives scope for ornamentation representing embroidered robes,[963] and the patterns employed are just those which are seen on the vases; and, moreover, the method of painting is the same, the figures being covered with a buff slip, the patterns in black with purple details. It should be remarked that some of these figures are comparatively developed in style,[964] and that they are practically later imitations of the decoration of the vases.
The terracotta figures (p. 123) have a different relationship to the pottery. They are flat, board-like figures (boards), known to the modern Greek digger as “Pappades,” because their tall headdresses remind him of the well-known hat worn by the orthodox “Papas” or priest. The flat surface of the body allows for decoration that portrays embroidered robes,[963] and the patterns used are exactly those found on the vases. Additionally, the painting technique is the same, with the figures covered in a buff slip, and the patterns in black with purple details. It's worth noting that some of these figures are comparatively more advanced in style,[964] and they are essentially later imitations of the vase decorations.
In considering the Geometrical vases as a whole, we are struck with the laudable aspirations of the artist, who, though unable to execute his new ambitions with complete success, yet shows in his work the same promise of the future that is latent in all early Greek art. His best achievement is in the ornamentation. Oriental influences as yet count for very little, though they are perhaps to be discerned in the human figures, as already noted; Kroker also thinks that the nude female figures on the larger vases are due to Oriental art.[965] In any case they are not to be traced until late in the period, and first, as might be expected for geographical reasons, in the fabrics found at Kameiros in Rhodes.
When we look at the Geometrical vases as a whole, we’re impressed by the artist’s admirable ambitions. Even though he doesn’t fully achieve his goals, his work still shows the same promise for the future that’s present in all early Greek art. His greatest success is in the decoration. Eastern influences are not very significant yet, although they may be seen in the human figures, as mentioned earlier. Kroker also believes that the nude female figures on the larger vases come from Eastern art.[965] In any case, they don’t appear until later in the period, and first, as one might expect for geographical reasons, in the fabrics found at Kameiros in Rhodes.
The question of centres of manufacture is one that has already been the subject of some discussion,[968] the result of which has been to show that there is no complete homogeneity in the wares from different sites, and consequently no one central fabric. The colossal funerary vases, which, it may be remarked in passing, stand at the head of a long line of funerary fabrics and show the Athenian fondness for this class of vase,[969] were not, and could not have been, generally exported, in spite of the notable exception at Curium. The ordinary wares might have been made in some one place (probably a Dorian centre, not Attica or Boeotia); but we have seen that most finds, as in Rhodes, present local peculiarities.[970] Athens at this period was not sufficiently advanced to become the centre of large potteries, and did not become so, as we shall see, before the age of the Peisistratidae; such vases as were made were strictly confined to special purposes. It is a curious fact that very little Geometrical ware was found on the Acropolis.
The issue of manufacturing centers has already been discussed,[968] and the outcome shows that there isn't complete uniformity in the products from different locations, meaning there isn't one central production site. The massive funerary vases, which, by the way, are the beginning of a long tradition of funerary pottery and highlight the Athenians' love for this type of vase,[969] were not, and couldn't have been, widely exported, except for the notable case at Curium. The everyday pottery could have been produced in one specific location (most likely a Dorian center, rather than Attica or Boeotia); however, we've noted that most discoveries, like those in Rhodes, show unique local characteristics.[970] Athens during this time wasn't advanced enough to be a hub for large-scale pottery production and didn't become one, as we will see, until the era of the Peisistratidae; the vases that were made were limited to specific purposes. Interestingly, very little Geometric pottery was found on the Acropolis.
§ 2. Attica, Boeotia, and Melos
Following on to the Geometrical vases both in chronological and artistic sequence is a small class of Athenian vases, which, more for convenience than with regard to strict accuracy, have been styled Proto-Attic. The term has this much of truth in it, that the group may be said to stand at the head of, and in direct relation to, the long series of painted vases produced in the Athenian potteries for some two centuries afterwards. It is only of late years that a sufficient number of these vases has become known for them to be studied as a separate class, and even when Böhlau first drew attention to them, in 1887, only two or three were known. The list up to date is as follows (the order being roughly chronological):—
Following the Geometrical vases in both time and artistic style is a small group of Athenian vases, which, more for convenience than strict accuracy, have been called Proto-Attic. The term does reflect some truth, as this group is at the beginning of, and closely connected to, the long series of painted vases produced in Athenian potteries for about two centuries afterwards. Only in recent years have enough of these vases been discovered for them to be studied as a separate category, and even when Böhlau first highlighted them in 1887, only two or three were known. The updated list is as follows (the order is roughly chronological):—
1. | Athens 467 | |||
(Couve’s Cat.) | Amphora | Kerameikos | Ath. Mitth. 1892, pl. 10. | |
2. | Berlin 56 | Amphora | Hymettos | Yearbook, 1887, pl. 5. |
3. | Athens 468 | Hydria | Analatos (Phaleron) | ibid. pls. 3, 4. |
4. | Athens 464 | Lebes | Thebes | ibid. pl. 4. |
5. | Athens 469 | Amphora | Pikrodaphni | Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1893, pls. 2, 3. |
6. | Athens Mus. | Amphora | Kynosarges | J.H.S. xxii. pls. 2–4. |
7. | Athens 650 | Fragment | Aegina | Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb. pl. 54. |
8. | Athens 657 | Amphora | Kerameikos | Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 57. |
9. | Athens 651 | Amphora | Peiraeus | Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1897, pl. 5. |
10. | Berlin 1682 | Lebes | Aegina | Arch. Zeit. 1882, pls. 9, 10. |
11. | B.M. A 535 | Lebes | Athens | Rayet and Collignon, p. 43 = Fig. 87. |
We may also add to this list Athens 652–664, a vase from Aegina (Ath. Mitth. 1897, pl. 8), B.M. A 1531 (Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1898, p. 285), and another at Athens (ibid. p. 283).
We can also include in this list Athens 652–664, a vase from Aegina (Ath. Mitth. 1897, pl. 8), B.M. A 1531 (Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1898, p. 285), and another one in Athens (ibid. p. 283).
It will be noticed that the majority are of the amphora form, and that all without exception have been found in or near Athens, which leaves little room for doubt as to their origin.
It’s noticeable that most of them are in the shape of an amphora, and all of them, without exception, have been discovered in or around Athens, which leaves little doubt about where they came from.
A close connection with the Dipylon vases may be observed in the first three, not only in shape and technique, but in decoration. In No. 2, which we may take as typical of the oldest form of the Attic amphora, a combination of Geometrical and Mycenaean ornament is to be observed, but the figures of the warriors are purely Hellenic, like those of the Euphorbos pinax (p. 335). The shape of No. 3 is typical of the Geometrical vases, with its long neck and slim body, and it is perhaps more accurately called a three-handled jug than a hydria, though at the same time it is clearly the prototype of the later Attic hydria. The panel on the neck of the vase (also seen in No. 6) is also a Geometrical feature, and the figures therein are quite in the Dipylon style. On the other hand, in the arrangement of the designs in continuous friezes without vertical divisions we trace the incoming influence of a foreign style—the Rhodian or Ionian. Other motives again, such as the birds and the vegetable ornaments, have nothing of the Geometrical or Ionian about them, and may perhaps be directly derived from Mycenaean vases. But the typically Geometrical lozenges, zigzags, etc., still hold their own. In No. 6 Mr. Cecil Smith notes that the ornamentation covering the field of the design is partly rectilinear and geometrical, partly floral and of Mycenaean origin. The spiral pattern which here closes the design, and is also seen on No. 1, is again an instance of Mycenaean influence, and is a motive which became exceedingly popular. In another seventh-century class, the so-called Melian vases, it is absolutely overdone, but the more restrained Attic tradition is preserved for many years as an appropriate decoration for the division of the designs under the handles, especially in the red-bodied amphorae of the developed B.F. style. This vase has some other unusual features, such as incised lines, which are also found on some early Attic fragments from the Acropolis,[972] but seem to appear equally early at Corinth, so that it is impossible to say certainly if the process is an Attic invention. At all events it is not Ionian, as its place is taken on the east of the Aegean by lines of white paint (e.g. in the Clazomenae sarcophagi). Curiously enough, in this same vase (No. 6) may be noted attempts at this very process, here, no doubt, as on the Ionian vases, due to Mycenaean influence (see p. 331); but it is unique in early Attic work.[973] The peculiar treatment of the eye and hair is also worthy of attention.
A close connection with the Dipylon vases is noticeable in the first three, not just in shape and technique, but also in decoration. In No. 2, which we can consider typical of the oldest form of the Attic amphora, you can see a mix of Geometrical and Mycenaean designs, but the figures of the warriors are distinctly Hellenic, similar to those on the Euphorbos pinax (p. 335). No. 3 has a shape typical of Geometrical vases, featuring a long neck and slim body, and it's perhaps better described as a three-handled jug rather than a hydria, although it clearly serves as a prototype for the later Attic hydria. The panel on the neck of the vase (also seen in No. 6) exhibits a Geometrical characteristic, and the figures depicted are very much in the Dipylon style. On the other hand, the way the designs are arranged in continuous friezes without vertical divisions suggests the influence of a foreign style—the Rhodian or Ionian. Other elements, like the birds and plant motifs, don't reflect Geometrical or Ionian styles, and likely have a direct connection to Mycenaean vases. However, the typically Geometrical lozenges, zigzags, etc., remain prominent. In No. 6, Mr. Cecil Smith points out that the decoration covering the field of the design is partly straight and geometric, partly floral and of Mycenaean origin. The spiral pattern that completes the design here, and is also found on No. 1, is yet another example of Mycenaean influence, which became very popular. In a different seventh-century category, the so-called Melian vases, this style is taken to extremes, but the more restrained Attic tradition continues for many years as an appropriate decoration for the design divisions under the handles, especially in the red-bodied amphorae of the developed B.F. style. This vase includes some other unusual features, such as incised lines, which are also present on some early Attic fragments from the Acropolis,[972] but seem to also appear early at Corinth, making it impossible to definitively say if this process originated in Attica. In any case, it is not Ionian, as lines of white paint (e.g. in the Clazomenae sarcophagi) take its place on the eastern Aegean. Interestingly, in this same vase (No. 6), attempts at this very process can be observed, likely influenced by Mycenaean styles (see p. 331); however, it is unique in early Attic work.[973] The unique way of treating the eye and hair is also noteworthy.
To sum up the characteristics of the Proto-Attic vases, it may be said that they represent the transformation of the Attico-Dorian element into the Attico-Ionian, just as we shall see in the next stage a further transformation under new influences into Attico-Corinthian (p. 324). The Ionian influence brings with it into Attica not only a revival of Mycenaean elements, but also traces of Orientalism.[974] The general appearance of the decoration links it with the Geometrical, but closer examination shows the admixture of spirals, rosettes, and lotos-flowers with the lozenges and zigzags, while the Geometrical animal-types are combined with new ones from Ionia, such as the lion, and the funeral scenes and combats are supplanted by Centaurs and winged genii of Assyrian character.[975] Further, there is a distinct tendency to get rid of the old silhouette and to draw in outline, a practice typical of Ionia and a direct heritage from Mycenaean vase-paintings. As in the Rhodian vases, the bodies are rendered in full colour, the heads in outline; while the practice of covering the field with ground-ornaments is also a peculiarly Rhodian characteristic. These latter, however, gradually disappear, as do the Geometrical conventions in the drawing of the figures.
To summarize the features of the Proto-Attic vases, they show the change from the Attico-Dorian style to the Attico-Ionian style, much like we will observe in the next phase, where there is another transformation influenced by new factors into Attico-Corinthian (p. 324). The Ionian influence introduces not only a revival of Mycenaean elements into Attica but also traces of Orientalism.[974] The overall look of the decoration connects it to the Geometrical style, but a closer look reveals the combination of spirals, rosettes, and lotus flowers with lozenges and zigzags, while Geometrical animal types mix with new ones from Ionia, like the lion, and funeral scenes and battles are replaced by Centaurs and Assyrian-like winged genies.[975] Additionally, there is a clear shift away from the old silhouette style to outline drawing, which is typical of Ionia and directly inherited from Mycenaean vase paintings. Similar to the Rhodian vases, the bodies are depicted in full color, while the heads are done in outline; the practice of filling the background with decorative patterns is also a unique Rhodian trait. However, these features gradually fade away, along with the Geometrical conventions in figure drawing.
The amphora-type develops steadily onwards from the Berlin Hymettos amphora, which, as has been pointed out, is the oldest Attic variety. In some of the forms, as in No. 5, there are traces of a metallic origin, shown by the open-work handles and other details.[976] Generally speaking, there is a tendency towards the colossal, and towards emphasising the figure-decoration, not only by increasing the size of the figures, but by confining the subject to one side. M. Pottier thinks that this is due to architectural influences, and suggests a comparison with a temple-façade. But the local traditions are still strong, and in spite of the influence of the lively and original Ionic style, the vases remain “continental” at bottom, the drawing always soberer and more powerful throughout. In many respects there is, as we shall see, a close parallelism with the so-called Melian fabrics.
The amphora type evolves continuously from the Berlin Hymettos amphora, which, as noted, is the oldest Attic variation. In some forms, like No. 5, there are signs of a metallic origin, indicated by the open-work handles and other details.[976] Generally, there is a trend towards the colossal and a focus on emphasizing the figure decoration, not only by enlarging the figures but also by restricting the subject to one side. M. Pottier believes this is influenced by architecture and suggests comparing it to a temple façade. However, local traditions remain strong, and despite the impact of the vibrant and original Ionic style, the vases retain a “continental” core, with the drawing always being more restrained and powerful throughout. In many ways, we will see a close parallel with the so-called Melian fabrics.
No. 11, the large Burgon lebes in the British Museum (Fig. 87), is one of the latest representatives of the Proto-Attic class; its Ionic-looking lions and “Rhodian” wealth of ground-ornaments seem to suggest Asiatic influences, the presence of which has been accounted for above. Moreover, the loop-pattern on the reverse is distinctly Proto-Attic, and finds its parallels on vases found at Eretria,[977] as well as on others of the class under consideration.
No. 11, the large Burgon lebes in the British Museum (Fig. 87), is one of the most recent examples of the Proto-Attic style; its lions that look Ionic and the “Rhodian” abundance of decorative patterns suggest Asian influences that were mentioned earlier. Also, the loop pattern on the back is clearly Proto-Attic and can be found on vases discovered in Eretria,__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ and on other vases of this style.

FIG. 87. BURGON LEBES (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 87. BURGON LEBES (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Another interesting point in connection with the Proto-Attic vases is the introduction of mythological subjects, as on No. 6 (Herakles and Antaios), No. 8 (Herakles and the Centaur Nessos), No. 10 (Perseus and Athena, and a Harpy[978]). The only parallel to this early appearance of myths on vases is to be found in the Melian class (see below, p. 301), the Aristonoös krater (see below) and the Euphorbos pinax (p. 335), which, however, is of later date. It will be seen that they only occur in the later group of the Attic vases.
Another interesting point about the Proto-Attic vases is the introduction of mythological themes, like in No. 6 (Herakles and Antaios), No. 8 (Herakles and the Centaur Nessos), and No. 10 (Perseus and Athena, and a Harpy[978]). The only similar early appearance of myths on vases can be found in the Melian class (see below, p. 301), the Aristonoös krater (see below), and the Euphorbos pinax (p. 335), which, however, is from a later date. It’s clear that these themes only appear in the later group of Attic vases.

From Wiener Vorl.
The Aristonoös Krater (in the Vatican).
From Wiener Vorl.
The Aristonoös Krater (located in the Vatican).

FIG. 88. VASE FROM MYCENAE, WITH WARRIORS.
FIG. 88. VASE FROM MYCENAE, WITH WARRIORS.
Closely connected with these early Attic fabrics is a very interesting series of small vases which, from the place of their discovery, are usually known as Phaleron ware. They are nearly all small jugs, and number some fifty, mostly at Athens, but there is a representative series in the British Museum. More conspicuously, perhaps, than the Proto-Attic, they illustrate the growing tendency to combine Geometrical and Oriental influences. In form and technique they are Geometrical, but in the ornamentation there is a large admixture of Oriental elements. It has been said that “the whole character of these vases seems to reflect an influence of the style of Oriental vases on painters accustomed to the Dipylon style,”[985] and it is largely in the arrangement of the decoration that the former is apparent, as well as in the introduction of new motives and patterns.[986] See for examples Plate XVII. figs. 2, 4, 5.
Closely linked to these early Attic fabrics is a fascinating series of small vases that are commonly referred to as Phaleron ware due to where they were found. Most of them are small jugs, totaling around fifty, primarily located in Athens, but there is a representative collection in the British Museum. More noticeably than the Proto-Attic, they showcase the increasing trend of blending Geometrical and Oriental influences. Their shape and technique align with Geometrical style, but the decoration includes a significant mix of Oriental elements. It has been noted that “the whole character of these vases seems to reflect an influence of the style of Oriental vases on painters accustomed to the Dipylon style,”[985] and this influence is particularly evident in how the decoration is arranged, as well as in the introduction of new motifs and patterns.[986] See for examples Plate XVII. figs. 2, 4, 5.

From Ath. Mitth. 1890.
FIG. 89. VASE OF PROTO-ATTIC
TYPE FROM VOURVA.
From Ath. Mitth. 1890.
FIG. 89. VASE OF PROTO-ATTIC
TYPE FROM VOURVA.
The usual scheme consists of a panel with figures on the neck, a band of ornament round the shoulder, and below that parallel bands of lines or other ornaments, with zigzags or rays round the foot. A typical example is A 471 in the British Museum, with a cock on the neck, and below, dogs pursuing a hare.[987] On a cup of Geometrical form, with conventionalised plants and ground-ornaments of Geometrical character, are two deer fleeing from a lion, and there is also a pyxis with chariot-scenes obviously derived from Mycenaean vases. But most curious and interesting is a jug with two bearded heads and a woman with very small body, apparently playing flutes.[988] The general effect is quite unique, but the drawing is rude and childish to a degree; the middle head is almost Semitic in type. It would seem that here again we have a Mycenaean influence at work, and in general the appearance and style of these vases undoubtedly recall the figured vases from Cyprus.[989]
The typical design includes a panel with figures on the neck, an ornamental band around the shoulder, and below that, parallel bands with lines or other designs, along with zigzags or rays around the base. A standard example is A 471 in the British Museum, featuring a rooster on the neck, and below it, dogs chasing a hare.[987] On a geometrically shaped cup, decorated with stylized plants and geometric patterns, are two deer escaping from a lion, and there’s also a pyxis depicting chariot scenes clearly inspired by Mycenaean vases. However, the most interesting piece is a jug featuring two bearded heads and a woman with an extremely small body, seemingly playing flutes.[988] The overall effect is quite unique, but the drawing is crude and childish to a significant extent; the middle head has a nearly Semitic appearance. It appears that we once again observe Mycenaean influence at play, and in general, the look and style of these vases undoubtedly remind one of the decorated vases from Cyprus.[989]
Another series of vases in close relation to the Proto-Attic fabrics is that found at Vourva, near Marathon[990]; they are important as forming a connecting link with the next development of Attic vase-painting, the Tyrrhenian amphorae described at the conclusion of this chapter. They have been studied by Böhlau,[991] and more recently by Nilsson,[992] and these writers have shown how they represent the influence of Ionic ideas, derived through Euboea. On the other hand the friezes of animals, which are so characteristic of this class, are clearly derived from Corinthian sources, but are distinguished from those on Corinthian vases by the absence of accessory colours. Fig. 89[993] may be taken as a typical example. They appear to be contemporary with the later Proto-Attic vases, such as the Burgon lebes, on which also traces of Ionic influence have been noted.
Another group of vases closely related to the Proto-Attic styles was discovered at Vourva, near Marathon[990]; they are significant because they create a link to the next stage of Attic vase-painting, the Tyrrhenian amphorae discussed at the end of this chapter. Böhlau,[991] and more recently Nilsson,[992] have studied them, showing how they reflect the influence of Ionic ideas that came through Euboea. On the other hand, the animal friezes that are typical of this group clearly originate from Corinthian sources, but they differ from those on Corinthian vases by lacking additional colors. Fig. 89[993] can be considered a typical example. They seem to be from the same period as the later Proto-Attic vases, like the Burgon lebes, which also show signs of Ionic influence.
From the Geometrical period onwards the manufacture of painted vases seems to have been continued intermittently in Boeotia down to the fourth century. It would be taking too great a liberty with chronology to deal with all Boeotian fabrics here, and the later must fall into their place with the contemporary Attic fabrics. But there is a small class which seems to take its origin directly or indirectly from the Geometrical pottery; and as it belongs to a period anterior to the perfected B.F. style, it may be treated here as analogous in development to the Proto-Attic vases.
From the Geometric period onward, the production of painted vases appears to have continued sporadically in Boeotia until the fourth century. It would be presumptuous to try to cover all Boeotian pottery here, so the later pieces should be classified alongside the contemporary Attic pottery. However, there is a small group that seems to directly or indirectly originate from the Geometric pottery; since it belongs to a time before the refined B.F. style, it can be discussed here as being similar in development to the Proto-Attic vases.
A favourite shape among the Boeotian Geometrical wares was that of a jug with long cylindrical neck and somewhat flat body, of a form clearly imitated from metal.[994] This shape, which is also often found in Proto-Corinthian fabrics (see below, p. 308), was utilised by a potter named Gamedes, whose signature is found on a vase from Tanagra in the Louvre,[995] in the Boeotian alphabet of about 600 B.C. It is decorated with the figure of a herdsman driving before him a bull and a flock of sheep, the figures being in black silhouette, with details indicated by white markings within incised lines. This is quite a local peculiarity,[996] and seems to be due to a combination of Corinthian and Ionian influences. Gamedes has also signed his name on an unpainted aryballos of the typical early Corinthian globular form (see p. 197) in the British Museum (Plate XVII. fig. 6), and a similar vase in the Louvre is signed by Menaidas.[997] Yet another Boeotian potter, Theozotos, has a signed vase with a similar subject to the Gamedes jug, but the style is more advanced.[998]
A popular shape among the Boeotian Geometric pottery was a jug with a long cylindrical neck and somewhat flat body, clearly inspired by metal designs.[994] This shape, which is also frequently seen in Proto-Corinthian pottery (see below, p. 308), was used by a potter named Gamedes, whose signature appears on a vase from Tanagra in the Louvre,[995] written in the Boeotian alphabet around 600 B.C. The vase is decorated with a herdsman leading a bull and a flock of sheep, depicted in black silhouette with details highlighted by white markings within incised lines. This is quite a local feature,[996] and seems to result from a mix of Corinthian and Ionian influences. Gamedes has also signed his name on an unpainted aryballos in the typical early Corinthian globular shape (see p. 197) in the British Museum (Plate XVII. fig. 6), and a similar vase in the Louvre is signed by Menaidas.[997] Another Boeotian potter, Theozotos, has a signed vase featuring a similar subject to the Gamedes jug, but the style is more advanced.[998]

Early Pottery from Greece (British Museum).
1, 3, “Proto-Corinthian”; 2, 4, 5, “Phaleron” Ware; 6, Boeotian, signed by Gamedes.
Early Pottery from Greece (British Museum).
1, 3, “Proto-Corinthian”; 2, 4, 5, “Phaleron” Ware; 6, Boeotian, signed by Gamedes.
Another typically Boeotian form found in the same period is a kantharos,[999] also obviously imitated from metal and decorated with figures of animals or palmette-and-lotos patterns of a peculiarly local type. The style of the animals is, like that of the Gamedes vase, also peculiar and local; but both in decoration and technique these vases seem to reflect Corinthian influence.
Another typical Boeotian style from the same period is a kantharos,[999] which is clearly imitating metal designs and is decorated with images of animals or local palmette-and-lotus patterns. The style of the animals is distinctively local, similar to that of the Gamedes vase; however, both the decoration and technique of these vases appear to show Corinthian influence.
A small but remarkable class of vases, which seem to stand almost by themselves, is that known as the Melian amphorae. Four vases of this type now in the Athens Museum[1000] were found in Melos many years ago, and were recognised as a separate class and described as “Melian vases” as long ago as 1862 by Conze.[1001] Since that time a splendid example has been added to the list, found in the same island in 1893[1002]; and to this must be added several fragments recognised at different times, including one from Naukratis in the British Museum.[1003] All the complete vases are large amphorae, about three feet high, but of elegant proportions, with two handles branching out low down on the body. The figures are painted in brown on a pale yellow ground, and enhanced with dull red and purple accessories, some of the details also being incised. In two cases the subjects are mythological, one representing Apollo with his lyre in a chariot accompanied by Artemis and two Muses[1004]; another the Asiatic Artemis (see Chapter XII.)[1005]; another, the one found in 1893, has the subjects of Hermes and Athena, and Herakles carrying off Iole. Deities in chariots are a typical Melian subject. The figures are of quite original design, in no way imitative, and the costumes seem to indicate a period between Homer and the sixth century. They may be roughly dated about the middle of the seventh.
A small but impressive group of vases, which seem to stand almost on their own, is known as the Melian amphorae. Four vases of this type, currently in the Athens Museum[1000], were discovered in Melos many years ago and were identified as a distinct category, referred to as “Melian vases,” as early as 1862 by Conze.[1001] Since then, a remarkable example has been added to the collection, found on the same island in 1893[1002]; and we must also include several fragments recognized at different times, including one from Naukratis in the British Museum.[1003] All the complete vases are large amphorae, about three feet tall, yet elegantly proportioned, with two handles that branch out low on the body. The figures are painted in brown on a pale yellow background, accentuated with dull red and purple details, and some elements are also incised. In two instances, the themes are from mythology: one depicts Apollo with his lyre in a chariot accompanied by Artemis and two Muses[1004]; another shows the Asiatic Artemis (see Chapter XII.)[1005]; and yet another, found in 1893, features Hermes and Athena, along with Herakles carrying off Iole. Deities in chariots are a typical motif of Melian art. The figures display quite original design, showing no imitation, and the costumes suggest a time between Homer and the sixth century. They can roughly be dated to about the mid-seventh century.
They exhibit a combination of highly-developed Geometrical ornament with vegetable motives from the East and Mycenaean details, such as the spiral, which, as has already been noted (p. 294), attains almost to a rank growth over the vacant spaces of the vases. The human forms are conceived with a remarkable degree of freedom. In general appearance they are not unlike the large Proto-Attic amphorae, but much richer and freer in style; they may be also said to approach the finer Naukratite or Rhodian vases, such as the Euphorbos pinax with its quasi-Homeric subject and lavish use of ornament.[1006]
They show a mix of intricate geometric designs with plant motifs from the East and Mycenaean elements, like the spiral, which, as previously mentioned (p. 294), spreads almost like a ranked growth over the empty spaces of the vases. The human figures are depicted with a striking level of freedom. Overall, they resemble the large Proto-Attic amphorae but are much richer and more fluid in style; they can also be compared to the finer Naukratite or Rhodian vases, such as the Euphorbos pinax with its almost Homeric theme and abundant decoration.[1006]
The decoration is more advanced than that of the Proto-Attic class, the palmettes, for instance, being more freely treated. Riegl[1007] notes that the palmettes and lotos-flowers are derived from Egypt, but transformed and Hellenised, and that the spirals are not Geometrical, but are naturalised into plants. The characteristic arrangement of the ornament in long vertical stripes he traces from Egypt through Mycenaean art; it develops later into the plait-band of the Clazomenae sarcophagi (Plate XXVII.). In brief, the ornament of the Melian vases forms a direct link between Mycenaean and Hellenic ornament.
The decoration is more sophisticated than that of the Proto-Attic class, with palmettes, for example, being more freely designed. Riegl[1007] points out that the palmettes and lotus flowers come from Egypt, but they've been transformed and adapted to Hellenic styles, and that the spirals are not Geometric but resemble natural plants. He traces the unique arrangement of the ornament in long vertical stripes back to Egypt through Mycenaean art; it later evolves into the braided band seen in the Clazomenae sarcophagi (Plate XXVII.). In summary, the ornamentation of the Melian vases acts as a direct link between Mycenaean and Hellenic decorative styles.
An altogether new light has been thrown on this group by a large series of fragments of painted pottery found in 1898 in the island of Rheneia, which undoubtedly form part of the contents of graves brought over from Delos in 426–25 B.C., as recorded by Thucydides (iii. 104). They have been recently made the subject of careful study by Mr. J. H. Hopkinson,[1008] who recognised them as belonging to the Melian class, and identified parts of at least ten distinct vases. The scanty preservation of fragments of complete vases is, in his opinion, due to the fact that they had been originally placed outside the tombs like the Dipylon vases. Like the complete examples, they are characterised by their fine slip and brilliant polychrome technique, the system of frieze-decoration with Geometric ornaments and spirals, the free and spirited drawing, and their purely plastic forms, showing no signs of imitation of metal. They also bear out the isolated character of this fabric, in which all the vases seem to be on the same level of excellence, without any signs of transition at either end.
A whole new perspective has emerged on this group thanks to a large collection of painted pottery fragments discovered in 1898 on the island of Rheneia, which clearly belonged to the contents of graves transported from Delos in 426–25 BCE, as noted by Thucydides (iii. 104). Recently, Mr. J. H. Hopkinson has conducted a detailed study of them,[1008] recognizing them as part of the Melian style and identifying pieces from at least ten different vases. He believes the limited preservation of complete vase fragments is due to the fact that they were originally placed outside the tombs, similar to the Dipylon vases. Like the complete examples, these fragments feature exquisite slip and vibrant polychrome techniques, decorative friezes with Geometric ornaments and spirals, lively and spirited drawings, and purely three-dimensional forms that show no signs of metal imitation. They also reinforce the unique nature of this style, where all the vases appear to be of the same high quality, with no signs of variation at either end.

Melian Amphora (Athens Museum).
Melian Amphora (Athens Museum).
Mr. Hopkinson draws the conclusion, in which he may prove to be justified, that this pottery is of Delian manufacture, but if so, that the clay must have been imported, as the local clay is, and always has been, too poor in character. At all events, the Cycladic origin of the fabric can hardly be a matter of doubt, and it is clear that the intermediate position of these islands would account for a combination of Geometrical and Ionian elements, so far as such exists. But the strongly individualistic character of the vases compels us to seek some other influence for their real origin, and it seems on the whole probable that they represent a separate and independent descent from Mycenaean pottery, starting with the spiral as the basis of ornamentation. Some evidence of this descent may be traced in the native pottery of Phylakopi, to which allusion has been made in the previous chapter (p. 263).[1009]
Mr. Hopkinson concludes, which he may prove to be right, that this pottery is made in Delos. However, if that’s the case, the clay must have been imported because the local clay has always been too low in quality. In any case, there’s little doubt about the Cycladic origin of this fabric, and it’s clear that the central position of these islands explains the mix of Geometric and Ionian styles, where they exist. However, the unique style of the vases leads us to look for a different influence for their true origin. It seems likely that they represent a separate and independent lineage from Mycenaean pottery, starting with the spiral as the main design element. Some evidence of this lineage can be found in the local pottery of Phylakopi, which was mentioned in the previous chapter (p. 263).[1009]
§ 3. Corinth
Wilisch, Altkorinthische Thonindustrie (1892); Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 417 ff.; Dumont-Pottier, Céramiques, i. chaps. xi. and xvi.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 39 ff. For “Proto-Corinthian” pottery see references given in text.
Wilisch, Ancient Corinthian pottery industry (1892); Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 417 ff.; Dumont-Pottier, Pottery, i. chaps. xi. and xvi.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 39 ff. For “Proto-Corinthian” pottery, see the references provided in the text.
As a commercial and artistic centre, no one city during the early archaic period entered into serious rivalry with Corinth, which was at a very remote date in relations with the East, and was one of the first of the Greek states to extend the system of colonisation in the Mediterranean, by the foundation of Corcyra, Syracuse, and other important outposts. The epoch of this supremacy and of its commercial prosperity extends from the eighth to the sixth century B.C., being coincident with the rule of the great tyrants, Periander, Kypselos, etc. In the course of the sixth century, when the Athenian tyranny rose to such a great height under Peisistratos, Corinth, with equal rapidity, sank to a subordinate position, and her artistic supremacy passed to the growing power of Athens. Hence it is fitting that Corinth and its famous potteries should be the subject of our next section.
As a center for trade and art, no other city during the early archaic period truly rivaled Corinth. Dating back to very early times, Corinth had established connections with the East and was one of the first Greek states to expand colonization in the Mediterranean by founding Corcyra, Syracuse, and other significant outposts. This period of dominance and commercial success lasted from the eighth to the sixth century BCE, coinciding with the rule of the great tyrants like Periander and Kypselos. During the sixth century, as Athenian tyranny peaked under Peisistratos, Corinth quickly fell into a subordinate role, with its artistic leadership shifting to the rising power of Athens. Therefore, it’s fitting that Corinth and its renowned pottery should be the focus of our next section.
Two causes contributed to the importance of Corinth as a centre of ceramic industry—the excellence of its clay (see p. 205), and its position as a commercial port at the junction of the Peloponnese and Central Greece. Pollux[1010] selects Corinthian clay for commendation, and other writers speak of different varieties of pottery as Corinthian. Hence it is not surprising that large quantities of pottery should have been found here, the local origin of which is established by the inscriptions in the Corinthian alphabet which are frequently painted upon them; and not only that, but similar pottery has been found almost all over the Mediterranean, being more widely distributed than any other fabric except the Athenian B.F. and R.F. vases. The list of sites as given by Wilisch is as follows: Athens, Eleusis, Aegina, Argos, Kleonae, Tiryns, Mycenae, Thebes, and Tanagra in Greece; Euboea (Karystos), Melos, Corfu, Crete, Rhodes,[1011] Samos, and Cyprus among the islands; Hissarlik, Smyrna, Pontus, and the Crimea; Alexandria, Naukratis, and Carthage; Syracuse and Selinus in Sicily, and Sardinia; and many places in Italy, such as Bari, Nola, Capua, Cumae, Beneventum, Cervetri, Vulci, Orvieto, Corneto, and Viterbo. M. Pottier thinks that this wide distribution is due, not to the merit of the vases themselves, which are often of poor style, but to the merchandise which they contained. This might, at any rate, account for the great preponderance of small oil-flasks, a form which took the place of the Mycenaean “false amphora.”
Two factors contributed to Corinth's significance as a center for the ceramic industry: the high quality of its clay (see p. 205) and its strategic location as a commercial port connecting the Peloponnese with Central Greece. Pollux[1010] praises Corinthian clay, and other authors refer to various types of pottery as Corinthian. Therefore, it’s not surprising that numerous pottery pieces have been discovered here, as indicated by the inscriptions in the Corinthian alphabet frequently painted on them. Moreover, similar pottery has been found throughout the Mediterranean, being more widely distributed than any other type of ceramic except the Athenian B.F. and R.F. vases. The sites listed by Wilisch include: Athens, Eleusis, Aegina, Argos, Kleonae, Tiryns, Mycenae, Thebes, and Tanagra in Greece; Euboea (Karystos), Melos, Corfu, Crete, Rhodes,[1011] Samos, and Cyprus among the islands; Hissarlik, Smyrna, Pontus, and the Crimea; Alexandria, Naukratis, and Carthage; Syracuse and Selinus in Sicily, and Sardinia; and numerous locations in Italy, such as Bari, Nola, Capua, Cumae, Beneventum, Cervetri, Vulci, Orvieto, Corneto, and Viterbo. M. Pottier believes that this wide spread is not due to the quality of the vases themselves, which often lack style, but to the goods they contained. This could explain the predominance of small oil-flasks, a form that replaced the Mycenaean “false amphora.”
The Corinthian vases are not, however, strictly homogeneous, and, in fact, fall into certain distinct categories. The earliest class found at Corinth stands quite by itself, and has been termed “Proto-Corinthian,” though the justice of this title has been strongly combated by some scholars. On many of the Sicilian and Italian sites a class of small vases[1012] is found which differs from the authentic Corinthian examples of the same forms, and may not impossibly denote local fabrics. If this is so, they would stand in the same relation to the genuine Corinthian as the Boeotian Geometrical vases to those of the Dipylon, forming a sort of supplementary fabric. At all events, such imitations of a popular ware might reasonably be expected.
The Corinthian vases are not completely uniform and actually fall into distinct categories. The earliest class found at Corinth stands alone and has been called “Proto-Corinthian,” although some scholars have strongly debated the validity of this name. At many sites in Sicily and Italy, there is a type of small vase that differs from the authentic Corinthian examples of the same shapes and might indicate local productions. If this is the case, they would relate to the genuine Corinthian vases in the same way that the Boeotian Geometrical vases relate to those from the Dipylon, forming a sort of supplementary style. In any case, it’s reasonable to expect such imitations of a popular type of pottery.
M. Pottier maintains that five distinct varieties of clay may be observed, which partially serve as a basis for classification, apart from questions of style and ornamentation. They are as follows: (1) small vases of a greenish-yellow clay found in Greece, especially at Corinth, but rare in Italy; (2) vases of cream-coloured clay from Boeotia, and large kraters from Cervetri; (3) vases of reddish clay from Boeotia, Euboea, and Etruria; (4) vases of white and grey clay, very numerous in Italy; (5) vases of yellow clay, chiefly found in Italy. Some of the “Proto-Corinthian” wares belong to Class (1), but as a rule they are marked off from the rest by technique as well as decoration. This first class is without doubt exclusively local, and represents the κέραμος Κορίνθιος of Pollux; the same clay is even used at Corinth at the present day. On one of the Penteskuphia pinakes (see p. 316), the clay of which differs from the rest, a potter is represented making an aryballos of “Proto-Corinthian” form[1013]; but the majority belong to the second class, which is also local, and includes the large kraters of advanced style with Corinthian inscriptions. In colour and porosity the clay resembles that of Boeotia. The red clay of Class (3) suggests a connection with Chalkis, a question which needs future consideration (see below, p. 321); (4) and (5) present analogies to the native clays of Italy, and include all the local imitative fabrics. The older varieties with merely linear decoration are most largely found at Corinth and Syracuse, and the later with incised lines and figures of animals or men are comparatively rare. But as far as the present state of our knowledge permits, it is certainly possible to claim as Corinthian, at least in a sense, all the varieties of fabrics which have been hitherto mentioned, except probably the “Proto-Corinthian.”
M. Pottier points out that there are five distinct types of clay that can be observed, which partly provide a basis for classification, aside from issues of style and decoration. They are: (1) small vases made of greenish-yellow clay found in Greece, particularly in Corinth, but they're rare in Italy; (2) cream-colored clay vases from Boeotia, along with large kraters from Cervetri; (3) reddish clay vases from Boeotia, Euboea, and Etruria; (4) white and grey clay vases, which are very common in Italy; (5) yellow clay vases, mainly found in Italy. Some of the “Proto-Corinthian” wares belong to Class (1), but typically they are distinguished from the others by their technique and decoration. This first class is undoubtedly local and represents the Corinthian pottery of Pollux; the same clay is still used in Corinth today. On one of the Penteskuphia pinakes (see p. 316), where the clay differs from the others, a potter is shown creating an aryballos of “Proto-Corinthian” form[1013]; however, most belong to the second class, which is also local and includes the large kraters of advanced style with Corinthian inscriptions. In terms of color and porosity, the clay resembles that of Boeotia. The red clay of Class (3) suggests a link to Chalkis, a topic that needs further exploration (see below, p. 321); Classes (4) and (5) show similarities to the native clays of Italy and include all the local imitative products. The older types with only linear decoration are most commonly found at Corinth and Syracuse, while the later types with incised lines and figures of animals or people are comparatively rare. Nevertheless, based on what we know now, it is certainly possible to consider all the varieties of fabrics mentioned so far as Corinthian, at least in some sense, except likely the “Proto-Corinthian.”
In describing these fabrics in detail, it will be found more convenient to ignore the technical differences, and adopt the more chronologically accurate system of classification which follows the development of the decoration. We thus obtain five distinct classes,[1014] which may be summarised as follows:—
In describing these fabrics in detail, it will be easier to ignore the technical differences and use a more chronologically accurate system of classification that follows the development of the decoration. This way, we get five distinct classes,[1014] which can be summarized as follows:—
1. “Proto-Corinthian” wares (called by M. Pottier the Corinthian Geometric style). 750–650 B.C., and later.
1. “Proto-Corinthian” wares (called by M. Pottier the Corinthian Geometric style). 750–650 B.C., and later.
2. Corinthian vases with incised scale-patterns or imbrications.
2. Corinthian vases with carved scale patterns or overlapping designs.
3. Corinthian vases with floral decoration, ground-ornaments, and figures not incised.
3. Corinthian vases featuring floral designs, decorative patterns, and unetched figures.
4. Similar vases, but with figures incised. [Classes 2 to 4 roughly cover the seventh century.]
4. Similar vases, but with figures carved into them. [Classes 2 to 4 roughly cover the seventh century.]
5. Corinthian vases without ground-ornaments, and with large friezes of animals or human figures; incised details. 600–550 B.C.
5. Corinthian vases with no background decorations and featuring large friezes of animals or human figures; incised details. 600–550 BCE
Besides Corinth and Syracuse, Proto-Corinthian vases have
been found in considerable numbers at the Argive Heraion,
at Thebes, and in the island of Aegina, and more rarely at
Tiryns, Athens, Eleusis, Tanagra, Smyrna, and Hissarlik. Out
of thirty in the Berlin Museum, eight certainly came from
Corinth. Taking this into consideration, and also the Corinthian
origin of Syracuse, it is evident that there is, apart from their
style, a strong presumption in favour of their Corinthian origin.[1018]
As long ago, however, as 1877 Helbig cast doubts on this
and proposed to locate them at the rival commercial centre
of Chalkis.[1019] He was followed by Dümmler, Klein, and others,[1020]
but recently Aegina[1021] and Boeotia[1022] have also been suggested,
the latter at least for the earlier class. Yet more recently the
pendulum has swung in another direction, that of Argos,[1023]
chiefly in view of the extensive finds at the Heraion (not yet
published). Two specimens have recently been made known
which bear inscriptions, but neither yields very definite
evidence. One is a signed vase (with the name of Pyrrhos[1024]),
in which the alphabet is mixed, but mainly Chalcidian in
character; in the other[1025] the inscriptions are fragmentary, but
though the letter Σ appears in Argive, not Corinthian, form,
the Λ is not of the peculiar Argive
type, but
.
The Pyrrhos
inscription cannot be much later than 700 B.C., and thus
ranks as the earliest known “signature.” Mr. Hoppin,[1026]
arguing from the Heraion finds, regards the Proto-Corinthian
fabrics as a direct offshoot of Mycenaean pottery, not as
forming a link between the Geometrical and the Corinthian.
The term, however, may be preserved, as implying priority in
point of time, and it cannot be said as yet that the Corinthian
theory is absolutely disproved.
Besides Corinth and Syracuse, Proto-Corinthian vases have been found in significant quantities at the Argive Heraion, Thebes, and the island of Aegina, and less frequently at Tiryns, Athens, Eleusis, Tanagra, Smyrna, and Hissarlik. Out of thirty in the Berlin Museum, eight definitely came from Corinth. Considering this, along with Syracuse's Corinthian origins, it’s clear that beyond their style, there’s a strong indication of their Corinthian roots.[1018] However, as early as 1877, Helbig questioned this and suggested they originated from the competitive trading hub of Chalkis.[1019] He was followed by Dümmler, Klein, and others,[1020] but recently Aegina[1021] and Boeotia[1022] have also been proposed, particularly for the earlier class. More recently, attention has shifted towards Argos,[1023] mainly due to the extensive finds at the Heraion (not yet published). Two specimens have recently been identified with inscriptions, though neither provides very clear evidence. One is a signed vase (with the name Pyrrhos[1024]), in which the alphabet is mixed but mainly Chalcidian in style; in the other[1025] the inscriptions are incomplete, though the letter Σ appears in an Argive, not Corinthian, form, while the Λ is not characteristic of the unique Argive type, but resembles the Sicyonian style. The Pyrrhos inscription cannot be much later than 700 BCE, making it one of the earliest known “signatures.” Mr. Hoppin,[1026] argues from the Heraion finds that the Proto-Corinthian fabrics are a direct descendant of Mycenaean pottery, rather than a bridge between Geometrical and Corinthian styles. The term can still be retained, indicating earlier origins, and it cannot yet be said that the Corinthian theory is completely disproven.

“Proto-Corinthian” and Early Corinthian Vases (British Museum).
1–3, 5, Early Corinthian; 4, 6, “Proto-Corinthian.”
"Proto-Corinthian" and Early Corinthian Vases (British Museum).
1–3, Early Corinthian; 4, 6, "Proto-Corinthian."
The dominating form is that of the alabastron or lekythos, a pear-shaped vase with flat round lip and flat handle. The aryballos form is also known, as are the skyphos, pyxis, and a small krater. A characteristic shape is the jug with flat base rising in pyramidal form to a long cylindrical neck, with trefoil lip and handle.[1027] The earlier group, although of “Corinthian” technique, usually have only “Geometrical” ornament, such as water-birds or simple patterns; hence they have been held, for instance, by M. Pottier, to represent the true type of Corinthian Geometrical pottery. But it does not seem that the Geometrical style was ever popular at Corinth, and there are many signs that the Proto-Corinthian fabrics were to a great extent influenced directly by Mycenaean wares. The patterns, which are in black monochrome, are on the smaller vases limited to bands, rows of dots, or a kind of “tongue”-pattern of stylised leaves. The Proto-Corinthian vases found in Aegina[1028] form in some respects a class by themselves, being often of considerable size; they also include some unusual varieties, such as cups, and even amphorae.[1029] They usually have Geometrical decoration in the form of zigzags, maeander, chevrons, triangles, or parallel rays; on the larger ones are found friezes of animals, such as dogs pursuing deer, bulls, or water-fowl.
The dominant style features the alabastron or lekythos, which is a pear-shaped vase with a flat round lip and a flat handle. The aryballos shape is also known, along with the skyphos, pyxis, and a small krater. A notable shape is the jug with a flat base that rises in a pyramidal form to a long cylindrical neck, complete with a trefoil lip and handle.[1027] The earlier group, while using “Corinthian” techniques, typically features only “Geometric” decoration, such as water-birds or simple patterns. For example, M. Pottier has claimed that these represent the true type of Corinthian Geometric pottery. However, it doesn’t seem like the Geometric style was ever widely popular in Corinth, and there are many indications that Proto-Corinthian ceramics were significantly influenced by Mycenaean pieces. The patterns, presented in black monochrome, are limited on the smaller vases to bands, rows of dots, or a stylized leaf “tongue” pattern. The Proto-Corinthian vases found in Aegina[1028] form a distinct group, often being quite large; they also include some unusual types, such as cups and even amphorae.[1029] These vases typically display Geometric decorations featuring zigzags, meander patterns, chevrons, triangles, or parallel rays; larger ones often showcase friezes of animals, such as dogs chasing deer, bulls, or waterfowl.
The Macmillan lekythos, in spite of its diminutive size, is decorated with no less than three friezes of human figures and animals, as well as other ornaments; the main design represents a combat of warriors; the next, a race of boys on horseback; the lowest, dogs pursuing a hare, and a crouching ape. The total height of the vase is barely 2¾ inches, and yet every detail in these friezes is marked with surprising care and accuracy, the shield-devices of the warriors, for instance, being drawn with wonderful minuteness. The three Boston vases are interesting for their subjects: on one is Bellerophon slaying the Chimaera; on the next, a hero attacking a lion with a human head on its back (a monster no doubt suggested by the Chimaera); the third has the favourite early subject of Herakles’ combat with the Centaurs. In all these vases the use of a red colour on the human figures should be noted, a technical device which we have already noted in the figures on the Melian amphorae (see above, p. 301).
The Macmillan lekythos, despite its small size, features three friezes depicting human figures and animals, along with other decorations. The main design shows warriors in combat; the next one depicts a race of boys on horseback; and the bottom one illustrates dogs chasing a hare, along with a crouching ape. The vase stands at just 2¾ inches tall, yet every detail in these friezes is rendered with remarkable care and precision, such as the finely detailed shield designs of the warriors. The three Boston vases are intriguing due to their subjects: one depicts Bellerophon killing the Chimaera; another shows a hero battling a lion with a human head on its back (a monster likely inspired by the Chimaera); and the third features the popular theme of Herakles fighting the Centaurs. In all these vases, the use of red for the human figures is notable, a technique that we've already seen in the figures on the Melian amphorae (see above, p. 301).
It is abundantly clear that such work could not have been produced in the eighth, or even the seventh, century; the style is virtually that of the subsequent black-figured vases, and we are therefore forced to the conclusion that these miniature vases were made under the more or less direct influence of the later Corinthian wares proper, at a time when that style was developing into the black-figured.
It is very clear that this work could not have been created in the eighth or even the seventh century; the style is almost identical to that of the later black-figured vases, and we must conclude that these miniature vases were made under the more or less direct influence of the later Corinthian wares, at a time when that style was evolving into the black-figured.
With the Proto-Corinthian ware may be linked a series of vases in the form of animals, human heads, etc., which imitate Oriental porcelain vases and show an early development of the plastic art which is remarkable for its advanced style (see pp. 127, 492). The decoration of these vases is usually of a simple Geometrical character. They are found in Rhodes and on many other sites, such as Eretria, Vulci, and Nola.
With the Proto-Corinthian ware, there’s a group of vases shaped like animals, human heads, and more, which mimic Oriental porcelain vases and show an early advancement in plastic art that stands out for its sophisticated style (see pp. 127, 492). The decoration on these vases typically features a simple geometric design. They're discovered in Rhodes and various other locations, such as Eretria, Vulci, and Nola.
2. Vases with incised imbrications.—The importance of this class is betokened by the appearance of the incised line, which as a matter of pure technique is of course only a revival from the primitive fabrics, but as an adjunct to figure-decoration in order to express details is an entirely new feature (see above, p. 306, and below, p. 313). It was probably derived from metal-work, in which it had long been familiar, as the Boeotian Geometrical fibulae and the early Corinthian or Chalcidian bronze reliefs testify. Although destined largely to revolutionise design, it was at first used with restraint. In the vases under consideration it is confined to the imbrications[1034] or scale-patterns with which the body is largely covered (Plate XIX. fig. 3). They were produced by means of a compass in which the graving-tool was fixed, the edge of each scale forming an arc of a circle, the centre points of which are usually visible. This scale-pattern is not a new feature in the decoration of vases; it appears in a painted form on many Mycenaean specimens,[1035] and was also adopted by the Ionian painters of Daphnae in the Egyptian Delta (see p. 352). But as a more satisfactory result was obtained by incising, the Corinthian variety soon became exceedingly popular. The effect is often enhanced by the use of red colour.[1036] In some cases this ornament is combined with painted friezes of animals (as in the Louvre vase E 421). The shapes employed are various, but a new and conspicuous variety is the large jug or olpe, with circular lip and large discs attached on either side to the tops of the handles. Attempts have been made to dissociate this fabric from Corinth, by attributing it to Rhodes, Ionia, and Sicily[1037]; but although it is certainly true that large numbers were found in Rhodes and in Sicily, the claims of neither prevail over those of Corinth, and the most that can be said with any certainty is that some are local imitations. It is, moreover, possible to discover their prototypes in the Proto-Corinthian wares.
2. Vases with incised patterns.—The significance of this category is highlighted by the use of the incised line, which, although technically a revival of primitive styles, is a fresh approach when paired with figure decoration to express details (see above, p. 306, and below, p. 313). It likely originated from metalwork, where it had been common for some time, as evidenced by the Boeotian Geometrical fibulae and the early Corinthian or Chalcidian bronze reliefs. Although it was intended to transform design, it was initially used sparingly. In the vases we are discussing, it is limited to the imbrications[1034] or scale-patterns that cover much of the body (Plate XIX. fig. 3). These were made using a compass with a graving tool fixed in place, with the edge of each scale creating an arc, the center points of which are usually visible. This scale pattern is not a new aspect in vase decoration; it appears in painted form on many Mycenaean pieces,[1035] and was also adopted by the Ionian painters of Daphnae in the Egyptian Delta (see p. 352). However, since incising produced a more refined result, the Corinthian style quickly gained popularity. The effect is often enhanced with the use of red color.[1036] In some instances, this ornamentation is combined with painted animal friezes (as seen in the Louvre vase E 421). The shapes used are varied, but a new and notable type is the large jug or olpe, which has a circular lip and large discs on either side of the handles. There have been attempts to separate this style from Corinth by claiming it originated in Rhodes, Ionia, and Sicily[1037]; however, while many examples have indeed been found in Rhodes and Sicily, neither claim outweighs that of Corinth, and the most that can be confidently stated is that some are local imitations. Additionally, it is possible to trace their prototypes back to Proto-Corinthian wares.
As regards shapes, the alabastron and aryballos[1041] are preeminently popular; the flat-bottomed jug, the pyxis or covered jar, and the skyphos or kotyle, are also found (see Plate XIX. figs. 1, 2, 5). There arises now a tendency in the larger vases to divide the body into zones or friezes, which henceforth become a characteristic feature. The subjects are strictly limited to animals such as the lion, or various types of birds; and friezes of running dogs and other quadrupeds now become the typical Corinthian motive.
As for shapes, the alabastron and aryballos[1041] are particularly popular; the flat-bottomed jug, the pyxis or covered jar, and the skyphos or kotyle are also seen (see Plate XIX. figs. 1, 2, 5). There's now a trend in the larger vases to divide the body into zones or friezes, which will become a defining feature. The subjects are mainly limited to animals like lions and various types of birds, and friezes depicting running dogs and other four-legged animals now become the typical Corinthian motif.
To face page 312
Go to page 312

1. COVERED JAR OF CORINTHIAN FABRIC.
2. “RHODIAN” OINOCHOE.
(British Museum).
1. COVERED JAR MADE OF CORINTHIAN FABRIC.
2. “RHODIAN” WINE PITCHER.
British Museum
The decoration loses all restraint, and the prevailing idea with the artist is the horror vacui which impels him to fill up every vacant part of the surface, at the expense of utterly conventionalising his figures and ornaments and distorting their forms (cf. Plate XIX. figs. 1, 5, and XX. fig. 1). The vases contrast unfavourably with their Ionian contemporaries, in which, however profuse the ground-ornaments, the importance of the figures is never lost sight of, and they never fail to strike the eye. Incised lines and purple accessories are employed freely, and even the rosettes are always marked by cross-wise incisions.
The decoration becomes completely over-the-top, driven by the artist's need for fear of empty spaces, which pushes him to fill every empty space on the surface. This often results in overly conventional figures and ornaments and distorts their shapes (cf. Plate XIX. figs. 1, 5, and XX. fig. 1). The vases don't compare well to their Ionian counterparts, where, despite the abundance of ground ornaments, the importance of the figures is always maintained and they never fail to catch the eye. Incised lines and purple accents are used liberally, and even the rosettes are consistently marked with crosswise cuts.
Incision as a method of ornamenting vases was of course always known from the earliest times, but it was not until now employed within and round painted designs. Hitherto the only alternatives were plain silhouettes (as in Geometrical vases) or half-opaque, half-outlined figures (as in Mycenaean and some early Ionian vases). The former, however, were too conventional, the latter too elaborate, and the new method of painting plus engraving reconciled the two, being at once more realistic and more rapid. It is generally supposed that this method was a Corinthian invention (compare its use in the imbricated vases, p. 311), but it is not unknown in early Attic vases, and Böhlau attributes its origin to an early Ionian tendency to imitate metal ware.[1043] But this was an anomaly, and the Ionians never took to the incising method, preferring outline designs or inner lines of white paint (see p. 331). In any case the Corinthians were the first to adopt it and popularise it.
Incision as a way to decorate vases has always been known since ancient times, but it wasn't used along with painted designs until now. Before, the only options were plain silhouettes (like in Geometrical vases) or half-opaque, half-outlined figures (like in Mycenaean and some early Ionian vases). The first option was too conventional, while the second was too complicated. The new method of combining painting and engraving brought the two together, making it both more realistic and faster. It's generally believed that this technique was invented in Corinth (see its use in the imbricated vases, p. 311), but it isn't unfamiliar in early Attic vases, and Böhlau credits its origin to an early Ionian desire to imitate metalware.[1043] However, this was an exception, and the Ionians never embraced the incising method, preferring outline designs or inner lines of white paint (see p. 331). Regardless, the Corinthians were the first to adopt and popularize it.
The subjects, which now begin to present greater interest, include all kinds of animals and monsters, arranged in friezes, and by degrees human figures, and even scenes from mythology, make their appearance. Some vases have only decorative ornament, such as a flower of four long, pointed petals, which is frequently found on the aryballi.[1044] The animals include the lion, panther, boar, bull, ram, deer, goat, swan, and eagle; the monsters are Gryphons, Sphinxes, or Sirens, and a sea-deity of which the upper part is human (both male and female), the lower is in the form of a sinuous fish-tail, and the figure is often winged in addition.[1045] It is possible that in these figures we may see the local sea-deities Palaemon and Ino-Leukothea. The human figures are either single, ranged in friezes, or in groups; the favourite types are combats of two warriors and Bacchanalian dances; hunting scenes; and warriors setting out in chariots. The mythological scenes include the combat of Herakles with the Centaurs,[1046] and scenes from the Trojan War, such as the combat of Ajax and Aeneas, or the episode of Dolon.[1047]
The subjects that are starting to become more interesting include all sorts of animals and monsters, arranged in friezes, and gradually human figures, as well as scenes from mythology, begin to appear. Some vases feature only decorative designs, like a flower with four long, pointed petals, which is often found on the aryballi.[1044] The animals depicted include lions, panthers, boars, bulls, rams, deer, goats, swans, and eagles; the monsters are Gryphons, Sphinxes, or Sirens, along with a sea deity that has a human upper body (both male and female) and a sinuous fish-tail for the lower body, often with wings as well.[1045] These figures might represent the local sea deities Palaemon and Ino-Leukothea. The human figures can be single, arranged in friezes, or in groups; popular themes include battles between two warriors, Bacchanalian dances, hunting scenes, and warriors setting out in chariots. The mythological scenes feature the battle of Herakles with the Centaurs,[1046] as well as events from the Trojan War, like the fight between Ajax and Aeneas, or the episode involving Dolon.[1047]
So far, then, in the three groups of Corinthian fabrics proper, we are able to trace the working of M. Pottier’s law of the hiérarchie des genres,[1048] the law which was made by M. Dumont the basis of his work Les Céramiques de Grèce propre (vol. i., dealing with the earlier fabrics). According to this law, the decoration of vases advances by a logical process from linear patterns to floral ornament, and then from animals to human, and finally mythological, figures. Another feature in this group is that inscriptions now appear for the first time. They became exceedingly popular at Corinth, and on most of the vases with figure-subjects they may be found, each person bearing a name, whether the scene is mythological or not.[1049] The fashion seems to have received an impetus from the chest of Kypselos, which was largely a Corinthian work, and often shows close parallel with the vases (see below). We have a signed vase with figures in this style by Chares (Louvre E 609), and others by Timonidas (Athens 620), and Milonidas (a pinax in Louvre).[1050] The abundance of these inscriptions has done much to increase our knowledge of the somewhat peculiar Corinthian alphabet (see Chapter XVII.).
So far, in the three groups of Corinthian fabrics, we can see the application of M. Pottier’s law of the gender hierarchy,[1048] the law that M. Dumont used as the foundation for his work Greek Pottery (vol. i., focusing on the earlier fabrics). According to this law, the decoration of vases progresses logically from linear designs to floral patterns, then from animals to human figures, and finally to mythological figures. Another notable aspect of this group is that inscriptions appear for the first time. They became very popular in Corinth, and on most vases with depicted subjects, each figure has a name, regardless of whether the scene is mythological or not.[1049] This trend seems to have been influenced by the chest of Kypselos, which was primarily a Corinthian creation and often closely resembles the vases (see below). We have a signed vase with figures in this style by Chares (Louvre E 609), along with others by Timonidas (Athens 620) and Milonidas (a pinax in Louvre).[1050] The large number of these inscriptions has greatly enhanced our understanding of the somewhat unique Corinthian alphabet (see Chapter XVII.).
Among the vases of this period one of the most remarkable is the so-called Dodwell vase in Munich (Fig. 90),[1051] found at Mertese, near Corinth, about the year 1800, and purchased by the explorer Dodwell. It is a cylindrical jar or box (pyxis), with cover, decorated round the sides and on the top. Round the body are two friezes of animals, with numerous flowers as ground-ornaments; on the top of the cover is a frieze representing a boar-hunt, in which eight fancifully-named personages take more or less active part. Of these Philon lies dead under the boar’s feet; Thersandros attacks it with a sword in front, and Pakon discharges an arrow at it from behind. Behind him Andrytas hurls a spear, and he is followed by four inactive figures, all draped and unarmed—Dorimachos, Sakis, Alka ... and Agamemnon. The scene is closed by a heraldic group of two Sphinxes. It will be observed that here, as in other contemporary scenes with human figures, the ground-ornaments are already showing a tendency to die out; perhaps under the influence of Ionia, where it was soon discovered that they interfered with the effect of figures in action. The alphabet of the inscriptions enables us to date this vase about 650–620 B.C.
Among the vases from this period, one of the most notable is the Dodwell vase in Munich (Fig. 90),[1051] discovered at Mertese, near Corinth, around the year 1800, and bought by the explorer Dodwell. It's a cylindrical jar or box (pyxis) with a lid, decorated around the sides and on the top. The body features two friezes of animals, along with numerous flowers as background decorations; on the top of the lid is a frieze depicting a boar hunt, where eight elaborately named characters participate to varying degrees. Among them, Philon lies dead at the boar's feet; Thersandros attacks it with a sword in front, and Pakon shoots an arrow at it from behind. Behind him, Andrytas throws a spear, followed by four inactive figures, all draped and unarmed—Dorimachos, Sakis, Alka ... and Agamemnon. The scene concludes with a heraldic grouping of two Sphinxes. It should be noted that here, as in other contemporary scenes featuring human figures, the background decorations are already showing a tendency to fade away; possibly influenced by Ionia, where it was soon realized that they detracted from the impact of the figures in action. The style of the inscriptions allows us to date this vase to around 650–620 BCE

FIG. 90. THE DODWELL PYXIS (COVER).
FIG. 90. THE DODWELL PYXIS (COVER).

1. Imitation Corinthian Krater, Return of Hephaistos; 2, Corinthian Krater with Boar-hunt (British Museum).
1. Fake Corinthian Krater, Return of Hephaestus; 2, Boar-hunt Corinthian Krater (British Museum).
5. The vases of the fifth class (600–550 B.C.) are characterised by the prevalence of human and mythological subjects, with large friezes of animals, a general use of incised lines, and an absence of ground-ornaments. They are mostly of considerable size, but small vases still continued to be made during the sixth century, as is seen in the “Proto-Corinthian” lekythi. The amphora and hydria now first make their appearance; the later lekythi approach more to the Attic form.[1053] One or two other typical shapes may also be noticed, such as the column-handled krater (Plate XXI.) and the trefoil-mouthed jug with a panel on one side of the vase only; the prototype of the former we have seen in the krater of Aristonoös. Another important feature is the general use of a red ground in the place of the old creamy white; and yet another, the use of white accessories, especially for the flesh of female figures. It should be noted that this white is always applied directly on the clay, as in Ionian fabrics, not as in the Attic, upon the black varnish. We may bear in mind that it was about this time that the Athenian Eumaros marem a femina discrevit, according to Pliny; but his date is uncertain, and the bearing of this invention on the vase-paintings is not to be accepted without hesitation. For the faces of male figures purple is often used, and, generally speaking, the vases tend to present a polychrome appearance. This again is an Ionian characteristic.
5. The vases from the fifth class (600–550 BCE) are marked by the dominance of human and mythological themes, featuring large friezes of animals, frequent use of incised lines, and a lack of ground decorations. They are mostly quite large, but small vases continued to be produced during the sixth century, as seen in the “Proto-Corinthian” lekythi. The amphora and hydria make their first appearance at this time; the later lekythi begin to resemble the Attic style more closely.[1053] One or two other typical shapes to note are the column-handled krater (Plate XXI.) and the trefoil-mouthed jug with a panel on only one side of the vase; the prototype of the former can be seen in the krater of Aristonoös. Another significant feature is the widespread use of a red background instead of the previous creamy white; additionally, white details are often used, especially for the skin of female figures. It's important to mention that this white is always applied directly on the clay, similar to Ionian pieces, rather than over the black varnish as seen in Attic ceramics. It's worth noting that around this time, the Athenian Eumaros marem a woman distinguished, according to Pliny; however, the dating is uncertain, and the impact of this invention on vase paintings shouldn't be taken for granted. For the faces of male figures, purple is frequently used, and overall, the vases tend to have a colorful appearance. This too is a characteristic of Ionian art.
The subjects now take a much wider range, and include almost every variety known in the earlier part of the sixth century. Friezes of animals seldom form the main motive of decoration, but are placed in subordination either on the shoulder or low down on the body. Some of the older types still linger, such as the monsters and fish-tailed sea-deities, and also that of a heraldic group of two animals with a palmette and lotos pattern between, suggesting the old Assyrian motive of two animals guarding the sacred tree. Generally, there is a great advance in composition; but two traditional principles are still observed—the juxtaposition of figures turned in the same direction, as in Oriental compositions, and a symmetrical disposition of the two sides converging to a centre, a “Continental” principle already seen in the Dipylon vases. The subjects taken from daily life include combats, banquets, Bacchic or grotesque dances, hunting-scenes, warriors setting out for battle, and processions. Some appear now for the first time, as, for instance, the banquets. Among the mythological scenes, Herakles and his adventures find most favour; scenes from the Trojan cycle are far from uncommon; and other myths of more isolated character are those of Amphiaraos, Perseus, and the Theban cycle (Tydeus killing Ismene). Many of the mythological scenes are really only genre scenes with names added; for instance, the krater in the Louvre with Herakles’ reception by Eurytos (E 635), is only an ordinary banquet-scene in composition, but for the inscriptions; and so with many others, as we have also observed in the preceding class.
The subjects now cover a much broader range and include almost every type known from the earlier part of the sixth century. Friezes of animals rarely serve as the main decorative element but are instead placed in subordinate positions, either on the shoulder or low down on the body. Some older types still persist, such as the monsters and fish-tailed sea deities, as well as the heraldic grouping of two animals with a palmette and lotus pattern in between, reflecting the old Assyrian motif of two animals guarding a sacred tree. Overall, there is significant progress in composition; however, two traditional principles remain: the positioning of figures facing the same direction, as seen in Oriental art, and a symmetrical arrangement of both sides converging to a center, a "Continental" principle previously observed in the Dipylon vases. Subjects drawn from everyday life include battles, feasts, Bacchic or whimsical dances, hunting scenes, warriors heading off to battle, and processions. Some of these appear for the first time, such as the banquets. Among the mythological scenes, Herakles and his adventures are particularly popular; scenes from the Trojan story are quite common, and other more unique myths include those of Amphiaraos, Perseus, and the Theban tale (Tydeus killing Ismene). Many of the mythological scenes are essentially just everyday scenes with names added; for example, the krater in the Louvre showing Herakles’ reception by Eurytos (E 635) is just a typical banquet scene in composition, but for the inscriptions, and the same goes for many others, as noted in the previous category.
It may suffice to describe one vase in detail as typical of the later Corinthian wares. This is the so-called Amphiaraos krater in Berlin,[1054] a column-handled krater of considerable size and very richly decorated. It belongs to a series exceptionally well represented in the Louvre (E 613–39; all found, like this, at Cervetri), and illustrating the absolutely latest development of Corinthian pictorial art. Its special interest is that it affords a close comparison in several points with the chest of Kypselos. The subjects are disposed in two rows all round the vase, of which the upper is the more important, containing two mythological subjects. These, which are unequally divided, one occupying more of the circumference than the other, are the Departure of Amphiaraos and the Funeral Games for Pelias,[1055] the ἀγὼν ὁ ἐπὶ Πελίᾳ of Pausanias.[1056] On the lower frieze are seven boys taking part in a horse-race, seven groups of combatants, and two marching hoplites. It will be noted that there is no frieze of animals.
It may be enough to describe one vase in detail as typical of the later Corinthian wares. This is the so-called Amphiaraos krater in Berlin,[1054] a large column-handled krater that is very richly decorated. It belongs to a series that is exceptionally well represented in the Louvre (E 613–39; all found, like this, at Cervetri), and it illustrates the very latest development of Corinthian pictorial art. Its special interest lies in the close comparison it allows with several points of the chest of Kypselos. The subjects are arranged in two rows all around the vase, with the upper row being more important, featuring two mythological scenes. These are unequally divided, with one taking up more of the circumference than the other, representing the Departure of Amphiaraos and the Funeral Games for Pelias,[1055] the Battle at Pelia of Pausanias.[1056] On the lower frieze are seven boys participating in a horse race, seven groups of combatants, and two marching hoplites. It’s worth noting that there is no frieze of animals.
The Amphiaraos scene depicts that hero in the act of ascending his war-chariot, in which the driver Baton stands; he turns to look at his family behind, consisting of two daughters, a son, and an infant in the nurse’s arms, and last of all his wife Eriphyle, who stands in the rear with the pearl necklace, the price of her treachery. Her children seem to be supplicating for her. In the background Amphiaraos’ house is indicated by a Doric building. The correspondence of this scene with the description of the Kypselos chest[1057] is extraordinary; the latter might almost be a description of the vase. An interesting feature of this painting is formed by the animals which are scattered over the scene: a hare, a hedgehog, an owl and another bird, a serpent, a scorpion, and a lizard or salamander.[1058]
The Amphiaraos scene shows the hero getting into his war chariot, with the driver Baton standing next to him. He looks back at his family, which includes two daughters, a son, and an infant in a nurse's arms, and finally his wife Eriphyle, who stands behind them wearing a pearl necklace, a symbol of her betrayal. The children appear to be pleading for her. In the background, Amphiaraos' house is represented by a Doric building. The similarity of this scene to the description of the Kypselos chest[1057] is remarkable; the latter could almost describe the vase. An interesting aspect of this painting is the animals scattered throughout the scene: a hare, a hedgehog, an owl and another bird, a serpent, a scorpion, and a lizard or salamander.[1058]
The funeral games for Pelias adjoined the Amphiaraos scene on the chest, just as they do here, except that the scene on the vase is only an excerpt from the contest of the Pentathlon, which is there complete. We have here only the wrestling (by Peleus and Hippalkimos), and in place of the other scenes a chariot-race, with the judges waiting to decide the result; as on the chest, tripods are standing ready as prizes for the victor. It must not, of course, be supposed that these scenes are directly copied from the chest—the discrepancies are too great, although the parallels are very interesting; but the only object of such comparisons is to assist us to an idea of the appearance of these great contemporary works of art.[1059]
The funeral games for Pelias were depicted next to the Amphiaraos scene on the chest, just like they are shown here, except the scene on the vase is only a snapshot from the complete contest of the Pentathlon. Here, we only see the wrestling match (between Peleus and Hippalkimos), and instead of the other events, there’s a chariot race with judges ready to announce the winner. As on the chest, there are tripods set up as prizes for the champion. It's important to note that these scenes aren't just direct copies from the chest—the differences are too significant, though the similarities are quite fascinating. The main purpose of such comparisons is to help us visualize how these great contemporary works of art looked.[1059]
One of the chief features of this class is the almost total disappearance of the ground-ornaments. Sometimes indeed a frieze of animals with the old profusion of rosettes is combined on the same vase with a design of figures on a clear field; but, generally speaking, rosettes are not found with the figure subjects. Their place is almost supplied by the inscriptions, which become more and more extensively employed, even for animals. Accessory colours are used in a purely conventional fashion, not to reproduce nature, but—probably—to reproduce metal-work. Thus we may surmise that white is intended to give the effect of silver (or ivory) and red that of copper (or gold), just as such substances were used on the chest of Kypselos in order to give variety and picturesqueness to the surface. The black then represents the ground of bronze or wood.
One of the main features of this class is the almost complete disappearance of the ground ornaments. Sometimes, a frieze of animals with the traditional abundance of rosettes is combined on the same vase with a design of figures on a plain background; however, generally speaking, rosettes are absent when there are figure subjects. Their role is almost taken over by the inscriptions, which are used more and more frequently, even for animals. Secondary colors are applied in a purely conventional way, not to mimic nature, but—likely—to replicate metalwork. Thus, we can infer that white is meant to suggest the appearance of silver (or ivory) and red to give the impression of copper (or gold), just as these materials were used on the chest of Kypselos to add variety and visual interest to the surface. The black then represents the base of bronze or wood.
The sixth-century Corinthian vase-paintings have a special importance at the present day, because they are almost the only remnant left to us of the artistic products of the city at that time.[1060] Though not of course to be reckoned as examples of the higher art, they yet reflect it in some measure, and help us to reconstruct such works as the chest of Kypselos, almost every subject on which finds a parallel in the Corinthian vases. And it is possible that they are important in another respect. We know from Pliny that there was a very influential school of painting centred at Corinth in this century, which is represented by the names of Kleanthes and Aridikes, Ekphantos, Aregon, and perhaps also Kimon of Kleonae. Although Professor Robert[1061] has endeavoured to show that the traditions are untrustworthy, and places Kimon in the seventh century, Kleanthes later, the probability is that they may fairly be upheld, and Pliny’s dates accepted. Allusion has already been made to the inventions traditionally associated with Aridikes and Ekphantos; but Kimon belongs to a later development of painting altogether, and must be reserved for a later chapter. Of Kleanthes it is only stated that he “invented linear drawing,” whatever that may mean; Pliny, our informant, was perhaps hardly aware himself, and is no more definite as to the period at which he lived. We can only, therefore, assume that he marks the epoch of some new departure or advance in contour or outline drawing.[1062]
The sixth-century Corinthian vase paintings are really important today because they are nearly the only remains of the city’s art from that time.[1060] While they may not be the best examples of fine art, they still reflect it to some extent and help us piece together works like the chest of Kypselos, with nearly every subject having a counterpart in the Corinthian vases. They could also be significant in another way. We know from Pliny that there was a very influential painting school in Corinth during this century, represented by names like Kleanthes, Aridikes, Ekphantos, Aregon, and maybe even Kimon of Kleonae. Although Professor Robert[1061] has tried to show that the traditions are unreliable and places Kimon in the seventh century and Kleanthes later, it’s likely that these traditions can be upheld, and Pliny’s dates accepted. We’ve already mentioned the inventions traditionally linked to Aridikes and Ekphantos; however, Kimon is part of a later development in painting entirely and will be discussed in a later chapter. As for Kleanthes, it’s only mentioned that he “invented linear drawing,” whatever that means; Pliny, our source, probably didn’t fully understand it himself and doesn’t specify the period when he lived. Therefore, we can only assume that he marks the beginning of some new advancement in contour or outline drawing.[1062]

Chalcidian Vase: Herakles and Geryon; Quadriga (Bibliothèque Nationale).
Chalcidian Vase: Herakles and Geryon; Quadriga (National Library).
There are a few vases which, on account of various peculiarities, can only be described as “imitation Corinthian.” Among these may be mentioned one with an inscription in the Sicyonian alphabet (Berlin 1147), and a krater in the British Museum (B 42 on Plate XXI.) with designs on a white ground, which from the similarity of its style to the Berlin vase may be linked therewith.[1063] The late F. Dümmler was of opinion that these two vases were made at Sikyon. There is also the group of vases from Caere in the Campana collection of the Louvre, which have usually been regarded as imitations of Corinthian ware made in Italy; but M. Pottier in his catalogue makes no distinction between these and the genuine Corinthian fabrics.
There are a few vases that, due to their unique characteristics, can only be called “imitation Corinthian.” One example is a vase with an inscription in the Sicyonian alphabet (Berlin 1147), and another is a krater in the British Museum (B 42 on Plate XXI.) featuring designs on a white background. Its style is so similar to the Berlin vase that they may be connected.[1063] The late F. Dümmler believed that these two vases were made in Sikyon. Additionally, there’s a group of vases from Caere in the Campana collection at the Louvre, which have typically been considered imitations of Corinthian wares produced in Italy; however, M. Pottier in his catalogue doesn’t differentiate between these and the authentic Corinthian pieces.
§ 4. Chalcidian Vases
A very puzzling class of vases, about which little is at present known, is that formed by the so-called Chalcidian group. They are so named from the fact of their bearing inscriptions which may undoubtedly be referred to the alphabet of Chalkis in Eretria; but there is no evidence that they were actually made there. We know, however, that Chalkis was a great art-centre and rival of Corinth in the seventh and sixth centuries, and was especially famous for work in metal. As, therefore, more than one of these vases bears evident indications, in the shape of the handles, the ornamentation, and other details, of an imitation of metallic originals, there may be some ground for the attribution. Only a dozen or so of these vases with Chalcidian inscriptions are known, and several of them are in character almost to be ranked with the developed B.F. Attic wares; their date cannot therefore be earlier than the middle of the sixth century, probably about 560–540 B.C. On the other hand, they often present a close parallel, especially in the ornamental patterns, to the later Corinthian wares,[1064] whence it seems probable that they form, like the so-called Tyrrhenian amphorae (see below), a connecting-link between Corinth and Athens. While as yet it is impossible to obtain a definite idea of the characteristics of “Chalcidian” vases, the attempt to classify other uninscribed vases with them can only be very tentative, although there is more than one in the British Museum, in the Louvre, and elsewhere, which presents some feature especially typical of the inscribed examples.[1065]
A very puzzling type of vase, about which we currently know very little, is the so-called Chalcidian group. They are named for their inscriptions, which can definitely be linked to the alphabet of Chalkis in Eretria; however, there’s no evidence that they were actually produced there. We do know that Chalkis was a major art center and a rival to Corinth in the seventh and sixth centuries, and it was particularly famous for metalwork. Therefore, since several of these vases show clear signs, like the shape of the handles, the decoration, and other details, of being imitations of metal originals, there may be some justification for this attribution. Only about a dozen of these vases with Chalcidian inscriptions are known, and several of them are nearly comparable to the developed B.F. Attic wares; thus, their date cannot be earlier than the middle of the sixth century, likely around 560–540 BCE. On the other hand, they often closely resemble, particularly in their decorative patterns, later Corinthian wares,[1064] suggesting that they may serve, like the so-called Tyrrhenian amphorae (see below), as a link between Corinth and Athens. While it remains impossible to clearly define the characteristics of “Chalcidian” vases, any attempt to classify other uninscribed vases alongside them can only be very tentative, although there are more than a few in the British Museum, the Louvre, and elsewhere that feature characteristics especially typical of the inscribed examples.[1065]
The prevailing shape is the amphora, all but one of the inscribed group coming under this heading, in which the outline of the body approaches nearer to a pure ellipse than is usual in this form; the typical ornaments are rows of oblique zigzags and a peculiar variety of the lotos-pattern. An occasional rosette in the field preserves a trace of Corinthian influence. The subjects are mainly mythological, such as the combat of Herakles and Geryon, battle-scenes from the Trojan legends, etc.; and two points are worth noting as apparently characteristic of the group: (1) the tendency to represent fallen figures in full face, which is very rare in archaic vase-painting; (2) the type of Geryon, who is winged, and not, as in the Attic vases, “three men joined together,” as Pausanias describes the figure on the chest of Kypselos, but a triple-headed, six-armed monster.
The most common shape is the amphora, with all but one of the inscribed pieces fitting this category. The outline of the body is closer to a perfect ellipse than usual for this type. Typical decorations include rows of diagonal zigzags and a unique version of the lotus pattern. Occasionally, a rosette in the design shows some influence from Corinth. The themes are mostly mythological, featuring scenes like the fight between Herakles and Geryon, as well as battle scenes from Trojan legends. Two notable characteristics of this group are: (1) the tendency to depict fallen figures face-on, which is quite rare in archaic vase painting; (2) the representation of Geryon, who is portrayed as winged and, instead of the "three men joined together" as described by Pausanias on the chest of Kypselos, is shown as a monster with three heads and six arms.
The most typical example of the class is the amphora in the Hope collection at Deepdene,[1066] with scenes from the Trojan War. Ajax stands over the body of Achilles, defending it from the attacks of Glaukos, whom he has wounded, and of Paris, who has just discharged his bow; behind the latter advance Aeneas and two other Trojans with spears, while a fourth falls back wounded. Achilles and the two wounded men are all shown in full face.[1067] The combat is watched by a stiff archaic figure of Athena, with serpent-fringed aegis, and behind her, standing apart, is Diomede, having his wounded hand bound up by Sthenelos. The drawing on the whole is accurate, and the style more vigorous and less conventional than that of the Attic vases.
The most typical example of the class is the amphora in the Hope collection at Deepdene,[1066] featuring scenes from the Trojan War. Ajax stands over Achilles' body, defending it from Glaukos, whom he has injured, and Paris, who has just shot an arrow; behind him, Aeneas and two other Trojans advance with spears, while a fourth one retreats, wounded. Achilles and the two wounded men are all shown head-on.[1067] Athena, depicted as a stiff archaic figure with a serpent-fringed aegis, watches the combat, while Diomede stands apart, having his injured hand bandaged by Sthenelos. Overall, the drawing is precise, and the style is more dynamic and less conventional than that of the Attic vases.
Two of the group represent Herakles encountering Geryon: an amphora in the British Museum (B 155) and one in the Bibliothèque at Paris (202). In the latter the figure of Athena is almost exactly repeated from the Deepdene vase, and behind her is a group of cattle. The reverse of this vase represents a quadriga seen from the front (a typical Chalcidian subject). Both sides of the vase are illustrated in Plate XXII.
Two pieces from the group depict Herakles meeting Geryon: one amphora is in the British Museum (B 155), and another is in the Bibliothèque in Paris (202). In the second one, the figure of Athena closely resembles that on the Deepdene vase, and there's a group of cattle behind her. The reverse side of this vase shows a quadriga viewed from the front (a typical Chalcidian theme). Both sides of the vase are illustrated in Plate XXII.
Until the whole series of Chalcidian vases is properly studied and estimated,[1068] it is difficult to give an adequate account of this important group; we append, however, a list of those bearing inscriptions in the alphabet, and a few others for various reasons associated with them.[1069]
Until the entire collection of Chalcidian vases is thoroughly examined and valued,[1068] it's challenging to provide a comprehensive account of this significant group; however, we include a list of those with inscriptions in the alphabet, along with a few others that are connected to them for different reasons.[1069]
§5. “Tyrrhenian Vases”
There is a large and important class of vases, not differing in technique from the Attic B.F. vases proper, yet clearly of earlier date, and while not exclusively Attic in all their characteristics, yet sufficiently so to suggest that they are closely connected therewith. The problem which these vases have for a long time presented is whether they merely represent an early stage of the Attic B.F. fabrics, linking them to the “Proto-Attic,” or whether they owe their origin to foreign, e.g. Corinthian, sources.
There is a significant class of vases that, while not different in technique from the true Attic B.F. vases, are definitely older. Although they aren't entirely Attic in their characteristics, they possess enough that suggests a close connection to Attic styles. For a long time, the challenge these vases present is whether they simply represent an earlier stage of Attic B.F. styles, linking them to the “Proto-Attic,” or if they originate from foreign sources, such as Corinthian ones.
About eighty vases, nearly all amphorae, have been recognised as presenting the characteristics of this class, and all have been found in Italy, chiefly at Cervetri and Vulci; hence they have been known for many years. As long ago as 1830 the name “Tyrrhenian amphorae” was applied to them by Gerhard, meaning thereby a sort of cross between Greek vases proper and those of obviously Italian origin. The name has adhered to them, and was also used generally to describe the characteristic form of amphora, with its cylindrical neck and egg-shaped body[1070]; but it was not long before it began to be realised that the vases bore inscriptions in the Attic dialect, and, further, that the subjects on them had much in common with the later Corinthian fabrics. Thereupon sprang up the idea, fostered by Loeschcke,[1071] that the vases were made by Athenian potters, but that they were largely indebted to Corinthian—or, as Loeschcke called them, Peloponnesian—prototypes.[1072] For the last ten years or so they have been generally known as “Corintho-Attic,” but Thiersch, the most recent writer on the subject,[1073] reverts to the old name of Tyrrhenian, using it of course in a purely conventional sense. His conclusion is that the class is to be regarded as “old Attic,” rather than imitative of Corinthian, and he shows clearly that it must be regarded as a development of the Vourva vases (p. 299), as will be seen from an examination of the vase given in Fig. 89, p. 299; but that it is entirely free from Corinthian influence can hardly be maintained. We have seen that the Vourva class borrowed from Corinth the friezes of animals which are also characteristic of this group, and it is possible that this influence continued to make itself felt. At all events, this ware belongs to the first half of the sixth century B.C., and stands in close relation to the François vase, and others which represent the earliest school of Attic B.F. artists. Its specially Attic characteristic are, according to Holwerda, (1) the inscriptions, (2) the clay, (3) the types of the lotos and other ornaments, (4) the importance given to one subject, (5) the thin proportions of the figures.[1074]
About eighty vases, almost all amphorae, have been identified as belonging to this category, with all of them discovered in Italy, mainly at Cervetri and Vulci; therefore, they have been known for many years. As early as 1830, the term “Tyrrhenian amphorae” was used by Gerhard to describe them, indicating a blend of authentic Greek vases and those of clearly Italian origin. This name has stuck, and it has also been used broadly to characterize the typical shape of an amphora, featuring a cylindrical neck and egg-shaped body[1070]; but it wasn’t long before it became apparent that the vases had inscriptions in the Attic dialect, and that their designs shared much in common with later Corinthian styles. This led to the idea, supported by Loeschcke,[1071] that the vases were crafted by Athenian potters, but heavily influenced by Corinthian—or what Loeschcke referred to as Peloponnesian—models.[1072] For the past ten years or so, they’ve commonly been referred to as “Corintho-Attic,” but Thiersch, the most recent author on the topic,[1073] returns to the original name of Tyrrhenian, using it in a purely conventional context. His conclusion is that this group should be seen as “old Attic,” rather than a copy of Corinthian styles, and he clearly demonstrates that it should be recognized as a development of the Vourva vases (p. 299), as seen from an examination of the vase illustrated in Fig. 89, p. 299; but it can hardly be argued that it is completely devoid of Corinthian influence. We’ve noted that the Vourva class adopted from Corinth the animal friezes, which are also typical of this group, and it’s possible that this influence continued to persist. In any case, this ware dates back to the first half of the sixth century BCE and is closely related to the François vase and others representing the earliest Attic B.F. artists. According to Holwerda, its distinctively Attic features include (1) the inscriptions, (2) the clay, (3) the types of lotos and other decorations, (4) the emphasis on a single subject, and (5) the slender proportions of the figures.[1074]

“Tyrrhenian” Amphora: Death of Polyxena (Brit. Mus.).
"Tyrrhenian" Amphora: The Death of Polyxena (British Museum).
The vases are for the most part decorated in the same manner, with an elaborate lotos-and-honeysuckle pattern on either side of the neck, and several friezes of figures, usually three, covering the body, of which all but the principal one are composed of animals or monsters. The principal frieze is always the upper one, covering the body from the neck to the middle. The friezes are more numerous on the earlier examples; they become fewer as Corinthian characteristics give way to Attic. Altogether, these vases are remarkably homogeneous, both in style, in shape, and in technique, and it has even been suggested that the whole series is the work of one man; nor is this an impossibility.
The vases are mostly decorated in a similar way, featuring an intricate lotus-and-honeysuckle design on either side of the neck, along with several friezes of figures, usually three, adorning the body, where all but the main one consist of animals or mythical creatures. The main frieze is always the top one, spanning from the neck to the middle of the body. There are more friezes on the earlier examples; they become less frequent as Corinthian traits transition to Attic styles. Overall, these vases are really consistent in style, shape, and technique, and some have even suggested that the entire series could be the work of a single artist; which isn’t impossible.
An interesting feature is formed by the inscriptions,[1075] which
are of frequent occurrence. They tend, however, to degenerate
into meaningless collocations of letters, which some have thought
to represent Corinthian inscriptions misunderstood; but the
alphabet is pure Attic throughout, except for the double forms
on the Berlin amphora (see below), and a Chalcidian
for Γ
on a vase in the British Museum. The artist is fond of giving
his figures surnames, and thus we find Hermes styled
Κυλλήνιος, “of Kyllene,” Nestor Πύλιος, “of Pylos,” and Ajax
[Ὀ]ιλιάδης, “son of Oileus,” a feature which hardly occurs on
any other class of vases. The meaningless inscriptions are
not easy to account for; certain groups of letters are repeated
over and over again, and it has been suggested by Thiersch
that they are analogous to the friezes of animals, with their
repetitions and combinations. They also seem to serve a
decorative purpose by filling up spaces.
An interesting feature is the inscriptions,[1075] which appear frequently. However, they often turn into meaningless combinations of letters, which some believe to be misinterpreted Corinthian inscriptions; but the alphabet is entirely pure Attic, except for the double forms on the Berlin amphora (see below), and a Chalcidian
for Γ
on a vase in the British Museum. The artist likes to give his figures surnames, so we find Hermes called
Κυλλήνιος, “of Kyllene,” Nestor Πύλος, “of Pylos,” and Ajax
[Ὀ]ιλιάδης, “son of Oileus,” a feature that rarely appears on any other type of vases. The meaningless inscriptions are difficult to explain; certain groups of letters are repeated
over and over, and Thiersch suggested that they are similar to the friezes of animals, with their repetitions and combinations. They also seem to have a decorative function by filling empty spaces.
The subjects are mainly mythological, with many features of interest. For several the artist seems to have had a decided preference, such as the combats of Herakles with Amazons and with the Centaur Nessos, that of the Lapiths with the Centaurs, the adventure of Troilos and Polyxena from the Trojan legends. Bacchic scenes are altogether wanting, but on many examples a Corinthian type is adopted in their place, representing grotesque dancing figures in various attitudes.[1076] Of scenes from daily life, combats of armed warriors and young riders galloping prevail above all others; the latter are, as on the Caeretan hydriae (p. 355), little more than decorative. Generally speaking, it is doubtful if Loeschcke’s idea of types borrowed from the Peloponnese can be maintained; it is true that some scenes which occur on the chest of Kypselos may be found, but the treatment is not quite the same; and some subjects seem to be rather from an Ionic source. The animals or monsters which form the subordinate friezes include the Sphinx and Siren; the lion, panther, goat, and deer; the eagle, swan, and cock.[1077]
The subjects are primarily mythological, featuring many interesting elements. The artist seems to have had a clear preference for certain themes, such as the battles of Herakles with the Amazons and the Centaur Nessos, the fight between the Lapiths and the Centaurs, and the story of Troilos and Polyxena from the Trojan legends. Bacchic scenes are completely absent, but in many cases, a Corinthian style is used instead, depicting grotesque dancing figures in various poses.[1076] In terms of daily life scenes, battles involving armed warriors and young riders on horseback are the most prominent; the latter are, as seen on the Caeretan hydriae (p. 355), little more than decorative. Overall, it is questionable whether Loeschcke's notion of types drawn from the Peloponnese holds true; while it is true that some scenes found on the chest of Kypselos may appear, the treatment is not quite the same, and some subjects seem to be derived from an Ionic source. The animals or monsters that make up the subordinate friezes include the Sphinx and Siren; the lion, panther, goat, and deer; the eagle, swan, and rooster.[1077]
Some of the vases call for more than passing mention,
especially the remarkable Berlin vase (Cat. 1704) with the Birth
of Athena, and the richly decorated specimen recently acquired
by the British Museum, with the Death of Polyxena. The former
seems to be the earliest example of its subject, and in the
number and arrangement of the figures it resembles the fine
early Attic amphora in the British Museum (B 147). Its chief
interest is epigraphical, in the use of the double forms (Corinthian
and Attic) in the same word of the letters E
()
and Κ (Ϙ).[1078]
Over the figure of Hermes is written Ἑρμῆς εἰμὶ Κϙυέλνιος
(sc. Κυλλήνιος), as already noted above. This vase may be
regarded as having established the “type” for the subject
so long popular on Attic vases, until Pheidias created a new and
more ideal version.[1079] The Museum vase (Plate XXIII.) has a very
remarkable representation of a subject rare in Greek art, with
several unique features.[1080] The body of Polyxena is carried in
a rigid horizontal position by Ajax Iliades (sc. son of Oïleus)
and two others, to the tomb of Achilles, over which Neoptolemos
stands to perform the fatal deed. Phoenix, Diomede, and
Nestor “of Pylos” are spectators of the act.
Some of the vases deserve more than just a quick mention, especially the impressive Berlin vase (Cat. 1704) featuring the Birth of Athena, and the beautifully decorated piece recently acquired by the British Museum, depicting the Death of Polyxena. The former appears to be the earliest example of its subject, and in the number and arrangement of the figures, it resembles the fine early Attic amphora in the British Museum (B 147). Its main interest lies in its inscriptions, particularly the use of the double forms (Corinthian and Attic) in the same word of the letters E
()
and Κ (Ϙ).[1078]
Above the figure of Hermes, it says I am Hermes Kuelnios
(sc. Kylenian), as noted earlier. This vase can be
seen as having set the “type” for the subject that remained popular on Attic vases, until Pheidias created a new and more ideal version.[1079] The Museum vase (Plate XXIII.) presents a very notable depiction of a subject that is rare in Greek art, featuring several unique elements.[1080] Ajax Iliades (sc. son of Oïleus) and two others carry the body of Polyxena in a rigid horizontal position to the tomb of Achilles, where Neoptolemos stands ready to commit the fatal act. Phoenix, Diomede, and Nestor “of Pylos” are witnesses to the scene.
The style of the vases as a whole is coarse and clumsy, though it often rises to a greater standard of merit; the lines are often mechanically drawn and lifeless, which may be to some extent the result of imitation. Details of drapery are seldom shown, except that the dresses are often richly decorated with incised patterns, but the folds are never indicated.[1081]
The overall style of the vases is rough and awkward, although it sometimes reaches a higher standard of quality; the lines are often drawn in a mechanical and lifeless way, which may partly be due to imitation. Details of drapery are rarely depicted, except that the dresses are often lavishly adorned with carved patterns, but the folds are never shown.[1081]
930. Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 222–3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pottier, Louvre Catalogue i. p. 222–3.
931. Wide, in Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 385 ff.; see also ibid. 1893, p. 138.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wide, in Ath. Mitth. 1896, p. 385 ff.; see also ibid. 1893, p. 138.
932. Cf. the results from the Argive Heraion (Waldstein, i. p. 49 ff.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the findings from the Argive Heraion (Waldstein, i. p. 49 ff.).
933. Cf. Horace, Ep. ii. 1, 156: Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit, et artes intulit agresti Latio.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Horace, Ep. ii. 1, 156: Greece captured the ruthless conqueror and introduced the arts to the harsh Latin territories.
934. M. Pottier notes the unexpected repetition of curvilinear elements in Geometrical pottery (Louvre Cat. i. p. 223).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.M. Pottier points out the surprising repetition of curved designs in Geometrical pottery (Louvre Cat. i. p. 223).
935. For Melos, see Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 112; for Thera, H. von Gaertringen, Thera, ii. p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.; for Crete, Brit. School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 91.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For Melos, see Yearbook, 1886, p. 112; for Thera, H. von Gaertringen, Thera, ii. p. 127 ff.; Ath. Mitth. 1903, p. 1 ff.; for Crete, Brit. School Annual, 1899–1900, p. 91.
936. Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 29; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 103, fig. 150; Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 304.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 29; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 103, fig. 150; Dörpfeld, Troy and Ilium, i. p. 304.
937. See Wide’s study of the pottery in the Athens Museum, Jahrbuch, xiv. (1899), pp. 26, 78, 188; xv. (1900), p. 49.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out Wide’s analysis of the pottery in the Athens Museum, Yearbook, xiv. (1899), pp. 26, 78, 188; xv. (1900), p. 49.
938. Zur Geschichte d. Anfänge d. Kunst, p. 1 ff. (Sitzungsber. d. k. Akad. d. Wiss. Wien, 1870, lxiv. p. 505 ff.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.On the History of the Origins of Art, p. 1 ff. (Proceedings of the Royal Academy of Sciences Vienna, 1870, lxiv. p. 505 ff.).
939. See Bibliography.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Check Bibliography.
940. Perrot and Chipiez, vii. pp. 51, 208.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Perrot and Chipiez, vii. pp. 51, 208.
941. J.H.S. viii. p. 68 ff.; cf. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 223 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. viii. p. 68 ff.; cf. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 223 ff.
942. See p. 35, and Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 73 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See p. 35, and Ath. Mitth. 1893, p. 73 ff.
943. E.g. B.M. A 383, 384; Louvre, A 490, 491; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1872, pl. K, fig. 12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, B.M. A 383, 384; Louvre, A 490, 491; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1872, pl. K, fig. 12.
944. Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 95.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1886, p. 95.
946. See Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 150 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 150 and following.
947. E.g. B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, 600.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, 600.
948. J.H.S. xix. pl. 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 19. pl. 8.
950. Cf. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 57.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Perrot, History of Art, vii. p. 57.
951. Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. 13; J.H.S. xvii. pl. 3, p. 70.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. 13; J.H.S. xvii. pl. 3, p. 70.
952. Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 8.
953. Jahrbuch, i. (1886), p. 119.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, i. (1886), p. 119.
954. The most important of the Dipylon vases have been published in the Monumenti, vol. ix. pl. 39, and Annali, 1872, pl. 1, besides the others already mentioned. See also Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 29; Louvre Cat. A 516–19, 526, 575; Athens Cat. 196–214, 350, etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The most significant of the Dipylon vases have been published in the Monuments, vol. ix. pl. 39, and Annali, 1872, pl. 1, in addition to the others already mentioned. Also, see Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 29; Louvre Cat. A 516–19, 526, 575; Athens Cat. 196–214, 350, etc.
955. Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 325 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1888, p. 325 ff.
956. Hist. de l’Art, vii. p. 212.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Art History, vii. p. 212.
957. Monuments Piot, i. p. 35 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Monuments Piot, i. p. 35 ff.
959. See Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 173.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Riegl, Style Questions, p. 173.
960. Riegl, fig. 81.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Riegl, fig. 81.
961. Cat. 306; Jahrbuch, 1888, p. 357.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 306; Yearbook, 1888, p. 357.
962. On these fibulae see B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, p. xxxix, and Nos. 119–21, 3204–5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information on these fibulae, refer to B.M. Cat. of Bronzes, p. xxxix, and Nos. 119–21, 3204–5.
963. This would seem to suggest a textile origin for Geometrical patterns, at least on Boeotian vases.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This suggests that geometric patterns likely originated from textiles, at least on Boeotian vases.
964. E.g. B 57–8 in Brit. Mus.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example, B 57–8 in the British Museum
965. Jahrbuch, i. (1886), p. 99 ff.: see also, for relations with Egypt, p. 114.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, i. (1886), p. 99 ff.: see also, for relations with Egypt, p. 114.
966. Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 304 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dörpfeld,
967. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 232, and Ath. Mitth. 1892, p. 285.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 232, and Ath. Mitth. 1892, p. 285.
968. Jahrbuch, 1886, p. 106; Pottier, op. cit. p. 229.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1886, p. 106; Pottier, op. cit. p. 229.
969. In the B.F. period, pinakes and prothesis-amphorae (Athens 688–690, 845–847; Berlin 1811–26, 1887–89); in the R.F. period, the white lekythi.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In the B.F. period, pinakes and prothesis-amphorae (Athens 688–690, 845–847; Berlin 1811–26, 1887–89); in the R.F. period, the white lekythi.
970. See Pottier, op. cit. i. p. 135 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pottier, op. cit. i. p. 135 ff.
971. See also Ath. Mitth. xiii. (1888), p. 280.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also Ath. Mitth. xiii. (1888), p. 280.
972. Ath. Mitth. 1895, pl. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1895, pl. 3.
973. See J.H.S. xxii. p. 35.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. vol. 22, p. 35.
974. Ionian influence in the early part of the sixth century is also indicated by the finds of Rhodian and Naucratite pottery on the Acropolis at Athens; and in another way by the style of the vases found at Vourva and others from Eretria: see Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop., p. 116; Nilsson in Jahrbuch, 1903, p. 124 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ionian influence in the early sixth century is also shown by the finds of Rhodian and Naucratite pottery on the Acropolis at Athens; and in another way by the style of the vases found at Vourva and others from Eretria: see Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop., p. 116; Nilsson in Yearbook, 1903, p. 124 ff.
975. Cf. Athens 464, 469; Jahrbuch, 1897, pl. 7; Notizie degli Scavi, 1895, p. 186, as examples of the transition.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Athens 464, 469; Annual Report, 1897, pl. 7; Excavation News, 1895, p. 186, as examples of the transition.
977. Athens 665–66: cf. 469.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athens 665–66: see 469.
978. See Chapter XIV.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Chapter 14.
979. See Chapter XVII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Chapter 17.
980. Ashmolean Vases, No. 189.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ashmolean Vases, No. 189.
981. In the Vatican (Helbig, i. p. 435, No. 641). Reinach, i. 179 = Wiener Vorl. 1888, 1, 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In the Vatican (Helbig, i. p. 435, No. 641). Reinach, i. 179 = Wiener Vorl. 1888, 1, 8.
982. For the interpretation of the inscription see J.H.S. x. p. 187 (Ramsay); Arch.-epigr. Mitth. aus Oesterr.-Ungarn, 1888, p. 85 (Dümmler); Class. Review, 1900, p. 264 (Richards). The last explanation (Aristonoös) seems the most natural. See Chapter XVII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For the meaning of the inscription, refer to J.H.S. x. p. 187 (Ramsay); Arch.-epigr. Mitth. from Austria-Hungary, 1888, p. 85 (Dümmler); Class. Review, 1900, p. 264 (Richards). The last interpretation (Aristonoös) seems the most straightforward. See Chapter XVII.
983. Schliemann, Mycenae, p. 133: cf. Pottier in Revue Arch. xxviii. (1896), p. 19. The technique of the vase is not strictly Mycenaean, as the use of yellow colour for details implies.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Schliemann, Mycenae, p. 133: cf. Pottier in Revue Arch. xxviii. (1896), p. 19. The style of the vase isn’t purely Mycenaean, as the use of yellow for details suggests.
984. Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 201.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 201.
985. See Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 58.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Yearbook, 1887, p. 58.
986. That they are an immediate development of the Dipylon style is indicated by various features of the later Attic Geometrical vases (Jahrbuch, 1886, pp. 98, 120).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Their direct evolution from the Dipylon style is shown by various characteristics found in the later Attic Geometrical vases (Annual, 1886, pp. 98, 120).
987. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 48, fig. 8 = Plate XVII. No. 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1887, p. 48, fig. 8 = Plate XVII. No. 5.
988. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 46.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1887, p. 46.
990. Ath. Mitth. 1890, pls. 10–12; 1893, pl. 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1890, pls. 10–12; 1893, pl. 2.
991. Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 115 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.From Ionian and Italian Cemetery. p. 115 ff.
992. Jahrbuch, 1903, p. 124 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1903, p. 124 ff.
993. Ath. Mitth. 1890, p. 10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1890, p. 10.
995. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 1, figs. 2 and 7: cf. Berlin 1651 = Bull. de Cor. Hell. 1897, p. 448.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 1, figs. 2 and 7: see Berlin 1651 = Bull. de Cor. Hell. 1897, p. 448.
997. Wiener Vorl. 1889, pl. 1, fig. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wiener Vorl. 1889, pl. 1, fig. 1.
999. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1897, p. 450: cf. Athens 612 and a Berlin vase = Anzeiger, 1891, p. 116. On this shape see above, p. 187.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. of Corr. in Hell. 1897, p. 450: cf. Athens 612 and a Berlin vase = Anzeiger, 1891, p. 116. For more on this shape, see above, p. 187.
1001. Melische Thongefässe. See also Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 213; Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 211.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Melische Tongue Containers. See also Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 213; Yearbook, 1887, p. 211.
1002. Athens 477 = Mylonas in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, pls. 12–4, p. 226 (admirably reproduced in colours).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athens 477 = Mylonas in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, pls. 12–4, p. 226 (beautifully reproduced in color).
1003. Cf. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 212.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 212.
1004. Athens 475.
Athens 475.
1005. Berlin 301 = Reinach, i. 380, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Berlin 301 = Reinach, i. 380, 4.
1006. Cf. also J.H.S. viii. pl. 79 and B.M. A 762–64, 790.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also J.H.S. viii. pl. 79 and B.M. A 762–64, 790.
1007. Stilfragen, p. 154.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Style Issues, p. 154.
1008. J.H.S. xxii. p. 46 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 22, p. 46 and following.
1009. Cf. J.H.S. xxii. p. 66.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. xxii. p. 66.
1010. x. 182.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. x. 182.
1011. On the relations of Corinthian and Rhodian pottery, see Wilisch, Altkor. Thonindustrie, p. 127. The Corinthian vases found in Rhodes are roughly contemporaneous with the so-called Rhodian fabric.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information on the relationship between Corinthian and Rhodian pottery, check out Wilisch, Altkor. Thon industry, p. 127. The Corinthian vases discovered in Rhodes are about the same age as the so-called Rhodian fabric.
1012. E.g. Louvre E 460, 467; Berlin 1156 ff. Furtwaengler, Dümmler, and Wilisch call these Italo-Corinthian, but Böhlau regards them as Aeolic, Orsi and Gsell as Sicilian. See Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 422.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example Louvre E 460, 467; Berlin 1156 ff. Furtwaengler, Dümmler, and Wilisch refer to these as Italo-Corinthian, while Böhlau sees them as Aeolic, and Orsi and Gsell classify them as Sicilian. See Pottier, Louvre Catalog. ii. p. 422.
1013. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 106.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Gaz. Arch. 1880, p. 106.
1014. Wilisch, Altkor. Thonindustrie, p. 6 ff., limits these classes to three: Proto-Corinthian, Yellow-ground, and Red-ground; he arrives at this by combining Classes 2, 3, and 4 in one.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wilisch, Altkor. Thon Industry, p. 6 ff., limits these categories to three: Proto-Corinthian, Yellow-ground, and Red-ground; he reaches this conclusion by merging Classes 2, 3, and 4 into one.
1015. Cf. Couve in Rev. Arch. xxxii. (1898), p. 214.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Couve in Rev. Arch. xxxii. (1898), p. 214.
1016. Cf. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 16, of Aridikes and Telephanes, spargentes linear intus. But it is not certain that this passage refers to the use of incised lines.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 16, about Aridikes and Telephanes, linear spargentes inside. However, it’s not clear if this passage talks about the use of incised lines.
1017. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1877, pls. C, D; Mon. Antichi, i. p. 780.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ann. dell’ Inst. 1877, pls. C, D; Old Mondays, i. p. 780.
1018. J.H.S. xi. p. 173; Gsell, Fouilles de Vulci, p. 481.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xi. p. 173; Gsell, Excavations of Vulci, p. 481.
1019. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1877, p. 406; Italiker in der Po-ebene, p. 84.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ann. dell’ Inst. 1877, p. 406; Italians in the Po Valley, p. 84.
1020. Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 18; Klein, Euphronios, p. 68; Wilisch, p. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1887, p. 18; Klein, Euphronios, p. 68; Wilisch, p. 11.
1021. Ath. Mitth. 1897, pp. 262, 265 ff.; and Anzeiger, 1893, p. 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1897, pp. 262, 265 ff.; and Anzeiger, 1893, p. 17.
1022. Rev. Arch. xxxii. (1898), p. 228.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rev. Arch. 32 (1898), p. 228.
1023. Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 262; Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 202; Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1900, p. 441.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 262; Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 202; Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1900, p. 441.
1024. Rev. Arch. xl. (1902), p. 41.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rev. Arch. xl. (1902), p. 41.
1025. Ant. Denkm. ii. pls. 44–5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ant. Denkm. ii. pls. 44–5.
1026. Amer. Journ. loc. cit.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Amer. Journ. same source.
1028. Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 265 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 265 ff.
1029. In some specimens Ionian influence seems to manifest itself: cf. for instance the Ionic palmette in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 279. Studniczka notes that the purely monochrome outline drawing of the Aegina vases is like that ascribed by Pliny to the early Corinthian painters (Ath. Mitth. 1899, p. 376).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In some examples, you can see the influence of Ionian style: for instance, check out the Ionic palmette in Ath. Mitth. 1897, p. 279. Studniczka points out that the simple monochrome outline drawing of the Aegina vases resembles what Pliny attributed to the early Corinthian painters (Ath. Mitth. 1899, p. 376).
1031. Mélanges Perrot, pl. 4, p. 269, and see p. 271, note 2; Rev. Arch. xxxii. (1898), p. 213.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mélanges Perrot, pl. 4, p. 269, and see p. 271, note 2; Rev. Architecture xxxii. (1898), p. 213.
1032. Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1900, pls. 4–6, p. 441.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1900, pls. 4–6, p. 441.
1033. Ant. Denkm. ii. pls. 44–5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ant. Denkm. ii. pls. 44–5.
1034. So called from the imitation of overlapping roof-tiles (imbrices).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Named after the imitation of overlapping roof tiles (imbrices).
1035. E.g. B.M. A 193, 223; Louvre A 275.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. A 193, 223; Louvre A 275.
1036. E.g. Louvre, Atlas, pl. 40, E 347.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. E.g. Louvre, Atlas, pl. 40, E 347.
1037. Mon. Antichi, iv. p. 271 ff.; Böhlau, Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 91.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. Antichi, iv. p. 271 ff.; Böhlau, Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 91.
1039. Cf. Louvre E 350 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Louvre E 350 ff.
1040. Studniczka (Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 151) connects Ekphantos with Melos (cf. the inscription in Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 32). On the connection of Corinth with Melos, see Wilisch, p. 123 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Studniczka (Yearbook, 1887, p. 151) links Ekphantos to Melos (see the inscription in Roberts, Gk. Epigraphy, i. p. 32). For the connection between Corinth and Melos, refer to Wilisch, p. 123 ff.
1041. The aryballos is also found in early Boeotian fabrics (subsequent to the Geometrical period): cf. the Gamedes vase in the B.M. (p. 300.), and that of Menaidas in the Louvre.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The aryballos is also present in early Boeotian fabrics (after the Geometrical period): see the Gamedes vase in the B.M. (p. 300.), and that of Menaidas in the Louvre.
1042. See Wilisch, p. 24; examples in Athens Mus., Nos. 621, 622, 640 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Wilisch, p. 24; examples in Athens Mus., Nos. 621, 622, 640 and following.
1043. Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 437 ff.; but see Ath. Mitth. 1895, p. 125, and Böhlau, Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 98.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 437 ff.; but see Ath. Mitth. 1895, p. 125, and Böhlau, Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 98.
1044. E.g. Athens Mus. 502 and 507; Berlin 1034 ff.; J.H.S. xii. p. 312 (from Cyprus); and cf. Wilisch, p. 41.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, Athens Mus. 502 and 507; Berlin 1034 ff.; J.H.S. xii. p. 312 (from Cyprus); and see Wilisch, p. 41.
1045. See Él. Cér. iii. 31–32 B, etc., and Chapter XII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Él. Cér. iii. 31–32 B, etc., and Chapter XII.
1046. J.H.S. i. pl. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. i. pl. 1.
1049. Cf. the Dodwell pyxis described below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the Dodwell pyxis mentioned below.
1050. Cf. also the aryballos of Ainetas, B.M. A 1080 = Ann. dell’ Inst. 1862, pl. A, and the series of pinakes described below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also the aryballos from Ainetas, B.M. A 1080 = Ann. dell’ Inst. 1862, pl. A, and the collection of pinakes described below.
1051. Cat. 211; Dodwell, Tour, ii. p. 197; Baumeister, iii. pl. 88, fig. 2046.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 211; Dodwell, Tour, ii. p. 197; Baumeister, iii. pl. 88, fig. 2046.
1052. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Wiener Vorl. 1888, plate 1.
1053. Cf. B.M. B 30 and B 586.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. B 30 and B 586.
1054. Cat. 1655 = Wiener Vorl. 1889, pl. 10 = Reinach, Répertoire, i. p. 199.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 1655 = Vienna Preview 1889, pl. 10 = Reinach, Directory, i. p. 199.
1056. v. 17, 9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. v. 17, 9.
1057. Paus. v. 17–19.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Paus. v. 17–19.
1059. See on this subject H. S. Jones in J.H.S. xiv. p. 30 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For more on this topic, see H. S. Jones in J.H.S. xiv. p. 30 ff.
1062. See on the achievements of the early Greek painters as described by Pliny, Jex-Blake and Sellers, Pliny’s Chapters on Greek Art, p. xxviii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the accomplishments of the early Greek painters as detailed by Pliny, Jex-Blake, and Sellers, Pliny’s Chapters on Greek Art, p. xxviii.
1063. But see Ath. Mitth. 1894, p. 510, and J.H.S. xviii. p. 287, note. The other vases classified in the Museum Catalogue as imitations (B 43–6, 49–53) are more probably of Ionic or quasi-Ionic fabric. Athens 655 is in style not unlike B.M. B 42.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.But check Ath. Mitth. 1894, p. 510, and J.H.S. xviii. p. 287, note. The other vases listed in the Museum Catalogue as imitations (B 43–6, 49–53) are more likely made of Ionic or quasi-Ionic material. Athens 655 has a style that's quite similar to B.M. B 42.
1064. See Wilisch, Altkor. Thonindustrie, p. 133 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Wilisch, Altkor. Thon Industry, p. 133 ff.
1065. Furtwaengler, Gr. Vasenm. p. 161, points out that the Chalcidian fabrics are not like those of Corinth and Athens, exhibiting growth and development, but a small group coming from one workshop.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Furtwaengler, Gr. Vasenm. p. 161, notes that the Chalcidian fabrics are different from those of Corinth and Athens, showing stagnation rather than growth and development, and represent a small group produced by a single workshop.
1066. Mon. dell’ Inst. i. 51 = Reinach, i. 82.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. of the Inst. i. 51 = Reinach, i. 82.
1067. It is curious that the Chalcidian artists only attempted this novelty in the case of helmeted warriors.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It's interesting that the Chalcidian artists only tried this new approach with helmeted warriors.
1068. A publication by Loeschcke is in preparation (1904). See also Furtwaengler’s remarks on this group (to which he adds some examples) in Gr. Vasenmalerei, p. 161. For the inscriptions see Chapter XVII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A publication by Loeschcke is being prepared (1904). Also, check Furtwaengler’s comments on this group (which includes some examples) in Gr. Vase Painting, p. 161. For the inscriptions, see Chapter XVII.
1069. The list in Klein’s Euphronios, p. 65, is as follows:—
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The list in Klein’s Euphronios, p. 65, is as follows:—
(1) Mon. dell’ Inst. i. 51 (Deepdene): Combat over body of Achilles.
(1) Mon. dell’ Inst. i. 51 (Deepdene): Fight over Achilles' body.
(2) Gerhard, A.V. 105–6 = Reinach, ii. 58, 253 (Bibl. Nat. 202): Geryon; quadriga (Plate XXII.).
(2) Gerhard, A.V. 105–6 = Reinach, ii. 58, 253 (Bibl. Nat. 202): Geryon; quadriga (Plate XXII.).
(3) B.M. B 155: Geryon; Perseus and Nymphs.
(3) B.M. B 155: Geryon; Perseus and Nymphs.
(4) Gerhard, A.V. 190–91 = Reinach, ii. 95 (Bibl. Nat. 203): Warriors arming.
(4) Gerhard, A.V. 190–91 = Reinach, ii. 95 (Bibl. Nat. 203): Warriors arming.
(5) Ibid. 322 = Reinach, ii. 160 (Wurzburg 315): Departure of Hector.
(5) Ibid. 322 = Reinach, ii. 160 (Wurzburg 315): Departure of Hector.
(6) Ann. dell’ Inst. 1839, plate P = Reinach, i. 259 (Kopenhagen 64). Skyphos: Tydeus and Adrastos.
(6) Ann. dell’ Inst. 1839, plate P = Reinach, i. 259 (Copenhagen 64). Skyphos: Tydeus and Adrastos.
(7) Leiden 1626 (Reinach, ii. 268): Sileni and Maenads.
(7) Leiden 1626 (Reinach, ii. 268): Sileni and Maenads.
(8) Durand Coll. 145.
(8) Durand Collection 145.
(9) Gerhard, A.V. 237 = Reinach, ii. 120 (Munich 125). Hydria: Zeus and Typhon; Peleus and Atalanta.
(9) Gerhard, A.V. 237 = Reinach, ii. 120 (Munich 125). Hydria: Zeus and Typhon; Peleus and Atalanta.
(10) Bull. dell’ Inst. 1870, p. 187, No. 32 (in Florence).
(10) Bull. dell' Inst. 1870, p. 187, No. 32 (in Florence).
(11) Gerhard, A.V. 95–6 = Reinach, ii. 53: Contests of Herakles with hydra and Amazons.
(11) Gerhard, A.V. 95–6 = Reinach, ii. 53: Battles of Herakles with the hydra and the Amazons.
To these may be added (12, 13) B.M. B 75 and B 76 (both inscribed); (14) Munich 1108; (15) Vienna 219; (16) Jahrbuch, ii. (1887), p. 154, note 82; (17) B.M. B 154 (inscriptions Attic, but style resembling No. 1); (18) Gerhard, A.V. 205, 3–4 = Reinach, ii. 105, 2 (inscriptions Ionic, but style Chalcidian); (19) Kopenhagen 115 = Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 821, fig. 1026; (20) Arch. Anzeiger, 1889, p. 91 (in Berlin); also Louvre E 793–813 (according to Pottier). See on the subject generally Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 551, and for the inscriptions, Kretschmer, Gr. Vaseninschr. p. 62.
To these may be added (12, 13) B.M. B 75 and B 76 (both inscribed); (14) Munich 1108; (15) Vienna 219; (16) Annual Report, ii. (1887), p. 154, note 82; (17) B.M. B 154 (inscriptions Attic, but style resembling No. 1); (18) Gerhard, A.V. 205, 3–4 = Reinach, ii. 105, 2 (inscriptions Ionic, but style Chalcidian); (19) Kopenhagen 115 = Daremberg and Saglio, i. p. 821, fig. 1026; (20) Arch. Anzeiger, 1889, p. 91 (in Berlin); also Louvre E 793–813 (according to Pottier). See on the subject generally Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 551, and for the inscriptions, Kretschmer, Gr. Vaseninschr. p. 62.
1071. Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 108.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 108.
1072. On the relation of Attic vases to Corinthian, see Wilisch, Altkor. Thonindustrie, p. 137.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information about the connection between Attic and Corinthian vases, check out Wilisch, Altkor. Thon Industry, p. 137.
1073. Tyrrhen. Amphoren (1898).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Tyrrhen. Amphorae (1898).
1074. Jahrbuch, 1890, p. 237 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 564.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1890, p. 237 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Catalog ii. p. 564.
1076. See, J.H.S. xviii. p. 287. The dance is that known as the κόρδαξ.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See, J.H.S. xviii. p. 287. The dance is known as the κόρδαξ.
1077. On the ornamental patterns typical of this group, see Thiersch, Tyrrhen. Amphoren, p. 69 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For the decorative patterns characteristic of this group, check out Thiersch, Tyrrhen. Amphorae, p. 69 ff.
1079. M. Reinach, in a recent article (Revue des Études Grecques, 1901, p. 127 ff.), maintains that the vases with this subject are of Megarian origin. See also Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 108 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.M. Reinach, in a recent article (Greek Studies Review, 1901, p. 127 ff.), argues that the vases with this theme are of Megarian origin. See also Arch. Zeit. 1876, p. 108 ff.
1080. See for fuller discussion J.H.S. xviii. pl. 15, p. 282.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See for more details J.H.S. xviii. pl. 15, p. 282.
1081. See on the subject of these vases generally, Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 329 ff.; Jahrbuch, 1890, p. 237 ff.; J.H.S. xviii. p. 283; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 564; and above all, Thiersch, Tyrrhen. Amphoren (1898).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information about these vases in general, refer to Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 329 ff.; Yearbook, 1890, p. 237 ff.; J.H.S. xviii. p. 283; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 564; and especially, Thiersch, Tyrrhen. Amphoren (1898).
CHAPTER VIII
VASE-PAINTING IN IONIA
General characteristics—Classification—Mycenaean influence—Rhodian pottery—“Fikellura” ware—Asia Minor fabrics—Cyrenaic vases—Naukratis and its pottery—Daphnae ware—Caeretan hydriae—Other Ionic fabrics—“Pontic” vases—Early painting in Ionia—Clazomenae sarcophagi.
General characteristics—Classification—Mycenaean influence—Rhodian pottery—“Fikellura” ware—Asia Minor fabrics—Cyrenaic vases—Naukratis and its pottery—Daphnae ware—Caeretan hydriae—Other Ionic fabrics—“Pontic” vases—Early painting in Ionia—Clazomenae sarcophagi.
Having traced the history of vase-painting in Greece Proper down to the middle of the sixth century B.C., the point at which a tendency towards unification of style becomes perceptible, we must now turn our attention to the remains of the art on the other side of the Aegean, among the representatives of the Ionian race and in the centres of Ionian influence. To a certain extent it is difficult to treat the subject at all in a handbook, as, owing chiefly to want of material, the existence of an Ionian school of vase-painting has only been realised of late years, and it is as yet too early to sift proofs from theories, or to give a succinct and systematised account of the development and achievements of this school. The most that can be attempted is to present the reader with a review of the accumulated materials, and to point out what groups of vases may be regarded as exhibiting “Ionian” characteristics, or at all events such as permit of their being connected together.[1082] It must be borne in mind that some of these fabrics, such, for instance, as the Rhodian wares, have not actually been found in Ionic settlements; in other words, the name Ionian is to be applied to certain styles or schools, in the main associated with that race, apart from considerations of ethnography.
Having traced the history of vase-painting in mainland Greece up to the middle of the sixth century BCE, where we start to notice a blending of styles, we now need to focus on the remnants of this art on the other side of the Aegean, among the Ionian people and in the centers influenced by them. It’s somewhat challenging to address this topic in a handbook because, mainly due to a lack of evidence, the idea of an Ionian school of vase-painting has only recently come to light. It’s still too soon to separate facts from theories or to provide a clear and organized overview of the development and contributions of this school. The best we can do is offer a review of the collected information and highlight which types of vases can be deemed to showcase “Ionian” traits or at least those that can be linked together.[1082] It's important to remember that some of these pieces, like the Rhodian wares, haven’t actually been found in Ionian areas; in other words, the term Ionian should refer to certain styles or schools mainly associated with that race, regardless of ethnographic considerations.
On one point scholars are in general agreement—namely, that Ionic art is a direct survival of Mycenaean. This was recognised as long ago as 1879 by Furtwaengler[1083] and by Lenormant,[1084] who pointed out that the silver cauldron dedicated by King Alyattes at Delphi must have been quite Mycenaean in character, although not earlier than the seventh century. It was decorated with aquatic animals and plants. There was in Ionia no disturbing element, such as the Dorian invasion introduced into Europe, between Mycenaean culture and the spread of Oriental influences. The Greek cities in Ionia owe their origin to that upheaval, but their culture was not affected by it; and their founders brought their Mycenaean civilisation with them fresh from Greece to their new homes in Miletos, Ephesos, Phocaea, Chios, and Samos. This was in the eleventh and tenth centuries B.C., and the Panionion, or union of Ionian cities, lasted down to the sixth century (when it was broken up by the Persian invasion), besides stretching out its feelers over the Mediterranean, to the Egyptian Delta and elsewhere. The actual centres of pottery-manufacture are not, however, easy to determine, and much may depend on the results of future excavations. That there was more than one is fairly obvious, and it will probably appear that Clazomenae, Miletos, and perhaps Phocaea, played the most important parts.
Scholars generally agree on one point—namely, that Ionic art is a direct continuation of Mycenaean art. This was identified as early as 1879 by Furtwaengler[1083] and Lenormant,[1084] who noted that the silver cauldron dedicated by King Alyattes at Delphi must have been distinctly Mycenaean in style, though not earlier than the seventh century. It featured designs of aquatic animals and plants. In Ionia, there wasn't a disruptive element, like the Dorian invasion that impacted Europe, after the Mycenaean culture and before Oriental influences spread. The Greek cities in Ionia originated from that upheaval, but their culture remained unaffected; their founders brought their Mycenaean civilization directly from Greece to their new homes in Miletos, Ephesos, Phocaea, Chios, and Samos. This occurred in the eleventh and tenth centuries BCE, and the Panionion, or alliance of Ionian cities, lasted until the sixth century (when it was disrupted by the Persian invasion), and it extended its influence across the Mediterranean, reaching the Egyptian Delta and beyond. However, pinpointing the exact centers of pottery production is quite challenging, and much may depend on future excavation results. It's fairly clear that there was more than one center, likely including Clazomenae, Miletos, and perhaps Phocaea, which played significant roles.
As regards the characteristics of the Ionian wares, a rough division may be made into two classes, corresponding to the buff-clay and red-clay Corinthian wares respectively. In the earlier, the vases are always covered with a creamy-white or drab-coloured slip, on which the figures stand out in lustrous black paint.[1085] The most typical fabric is that of the Rhodian wares, found in such large quantities in that island, but not necessarily made there. In the later group the place of the white slip is taken by a red coating or glaze similar to that of the Attic and later Corinthian wares, but somewhat brighter.
As for the features of the Ionian pottery, we can roughly categorize them into two types, which align with the buff-clay and red-clay Corinthian pottery. In the earlier type, the vases are consistently coated with a creamy-white or drab slip, with the figures highlighted in shiny black paint.[1085] The most representative style is that of the Rhodian pottery, which is found in large quantities on that island, though it doesn’t have to be made there. In the later type, the white slip is replaced by a red coating or glaze that resembles that of the Attic and later Corinthian pottery, but is a bit brighter.
The principal subdivisions may be classified as follows (the arrangement is M. Pottier’s, with one or two small differences):—
The main categories can be classified as follows (the arrangement is M. Pottier’s, with a few minor differences):—
The subdivision between the earlier and later fabrics is, roughly speaking, between those with white and red ground, and between those in which ground-ornaments are used or not. Generally speaking, all the second class have more in common with the Attic B.F. vases than with “primitive” fabrics.
The division between the earlier and later fabrics is, broadly speaking, between those with white and red backgrounds, and between those that use ground ornaments or don’t. Overall, all the second class have more in common with Attic B.F. vases than with “primitive” fabrics.
Before proceeding to the consideration of these fabrics in detail, it may be as well to note some of the general characteristics of Ionian pottery. In the use of incised lines and accessory pigments we may note two points: firstly, the absence for some time of any attempt at incised lines, their place being taken partly by contours drawn in outline on the clay; secondly, the use of white lines or patches for details. The incised lines, when they do appear, seem to be derived from Corinth. We may, perhaps, detect their arrival in the vases with imbrications (see p. 311), which were imported thence to Rhodes; but another theory is that they were derived from engraved work in metal. Practically their place had been, and to some extent continued to be, taken by the white paint, which, be it noted, is obviously a Mycenaean survival or revival.[1099] It frequently occurs on the pottery of Ialysos and Enkomi, in precisely the same manner as we see it used in Rhodes or on the sarcophagi of Clazomenae. Sometimes both the incised lines and the white-paint details are found on the same vase, as is seen in some of the Rhodian jugs, or on a pinax from Naukratis.[1100] The white pigments are usually laid directly on the clay, not on the black, as at Athens. They are used for flesh tints, but not to distinguish sex (cf. the Caeretan hydriae, p. 355, where men are painted white, as on the Melian vases they are yellow).
Before diving into the details of these fabrics, it's worth mentioning some general characteristics of Ionian pottery. In terms of the use of incised lines and additional pigments, two points stand out: first, there was a long period without any attempt at creating incised lines, which were mostly replaced by outlines drawn on the clay; second, white lines or patches were used for detailing. When incised lines did appear, they seemed to originate from Corinth. We can perhaps see their emergence in vases with imbrications (see p. 311), which were brought from there to Rhodes; however, another theory suggests they came from engraved metalwork. Essentially, the role of incised lines was taken over by white paint, which is clearly a Mycenaean survival or revival.[1099] This is frequently seen on the pottery of Ialysos and Enkomi, used in exactly the same way as it appears in Rhodes or on the sarcophagi of Clazomenae. Sometimes, both incised lines and white-painted details are found on the same vase, as indicated by some of the Rhodian jugs or a pinax from Naukratis.[1100] The white pigments are usually applied directly onto the clay, not on the black, as seen in Athens. They are used for skin tones but not to differentiate between sexes (cf. the Caeretan hydriae, p. 355, where men are painted white, just as they are yellow in the Melian vases).
As regards the ornamentation, the persistence of Mycenaean motives is exceedingly remarkable.[1101] It is seen especially in the fabrics of Rhodes and Naukratis, with their wealth of ground-ornaments, and is found not only in the more conventional motives such as spirals, or scale-pattern, but also in the vegetable patterns. There is generally in the floral decoration of the vases a tendency towards the naturalism of Mycenaean pottery. Animals, when decoratively treated, are usually arranged in long friezes, contrasting with the Corinthian method of grouping them heraldically in pairs.[1102] In the human figures Oriental influence is frequently prominent, as in the hybrid beings which so often adorn the vases, or in such types as the “Asiatic Artemis”; or, again, in small details, the conical caps and shoes with turned-up toes, which recall the figures on the monuments of Lydia and Phrygia. Oriental costumes generally are reproduced with great fidelity. As a rule the proportions are gross and heavy, as compared with the slimness of figures on Attic vases, wherein a curious contrast may be observed with the characteristics of Ionian and Continental architecture and sculpture, in which these features are reversed. There is, moreover, a conspicuous absence of stiffness in the Ionian compositions—rather, a remarkable freshness, vigour, and originality quite in advance of their time. Another point of contrast with the Attic vases is the absence of any differentiation of the sexes in the shape of the eye, which is always oval (cf. p. 408).
As for the decoration, the continuation of Mycenaean designs is incredibly notable.[1101] This is especially evident in the textiles from Rhodes and Naukratis, rich in background decorations, and is found not only in traditional designs like spirals or scale patterns but also in floral patterns. Generally, the floral decorations on the vases lean towards the naturalism seen in Mycenaean pottery. Animals, when used decoratively, are typically arranged in long friezes, contrasting with the Corinthian approach of grouping them in pairs heraldically.[1102] In the human figures, Oriental influence often stands out, as seen in the hybrid beings that frequently decorate the vases or in types like the “Asiatic Artemis”; also in small details like the conical caps and shoes with upturned toes, reminiscent of figures found in Lydia and Phrygia. Oriental costumes are generally reproduced with great accuracy. Typically, the proportions are bulky and heavy compared to the slender figures on Attic vases, where a curious contrast can be seen with the characteristics of Ionian and Continental architecture and sculpture, in which these traits are reversed. Additionally, there is a noticeable lack of stiffness in Ionian compositions—more so, a striking freshness, energy, and originality that is quite ahead of their time. Another contrasting point with the Attic vases is the lack of distinction between the sexes in the shape of the eye, which is always oval (cf. p. 408).
In the choice of subjects the same law may be observed to prevail as in the Corinthian wares—that of the hiérarchie des genres. Mythological subjects appear first about the middle of the seventh century, in the Euphorbos pinax. Later we find actually scenes of a quasi-historical character, as in the battle-scenes on the Clazomenae sarcophagi and the Cyrenaic Arkesilaos vase. Throughout there is a remarkable absence of inscriptions, which are only found at the most on some half-dozen vases. The height of the Ionian style may be said to have been reached in the seventh century, lasting up to about the middle of the sixth; thence there is a rapid downfall, due mainly to historical causes, and the traces of its influence are only to be sought in Italian imitations of an inferior kind, and in some of the Attic black-figured vases, such as those of Amasis and Nikosthenes.
In the choice of subjects, the same principle as in the Corinthian wares can be seen—the gender hierarchy. Mythological subjects first appear around the middle of the seventh century, in the Euphorbos pinax. Later, we see scenes of a somewhat historical nature, like the battle scenes on the Clazomenae sarcophagi and the Cyrenaic Arkesilaos vase. Throughout this period, there's a notable lack of inscriptions, which are found at most on a handful of vases. The peak of the Ionian style is generally considered to have occurred in the seventh century, lasting until about the middle of the sixth; then there’s a swift decline, mainly due to historical factors, and any traces of its influence are only detectable in Italian imitations of lower quality and in some of the Attic black-figured vases, such as those by Amasis and Nikosthenes.
But the influence that was exercised during all this period by Ionian art in general on Greece is not easy to estimate; it is not confined to the pottery, but is found in sculpture and architecture as well as the minor arts. There are numerous passages in ancient writers bearing on the activity of early Ionian artists, such as Theodoros and Rhoikos of Samos, and their works, which often took the form of offerings of Asiatic princes to the Greek temples. The Ionic school of sculpture, illustrated by the early temple at Ephesos, the “Harpy” Monument, and other notable works, as well as the great Amyclaean throne, which Bathykles of Magnesia was commissioned to erect, established the fame of early Greek sculpture in no small degree; and Ionic architecture, though slower to win its way to favour in Greece Proper, reached a high degree of excellence at an early period on the eastern shore of the Aegean. Of painting in Ionia, apart from the vases, we propose to speak later. In literature and in civilisation generally Ionia was, up to the middle of the sixth century, far more advanced than any part of the Greek mainland.
The influence of Ionian art in general on Greece during this period is hard to measure; it's not just limited to pottery but can also be seen in sculpture, architecture, and the minor arts. Ancient writers mention the work of early Ionian artists like Theodoros and Rhoikos of Samos, whose pieces often served as offerings from Asiatic princes to Greek temples. The Ionic school of sculpture, exemplified by the early temple at Ephesos, the “Harpy” Monument, and other significant works, along with the grand Amyclaean throne commissioned from Bathykles of Magnesia, greatly contributed to the reputation of early Greek sculpture. While Ionic architecture took a while to gain popularity in the Greek mainland, it achieved a high level of excellence early on in the eastern Aegean. We'll discuss Ionian painting, besides the vases, later. In literature and overall civilization, Ionia was far more advanced than any part of the Greek mainland until the middle of the sixth century.
§ 1. Rhodes and Asia Minor
The distinctive pottery of Rhodes,[1103] which, whether of local manufacture or not, is found almost exclusively in that island,[1104] represents the union of Mycenaean elements with a new feature, that of Oriental influence. Although primarily due to the dispersion of the Phoenicians by Assyria in the eighth century, this Orientalising of Ionia is purely artistic and industrial, not political, and is due to the commercial activity of the Phoenicians. The pottery represents a sort of transition between Assyrian and Greek decorative art, the essentially Greek elements in which are a survival of Mycenaean ornaments and a Mycenaean faculty of observation of nature, especially in the animal world. From the East were derived such features as hybrid monsters (the Sphinx, Siren, etc.), animals such as the lion, isolated motives like the lotos-flower and the rosette, and generally a tendency to imitate textile fabrics with long bands of decoration, in which the ground is strewn with these rosettes and other ornaments. We have already seen that these features also made their mark on the Corinthian style, but they are more especially characteristic of Rhodes. Human figures are exceedingly rare.
The unique pottery of Rhodes,[1103] which, whether made locally or not, is found almost exclusively on that island,[1104] represents a mix of Mycenaean elements with a new aspect of Oriental influence. This Oriental influence in Ionia is mainly due to the spread of the Phoenicians by Assyria in the eighth century. However, it’s purely artistic and industrial, not political, and arises from the commercial activity of the Phoenicians. The pottery serves as a bridge between Assyrian and Greek decorative art, with the Greek elements being a continuation of Mycenaean designs and a Mycenaean ability to observe nature, especially regarding animals. From the East came features like hybrid creatures (the Sphinx, Siren, etc.), animals such as lions, isolated motifs like the lotus flower and the rosette, and a general trend to mimic textile patterns with long bands of decoration, where the background is filled with these rosettes and other ornaments. We’ve already noted that these features were also present in the Corinthian style, but they are particularly characteristic of Rhodes. Human figures are extremely rare.
In regard to the shapes a great advance is made towards the classical types; the parts of the vase are more clearly distinguished, and the forms are few and consistent. The special Rhodian shape is the oinochoë, a large jug with trefoil lip and spherical body, decorated with two or three friezes of animals (see Plate XX. and p. 177); next in popularity is the circular plate or pinax. The ornamentation is always in lustrous black paint on the characteristic white or drab-coloured slip, with a free use of purple for details. White is little used as an accessory—there seems to have been a prejudice against its use when the ground of the vase was also white—but incised lines occur more freely. On the other hand, the heads of animals are almost always outlined in black on the clay ground, a feature derived from Mycenaean pottery, and interior details are also frequently left in the ground of the clay, as in the Geometrical style. We have already mentioned instances in which the two methods are found on the same vase.
In terms of shapes, there has been significant progress toward classical types; the parts of the vase are more clearly defined, and the forms are few and consistent. The specific Rhodian shape is the oinochoë, a large jug with a trefoil lip and a spherical body, decorated with two or three friezes of animals (see Plate XX. and p. 177); the next most popular is the circular plate or pinax. The decoration is always in shiny black paint on the typical white or drab-colored slip, with a generous use of purple for details. White is rarely used as an accent—there seems to have been a bias against using it when the vase’s background was also white—but incised lines are more common. Conversely, the heads of animals are almost always outlined in black on the clay background, a feature that comes from Mycenaean pottery, and interior details are often left in the clay background, similar to the Geometric style. We have previously mentioned cases where both techniques appear on the same vase.
The typical Rhodian oinochoae, like the contemporary Corinthian vases, owe much to the imitation of the textile embroideries of Assyria, of which we have already spoken under the other head (p. 312). These had become familiar in Rhodes through the agency of the Phoenicians, but it is also possible that the Ionians were themselves proficient in this industry. The bands of lotos-ornament and friezes of animals also appear on the porcelain vases found in large numbers at Kameiros (p. 127), which are sometimes most elaborately ornamented, and are clearly of Phoenician origin; the seventh century was, in fact, the time when the Greek world was most dominated by Oriental influences.
The typical Rhodian oinochoae, similar to today's Corinthian vases, are heavily influenced by the textile embroideries of Assyria, which we’ve previously discussed (p. 312). These designs became familiar in Rhodes through the Phoenicians, but it's also possible that the Ionians were skilled in this craft themselves. The bands of lotus patterns and animal friezes can also be seen on the porcelain vases found in large quantities at Kameiros (p. 127), which are sometimes quite elaborately decorated and clearly of Phoenician origin; the seventh century was, in fact, when the Greek world was most influenced by Oriental styles.
The ornamental patterns on the vases of this class fall under two heads—the smaller independent ground-ornaments, and the more elaborated bands of vegetable ornament. The former are best illustrated by the Euphorbos pinax, presently to be described; in contrast to the unvarying Corinthian rosette, they show a considerable variety of treatment, and are partly variations on the rosette theme, partly geometrical, like the fragments of maeander, or crosses with hooked arms, which recall in form the ubiquitous swastika. The band of lotos-flowers and buds actually occurs at a much earlier date in Boeotia, as we have seen, but it is at Rhodes that it first assumes the characteristic Greek form. On the pinakes a development of this motive, forming a fan-shaped combination of radiating leaves, is usually employed to fill in the “exergue” below the designs; a similar ornament is found on the black wares with incised patterns, and it is the forerunner of the pear-shaped radiations painted on the small bowls of a more recent date.[1105]
The decorative designs on the vases of this type can be categorized into two groups: the smaller standalone background ornaments and the more intricate bands of floral decoration. The former is best exemplified by the Euphorbos pinax, which will be described shortly; unlike the consistent Corinthian rosette, these display a good amount of variation in design and include both adaptations of the rosette theme and geometric patterns, such as fragments of meander or crosses with hooked arms that are reminiscent of the common swastika. The band of lotus flowers and buds actually appears much earlier in Boeotia, as noted, but it is in Rhodes that it first takes on a distinctly Greek style. On the pinakes, a development of this motif—a fan-shaped arrangement of radiating leaves—is typically used to fill the “exergue” beneath the designs; a similar decoration is found on black wares with incised patterns, and it serves as a precursor to the pear-shaped radiations painted on smaller bowls from a later period.[1105]
A typically Ionian motive is the plait-band, found at Naukratis and on the Clazomenae sarcophagi, and introduced from Assyria. The Mycenaean spiral, so prominent in Attica and Melos, retires into the background, or loses its geometrical significance, and becomes a mere vegetable motive, an adjunct to the floral combinations of bud and flower. The Rhodian vases are, in fact, the first in which spiral motives were freely used for calyx-ornaments, as, generally speaking, they were the first in post-Mycenaean times to raise floral motives from mere ground-ornaments to independent decoration.[1106]
A common Ionian motif is the plait-band, which can be found at Naukratis and on the Clazomenae sarcophagi, having originated from Assyria. The Mycenaean spiral, which is so prominent in Attica and Melos, fades into the background or loses its geometric significance, turning into just a plant motif that complements the floral combinations of buds and flowers. In fact, the Rhodian vases were the first to use spiral motifs freely for calyx decorations, as they were generally the first in post-Mycenaean times to elevate floral motifs from mere background ornaments to standalone decorations.[1106]
This inscription does not necessarily affect the question of the place of fabric of the pinax, as it has been shown that the Argive alphabet was used in Rhodes in the seventh century[1108]; but it enables us to fix its date about B.C. 650, and the whole of the Rhodian ware may be regarded as belonging to the seventh century. It has, indeed, been suggested that the subject is copied from an Argive metal relief, and this might account for the unexpected presence of an inscription.
This inscription doesn’t necessarily impact where the pinax was made since it’s been shown that the Argive alphabet was used in Rhodes in the seventh century[1108]; but it helps us date it to around BCE 650, and all Rhodian pottery can be considered part of the seventh century. In fact, some have suggested that the subject is based on an Argive metal relief, which could explain the unexpected presence of an inscription.
As to the place of fabric of Rhodian ware generally, it has been more than once suggested that it is to be sought, not in Rhodes, but in the neighbouring Ionian city of Miletos.[1109] Dümmler’s theory of an Argive origin, resting as it does almost exclusively on the Euphorbos inscriptions, is practically negatived by the absence of any similar pottery in the extensive finds at the Argive Heraion. Miletos, however, was in close connection with Rhodes, and in favour of the argument is the remarkable parallelism of the pottery of Naukratis, which was undoubtedly in close association with Miletos; it was, in fact, first colonised by Milesian Greeks, and the Milesian Apollo was worshipped there. But further evidence is needed before this view can be regarded as other than a mere hypothesis. At all events, no convincing argument has as yet been urged against the pottery being of local manufacture. In date, as has been said, it covers the seventh century, being thus contemporaneous with the Melian and earlier Corinthian fabrics.
Regarding the origin of Rhodian ware, it's been suggested more than once that it might be found not in Rhodes, but in the nearby Ionian city of Miletos.[1109] Dümmler’s theory of an Argive origin, which relies almost entirely on the Euphorbos inscriptions, is essentially disproven by the lack of similar pottery in the extensive finds at the Argive Heraion. However, Miletos was closely connected with Rhodes, and the argument is supported by the notable similarities between the pottery of Naukratis, which was definitely linked to Miletos; it was actually first colonized by Milesian Greeks, and the Milesian Apollo was worshipped there. More evidence is needed before this perspective can be considered anything more than a simple hypothesis. In any case, no convincing arguments have yet been made against the pottery being locally produced. As noted, it dates back to the seventh century, making it contemporaneous with the Melian and earlier Corinthian wares.

1. Pinax from Rhodes; 2. Bowl from Naukratis (British Museum).
1. Plate from Rhodes; 2. Bowl from Naukratis (British Museum).
In one of the extensive cemeteries of Kameiros, known as Fikellura, there were found quantities of a class of pottery which has since been generally known by that name, but is probably not a local fabric. It has also been found in large numbers in the island of Samos,[1110] where Rhodian vases are comparatively rare, and owing to this more recent evidence the ware has been regarded as probably of Samian origin. Several specimens were also found on another Ionian site, that of Daphnae in the Egyptian Delta, but are quite distinct from the local fabric of that place. The date of the tombs in Samos is the second half of the sixth century, and it is noteworthy that from the ornamentation of these vases all Oriental influence has disappeared. On the other hand, they seem to represent the last lingering vestiges of Mycenaean influence. The majority are in the form of amphorae, but other forms, such as jugs and lekythi, are known. The technique is that of the Orientalising vases, with the typical Ionian creamy-white slip; the black has a tendency to become brown, or even red, and purple accessories are employed. Incised lines do not appear, but details are marked by spaces left in the ground of the clay. The subjects are simple in character and arrangement, usually one or two animals (or sometimes human figures) on either side of the body, the spaces being filled in with palmettes, spirals, or other ornaments. The ornamentation is strikingly characteristic, especially the network patterns on the necks of the vases, the scale-patterns, and the bands of crescents which we also find in use in Lesbos and at Daphnae.[1111] They form altogether a clearly-distinguished group, but sometimes show signs of late date, if they are not actually to be regarded as archaistic. Examples are given in Fig. 91.
In one of the large cemeteries of Kameiros, known as Fikellura, archaeologists discovered a lot of a type of pottery that is now commonly referred to by that name, but it likely isn’t made locally. It has also been found in significant numbers on the island of Samos,[1110] where Rhodian vases are relatively rare, and because of this new evidence, the pottery is thought to probably originate from Samos. Several pieces were also found on another Ionian site, Daphnae in the Egyptian Delta, but they are quite different from the local pottery there. The tombs in Samos date to the second half of the sixth century, and it’s interesting to note that all Oriental influence has faded from the designs of these vases. Instead, they seem to show the last remnants of Mycenaean influence. Most are shaped like amphorae, but there are also other shapes, such as jugs and lekythi. The style is reminiscent of Orientalizing vases, featuring the typical Ionian creamy-white slip; the black tends to turn brown or even red, and purple accents are used. Incised lines are absent, but details are defined by spaces left in the clay. The designs are simple and typically feature one or two animals (or sometimes human figures) on either side of the body, with the spaces decorated with palmettes, spirals, or other motifs. The ornamentation is notably distinctive, especially the net patterns on the necks of the vases, the scale patterns, and the bands of crescents that are also found in Lesbos and at Daphnae.[1111] They make up a clearly defined group, but sometimes show signs of being from a later period, unless they are to be considered archaistic. Examples are shown in Fig. 91.

FIG. 91. VASES OF SAMIAN OR “FIKELLURA” STYLE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 91. VASES OF SAMIAN OR “FIKELLURA” STYLE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
The system of decoration is curiously reminiscent of the Mycenaean vases,[1112] as exemplified in the great prominence given to the ornament as the main decoration, the scrolls and palmettes recalling the seaweed and other vegetable patterns on the former. This prominence of ornament is always an Ionian characteristic, retained as late as the Caeretan hydriae (p. 354), with their bold bands of palmettes and lotos-flowers round the very centre of the body. The scale-patterns, another Mycenaean legacy, we shall meet with again at Daphnae, where similarly they cover the most prominent part of the vases. The most representative series of Fikellura vases is that in the British Museum, from Rhodes, Naukratis, and Daphnae; there are also some in the Louvre (A 321–34).[1113]
The decoration style is oddly similar to Mycenaean vases,[1112] with a strong emphasis on ornamentation as the main feature. The scrolls and palmettes remind us of the seaweed and other plant designs found on those vases. This focus on ornamentation is a typical Ionian trait, which continued even into the Caeretan hydriae (p. 354), showcasing bold bands of palmettes and lotus flowers around the center of the vessel. The scale patterns, another influence from the Mycenaean era, will also appear again at Daphnae, where they similarly cover the most prominent section of the vases. The most notable collection of Fikellura vases is housed in the British Museum, originating from Rhodes, Naukratis, and Daphnae; some can also be found in the Louvre (A 321–34).[1113]
Dr. Böhlau, in his treatise on Ionian pottery,[1114] discusses as a class certain vases which, in accordance with his theory, he terms “Later Milesian.” At all events, they demand attention from the remarkable way in which they combine Ionian and Corinthian characteristics, sometimes, as we have seen, on the same vase. They have been found in Rhodes, Naukratis, and Italy, but the place of their manufacture is variously assigned to Corinth, Naukratis, and Miletos.[1115] An oinochoe found in Rhodes, with the incised lines in one animal-frieze and the details left in the colour of the clay or shown in black outline in the other, seems to incline to an Asiatic origin, at least as regards its shape[1116]; on the other hand, the fine krater in the Louvre[1117] is of a form more usually associated with Corinth. The upper half of the latter is Corinthian in style, the lower Rhodian, and thus there is not much to choose. But on the evidence adduced by Dr. Böhlau[1118] it would seem to be more probably of Ionian fabric. It may be that further evidence will enable us to assign these vases of mixed style to Naukratis, always a meeting-place of styles or fabrics; but it has not as yet been definitely ascertained to what extent the earlier fabrics of that place are local in origin. Meanwhile, the group is one that fully deserves separate consideration. Dr. Böhlau points out that it is characterised by the half-palmettes at the handles of the vases, by the Mycenaean-like spirals, and the inferior careless ground-ornaments, and generally by its deviations from the normal Rhodian types.
Dr. Böhlau, in his study of Ionian pottery,[1114] discusses a specific category of vases that he refers to as “Later Milesian” according to his theory. In any case, they are noteworthy for the unique way they blend Ionian and Corinthian features, sometimes even on the same vase. These vases have been discovered in Rhodes, Naukratis, and Italy, but their place of manufacture is attributed variously to Corinth, Naukratis, and Miletos.[1115] An oinochoe found in Rhodes, which has incised lines in one animal frieze and details in the color of the clay or shown in black outline in another, seems to suggest an Asiatic origin, at least when it comes to its shape[1116]; conversely, the fine krater in the Louvre[1117] features a form more typically associated with Corinth. The upper half of this krater is in Corinthian style, while the lower half reflects Rhodian influences, making it hard to distinguish between the two. However, based on the evidence presented by Dr. Böhlau[1118], it appears more likely to be of Ionian origin. It's possible that additional evidence will help us attribute these vases of mixed style to Naukratis, a place known for being a blend of styles and fabrics; however, it has not yet been definitively determined how much of the earlier fabric from that area is locally sourced. In the meantime, this group warrants focused examination. Dr. Böhlau highlights that these vases are characterized by half-palmettes at the handles, Mycenaean-like spirals, inferior and careless ground ornaments, and generally by their departures from typical Rhodian types.
The black ware with patterns in purple and white and incised lines which has been mentioned as found in Rhodes is regarded by Böhlau[1119] as Aeolic. It is, as we shall see, paralleled at Naukratis by wares which there is good reason for regarding as of Lesbian origin. The typical form of decoration, the fan-shaped palmette, also occurs at Daphnae. In any case there is clearly an attempt at the imitation of metal vases, the polychrome colouring being intended to reproduce the effect of bronze inlaid with gold and silver. But before it can be established as an Aeolic fabric more results must be obtained by excavation in that part of Asia Minor.
The black pottery with patterns in purple and white, along with incised lines found in Rhodes, is considered by Böhlau[1119] to be Aeolic. As we will see, similar pottery at Naukratis is likely of Lesbian origin. The typical decoration style, featuring fan-shaped palmettes, is also present at Daphnae. Clearly, there's an effort to imitate metal vases, with the colorful designs intended to replicate the look of bronze inlaid with gold and silver. However, more excavation results are needed in that area of Asia Minor to confirm its classification as Aeolic.
In various places on the mainland of Asia Minor (see p. 62) vases of early fabric have been found, about which at present little is known, except that they usually show some points of comparison with the recognised Ionian fabrics, and may therefore be regarded as of local manufacture, or at least from some place on the coast of Asia. An attempt has indeed been made by Böhlau to recognise in these also an Aeolic fabric, centring in the neighbourhood of Kyme and Myrina. An example is to be seen in the remarkable vase found at Myrina,[1120] with the bust of a man painted in outline, which resembles in shape the Fikellura vases, and is probably intermediate between the Rhodian and this fabric. Similar pottery finds have been made at Larisa, at Pitane, and in the Troad. At Larisa and Myrina Böhlau notes vases of the earlier Rhodian style, and at Larisa others which show a distinct independent derivation from Mycenaean pottery, especially in the ground-ornaments. On the site of Troy Dr. Dörpfeld found fragments of pottery of a Rhodian type with ornaments of pear-shaped leaves, such as occur on late sixth- century bowls from Kameiros[1121]; also a vase with a female head resembling that from Myrina, and another of Naucratite character. There appears to have been a local fabric in the sixth century—or perhaps even later—of flat bowls with bracket-handles, on which are painted figures of birds, etc., in coarse black pigment without any incised lines or accessories; a series of these is in the British Museum, and others were found by Dr. Dörpfeld (see above, pp. 61, 259).
In various locations on the mainland of Asia Minor (see p. 62), early fabric vases have been discovered, about which little is known right now, except that they typically share some similarities with the recognized Ionian fabrics and can therefore be considered locally made or at least sourced from somewhere along the Asian coast. Böhlau has even attempted to identify these as an Aeolic fabric originating from the areas around Kyme and Myrina. One notable example is a remarkable vase found at Myrina,[1120] featuring an outlined bust of a man, which resembles the shape of the Fikellura vases and is likely a blend between the Rhodian style and this fabric. Similar pottery has been discovered in Larisa, Pitane, and the Troad. In Larisa and Myrina, Böhlau observed vases from the earlier Rhodian style, and in Larisa, others that demonstrate a distinct independent evolution from Mycenaean pottery, particularly in the ground-ornaments. At the site of Troy, Dr. Dörpfeld found fragments of pottery of a Rhodian type adorned with pear-shaped leaf patterns, similar to late sixth-century bowls from Kameiros[1121]; he also came across a vase with a female head resembling one from Myrina and another with characteristics typical of Naucratite pottery. It seems there was a local fabric in the sixth century—or possibly later—comprising flat bowls with bracket-handles, on which figures of birds and other designs were painted in coarse black pigment without any incised lines or decorations; a series of these can be found in the British Museum, along with others discovered by Dr. Dörpfeld (see above, pp. 61, 259).
In Caria the Ionian style is represented by finds at Stratonikeia and Mylasa,[1122] with ornamentation of Mycenaean character, which appears to have reached a similar stage of development to the earlier Graeco-Phoenician vases from Cyprus; many analogies may be noted. That the Mycenaean influence was strong in Caria is also shown by the pottery of transitional character found by Mr. Paton at Hissarlik.[1123]
In Caria, the Ionian style is represented by discoveries at Stratonikeia and Mylasa,[1122] featuring decoration of Mycenaean style, which seems to have reached a similar level of development as the earlier Graeco-Phoenician vases from Cyprus; many similarities can be observed. The strong Mycenaean influence in Caria is also evidenced by the transitional pottery found by Mr. Paton at Hissarlik.[1123]
At Temir-Gora (Phanagoria) in the Crimea a vase was found in 1870 with paintings in brown on buff ground, representing a hare-hunt, panthers, and other animals.[1124] The style has evident affinities to that of the “Rhodian” vases, and Phanagoria being a Milesian colony, this is only natural. But it seems to be a local product, not an importation; the panther, for instance, is unknown on Rhodian vases proper.
At Temir-Gora (Phanagoria) in Crimea, a vase was discovered in 1870 with brown paintings on a buff background, depicting a hare hunt, panthers, and other animals.[1124] The style clearly resembles that of the “Rhodian” vases, and since Phanagoria was a Milesian colony, this makes sense. However, it appears to be a local creation rather than an import; for example, the panther is not found on true Rhodian vases.
§ 2. Africa
The fabrics of the Ionian school are not confined to Asia Minor as regards their place of origin. In the Greek colonies which were founded in Africa in the seventh and sixth centuries we find evidences of great industrial activity, and in some cases extensive remains of painted pottery, which exhibit a close connection with the fabrics more closely associated with Asia Minor. There is, however, one group of vases which seems to stand by itself, and which, though it may be ranked with the Ionian fabrics from its use of the white slip and from the original naturalistic treatment of the subjects, yet shows a marked independence both in technique and in decoration.
The fabrics of the Ionian school don't just come from Asia Minor. In the Greek colonies established in Africa during the seventh and sixth centuries, we see signs of significant industrial activity, along with many remains of painted pottery that show a strong link to the fabrics typically associated with Asia Minor. However, there is a specific group of vases that seems to be unique. While it can be grouped with the Ionian fabrics due to its use of white slip and its original naturalistic style, it still demonstrates a notable independence in both technique and decoration.
The vases grouped under this head have been found chiefly in Etruria, but more recently several examples have come to light in the Ionian colony of Naukratis in the Egyptian Delta and in Samos.[1125] As long ago as 1881 it was proposed by Puchstein to connect them with the Theraean colony of Kyrene on the north coast of Africa, on the ground of the subject depicted on the finest and most remarkable of them—the Arkesilaos cup of the Cabinet des Médailles at Paris. When, however, the Naucratite specimens turned up, it was thought that they might after all be a local fabric of that colony, especially as that place was known to have had a close connection with Kyrene, whence about 570 B.C. came the queen of Amasis, who was a great benefactor to Naukratis. But to urge only one of the opposing arguments, there seems to have been little or no export of pottery from Naukratis, although imported specimens have been found there of almost every early fabric known. It was reserved for the ingenuity of Dr. Studniczka[1126] to identify a scene on a fragmentary cup found there with the figure of the nymph Kyrene, the patron goddess of that city, and thereby to establish definitely the origin of this class. Curiously enough, no remains of the early colony of Kyrene have ever been discovered; but when, if ever, they are brought to light, it may be confidently hoped that further evidence will be obtained.
The vases in this category have mostly been found in Etruria, but recently several examples have appeared in the Ionian colony of Naukratis in the Egyptian Delta and in Samos.[1125] As early as 1881, Puchstein suggested linking them to the Theraean colony of Kyrene on the north coast of Africa, based on the subject depicted on the finest and most notable one—the Arkesilaos cup from the Cabinet des Médailles in Paris. However, when the Naucratite examples were found, it was thought that they might actually be a local production of that colony, especially since Naukratis had a strong connection with Kyrene, from where the queen of Amasis, a major benefactor to Naukratis, came around 570 B.C. But, to mention just one of the counterarguments, there seems to have been little to no export of pottery from Naukratis, even though they had almost every known early pottery imported there. It was up to the cleverness of Dr. Studniczka[1126] to identify a scene on a broken cup found there with the figure of the nymph Kyrene, the patron goddess of that city, thus definitively establishing the origin of this type. Interestingly, no remnants of the early colony of Kyrene have ever been discovered; but when, if they are ever found, it can be confidently anticipated that more evidence will be uncovered.
The Cyrenaic vases, as they are now generally styled, are for the most part kylikes of a slender and graceful form, owing much apparently to metal originals, as indicated by the use of palmettes at the ends of the handles, and by their form and ornamentation in general. The designs are painted in black on a slip varying in tint from deep buff to a pale cream-colour, with firmly-drawn incised lines and a plentiful use of purple for details. The drawing is remarkably spirited, and the subjects mostly marked by naïveté and freshness. The popularity of mythological scenes is remarkable; we find representations of Zeus, Atlas and Prometheus, Kadmos, Pelops, and other heroic figures, besides the remarkable vases which deal with local legend and history.
The Cyrenaic vases, as they're commonly called now, are mostly slender and graceful kylikes, which seem to be inspired by metal originals. This is suggested by the use of palmettes at the ends of the handles and their overall shape and decoration. The designs are painted in black on a slip that ranges in color from deep buff to pale cream, featuring sharply drawn incised lines and plenty of purple used for details. The artwork is incredibly lively, and the subjects often show a sense of naivety and freshness. There’s a notable popularity of mythological scenes; we see representations of Zeus, Atlas, Prometheus, Kadmos, Pelops, and other heroic figures, in addition to the striking vases that refer to local legends and history.

From Baumeister.
FIG. 92. ARKESILAOS OF KYRENE SUPERINTENDING HIS COMMERCE
(FROM A KYLIX IN THE BIBL. NAT.).
From Baumeister.
FIG. 92. ARKESILAOS OF KYRENE MANAGING HIS TRADE
(FROM A KYLIX IN THE BIBL. NAT.).
The Arkesilaos vase[1127] (Fig. 92) demands something more than a passing description. It represents the king of Kyrene superintending the weighing of the silphium-plant, which was a valuable source of his revenue. Although there were four sovereigns of that name, the choice is practically limited to one, the second of the name, who reigned about 580–550 B.C. The scene takes place on a ship ready to sail, of which the yard-arm and part of the sails are visible; from the yard hangs a large balance, inscribed with the word σταθμός, in each pan of which is a large mass of some substance, which has generally been interpreted as representing the silphium. But as a matter of fact it is open to doubt whether it is not really wool, or some similar article of merchandise. On the left of the scene, on a folding-chair, sits the king, with flowing locks and large hat, before whom a man named Sophortos stands, with a gesture implying that he is making a statement relating to the transaction. On the right are four men variously occupied, two carrying bags of the stuff tied at the neck; one of these is named Σλιφόμαχος,[1128] a word of uncertain meaning, but apparently having some reference to the silphium. A horizontal line is drawn below the scene, and in the lower part of the circle we see perhaps the storing of the merchandise in the hold, under the superintendence of an official named Φύλακος (guardian); two men are carrying bags to add to a heap of three already stored away. In the upper part of the design and behind Arkesilaos are depicted various birds, a monkey, a lizard, and a panther, perhaps to give local colouring to the scene.[1129] The whole is conceived with wonderful naïveté and freshness, so much so that early writers regarded it as a parody or burlesque of a serious subject; but this can hardly be the case.
The Arkesilaos vase[1127] (Fig. 92) needs more than just a brief description. It shows the king of Cyrene overseeing the weighing of the silphium plant, which was an important source of his income. While there were four rulers with that name, it mostly points to one, the second king, who ruled around 580–550 BCE The scene is set on a ship about to sail, with parts of the yard-arm and sails visible; a large balance hangs from the yard, marked with the word station, with large quantities of some material in each pan, generally thought to represent silphium. However, it’s actually debatable whether it might be wool or something similar. To the left, the king sits on a folding chair with long hair and a big hat, while a man named Sophortos stands before him, gesturing as if making a statement about the transaction. On the right, four men are busy, with two carrying bags of the material tied at the neck; one of these is named Σλιφόμαχος,[1128] a term of unclear meaning that seems to relate to silphium. A horizontal line is drawn below the scene, and in the lower part of the circle, we see what looks like the storage of the goods in the hold, supervised by an official named Φύλακας (guardian); two men are adding bags to a pile of three already stored. In the upper part of the design, behind Arkesilaos, various birds, a monkey, a lizard, and a panther are depicted, perhaps to add local flavor to the scene.[1129] The entire piece is created with remarkable naivety and freshness, so much so that early writers considered it a parody or mockery of a serious topic; but this is unlikely.
Several other scenes on the Cyrenaic vases merit description, did space permit; but it must suffice to refer to the list of subjects already given. The majority of the specimens are in the Louvre, which possesses no less than ten cups, besides three larger vases, decorated with animals and ornaments only. There are also four in the Cabinet des Médailles, of which, besides the Arkesilaos cup, one representing Polyphemos devouring the companions of Odysseus and the subsequent blinding (all in one scene) is of conspicuous interest. The British Museum possesses two or three cups and several fragments from Naukratis, including the important one restored by Studniczka as representing the local nymph holding branches of silphium and pomegranate, and surrounded by flying daemons, male and female, or Boreads and Harpies (Fig. 93).
Several other scenes on the Cyrenaic vases deserve description, if there were enough space; but it will have to be enough to mention the list of subjects already provided. Most of the pieces are in the Louvre, which has no less than ten cups, along with three larger vases, decorated only with animals and ornaments. There are also four in the Cabinet des Médailles, including the Arkesilaos cup, and one depicting Polyphemos eating the companions of Odysseus and the subsequent blinding (all in one scene) is particularly noteworthy. The British Museum has two or three cups and several fragments from Naukratis, including the significant one restored by Studniczka, which shows the local nymph holding branches of silphium and pomegranate, surrounded by flying daemons, both male and female, or Boreads and Harpies (Fig. 93).

FIG. 93. CYRENAIC CUP WITH FIGURE OF KYRENE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 93. CYRENAIC CUP WITH FIGURE OF KYRENE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
Of this series the Arkesilaos cup is the only one with inscriptions.
They are without doubt in an alphabet of Peloponnesian,
not Ionian, character, as is shown, for instance, by the
for Χ in
Σλιφόμαχος. But this may be explained by reference to the
history of the city, which in the seventh and sixth centuries received
a considerable influx of the Dorian element, especially from
Sparta, whose alphabet may have been adopted for general use.
Of this series, the Arkesilaos cup is the only one with inscriptions. They are clearly written in a Peloponnesian alphabet, not an Ionian one, which is demonstrated, for example, by the for Χ in Σλιφόμαχος. This can be explained by looking at the city's history, which during the seventh and sixth centuries experienced a significant influx of Dorian settlers, particularly from Sparta, whose alphabet may have been adopted for common use.
The total number of specimens in existence is about forty; some of which, however, are merely fragmentary examples.[1130]
The total number of specimens that exist is around forty; however, some of these are just incomplete examples.[1130]
Allusion has already been made to the extensive finds of pottery at Naukratis, among the most remarkable of recent years, which have done much to increase our knowledge of Ionian industrial art. As has been said, almost every other early fabric is represented there, from the Melian and Corinthian wares to those of Rhodes and other Asiatic sites, including a large series of Athenian vases or fragments down to the latest times. But with these were present in overwhelming numbers specimens of an entirely new fabric which could only be regarded as local in its origin. Of the pottery with figure subjects three stages can be traced, all characterised by the Ionian cream-coloured slip, of which the earliest is remarkably like the Rhodian wares, the next is distinguished by its polychrome decoration on a white ground, and the third represents a sort of transition from the quasi-Rhodian style of decoration to the regular black-figured ware, and is parallel in many respects to the sister-fabric of Daphnae (see below).
There has already been mention of the significant discoveries of pottery at Naukratis, which have greatly enhanced our understanding of Ionian industrial art in recent years. As noted, nearly every other early pottery type is found there, ranging from Melian and Corinthian wares to those from Rhodes and other Asian locations, including a large collection of Athenian vases or fragments up to the most recent styles. However, there were also a striking number of examples of a completely new type of pottery that seems to be locally produced. For pottery featuring figure subjects, three distinct stages can be identified, all characterized by the Ionian cream-colored slip. The earliest closely resembles Rhodian wares, the second is marked by its colorful decoration on a white background, and the third represents a transitional phase from the quasi-Rhodian decorative style to the more standard black-figure ware, which is quite similar in many ways to the related fabric from Daphnae (see below).
All this pottery was discovered in favissae or rubbish-heaps attached to the sanctuaries of Apollo, Aphrodite, Hera, and the Dioskuri, especially the two former. As the vases had been rejected as useless or crowded out by new ones, they are almost all broken and fragmentary. But it is interesting to note that on numbers of the earlier potsherds from the Apollo temple the words Ἀπόλλωνος ἐμί, “I am Apollo’s,” have been roughly scratched, as if the priests had wished to mark them as sacred and preserve them from profane uses, although no longer required. Even more frequent on all the sites are dedications to the respective deities, with the formula ὁ δεῖνα ἀνέθηκε τῷ Ἀπόλλωνι, or τῇ Ἀφροδίτῃ, in the Ionic alphabet (cf. Fig. 16, p. 139). On palaeographical grounds the inscriptions may be dated as ranging from about 600 to 520 B.C., but there are some difficulties with regard to the date of the foundation of the settlement.
All this pottery was found in favissae or trash heaps connected to the temples of Apollo, Aphrodite, Hera, and the Dioskuri, especially the first two. Since the vases had been discarded as useless or replaced by newer ones, they are mostly broken and in pieces. However, it's interesting to note that on many of the early shards from the Apollo temple the words I'm Apollo, “I am Apollo’s,” have been roughly scratched in, as if the priests wanted to mark them as sacred and keep them from being used for common purposes, even though they were no longer needed. Even more common across all the sites are dedications to the respective gods, with the phrasing __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ dedicated to Apollo., or to Aphrodite, in the Ionic alphabet (cf. Fig. 16, p. 139). Based on paleographical evidence, the inscriptions can be dated roughly from 600 to 520 BCE, but there are some challenges regarding the timeline for the founding of the settlement.
Strabo (xvii. 1, p. 801) assigns the foundation to Greeks of Miletos, about 620 B.C., but the words of Herodotos (ii. 178) are to the effect that Amasis (564–526 B.C.), “who was a phil-Hellene ... gave those who arrived in Egypt the city of Naukratis to inhabit.” If this means that no Greeks had lived there before his time, we cannot place any of the pottery earlier than 570; but it does not seem unreasonable to take the words to mean that the city already existed, and that Amasis merely recognised the right of Greeks to reside there. Herodotos also tells us that by permission of Amasis the Milesians independently founded the temenos of Apollo. From the evidence of the excavations Messrs. Petrie and Ernest Gardner felt themselves justified in placing the foundation of the city about the middle of the seventh century, a date which certainly seems to be required by the character of the earliest pottery. The disappearance of the local fabrics and their replacement by Attic importations would then fall about 520 B.C.
Strabo (xvii. 1, p. 801) attributes the founding to the Greeks of Miletos, around 620 B.C., but Herodotos (ii. 178) suggests that Amasis (564–526 B.C.), “who was pro-Greek... allowed those who came to Egypt to live in the city of Naukratis.” If this implies that no Greeks had lived there before him, we cannot date any pottery to earlier than 570; however, it seems reasonable to interpret his words to indicate that the city already existed and Amasis simply acknowledged the Greeks’ right to live there. Herodotos also states that with Amasis’s permission, the Milesians founded the temenos of Apollo independently. Based on the findings from the excavations, Messrs. Petrie and Ernest Gardner felt justified in dating the city's foundation to around the middle of the seventh century, a timeframe that aligns well with the characteristics of the earliest pottery. The decline of local pottery styles and their replacement by Attic imports would then have occurred around 520 B.C.

FIG. 94. FRAGMENT FROM NAUKRATIS, ILLUSTRATING “MIXED TECHNIQUE.”
FIG. 94. FRAGMENT FROM NAUKRATIS, ILLUSTRATING “MIXED TECHNIQUE.”
In the earliest class a distinction, as in Rhodes, is to be noted between figures without incised lines, but with faces in outline, and figures with incised lines, the two being sometimes combined on one vase, as in Fig. 94. It has already been shown that the former must be earlier in origin than the latter. On the other hand, in the polychrome white ware (see below) the incised lines again disappear; but the more advanced style of the drawing and choice of subjects testifies to its being a later variety. There can, however, be no doubt that the influence of Rhodes (or whatever was the fabric-centre of “Rhodian” pottery) was very strong at Naukratis, and if we adopt Böhlau’s theory of a Milesian origin for the Rhodian wares, this is fully accounted for by the history of the place. Consequently the two fabrics are very difficult to distinguish, and, in fact, the difference is mainly in point of style.
In the earliest class, a distinction can be made, similar to Rhodes, between figures that lack incised lines but have outlined faces, and figures that feature incised lines. Sometimes, these two styles are combined on a single vase, as shown in Fig. 94. It's already been established that the former style is older than the latter. On the other hand, in the polychrome white ware (see below), the incised lines disappear again, but the more sophisticated drawing style and subject matter indicate that this is a later version. However, it is clear that the influence of Rhodes (or whichever center produced “Rhodian” pottery) was very strong in Naukratis. If we accept Böhlau’s theory of a Milesian origin for the Rhodian wares, this aligns with the history of the area. As a result, the two types of pottery are hard to tell apart, and the distinctions are primarily stylistic.
But there is a class of pottery, unfortunately only represented by fragments, which appears to be developed partly from the “Lesbian” ware, partly from the early Naucratite fabric, and must certainly be of local origin. It has never been found elsewhere,[1132] and the combination of “Lesbian” and Rhodian elements also points to this conclusion. The vases, which seem to have been large bowls, are covered on the inside with a black varnish, on which patterns of purely decorative character (palmettes, pear-shaped rays of Rhodian or Aeolic form, etc.) are painted in white and red. The outside, on the contrary, is covered with a white slip, the designs being painted, partly in outline, in various tints, such as flesh-colour, dark brown, purple, dark red, yellow, and even opaque white. In spite of the retention of the Rhodian system of outlines and absence of incised lines, the style is remarkably advanced, and the treatment of details often most careful and elaborate; moreover, the subjects are almost exclusively human figures, although the fragmentary nature of the remains renders the interpretation in many cases almost impossible. They seem to stand on the same level as the Daphnae pottery (see below), both in style and range of subject.[1133]
But there is a type of pottery, unfortunately only represented by fragments, that seems to be developed partly from the “Lesbian” style and partly from the early Naucratite fabric, and it must definitely be of local origin. It has never been found anywhere else,[1132] and the mix of “Lesbian” and Rhodian features also supports this idea. The vases, which appear to have been large bowls, are coated on the inside with a black varnish, on which purely decorative patterns (like palmettes and pear-shaped rays in Rhodian or Aeolic styles, etc.) are painted in white and red. The outside, on the other hand, is covered with a white slip, with designs painted, partly outlined, in various shades like flesh color, dark brown, purple, dark red, yellow, and even opaque white. Despite keeping the Rhodian style of outlines and lacking incised lines, the style is notably advanced, and the details are often treated with great care and elaboration; additionally, the subjects are almost entirely human figures, although the fragmentary nature of the pieces makes interpretation in many cases nearly impossible. They seem to be on the same level as the Daphnae pottery (see below), both in style and range of subject.[1133]
To return to the vases of “Rhodian” type, a few typical characteristics may be noted, showing their development. The earliest specimens are decorated exclusively with animals, painted in the Rhodian fashion, with heads and other parts in outline and details only indicated by leaving them in the colour of the clay. The typical ground-ornaments are the cross with hooked arms, the spiral, and a pattern of diagonals with chevrons between.[1134] Later, a preference is shown for large vases, usually bowls or kraters, sometimes also large plates, with friezes of animals and Sphinxes on a corresponding scale. The Rhodian style still obtains, with the addition of purple accessories. The favourite animals are the lion, bull, boar, and Cretan goat; a broad plait-band or guilloche as border is of frequent occurrence; and in addition to the ground-ornaments already mentioned, various forms of rosettes and borders of maeander are found. On a large bowl dedicated to Aphrodite by one Sostratos (Plate XXIV.), besides lions, Sphinxes, and water-fowl, two dogs are seen attacking a boar; the drawing is more advanced than in most examples.[1135]
To go back to the "Rhodian" type vases, several typical features can be highlighted that show their evolution. The earliest examples are decorated solely with animals, painted in the Rhodian style, with outlines for heads and other parts, while details are just indicated by leaving them in the color of the clay. Common decorative patterns include the cross with hooked arms, spirals, and diagonal patterns with chevrons in between.[1134] Eventually, there was a preference for larger vases, usually bowls or kraters, and sometimes large plates, featuring friezes of animals and Sphinxes on a matching scale. The Rhodian style remains, but with added purple accents. The favored animals include the lion, bull, boar, and Cretan goat; a wide plait-band or guilloche often serves as a border, and in addition to the previously mentioned ground ornaments, various types of rosettes and maeander borders can be found. On a large bowl dedicated to Aphrodite by a man named Sostratos (Plate XXIV.), besides lions, Sphinxes, and waterfowl, two dogs are depicted attacking a boar; the design is more sophisticated than in most examples.[1135]
The next stage in which the incised lines begin to appear is best illustrated by the fine plate with a seated Sphinx,[1136] where they are combined with outlined contours (in the head), and details rendered by white laid on the black, as also are the patterns round the rim. Another large plate (A 986) has a dance of men and a frieze of animals with incised lines and purple accessories, but the surrounding patterns (lotos-flowers and palmettes, tongue-pattern, etc.) are in plain black.
The next stage where the incised lines start to show is best demonstrated by the fine plate featuring a seated Sphinx,[1136] where they are combined with outlined shapes (in the head) and details made with white on black, as are the patterns around the rim. Another large plate (A 986) depicts a dance of men and a frieze of animals with incised lines and purple accents, but the surrounding patterns (lotus flowers and palmettes, tongue pattern, etc.) are in plain black.
Lastly, there is the stage which forms a transition from the earlier or “Rhodian” style to the black-figured, in which for a time the influence of Corinth seems to make itself felt. The figures are painted in black, which often turns to red through faulty firing, on a warm buff ground, sometimes with purple accessories. The favourite shapes are the lebes or deinos with flat rim, and the column-handled krater so popular at Corinth in the sixth century, with flat-topped handles, on which human heads or animals are painted. Corinthian influence is sometimes also seen in the designs, as in the Sphinxes of B 100; or in other ways, as in the olpe A 1534, with a ram in a panel on one side of the handle. Another curious example is the column-handled krater A 1533, with two friezes of animals, of which the lower is more Ionic in type. The British Museum collection also contains numerous fragments (B 102–3) in this local style, together with a few of other fabrics,[1137] among which an interesting representation of Odysseus passing the Sirens may be noted; also a series of chariot-scenes and horsemen, which in style recall the Caeretan hydriae (see p. 355). The merging of the local style in the fully-developed black-figure Athenian style is clearly visible in these fragments, which are interesting from their parallelism, though not their resemblance, to those of Daphnae.
Lastly, there’s a stage that transitions from the earlier "Rhodian" style to the black-figured technique, where the influence of Corinth is noticeable for a time. The figures are painted in black, which often appears red due to poor firing, on a warm buff background, sometimes with purple details. The popular shapes include the lebes or deinos with a flat rim, and the column-handled krater that was very popular in Corinth during the sixth century, featuring flat-topped handles with human heads or animals painted on them. Corinthian influence can also be seen in the designs, such as in the Sphinxes of B 100, or in the olpe A 1534, which has a ram depicted in a panel on one side of the handle. Another intriguing example is the column-handled krater A 1533, which features two friezes of animals, the lower of which is more Ionic in style. The British Museum collection also includes numerous fragments (B 102–3) in this local style, along with a few from other styles,[1137] including an interesting scene of Odysseus passing the Sirens, as well as a series of chariot scenes and horsemen, which stylistically remind one of the Caeretan hydriae (see p. 355). The blending of the local style into the fully-developed black-figure Athenian style is clearly evident in these fragments, which are interesting due to their similarities, even if they don’t resemble, those from Daphnae.
Among the later Ionic fabrics, of practically fully-developed black-figure style (i.e. with buff ground, incised lines, and accessory colours), not the least interesting is the group of vases and fragments from Daphnae in the Egyptian Delta, now in the British Museum.[1138] Like the pottery of Naukratis, they illustrate the relations between Ionia and Africa in the sixth century, but even in a more marked degree, inasmuch as they were more directly influenced by local circumstances.
Among the later Ionic ceramics, showcasing a nearly fully-developed black-figure style (i.e. featuring a buff background, incised lines, and additional colors), one of the most fascinating is the collection of vases and fragments from Daphnae in the Egyptian Delta, now housed in the British Museum.[1138] Similar to the pottery from Naukratis, they highlight the connections between Ionia and Africa in the sixth century, but even more prominently, as they were more directly shaped by local conditions.
This pottery was discovered by Mr. Flinders Petrie in 1886, on a site known as Tell Defenneh, representing the Tahpanhes of the Hebrew prophets and the Daphnae of Herodotos,[1139] from whom we learn that a fort was found here by Psammetichos I. at the beginning of the sixth century. As Naukratis guarded the west of the Delta, so did Daphnae the east, with the highway to Syria. Herodotos[1140] also speaks of camps garrisoned by Ionian and Carian troops; and if we might identify these with Daphnae, we should have a terminus post quem for the pottery, as the camps were desolated by Amasis about 560 B.C. On the other hand, the pottery is hardly to be dated so early from its style, and it is important to notice that it is practically unrepresented at Naukratis, that meeting-place of all early fabrics.
This pottery was found by Mr. Flinders Petrie in 1886 at a location called Tell Defenneh, which corresponds to the Tahpanhes mentioned by the Hebrew prophets and the Daphnae noted by Herodotos,[1139] where we learn that a fort was discovered there by Psammetichos I. at the start of the sixth century. Just as Naukratis protected the western part of the Delta, Daphnae secured the eastern side with the road to Syria. Herodotos[1140] also mentions camps held by Ionian and Carian soldiers; if we can link these to Daphnae, it would give us a post-terminal date for the pottery since the camps were abandoned by Amasis around 560 BCE However, the style of the pottery suggests it can't be dated that early, and it's significant to point out that it's almost non-existent at Naukratis, which was a gathering place for all early types of pottery.
The chief problem with which we are confronted in regard to the Daphnae pottery is whether it is a local fabric or imported. Opinions of scholars are somewhat divided, Dümmler and Endt declaring for the local fabric,[1141] Zahn for importations from Clazomenae.[1142] The close connection with the fabrics of Asia Minor, such as the Caeretan hydriae and the Clazomenae sarcophagi, cannot be denied, and there are many small details which are peculiar to Ionic vases; but, on the other hand, there is much that is peculiar to this group and tells in favour of a local origin. It is also important to bear in mind that the Daphnae pottery has little in common with that of Naukratis, in spite of the relation of both to Ionia.
The main issue we face regarding the Daphnae pottery is whether it was made locally or imported. Scholars have differing opinions: Dümmler and Endt argue for local production, while Zahn believes it was imported from Clazomenae. There's a clear connection to the pottery of Asia Minor, like the Caeretan hydriae and Clazomenae sarcophagi, and many details are typical of Ionic vases. However, there are also many unique features in this group that suggest a local origin. It's also essential to note that Daphnae pottery shares little resemblance with that from Naukratis, despite both being related to Ionia.

FIG. 95. “EGYPTIAN SITULA,” FROM DAPHNAE
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 95. “EGYPTIAN SITULA,” FROM DAPHNAE
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
It will perhaps be convenient to take the groups of Daphnae fragments one by one, noting the general characteristics and individual peculiarities of each. First we have a group of tall cylindrical vases[1143] (one or two of which are completely preserved), of an obviously Egyptian form, which has been called a situla or pail (Fig. 95). The clay is of a drab colour, brittle, and badly levigated, and covered with a dark brown varnish laid on a coating of glaze. Owing to chemical causes this varnish has in almost all cases disappeared, carrying with it most of the designs, which can only be distinguished by the incised lines. The figure subjects are confined to panels on either side of the neck, and usually consist of heraldic groups of animals or winged monsters. Round the body are patterns of lotos-flowers and fan-shaped half-rosettes of Rhodian type. The technique, however, and other points recall the Geometrical vases, and this is especially marked in one case (B.M. B 104 = Fig. 95), where the panels are bordered and filled in with ornamental patterns of Geometrical style.[1144] The whole appearance of this vase, in which the varnish is preserved, is that of the Geometrical style; the method may have been learned through Rhodes. On the other hand, some subjects are of Egyptian type, such as the hawks (B 1062), and the pair of combatants with their nude bodies and shaven crowns (B 1061).
It might be helpful to examine the groups of Daphnae fragments one at a time, noting the general features and unique details of each. First, we have a set of tall cylindrical vases[1143] (one or two of which are fully intact) that are clearly inspired by Egyptian designs, referred to as a situla or pail (Fig. 95). The clay is a dull color, brittle, and poorly refined, covered with a dark brown varnish on top of a glaze. Due to chemical reactions, this varnish has mostly worn away, taking with it most of the designs, which can now only be recognized by the incised lines. The figures depicted are limited to panels on either side of the neck and typically feature heraldic groups of animals or winged monsters. Around the body, there are patterns of lotus flowers and fan-shaped half-rosettes of a Rhodian style. However, the technique and other aspects resemble the Geometric vases, especially evident in one case (B.M. B 104 = Fig. 95), where the panels are bordered and filled with ornamental patterns in the Geometric style.[1144] The overall look of this vase, where the varnish remains intact, aligns with the Geometric style; this method may have been learned from Rhodes. On the flip side, some subjects reflect Egyptian themes, such as the hawks (B 1062) and the pair of fighters with their bare bodies and shaved heads (B 1061).
Secondly, there is a group of tall slim amphorae, of purely Greek style,[1145] with a characteristic scheme of decoration, consisting of panels on the neck, usually containing a Sphinx or Siren, and two friezes round the body, divided by a band of dots; the neck is always divided from the body by a moulded ring, below which is a polychrome tongue-pattern in black, white, and purple alternately. An example is given in Plate XXV. It is important to note here that the white colouring, of which lavish use is made, is laid directly on the clay, as in other Ionic vases; incised lines are only employed for inner details, not for contours. This group is obviously of later date than the situlae, and the points of correspondence between it and the Caeretan hydriae and sarcophagi of Clazomenae (see below) are very marked. Sometimes the place of the main design is taken by a panel of scale-pattern,[1146] rendered in colour only, curiously reminiscent of Mycenaean vases. Two other points are worth citing here as presenting the same feature: the two-handled cup with tall stem on B 1152, which is clearly the Mycenaean type of kylix, and the borders of white dots laid on the black which sometimes occur on the draperies. The clay is of a warm yellow colour, well levigated and polished, and the general appearance of the vases is bright and pleasing. The lower frieze on the body usually takes the form of a row of animals, especially of geese feeding; but where the main design is replaced by a scale-pattern, dancing figures are usually found.
Secondly, there’s a group of tall, slim amphorae in a purely Greek style,[1145] featuring a distinctive decoration scheme. This includes panels on the neck, which usually showcase a Sphinx or Siren, and two friezes around the body that are separated by a band of dots. The neck is always separated from the body by a molded ring, beneath which is a colorful tongue-pattern in alternating black, white, and purple. An example can be seen in Plate XXV. It's important to point out that the white coloring, which is used extensively, is applied directly to the clay, similar to other Ionic vases; incised lines are only used for inner details, not for outlines. This group is clearly dated later than the situlae, and there are significant similarities between it and the Caeretan hydriae and sarcophagi from Clazomenae (see below). Sometimes, instead of the main design, there’s a panel with a scale-pattern,[1146] rendered solely in color, which is oddly reminiscent of Mycenaean vases. Two other noteworthy points that share this feature are the two-handled cup with a tall stem on B 1152, which clearly resembles the Mycenaean type of kylix, and the borders of white dots on the black, which occasionally appear on garments. The clay used is a warm yellow color, well-processed and polished, and the overall look of the vases is bright and attractive. The lower frieze on the body usually depicts a row of animals, especially geese feeding; however, when the main design is replaced by a scale-pattern, dancing figures are typically depicted.
Thirdly, there is a squat form of amphora, with cylindrical neck and wide body, which has been distinguished by the name of stamnos.[1147] Most of the vases of this form found at Daphnae are of the “Fikellura” type described above (p. 337), and are obviously importations, whether from Samos or Rhodes; but others (nearly all fragmentary) are of the same type as the amphorae. On both shapes a motive is sometimes introduced which is clearly learned from the Fikellura vases, that of a row of crescents, which, instead of being merely painted in black, are treated, like the tongue-pattern, in polychrome.[1148] The only other shape found is the hydria, of a type differing greatly from the Caeretan (see below) with its flat shoulder at right angles to the body; but the same typical wreath of pointed leaves occurs on both (cf. B 126–27). The list is completed by a few fragments of imported B.F. vases from Athens.
Thirdly, there is a short version of an amphora, with a cylindrical neck and a wide body, which is known as a stamnos.[1147] Most of the vases of this type found at Daphnae are of the “Fikellura” type mentioned earlier (p. 337), and they are clearly imports, likely from Samos or Rhodes; however, there are others (almost all fragmentary) that are of the same type as the amphorae. On both shapes, there is sometimes a design introduced that is clearly inspired by the Fikellura vases, which features a row of crescents that, instead of being just painted in black, are done in a multicolored style like the tongue-pattern.[1148] The only other shape found is the hydria, which is significantly different from the Caeretan type (see below) with its flat shoulder at a right angle to the body; however, the same typical wreath of pointed leaves appears on both (cf. B 126–27). The list is rounded out by a few fragments of imported B.F. vases from Athens.

Ionian Vases.
1. Situla from Daphnae (British Museum); 2. Deinos in South Kensington Museum.
Ionian Pottery.
1. Situla from Daphnae (British Museum); 2. Deinos in South Kensington Museum.
The subjects comprise several interesting mythological themes: Odysseus and Kirke,[1149] the Calydonian boar-hunt, Boreas and one of his sons, Bellerophon and the Chimaera. There is a curious series of nude figures on horseback, painted white throughout, accompanied by warriors and dogs; they have usually been interpreted as feminine, but are not so necessarily, as Ionian painters used white indiscriminately for either sex.[1150] Dionysiac scenes are popular, but monotonous, and often very coarse; the Satyrs are of the Ionic type, with horses’ hoofs, and very bestial in appearance; their place is often taken by grotesque dancers, as on the Corinthian vases. Among small details the Oriental embroidered saddle-cloths[1151] should be mentioned, as also the curious hook (φάλος) in front of the warrior’s helmet on B 11; both are found on the Clazomenae sarcophagi, and the latter is typical of Ionic art.[1152]
The subjects include several intriguing mythological themes: Odysseus and Circe,[1149] the Calydonian boar hunt, Boreas and one of his sons, Bellerophon and the Chimaera. There is an interesting series of nude figures on horseback, painted entirely in white, accompanied by warriors and dogs; they have usually been seen as feminine, but that isn't necessarily true, as Ionian painters used white indiscriminately for any gender.[1150] Dionysian scenes are popular but can be repetitive, and often quite crude; the Satyrs are of the Ionic type, with horse-like hooves, and appear very animalistic; they are often replaced by grotesque dancers, similar to those on the Corinthian vases. Among the small details, the Oriental embroidered saddlecloths[1151] should be noted, as well as the unusual hook (φάλος) in front of the warrior’s helmet on B 11; both are found on the Clazomenae sarcophagi, and the latter is characteristic of Ionic art.[1152]
§ 3. Later Ionic Fabrics
They were first collectively discussed in 1888 by Dümmler, who gave a list of fourteen, assigning them to Phocaea; a more complete list of twenty has since been drawn up by Endt, who to some extent endorses Dümmler’s views, but is inclined to attribute them to Clazomenae, on the opposite side of the Gulf of Smyrna, thus bringing them into closer relation with the sarcophagi. Whichever be the correct view, there is no doubt that they come from this region, and the existence of a ceramic fabric at Clazomenae, as attested by the sarcophagi and a few painted fragments of pottery, is in favour of Endt’s attribution. We have also to set by the side of this the absence (so far) of any pottery at Phocaea. In any case the place must have formed part of the Naucratite confederation, and it was perhaps influenced much by Rhodes.[1154] That the vases have all been found at Cervetri need excite no surprise, as there is abundant evidence that certain fabrics were specially favoured by different places, and apparently made for exclusive importation.
They were first discussed together in 1888 by Dümmler, who listed fourteen of them and connected them to Phocaea. A more complete list of twenty was later created by Endt, who somewhat agrees with Dümmler’s opinions but leans towards linking them to Clazomenae, located on the other side of the Gulf of Smyrna, thus establishing a closer connection to the sarcophagi. Regardless of the correct perspective, it is clear that they originate from this area, and the presence of a ceramic fabric in Clazomenae, as evidenced by the sarcophagi and a few painted pottery fragments, supports Endt’s claim. We should also consider the current lack of pottery findings in Phocaea. In any case, the site must have been part of the Naucratite confederation and was likely influenced significantly by Rhodes.[1154] It’s not surprising that all the vases have been found at Cervetri, as there is ample evidence that certain styles were particularly favored by different locations and were often produced for exclusive export.
From the circumstances of discovery of some of them they may be dated about the middle of the sixth century B.C.; the style is remarkably advanced, and shows the rapid development of Ionian art as compared with that of Continental Greece. As regards the form of the hydria, it is characterised by the egg-shaped body, the division of neck from shoulder by a moulded ring, the low flat-ribbed handle at the back, and the high concave foot. Even more marked is the system of ornamentation. The main design runs in a broad frieze round the body, broken at the back by a palmette pattern under the handle, on either side of which are usually grouped two similar or opposed figures, distinct from the principal subject. The rest of the surface is given over to floral patterns, which assume great prominence on these vases. The normal arrangement is as follows: inside the mouth a large tongue-pattern in red, bordered with black; on the neck, palmette-and-lotos pattern; on the shoulder, ivy-wreaths or other plants, treated in a naturalistic manner; round the lower part of the body, a broad band of large palmettes and lotos-flowers alternating, forming a very effective pattern and enhanced with white and purple details. An illustration in colours of a typical specimen is given on Plate XXVI.
From the circumstances of their discovery, some of these can be dated to around the middle of the sixth century BCE; the style is notably advanced and demonstrates the rapid development of Ionian art compared to that of Continental Greece. Regarding the shape of the hydria, it features an egg-shaped body, a molded ring separating the neck from the shoulder, a low flat-ribbed handle at the back, and a high concave foot. Even more distinctive is the decoration system. The main design runs in a broad frieze around the body, interrupted at the back by a palmette pattern under the handle, with two similar or opposing figures typically grouped on either side, separate from the main subject. The rest of the surface displays floral patterns, which are very prominent on these vases. The usual arrangement is as follows: inside the mouth, a large tongue pattern in red, bordered with black; on the neck, a palmette and lotus pattern; on the shoulder, ivy wreaths or other plants depicted in a natural style; around the lower part of the body, a wide band of large palmettes and lotus flowers alternating, forming a striking pattern enhanced with white and purple details. An illustration in colors of a typical specimen is provided on Plate XXVI.

To face page 354.
CAERETAN HYDRIA.
(British Museum.)
Go to page 354.
CAERETAN HYDRIA.
(British Museum.)
The range of subjects is wide and original, both in choice and method of treatment. We find among mythological scenes the return of Hephaistos to heaven, the rape of Europa, the contest of Herakles with Busiris, and the hunt of the Calydonian boar.[1155] Other subjects, such as combatants or horsemen, are more in the manner of the Clazomenae sarcophagi. A curious feature of the group is the entire absence of friezes of animals. The realistic treatment of the Egyptians on the Busiris vase, and the introduction of apes and other African animals into some of the scenes, clearly indicate a relation with that part of the world, obviously through the medium of one of the Greek colonies of Egypt. Naukratis, as we have seen, was largely colonised from Phocaea, and some of the later fragments from this site[1156] show a parallelism with the hydriae.
The variety of topics is both broad and unique, in terms of both selection and approach. We see mythological scenes like Hephaistos's return to heaven, the abduction of Europa, Herakles's battle with Busiris, and the hunt for the Calydonian boar.[1155] Other themes, such as fighters or horse riders, resemble those found on Clazomenae sarcophagi. An interesting aspect of this group is the complete lack of animal friezes. The realistic depiction of Egyptians on the Busiris vase and the inclusion of apes and other African wildlife in some scenes clearly show a connection to that region, likely via one of the Greek colonies in Egypt. Naukratis, as noted, was largely settled by people from Phocaea, and some of the later pieces from this site[1156] exhibit similarities with the hydriae.
Among the smaller details which are typically Ionian may be mentioned the horse-hoofed type of Seilenos (as at Daphnae); the four-winged deities and winged boars[1157]; the favourite types of stag-hunts,[1158] horsemen, and combats, all appearing on the sarcophagi; the running dogs and the owls on horses’ backs; the high-peaked cap of women and shoes with turned-up toes. All these are generally, but not invariably, characteristic of the Ionian fabrics, as is the peculiar treatment of boys’ hair, which is tied in a tuft at the back.
Among the smaller details that are typically Ionian are the horse-hoofed type of Seilenos (like those at Daphnae); the four-winged deities and winged boars[1157]; the popular depictions of stag hunts,[1158] horsemen, and battles, all shown on the sarcophagi; the running dogs and the owls riding on horses’ backs; the high-peaked caps worn by women and shoes with turned-up toes. All these are usually, but not always, characteristic of the Ionian works, as is the unique way boys' hair is styled, tied into a tuft at the back.
In regard to technique the chief point is the extensive use of accessories, which give a bright and varied appearance to the vases. And we must also note the general use of white for flesh, of men as well as of women, the white being laid on the black varnish in the Attic fashion, and not on the clay, as usual in Ionia. The clay, too, is not covered with the characteristic creamy slip, but with a red glaze approaching more nearly to the “continental” fabrics. Incised lines are used with great care, and folds of drapery are always indicated; the male eye is always oval, and undistinguished from the female.
Regarding technique, the main point is the extensive use of accessories, which give the vases a bright and varied look. We also need to note the general use of white for both male and female figures, with the white applied over the black varnish in the Attic style, instead of on the clay, as seen in Ionia. Additionally, the clay isn't covered with the typical creamy slip but instead with a red glaze that's closer to the "continental" styles. Incised lines are used with great care, and folds of drapery are always shown; the male eye is always oval and indistinguishable from the female.
Two groups of fragments from sites in Asia Minor, though differing in some degree from the Caeretan hydriae, yet obviously stand in close relation. Of these, one set, forming a large krater of the Corinthian type, was found at Kyme in Aeolis[1159]; they appear to be later than the hydriae, i.e. about 500 B.C., but the style and technique are not dissimilar, except that the white is here laid on the clay ground and the drawing tends to freedom and carelessness.[1160] Folds of drapery are not indicated; the typical Ionic motive of a large bud in the field is found.[1161] They may be described as a local differentiation from the hydriae, representing the transition from the sarcophagi[1162] to B.F. fabrics, or rather, perhaps, forming a link between the Caeretan group and that next to be discussed. The other set was found at Clazomenae,[1163] and appears to stand midway between the Daphnae pottery and the hydriae; it is probably of local origin, and also exhibits points of comparison with the sarcophagi. The influence of this fabric has been traced in some Attic B.F. vases which represent a similar scene—the harnessing of a chariot.[1164]
Two groups of fragments from sites in Asia Minor, while differing somewhat from the Caeretan hydriae, clearly have a close connection. One set, which makes up a large krater of the Corinthian style, was discovered at Kyme in Aeolis[1159]; they seem to be later than the hydriae, around 500 B.C., but the style and technique are quite similar, except that the white is applied directly on the clay surface and the drawing is more free and less meticulous.[1160] Drapery folds are not shown; the typical Ionic design of a large bud in the field is present.[1161] They can be seen as a local variation of the hydriae, representing the transition from sarcophagi[1162] to B.F. fabrics, or perhaps acting as a link between the Caeretan group and the one that will be discussed next. The other set was found at Clazomenae,[1163] and seems to fall between the Daphnae pottery and the hydriae in style; it is likely locally produced and also shows similarities with the sarcophagi. The influence of this style has been noted in some Attic B.F. vases that depict a similar scene—the harnessing of a chariot.[1164]
There are also various groups of vases (mostly amphorae) of advanced B.F. technique, but thoroughly Ionian characteristics,[1165] which seem to trace their descent mainly from the Caeretan hydriae, although the scheme of ornamentation is widely different. In the majority the most striking feature is the adoption of the panel-design, the rest of the vase being covered with black. This is clearly non-Ionic, and probably due to the growing influence of Attic vase-painting, in which it early became a marked feature; but it is usually combined with a distinct neck, on which is a smaller design, and this, on the other hand, is a non-Attic idea. These vases were all most probably made in the Clazomenae region; they are, however, rather to be regarded as forming links between the Ionian fabrics proper and the Attic B.F. vases, and are the predecessors of a group of vases of fully-developed B.F. technique which are yet more Ionic than Attic in feeling and treatment (see below, p. 387).
There are also various groups of vases (mostly amphorae) with advanced black figure technique but clear Ionian characteristics,[1165] which seem to mostly come from the Caeretan hydriae, even though the decoration style is quite different. The most notable feature in most of these vases is the use of the panel design, while the rest of the vase is covered in black. This is definitely non-Ionic, likely influenced by the growing impact of Attic vase painting, where this design became prominent early on; however, it's usually paired with a distinct neck that has a smaller design, which is a non-Attic concept. These vases were probably all made in the Clazomenae region; nevertheless, they are better understood as connections between the true Ionian styles and the Attic black figure vases, and they are the forerunners of a group of vases with fully developed black figure techniques that feel even more Ionian than Attic in style and approach (see below, p. 387).
Among these may be mentioned two groups of kylikes, one found in Rhodes and richly decorated with figures within and without, the form suggesting a metallic original.[1166] The other consists of a series of kylikes decorated on the outside with large eyes (formerly thought to be of symbolical import), at the head of which stands the well-known Würzburg cup, with the subject of Phineus attacked by the Harpies.[1167] This vase bears remains of inscriptions in the Ionic alphabet; the cup is of a form afterward introduced at Athens by Exekias, in which the off-set rim and high foot of the other group are replaced by a wide-spreading bowl of plain convex section, with a low foot. Once adopted at Athens, this type remained firmly in favour throughout the R.F. period.
Among these are two groups of kylikes. One was found in Rhodes and is richly decorated with figures both inside and outside, suggesting it was inspired by a metal original.[1166] The other group includes a series of kylikes decorated on the outside with large eyes (previously thought to have symbolic meaning), with the well-known Würzburg cup at the forefront, depicting Phineus being attacked by the Harpies.[1167] This vase has remnants of inscriptions in the Ionic alphabet; its shape later influenced a type introduced in Athens by Exekias, where the offset rim and high foot of the other group are replaced by a wide, flat bowl with a low foot. Once this style was adopted in Athens, it remained popular throughout the R.F. period.
It has often been remarked that inscribed vases are remarkably rare among Ionian fabrics; there are not more than six at the outside, including the Euphorbos pinax, the alphabet of which we have seen to be Argive.[1168] But there are two vases the alphabet of which apparently belongs to the island of Keos, being one of the Ionic or Eastern group, and of these one[1169] may well be associated with the later Ionic fabrics. The other, however, is in a style which is usually associated with the Chalcidian group[1170]; there is the typical feature of the fallen warrior with face turned to the front. If the two can both be assumed to have been actually made in Keos, the geographical position of that island would account for the combination of these Eastern and Western elements.[1171]
It’s often noted that inscribed vases are quite rare among Ionian fabrics; there are at most six, including the Euphorbos pinax, which we’ve identified as Argive.[1168] However, there are two vases whose alphabet seems to come from the island of Keos, making them part of the Ionic or Eastern group. One[1169] of these can be linked with later Ionic fabrics. The other one, though, is styled in a way typically associated with the Chalcidian group[1170]; it features the common motif of a fallen warrior with their face turned forward. If we can assume both were actually made in Keos, the island's geographical position would explain the mix of these Eastern and Western influences.[1171]
A complete and detailed list of the Caeretan hydriae and of the allied types may be found in Endt’s book (pp. 1, 21, 29, etc.); but a brief summary may also be found useful:—
A full and detailed list of the Caeretan hydriae and related types can be found in Endt’s book (pp. 1, 21, 29, etc.); however, a brief summary might also be helpful:—
1. Caeretan hydriae: B.M. B 59 (Plate XXVI.); Louvre E 696–702; Vienna 217–18; Ant. Denkm. ii. 28 (in Berlin); Mus. Greg. ii. 16, 2a; Jahn, Entführung der Europa, pl. 5a; Endt, figs. 1–2, 5–8; four others unpublished. See also generally Dümmler in Röm. Mitth. 1888, p. 166 ff., and Pottier in Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 253 ff., and Louvre Cat. ii. p. 534.
1. Caeretan hydriae: B.M. B 59 (Plate XXVI.); Louvre E 696–702; Vienna 217–18; Ant. Denkm. ii. 28 (in Berlin); Mus. Greg. ii. 16, 2a; Jahn, The Abduction of Europa, pl. 5a; Endt, figs. 1–2, 5–8; four others unpublished. See also generally Dümmler in Röm. Mitth. 1888, p. 166 ff., and Pottier in Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 253 ff., and Louvre Cat. ii. p. 534.
2. Later Ionic B.F. fabrics, chiefly amphorae, kraters, hydriae, and deinoi, from the region of the Gulf of Smyrna: Louvre E 736, E 737, E 739; Vienna 215; Munich 573, 583, 685; Berlin 1674, 1885, 2154; Würzburg, iii. 328 (= Reinach, ii. 97) and 331; Reinach, ii. 156; J.H.S. vi. pp. 181, 185, and Anzeiger, 1893, p. 83 (in Berlin); Louvre E 754–81; Berlin 1676 = Reinach, ii. 22, 3–5; and the fragments from Kyme and Clazomenae already discussed. See besides Endt, Pottier in Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 423 ff.; Zahn in Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 38 ff.; Karo in J.H.S. xix. p. 146 ff.
2. Later Ionic B.F. fabrics, mainly amphorae, kraters, hydriae, and deinoi, from the Gulf of Smyrna region: Louvre E 736, E 737, E 739; Vienna 215; Munich 573, 583, 685; Berlin 1674, 1885, 2154; Würzburg, iii. 328 (= Reinach, ii. 97) and 331; Reinach, ii. 156; J.H.S. vi. pp. 181, 185, and Anzeiger, 1893, p. 83 (in Berlin); Louvre E 754–81; Berlin 1676 = Reinach, ii. 22, 3–5; along with the fragments from Kyme and Clazomenae already mentioned. Also see Endt, Pottier in Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 423 ff.; Zahn in Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 38 ff.; Karo in J.H.S. xix. p. 146 ff.
3. Kylikes of Attic-Ionic style: (a) Rhodian: B.M. B 379-B 382: see J.H.S. v. p. 220 ff.; (b) later type, with eyes (see p. 374); Würzburg, iii. 354 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 41 (Phineus cup) and 349; Berlin 1803, 2054, 2056; Munich 428, 468, 630, 553, 711, 1239, 1316, 1027, 1239; and others given by Böhlau; to which may be added the British Museum cups with eyes, B 427 ff., and the amphora B.M. B 215.
3. Kylikes of Attic-Ionic style: (a) Rhodian: B.M. B 379-B 382: see J.H.S. v. p. 220 ff.; (b) later type, with eyes (see p. 374); Würzburg, iii. 354 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 41 (Phineus cup) and 349; Berlin 1803, 2054, 2056; Munich 428, 468, 630, 553, 711, 1239, 1316, 1027, 1239; and others given by Böhlau; to which may be added the British Museum cups with eyes, B 427 ff., and the amphora B.M. B 215.
4. Keos fabric (?): Louvre E 732 = Reinach, i. 162; Gerhard, A.V. 205, 3–4.
4. Keos fabric (?): Louvre E 732 = Reinach, i. 162; Gerhard, A.V. 205, 3–4.
There are also numerous vases scattered about our museums which are of a debased and inferior B.F. type, and on good grounds have been thought to be of Italian manufacture, whether Etruscan or South Italian. The former usually display unmistakable local characteristics, and there is a class so sharply defined that its Etruscan origin is undoubted, in spite of its affinities to the Caeretan hydriae. A full description will be found in the chapter on Etruscan pottery (XVIII.). Others again have more in common with the class next to be discussed; and, generally speaking, they may all be found to show Ionian affinities. But the line is not easy to draw: debased B.F. vases may have been produced in Ionia, as they undoubtedly were at Kameiros[1172]; but, on the other hand, the extensive export of Ionic wares to Cumae, Cervetri, and other places may have incited the Italian potters, as in the case of the Etruscan class just mentioned, to unsuccessful attempts at imitation.
There are also many vases scattered around our museums that are of a degraded and lower-quality B.F. type, which are believed to have been made in Italy, either Etruscan or South Italian. The Etruscan ones usually exhibit clear local features, and there is a specific group that clearly has Etruscan origins, despite its similarities to the Caeretan hydriae. A complete description can be found in the chapter on Etruscan pottery (XVIII.). Others share more characteristics with the next category to be discussed; generally, they all seem to show Ionian influences. However, drawing a clear line is challenging: degraded B.F. vases may have been produced in Ionia, as they certainly were at Kameiros[1172]; but, on the other hand, the significant export of Ionian ceramics to Cumae, Cervetri, and other locations may have inspired Italian potters, as seen in the Etruscan group mentioned earlier, to make unsuccessful imitations.
There remains yet one class of Ionic vases to be discussed, a class which can be clearly defined, but for which as yet no satisfactory name has been found. Like the Caeretan hydriae, they were first discussed by the late F. Dümmler; but his grounds for assigning them to the region of Pontus—whence they have been provisionally styled “Pontic”—have not found general acceptance.[1173] They were also originally, like the Caeretan group, thought to be Etruscan, a view which at first sight might seem justified by their rough execution; but style and other reasons preclude such a possibility. On the other hand, it is quite possible that some of them are imitative fabrics made in Southern Italy. All at present known have been found in Etruria.
There’s still one category of Ionic vases to discuss, a category that can be clearly defined, but for which a satisfactory name hasn’t been found yet. Like the Caeretan hydriae, they were first examined by the late F. Dümmler; however, his reasoning for linking them to the region of Pontus—leading to their temporary label “Pontic”—is not widely accepted. [1173] They were also initially thought to be Etruscan, like the Caeretan group, a view that might seem justified at first glance due to their rough execution; but the style and other factors rule out that possibility. On the other hand, it’s quite possible that some of them are imitation pieces made in Southern Italy. All currently known examples have been discovered in Etruria.
§ 4. Early Art in Ionia
It is now time to turn, by way of supplementing our account of Ionic pottery, to the history of the art of painting in general among these peoples, so far as it is illustrated by literary records and by existing monuments other than the vases. That the latter do afford us considerable information on the subject of painting in Ionia is amply shown in the foregoing pages; but there is yet another group of monuments which the material of which they are made would alone entitle to inclusion in this work, apart from the valuable illustration they afford of certain aspects of Ionic pottery.
It’s now time to shift our focus, in addition to our discussion of Ionic pottery, to the history of painting in general among these cultures, as shown through literary records and existing artifacts besides the vases. The vases provide us with a lot of information about painting in Ionia, as discussed in the previous pages; however, there’s another category of artifacts that, due to their material, deserves to be included in this work, aside from the valuable insights they provide into certain aspects of Ionic pottery.
In the light of modern researches, we are prepared to find in Ionia a great centre for the art of painting in the archaic period. That this region inherited the characteristics of Mycenaean art has already been so abundantly shown that we need not hesitate to believe that, among other branches of art, that of fresco-painting was firmly established in the Asiatic colonies. The art of which Crete, Mycenae, and Tiryns have furnished such remarkable examples is hardly likely to have died out. Hence it need excite no surprise when we read that as early as about 700 B.C. Kandaules, the king of Lydia, purchased for its weight in gold a picture painted by Bularchos representing a battle of the Magnetes.[1176] That such an elaborate subject should have been treated at this early date, when the vase-painter had not emerged from his earliest limitations, is, if we may accept Pliny’s account, a most remarkable proof of advanced art. Saurias of Samos is also mentioned as an early painter,[1177] who “invented silhouette drawing,” and Philokles the Egyptian, who “invented linear drawing,” was probably a Naucratite, and his “inventions” may be reflected in the outlined paintings on white ground which have been described above. Lastly, we read that about 515 B.C. Mandrokles of Samos painted a picture which represented Dareios watching his army crossing the Bosphoros,[1178] and Kalliphon of Samos, probably a contemporary, painted scenes from the story of Troy.[1179]
In light of modern research, we are ready to see Ionia as a major center for the art of painting during the archaic period. It's already been clearly shown that this region inherited features of Mycenaean art, so we can confidently believe that among other art forms, fresco painting was well established in the Asiatic colonies. The art that Crete, Mycenae, and Tiryns showcased is unlikely to have disappeared. Therefore, it shouldn't be surprising to learn that as early as around 700 BCE, Kandaules, the king of Lydia, purchased a painting by Bularchos depicting a battle of the Magnetes for its weight in gold.[1176] The fact that such a complex subject was tackled at this early time, when vase painters were still limited in their skills, is, if we can trust Pliny’s account, a remarkable indication of sophisticated art. Saurias of Samos is also noted as an early painter,[1177] who “invented silhouette drawing,” and Philokles the Egyptian, who “invented linear drawing,” was likely a Naucratite, and his “inventions” may be seen in the outlined paintings on a white background described earlier. Lastly, it is noted that around 515 BCE, Mandrokles of Samos painted a piece showing Dareios watching his army crossing the Bosphorus,[1178] and Kalliphon of Samos, likely a contemporary, painted scenes from the story of Troy.[1179]
Combining these traditions with what we also know of Ionic painting from the pottery, we should expect to find that its characteristic form was that of figures in black silhouette or outline on a ground covered with white slip; and, further, that the subjects treated were by no means of an elementary character, but comprised elaborate battle-scenes or groups of warriors, and even historical themes. Now, these conditions are exactly fulfilled in the group of terracotta sarcophagi excavated during the last twenty years at or in the neighbourhood of Clazomenae, on the Gulf of Smyrna. It is practically certain that all have come from this district,[1180] and no attempt has ever been made to connect them with any other site. Further, we have already seen that there are reasons for attributing some of the vase-fabrics to this place, or at least for connecting them closely with the sarcophagi; and thus there are good grounds for regarding Clazomenae as one of the principal centres of Ionian art.
By combining these traditions with what we know about Ionic painting from pottery, we can expect to see figures depicted in black silhouette or outline on a background covered with white slip. Additionally, the subjects explored are not simple; they include detailed battle scenes, groups of warriors, and even historical themes. These criteria are perfectly met in the group of terracotta sarcophagi uncovered over the past twenty years at or near Clazomenae, on the Gulf of Smyrna. It is almost certain that all of them originated from this area,[1180] and there has never been any effort to link them to any other location. Furthermore, we have already established that there are reasons to attribute some of the vase fabrics to this area, or at least to closely associate them with the sarcophagi; thus, there is a solid basis for considering Clazomenae one of the main centers of Ionian art.
The sarcophagi which have come to light up to the present number over twenty, inclusive of fragments, but very few are anything like complete. There are fine specimens at Berlin, Paris, Vienna, and Constantinople, with paintings round the flat rims; but all are overshadowed by the magnificent example recently acquired by the British Museum,[1181] which is absolutely complete, with a massive gabled cover, and decorated over almost every inch of its surface with subjects or ornamental patterns. Its dimensions are: body, 7 ft. 6 in. by 3 ft. 9 in. by 2 ft. 9 in.; cover, 8 ft. by 4 ft. by 2 ft. The only undecorated portions are the central panels on the sides of the coffin and the bottom, but in some other parts the designs are largely worn away. It is made of a coarse brick-like clay of very hard consistency, which is completely covered, except on the bottom, with a thick white slip to receive the paintings. The figures are painted throughout in black silhouette, without any method of reproducing inner details except by traits réservés, i.e. by leaving them unpainted on the white ground; but the greater part has been imperfectly fired, so that the black has become bright red.
The sarcophagi that have been discovered so far number over twenty, including fragments, but very few are nearly complete. There are impressive examples in Berlin, Paris, Vienna, and Istanbul, featuring paintings around the flat edges; however, all of these are outshined by the magnificent piece recently acquired by the British Museum,[1181] which is completely intact, with a large gabled lid, and decorated almost entirely with scenes or decorative patterns. Its dimensions are: body, 7 ft. 6 in. by 3 ft. 9 in. by 2 ft. 9 in.; cover, 8 ft. by 4 ft. by 2 ft. The only undecorated areas are the central panels on the sides of the coffin and the bottom, but in some other sections, the designs are mostly worn off. It is made of a hard, brick-like clay that is covered entirely, except on the bottom, with a thick white slip to prepare for the paintings. The figures are painted throughout in black silhouette, without any way of showing inner details except by reserved traits, i.e. by leaving them unpainted on the white surface; however, most of it has been poorly fired, causing the black to change to bright red.
On the long sides of the interior are representations of funeral games, such as contests with spears and a chariot-race; the shorter sides have groups of warriors on horseback and on foot. The chariot-races are also repeated along the flat rim of the coffin, the exterior and the space above the interior designs being ornamented with bands of egg-and-dart moulding and the typical Ionic pattern of maeander interspersed with stars, which we have already met with in the pottery (p. 360). The main designs on the cover are in two rows, those on one side having almost entirely disappeared; on the complete side the upper band represents an episode from the story of Dolon, the lower an ordinary scene of combat.[1182] The gable-ends have groups of Centaurs and horsemen, and along the lower edges of the cover, underneath, are further scenes from the Doloneia, groups of Sphinxes and Sirens, and bands of ornamental pattern (rosettes, maeander, etc.). Of the many minor details of interest in these paintings this is not the place to speak; but they have been fully discussed by Murray (op. cit.), especially peculiarities of armour and costume.
On the longer sides of the interior, there are depictions of funeral games, including spear contests and a chariot race; the shorter sides show groups of warriors both on horseback and on foot. The chariot races are also etched along the flat rim of the coffin. The exterior and the area above the interior designs are decorated with bands of egg-and-dart molding and the classic Ionic pattern of meander mixed with stars, which we’ve already encountered in the pottery (p. 360). The main designs on the lid are arranged in two rows, with one side almost completely worn away; on the intact side, the upper band depicts a scene from the story of Dolon, while the lower shows a typical combat scenario.[1182] The gable ends feature groups of Centaurs and horsemen, and along the lower edges of the cover, there are more scenes from the Doloneia, along with groups of Sphinxes and Sirens, as well as bands of decorative patterns (rosettes, meander, etc.). There are many interesting minor details in these paintings, but this isn’t the right place to go into them; however, they have been thoroughly examined by Murray (op. cit.), particularly the unique aspects of armor and clothing.
It is possible that the battle-scenes on this and other sarcophagi may, as Murray and S. Reinach[1183] have suggested, have some bearing on the question of the painting by Bularchos already mentioned. It would, at all events, help to explain the selling of the painting for its weight in gold, if we may regard it as painted on terracotta; but it is not safe to say more than that the sarcophagi confirm the story to the extent of showing the popularity of such subjects in early Ionian art.
It’s possible that the battle scenes on this and other sarcophagi, as suggested by Murray and S. Reinach[1183], might relate to the question of the painting by Bularchos that was mentioned earlier. In any case, it would help explain why the painting was sold for its weight in gold, assuming it was painted on terracotta. However, it’s not accurate to say more than that the sarcophagi support the idea of the popularity of such themes in early Ionian art.
Many of the motives on the British Museum sarcophagus are found repeated again and again throughout the series, especially the battle-scenes; groups “heraldically” composed, such as a warrior between two chariots or horsemen, or pairs of Sphinxes (Plate XXVII.), or animals confronted, are of constant occurrence. There are also various minor motives constantly repeated, such as helmeted heads of warriors (Plate XXVII.),[1184] pairs of horses, one looking up, the other down (this being a convenient position for silhouettes), or dogs running under the horses.
Many of the designs on the British Museum sarcophagus appear repeatedly throughout the series, especially the battle scenes. Groups are arranged in a "heraldic" style, like a warrior positioned between two chariots or horsemen, or pairs of Sphinxes (Plate XXVII.), and animals facing each other are common. There are also various minor designs that recur frequently, such as helmeted heads of warriors (Plate XXVII.),[1184] pairs of horses, one looking up and the other looking down (this being a practical choice for silhouettes), or dogs running under the horses.
M. Joubin,[1185] considering the group of sarcophagi as a whole, recognises a triple development in form, technique, and decoration, enabling him to divide them into three classes. In regard to technique we observe throughout a remarkable combination of two methods, the details of figures being expressed either by outlining or by leaving in the colour of the clay, as in the earlier Rhodian and Naucratite vases (see p. 331 ff.), or by lines of white paint laid on the black. The latter method, which is not unknown on the vases (see p. 347), was no doubt used in place of incising, which would have been a difficult matter in the hard clay.[1186]
M. Joubin,[1185] considers the group of sarcophagi as a whole and identifies three developments in form, technique, and decoration, which allows him to categorize them into three classes. In terms of technique, we notice a notable combination of two methods throughout: the details of figures are expressed either by outlining or by maintaining the original color of the clay, similar to the earlier Rhodian and Naucratite vases (see p. 331 ff.), or by applying lines of white paint on the black. The latter method, which also appears on the vases (see p. 347), was likely used instead of incising, which would have been challenging in the hard clay.[1186]
In the oldest group, then, the usual method is that of outlining or “reserving” on the clay; the second group may be regarded as transitional[1187]; and in the third group, which in style answers to the Caeretan hydriae and later Ionic fabrics, the use of white for details, and even of purple, is general. But it is noteworthy that, for the groups of animals at the bases of the sarcophagi or elsewhere, the old “Rhodian” method of the earlier examples is retained. This, it may be remarked, is in accordance with a principle by which an older technique tends to survive in subordinate decoration, just as on R.F. vases friezes of animals or ornamental patterns are frequently painted in the old black-on-red method.[1188]
In the oldest group, the typical method involves outlining or “reserving” on the clay; the second group can be seen as transitional[1187]; and in the third group, which is similar in style to the Caeretan hydriae and later Ionic works, using white for details and even purple is common. However, it's interesting to note that for the groups of animals at the bases of the sarcophagi or elsewhere, the old “Rhodian” method from earlier examples is still used. This aligns with a principle where an older technique tends to persist in subordinate decoration, just as on R.F. vases, where friezes of animals or ornamental patterns are often painted in the old black-on-red method.[1188]

Sarcophagus From Clazomenae (British Museum).
Sarcophagus from Clazomenae (British Museum).
In the decoration the development is in the direction of scenes with human figures, in preference to friezes of animals and floral patterns; the compositions advance from single figures to large groups, and accessory figures are introduced, like the dogs under the horses. Finally, we have the long friezes of figures which are so characteristic, for instance, of the British Museum sarcophagus. Mythological scenes, except the Doloneia, are conspicuously absent; battles, chariot-races, and hunting-scenes have the preference, as well as the heraldic groups of animals.
In the decoration, the trend is moving towards scenes featuring human figures instead of friezes with animals and floral designs. The compositions evolve from individual figures to larger groups, with additional figures included, like the dogs beneath the horses. Ultimately, we have the lengthy friezes of figures that are so typical, for example, of the sarcophagus in the British Museum. Mythological scenes, except for the Doloneia, are noticeably missing; battles, chariot races, and hunting scenes are favored, along with heraldic groups of animals.
Nor is the development confined to the main decoration; it may be traced both in the form of the sarcophagi and in the subordinate ornamentation.[1189] The older examples approach more to the human form, with a shouldered opening at the top indicating the place for the head; but towards the end of the series the rectangular form predominates—the opening enlarges, and the upper edge projects over the lower. The British Museum example and one in Constantinople[1190] are very elaborate, with mouldings and carefully-considered architectural proportions. The origin of the form is doubtless to be traced to the Egyptian mummy-cases, or perhaps to Chaldaean sarcophagi; but the Cretan cinerary urns (p. 145) are also on the same plan, and may have formed an intermediary link.
The development isn't limited to the main decoration; it can also be seen in the shape of the sarcophagi and in the minor ornamentation.[1189] The older examples are closer to the human form, featuring a shouldered opening at the top for the head; however, towards the end of the series, the rectangular shape takes over—the opening gets larger, and the upper edge extends over the lower. The examples from the British Museum and one in Constantinople[1190] are quite intricate, with moldings and thoughtfully designed architectural proportions. The origin of this shape likely goes back to Egyptian mummy cases or possibly Chaldaean sarcophagi; however, the Cretan cinerary urns (p. 145) also follow a similar design and may have acted as an intermediary link.
In point of date the sarcophagi seem to extend over the greater part of the sixth century. We have seen that some present the same characteristics of painting as the earlier Rhodian and Naucratite fabrics; others fall more into line with the Caeretan hydriae and Ionic B.F. pottery. In any case the sarcophagi form our best standard for determining the sequence and relation of the Ionic fabrics, and at the same time furnish an argument for regarding Clazomenae as one of the principal centres of Ionic pottery. M. Reinach is of opinion that none are later than about 540 B.C., at which time the people of Clazomenae, menaced by the invading power of Persia, migrated to the neighbouring islands. But one or two instances of advanced technique seem to point to a later date.
In terms of dates, the sarcophagi seem to mostly cover the sixth century. We've seen that some have similar painting styles to the earlier Rhodian and Naucratite pieces, while others align more with the Caeretan hydriae and Ionic B.F. pottery. In any case, the sarcophagi are our best reference for figuring out the order and relationship of the Ionic fabrics, and they also support the idea that Clazomenae was one of the main centers for Ionic pottery. M. Reinach believes that none are later than around 540 BCE, when the people of Clazomenae, threatened by the invading forces of Persia, moved to the nearby islands. However, a couple of examples of advanced techniques suggest a later date.
The list of Clazomenae sarcophagi as at present known is as follows[1191]:—
The list of Clazomenae sarcophagi that we know of today is as follows[1191]:—
Reinach’s List. | Joubin’s List. | |||
1. | Brit. Mus. (1895) | — | — | Terracotta Sarcophagi, pls. 1–7. |
2. | Brit. Mus. (1900) | — | — | — |
3. | Brit. Mus. (1902) | — | — | Plate XXVII. of this work. |
4. | Brit. Mus. | 7 | 12 | Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 46, 4 = J.H.S. iv. pl. 31. |
5. | Brit. Mus. | 8 | 13 | Ibid. pl. 46, 3 = J.H.S. iv. p. 20, fig. 15. |
6. | Brit. Mus. | 9 | 13 | Ibid. pl. 46, 5 = J.H.S. iv. p. 19, fig. 14. |
7. | Louvre | 10 | 11 | Bull. of Corr. Hell., 1890, pl. 6. |
8. | Louvre | 11 | 3 | Ibid., 1892, p. 240. |
9. | Louvre | 12 | 1 | Ibid., 1895, pls. 1–2, p. 71. |
10. | Louvre | 13 | 2 | Ibid., 1895, p. 80. |
11. | Berlin | 1 | 8 | Ant. Denkm. i. pl. 44. |
12. | Berlin | 2 | 9 | Ibid. pl. 46, 2. |
13. | Vienna | 15 | 10 | Ibid. pl. 45. |
14. | Smyrna | 14 | 14 | Ibid. pl. 46, 1. |
15. | Constantinople | 3 | 7 | Mon. of the Inst. xi. pl. 53 = J.H.S. iv. p. 8 ff. |
16. | Constantinople | 4 | 4, 5 | Ibid. pl. 54 = J.H.S. iv. p. 2 ff. |
17. | Constantinople | 5 | — | Röm. Mitth. 1888, p. 163. |
18. | Constantinople | 6 | 6 | Review of Greek Studies 1895, p. 161. |
19. | ? | 16 | — | J.H.S. iv. p. 15. |
20. | ? | 17 | — | J.H.S. iv. p. 20. |
21–3. | In the market | 18–20 | — | See Journal of Greek Studies i.e. |
To which may be added:—
To which can be added:—
24. | Brit. Mus., from Kameiros | — | — | Terracotta Sarcophagi, pl. 8. |
We have seen in the course of this chapter the gradual evolution of Ionic vase-painting, from the time of lingering Mycenaean influences down to the period when it ceased to have any existence as a separate style, and having reached the same point of development as Attic vase-painting, was soon merged in the latter. It is probable, however, that this was largely due to political circumstances, which put an end to Ionic art and industry generally about the close of the sixth century. The conquest of Ionia by Harpagos in 545 B.C. was the event which led to this result, and consequently to the dispersion of Ionic artists, partly into Greece, partly into Italy. The migration of the Phocaeans in particular caused an influx of Ionian culture into the semi-barbarous regions of Italy, and contributed to the production of the imitative vase-fabrics to which allusion has been made.
In this chapter, we've looked at the gradual development of Ionic vase-painting, from the lingering influences of Mycenaean culture to the point where it no longer existed as a distinct style. By that time, it had evolved to the same level as Attic vase-painting and soon merged with it. However, this change was likely driven by political factors that led to the decline of Ionic art and industry around the end of the sixth century. The conquest of Ionia by Harpagos in 545 BCE was the pivotal event that brought this about, resulting in the dispersion of Ionic artists, some of whom moved to Greece and others to Italy. In particular, the migration of the Phocaeans sparked an influx of Ionian culture into the more primitive areas of Italy and played a role in the creation of the imitative vase styles mentioned earlier.
M. Pottier, in summing up the rôle played by Ionian Greece in the history of art, regards it as the principal agent of transmission of culture between the East and Europe, and thus the true civiliser of Europe, influencing both Doric Greece and Etruscan Italy. Thus we may see in Ionia the parent of modern civilisation.
M. Pottier, summarizing the role of Ionian Greece in art history, sees it as the main channel for cultural exchange between the East and Europe, making it the true civilizer of Europe, impacting both Doric Greece and Etruscan Italy. Therefore, we can view Ionia as the birthplace of modern civilization.
1082. See M. Pottier’s excellent résumé in his Louvre Cat. ii. p. 486 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out M. Pottier’s great summary in his Louvre Catalog. ii. p. 486 ff.
1083. Bronzefunde von Olympia, p. 45: cf. Olympia, iv. p. 109.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bronze Discoveries from Olympia, p. 45: cf. Olympia, iv. p. 109.
1084. Gaz. Arch. 1879, p. 208: cf. Athenaeus, v. 210 B, and Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 487.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gaz. Arch. 1879, p. 208: see Athenaeus, v. 210 B, and Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 487.
1085. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1890, p. 378. The painting on a white slip marks an important development, and a rupture with all previous styles (ibid.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1890, p. 378. The painting on a white background signifies an important shift and a break from all past styles (ibid.).
1086. Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 129 ff.; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1883, p. 179; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 161 ff.; Böhlau, Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 73 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pottier, Louvre Catalog. i. p. 129 ff.; Ann. dell’ Inst. 1883, p. 179; Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 161 ff.; Böhlau, Ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 73 ff.
1087. Böhlau, p. 52 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Böhlau, p. 52 and following.
1088. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 226.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 226.
1089. Rev. Arch. xxv. (1894), p. 26.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Rev. Arch. 25. (1894), p. 26.
1090. Böhlau, p. 86 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Böhlau, p. 86 onward.
1091. Pottier, ii. p. 277.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pottier, vol. 2, p. 277.
1092. Böhlau, i.e.; Pottier and Reinach, Nécropole de Myrina, p. 505.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Böhlau, that is; Pottier and Reinach, Myrina Necropolis, p. 505.
1094. Dörpfeld, Troja und Ilion, i. p. 310.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Dörpfeld, Trojan War and Ilium, i. p. 310.
1095. Stephani, Comptes-Rendus, 1870–71, pl. 4 = Reinach, Répertoire, i. p. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Stephani, Proceedings, 1870–71, pl. 4 = Reinach, Directory, i. p. 34.
1096. Naukratis I., II.; J.H.S. x. p. 126 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Naukratis I., II.; J.H.S. x. p. 126 ff.
1099. See Monuments Piot, i. p. 45.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Monuments Piot, vol. 1, p. 45.
1101. See Pottier, op. cit. p. 503.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Pottier, same source p. 503.
1102. See Röm. Mitth. 1887, p. 180.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Röm. Mitth. 1887, p. 180.
1103. See generally Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 129 ff. A list of Rhodian vases is given in Ann. dell’ Inst. 1883, p. 179.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See generally Pottier, Louvre Cat. i. p. 129 ff. A list of Rhodian vases is provided in Ann. of the Inst. 1883, p. 179.
1104. For fragments found in Cyprus see J.H.S. xii. p. 142; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 104, fig. 151.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For fragments discovered in Cyprus, refer to J.H.S. vol. 12, p. 142; B.M. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 104, fig. 151.
1105. Cf. examples in Cases 43–4 in the First Vase Room, Brit. Mus.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See examples in Cases 43–4 in the First Vase Room, British Museum.
1106. See generally Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 160.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 160.
1107. Il. xvii. 60 ff.: see Chapter XIV. The vase is published by Salzmann, Nécropole de Camiros, pl. 53; Baumeister, i. p. 730, fig. 784.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Il. xvii. 60 ff.: see Chapter XIV. The vase is published by Salzmann, Cemetery of Camiros, pl. 53; Baumeister, i. p. 730, fig. 784.
1108. Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 118: cf. Jahrbuch, 1891, p. 263, and Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 201.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 118: cf. Yearbook, 1891, p. 263, and Berl. Phil. Woch. 1895, p. 201.
1109. The latest supporter of this view is Böhlau (Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 73 ff.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The newest advocate of this perspective is Böhlau (Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 73 ff.).
1110. Böhlau, op. cit. p. 53 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Böhlau, same source p. 53 ff.
1111. Böhlau regards this pattern as “Mycenaean,” on the ground that it does not follow the lines of the vase.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Böhlau sees this pattern as “Mycenaean,” because it doesn’t align with the shape of the vase.
1112. Cf. Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, pl. 21, fig. 188, and Mon. Antichi, vi. pl. 11, figs. 30, 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Furtwaengler and Loeschcke, pl. 21, fig. 188, and Mon. Antichi, vi. pl. 11, figs. 30, 34.
1113. See Böhlau’s list, op. cit. p. 53 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Böhlau’s list, op. cit. p. 53 ff.
1114. i.e. p. 79.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. i.e. p. 79.
1115. Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 524; Naukratis I. p. 50; Böhlau, i.e.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 524; Naukratis I. p. 50; Böhlau, i.e.
1117. E 659 = Monuments Piot, i. pl. 4, p. 43.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.E 659 = Monuments Piot, i. pl. 4, p. 43.
1118. Op. cit. p. 85.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. p. 85.
1119. Op. cit. p. 89 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. cit. p. 89 onward.
1120. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1884, pl. 7; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 274.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1884, pl. 7; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 274.
1121. See examples in B.M. (Second Vase Room, Cases 24–5). The B.M. also possesses similar vases found in the Troad.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See examples in the British Museum (Second Vase Room, Cases 24–5). The British Museum also has similar vases found in the Troad.
1122. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 223.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1887, p. 223.
1123. J.H.S. viii. p. 68 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. viii. p. 68 ff.
1124. Stephani, Compte-Rendu, 1870–71, pl. 4, p. 178; Reinach, i. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Stephani, Report, 1870–71, pl. 4, p. 178; Reinach, i. 34.
1125. Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 125.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Böhlau, From Ionian and Italian cemeteries. p. 125.
1126. Kyrene (1890), p. 17 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Kyrene (1890), p. 17 and following.
1127. Baumeister, iii. p. 1664, fig. 1728; Reinach, Répertoire, i. p. 81; and see bibliography in De Ridder’s Catalogue, i. p. 98. It is a matter for much regret that no satisfactory publication of this vase has as yet been made. The best is in Babelon’s Cab. des Antiques de la Bibl. Nat. pl. 12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Baumeister, iii. p. 1664, fig. 1728; Reinach, Directory, i. p. 81; and see bibliography in De Ridder’s Catalogue, i. p. 98. It's really unfortunate that no satisfactory publication of this vase has been made yet. The best one can find is in Babelon’s Cab. des Antiques de la Bibl. Nat. pl. 12.
1128. I.e. Σιλιφιόμαχος.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. i.e. Σιλιφιόμαχος.
1130. The list is as follows: B.M. B 1–7; Bibl. Nat. 189–92; Louvre E 660–72; Petersburg 183; Munich 737 and 1164; Vienna 140; two each in the Vatican, Florence, and Würzburg (Nos. 2, 4, 9, 10, 13, 26 in Dumont’s list); one in Brussels (Gaz. Arch. 1887, pl. 14); Anzeiger, 1898, p. 189 (Berlin); Dumont-Pottier, i. pp. 301, 305, Nos. 17 and 32; Louvre E 667 = Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 238; Jahrbuch, 1901, pl. 3, p. 189, and see ibid. pp. 191, 193; Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 125 ff.; and a doubtful example in B.M. B 58. For an exhaustive bibliography of the subject, see Pottier in Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 226.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The list is as follows: B.M. B 1–7; Bibl. Nat. 189–92; Louvre E 660–72; Petersburg 183; Munich 737 and 1164; Vienna 140; two each in the Vatican, Florence, and Würzburg (Nos. 2, 4, 9, 10, 13, 26 in Dumont’s list); one in Brussels (Gaz. Arch. 1887, pl. 14); Anzeiger, 1898, p. 189 (Berlin); Dumont-Pottier, i. pp. 301, 305, Nos. 17 and 32; Louvre E 667 = Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 238; Yearbook, 1901, pl. 3, p. 189, and see ibid. pp. 191, 193; Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 125 ff.; and a questionable example in B.M. B 58. For a comprehensive bibliography on the subject, see Pottier in Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 226.
1131. J.H.S. x. p. 126.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. x. p. 126.
1132. Other examples of Naucratite wares have been found in Rhodes (J.H.S. loc. cit.), Cyprus (J.H.S. xii. p. 142), and at Athens on the Acropolis (Ath. Mitth. 1889, p. 341).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Other examples of Naucratite pottery have been found in Rhodes (J.H.S. loc. cit.), Cyprus (J.H.S. xii. p. 142), and at the Acropolis in Athens (Ath. Mitth. 1889, p. 341).
1133. These fragments will be fully illustrated in colour in the forthcoming vol. i. of the B.M. Catalogue of Vases.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.These fragments will be fully illustrated in color in the upcoming vol. i. of the B.M. Catalogue of Vases.
1134. Cf. A 763 in B.M. = Naukratis II. pl. 5, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See A 763 in B.M. = Naukratis II. pl. 5, 1.
1135. A 762. Other good examples are A 764, 790, 792.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A 762. Other good examples are A 764, 790, 792.
1136. A 985 = J.H.S. viii. pl. 79.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. A 985 = J.H.S. vol. 8, plate 79.
1137. One Melian; B 1025 and 10229 (with Corinthian inscriptions); B 10213, 10227, 10232 (Daphniote), etc.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.One Melian; B 1025 and 10229 (with Corinthian inscriptions); B 10213, 10227, 10232 (Daphniote), etc.
1138. See generally Tanis II. (Fourth Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund), pp. 48 ff., 61 ff., pls. 25–31; Jahrbuch, 1895, p. 35 ff. and Ant. Denkm. ii. pl. 21; B.M. Cat. of Vases, ii. p. 41; Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See generally Tanis II. (Fourth Mem. Egypt Expl. Fund), pp. 48 and following, 61 and following, pls. 25–31; Yearbook, 1895, p. 35 and following and Ant. Denkm. ii. pl. 21; B.M. Cat. of Vases, ii. p. 41; Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 18.
1139. ii. 30, 107.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 30, 107.
1140. ii. 154.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. ii. 154.
1141. Jahrbuch, 1895, p. 35 ff.; Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, 1895, p. 35 ff.; Endt, Ion. Vases p. 18.
1142. Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 51: and cf. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 256.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 51: and cf. Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 256.
1143. B.M. B 104–6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 104–6.
1145. B.M. B 107–15.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 107–15.
1146. See Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 65. He derives this pattern through the medium of the “Fikellura” vases.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Böhlau, Aus ion. u. ital. Nekrop. p. 65. He explains this pattern using the “Fikellura” vases.
1147. B.M. B 116–25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 116–25.
1148. This is also occasionally found at Naukratis, and appears on a fragment from Mytilene in the British Museum (B 99) of Daphniote style.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This is also sometimes found at Naukratis and shows up on a fragment from Mytilene in the British Museum (B 99) of Daphniote style.
1149. Jahrbuch, 1897, p. 55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1897, p. 55.
1150. See Zahn in Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Zahn in Ath. Mitth. 1898, p. 50.
1151. Cf. the Xanthos reliefs, Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpt. i. No. 86.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the Xanthos reliefs, Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpt. i. No. 86.
1152. See Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 17, and cf. coins of Methymna.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 17, and check out the coins from Methymna.
1153. Cf. Endt, Ion. Vasenm. pp. 5, 13 ff., who points out the similarity in subject and decoration, as also in details of colouring, armour, etc., with the other groups.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Endt, Ion. Vasenm. pp. 5, 13 ff., who highlights the similarities in themes, decoration, and specifics like coloring and armor with the other groups.
1154. Revue des Études Grecques, 1895, p. 182.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Greek Studies Review, 1895, p. 182.
1155. Vienna 217–18; Louvre E 696. For list of subjects see Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 254.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vienna 217–18; Louvre E 696. For the list of subjects, see Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 254.
1156. B.M. B 10314 for instance.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 10314 for example.
1157. Cf. Louvre E 739. Also found at Daphnae as a shield-device (B.M. B 1152), and on coins of Clazomenae (see Endt, p. 24).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Louvre E 739. It's also found at Daphnae as a shield design (B.M. B 1152), and on coins from Clazomenae (refer to Endt, p. 24).
1158. Cf. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 259.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 259.
1159. Röm. Mitth. iii. (1888), p. 159 ff.; now in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Röm. Mitth. iii. (1888), p. 159 ff.; now in B.M.
1160. Op. cit. p. 172.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. cit. p. 172.
1161. It is found also on the sarcophagi (cf. Terracotta Sarcophagi in B.M. pls. 1, 2), on the quasi-Ionic vase, Gerhard, A. V. 205, and on B.M. B 379 (see below).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It can also be seen on the sarcophagi (see Terracotta Sarcophagi in B.M. pls. 1, 2), on the quasi-Ionic vase, Gerhard, A. V. 205, and on B.M. B 379 (refer to below).
1162. Cf. for instance Mon. dell’ Inst. xi. 53–4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See, for example, Mon. of the Inst. xi. 53–4.
1163. Ath. Mitth. 1898, pl. 6, p. 38 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ath. Mitth. 1898, pl. 6, p. 38 ff.
1164. Vol. II. Frontisp.; Reinach, ii. 124.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Vol. II. Frontisp.; Reinach, ii. 124.
1165. Cf. especially Berlin 2154 (Endt, op. cit. pl. 1, figs. 11–13) and Gerhard, A. V. 194 = Reinach, ii. 97. They have been discussed by Endt (op. cit. pp. 21, 29), by Pottier in Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 424 ff., and by Karo in J.H.S. xix. p. 146 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See especially Berlin 2154 (Endt, op. cit. pl. 1, figs. 11–13) and Gerhard, A. V. 194 = Reinach, ii. 97. They have been discussed by Endt (op. cit. pp. 21, 29), by Pottier in Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1893, p. 424 ff., and by Karo in J.H.S. xix. p. 146 ff.
1166. B.M. B 379–82; J.H.S. v. pls. 40–3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 379–82; J.H.S. vol. pls. 40–3.
1167. These have been recently collected and discussed by Böhlau (Ath. Mitth. 1900, p. 40 ff.), who notes a total of seventeen. His list is certainly incomplete, as some examples in the British Museum might have been added. See also Furtwaengler, Gr. Vasenmalerei, p. 220, who attributes the Phineus cup to Naxos.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.These have been recently collected and discussed by Böhlau (Ath. Mitth. 1900, p. 40 ff.), who identifies a total of seventeen. His list is definitely incomplete, as some examples in the British Museum might have been included. See also Furtwaengler, Gr. Vase Painting, p. 220, who attributes the Phineus cup to Naxos.
1168. See Ath. Mitth. 1900, p. 93.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Ath. Mitth. 1900, p. 93.
1170. Gerhard, A.V. 205, 3–4 = Reinach, ii. 105: see p. 323.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gerhard, A.V. 205, 3–4 = Reinach, ii. 105: see p. 323.
1171. See on Ionian inscribed vases, Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 38; Böhlau, loc. cit. p. 93.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See on Ionian inscribed vases, Endt, Ion. Vasenm. p. 38; Böhlau, loc. cit. p. 93.
1172. E.g. B.M. B 348–58, 439–50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. B 348–58, 439–50.
1173. Röm. Mitth. 1887, p. 171 ff. Furtwaengler regards the whole class as South Italian (Antike Gemmen, iii. p. 88); Pottier (Louvre Cat. ii. p. 538) wavers between Kyme and Italy.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Röm. Mitth. 1887, p. 171 ff. Furtwaengler sees the entire class as South Italian (Ancient Gems, iii. p. 88); Pottier (Louvre Cat. ii. p. 538) is uncertain between Kyme and Italy.
1174. B.M. B 57; Gerhard, A.V. 185: cf. B.M. B 58, which is difficult to classify.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. B 57; Gerhard, A.V. 185: cf. B.M. B 58, which is hard to classify.
1175. A complete list of this group is given by Endt (p. 39 ff.), and may be briefly recapitulated:—(1) Amphorae: B.M. B 57; Cambridge 43; Bibl. Nat. 171–73; Berlin 1673, 1675; Munich 123, 155; Vienna 216 and Kaiserhaus 278; Würzburg, iii. 79–80, 84; four in Rome (see Röm. Mitth. 1887, pls. 8–9); others in Brussels, Karlsruhe, and Orvieto. (2) Jugs: B.M. B 54–6; Bibl. Nat. 178; Munich 173, 176, 1047, 1291; Würzburg, iii. 36 and 40; others in Karlsruhe, Florence, and Boulogne. (3) Ionic or Italian allied fabrics: Berlin 1677–79 and numerous others in Munich and Würzburg, enumerated and illustrated by Endt, p. 55 ff. figs. 27–40: cf. also Louvre E 703 = Reinach, ii. 92 = Endt, p. 65. To his list must be added the vase on Plate XXV.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A full list of this group is provided by Endt (p. 39 ff.), and can be summarized as follows:—(1) Amphorae: B.M. B 57; Cambridge 43; Bibl. Nat. 171–73; Berlin 1673, 1675; Munich 123, 155; Vienna 216 and Kaiserhaus 278; Würzburg, iii. 79–80, 84; four in Rome (see Röm. Mitth. 1887, pls. 8–9); others in Brussels, Karlsruhe, and Orvieto. (2) Jugs: B.M. B 54–6; Bibl. Nat. 178; Munich 173, 176, 1047, 1291; Würzburg, iii. 36 and 40; others in Karlsruhe, Florence, and Boulogne. (3) Ionic or Italian allied fabrics: Berlin 1677–79 and many others in Munich and Würzburg, listed and illustrated by Endt, p. 55 ff. figs. 27–40: cf. also Louvre E 703 = Reinach, ii. 92 = Endt, p. 65. To his list should be added the vase on Plate XXV.
1176. Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Pliny, H.N. 35.55.
1177. Athenag. Leg. pro Christo, 17, 293.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Athenagoras. Leg. pro Christo, 17, 293.
1178. Hdt. iv. 88.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hdt. 4.88.
1179. Paus. v. 19, 1, x. 26, 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Paus. v. 19, 1, x. 26, 6.
1180. The British Museum possesses a sarcophagus of the same type from Kameiros in Rhodes (Murray, Terracotta Sarcophagi, pl. 8).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The British Museum has a sarcophagus of the same kind from Kameiros in Rhodes (Murray, Terracotta Sarcophagi, pl. 8).
1181. Published by A. S. Murray in Terracotta Sarcophagi in Brit. Mus. pls. 1–7, and in Monuments Piot, iv. p. 27 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Published by A. S. Murray in Terracotta Sarcophagi in Brit. Mus. pls. 1–7, and in Monuments Piot, iv. p. 27 ff.
1182. See Murray’s description and commentary, op. cit. p. 7 ff., and in Monuments Piot, iv. p. 40.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out Murray’s description and commentary, op. cit. p. 7 ff., and in Monuments Piot, iv. p. 40.
1183. Revue des Études Grecques, 1895, p. 161 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Journal of Greek Studies, 1895, p. 161 ff.
1185. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1895, p. 89.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1895, p. 89.
1186. Cf. J.H.S. vi. p. 185.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. vol. 6, p. 185.
1187. Examples of the earliest are Nos. 9–12, 16–18 in list below; of the second, Nos. 8, 13, 15 in list below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Examples of the earliest are Nos. 9–12, 16–18 in the list below; of the second, Nos. 8, 13, 15 in the list below.
1188. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 240 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1892, p. 240 ff.
1189. The principal decorative patterns are the guilloche or plait-band; maeander, often combined with stars, as on the “Pontic” vases; palmettes; a bold egg-and-dart pattern of Ionic type. For an Egyptian prototype of the maeander-and-star pattern, cf. Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, i. fig. 541.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The main decorative designs are the guilloche or braid pattern; meander, often mixed with stars, like on the “Pontic” vases; palmettes; and a strong egg-and-dart pattern in the Ionic style. For an Egyptian example of the meander-and-star pattern, see Perrot, Art History, i. fig. 541.
1190. Mon. dell’ Inst. xi. 53 = No. 15 below.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. of the Inst. xi. 53 = No. 15 below.
1191. The following bibliography may be useful: J.H.S. iv. p. 1 ff.; Bull. de Corr. Hell., 1892, p. 240 ff., 1895, p. 69 ff.; Murray, Terracotta Sarcophagi in Brit. Mus. p. 1 ff., and id. in Monuments Piot, iv. p. 27 ff.; Revue des Études Grecques, 1895, p. 161 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The following bibliography may be useful: J.H.S. iv. p. 1 ff.; Bull. of Corr. Hell., 1892, p. 240 ff., 1895, p. 69 ff.; Murray, Terracotta Sarcophagi in Brit. Mus. p. 1 ff., and id. in Monuments Piot, iv. p. 27 ff.; Greek Studies Review, 1895, p. 161 ff.
CHAPTER IX
ATHENIAN BLACK-FIGURED VASES
Definition of “black-figured”—The François vase—Technical and stylistic details—Shapes—Decorative patterns—Subjects and types—Artists' signatures—Exekias and Amasis—Minor Artists—Nikosthenes—Andokides—“Affected” vases—Panathenaic amphorae—Vases from the Kabeirion—Opaque painting on black ground—Vase-painting and literary tradition—Early Greek painting and its subsequent development.
Definition of “black-figured”—The François vase—Technical and stylistic details—Shapes—Decorative patterns—Subjects and types—Artists' signatures—Exekias and Amasis—Minor Artists—Nikosthenes—Andokides—“Affected” vases—Panathenaic amphorae—Vases from the Kabeirion—Opaque painting on black ground—Vase painting and literary tradition—Early Greek painting and its later development.
The term “black-figured” is generally applied to the Athenian fabrics of a certain well-defined character and a comparatively restricted period, but in point of fact is strictly applicable to several of the classes already discussed, such as the Chalcidian and the later Corinthian and Ionian wares. It is, indeed, in some respects inadequate as a definition. We must remember that it was originally introduced at a time when the Greek vases in public museums consisted mainly of two classes—the one with figures painted in black silhouette on red ground, the other with figures drawn in outline and surrounded with black, so that they stand out in red. Between these two classes the terms “black-figured” and “red-figured” offered an obvious and useful distinction. By way of illustration, it may be advantageous to make a comparison between the two main varieties of black-figured Attic amphorae (see pp. 161, 221), as, for instance, they are grouped on the two sides of the Second Vase Room of the British Museum, and those with red figures in the Third Room. In the one class of black-figured amphorae the whole vase stands out in the natural red colour of the clay, whereas the red-figured amphorae are covered with black colour, so as to conceal the whole of the red of the clay except where it is left to fill in the contours of the figures. In other words, the one class, which we may term “red-bodied” amphorae, are red all but the figures; the other class are black all but the figures. There is, however, an intermediate class, which no doubt suggested the arrangement of decoration on the red-figured amphorae (see below, p. 411), and which we may call “black-bodied” amphorae. Here the whole body of the vase is covered with black colour, except a framed panel, which is left in the red to receive the black figures. It is clear, then, that this second class of black-figured amphorae approaches more nearly in aspect to the red-figured, although it does not follow that they were necessarily a late or transitional development.
The term “black-figured” typically refers to Athenian pottery from a specific, well-defined era, but it actually applies to several types that have already been mentioned, like Chalcidian, later Corinthian, and Ionian wares. In some ways, the definition is lacking. We have to remember that it was first introduced when Greek vases in museums mainly fell into two categories—the ones with figures painted in black silhouette on a red background, and the ones with figures outlined and surrounded by black, making them stand out in red. Between these two types, “black-figured” and “red-figured” provided a clear and helpful distinction. For example, it might be useful to compare the two main types of black-figured Attic amphorae (see pp. 161, 221) as they are displayed on opposite sides of the Second Vase Room in the British Museum, with those featuring red figures in the Third Room. In one type of black-figured amphorae, the entire vase shows the natural red color of the clay, while the red-figured amphorae are painted black to hide most of the red clay, except where it outlines the figures. In other words, the first type, which we can call “red-bodied” amphorae, is red except for the figures; the second type is black except for the figures. However, there’s also a middle type that likely inspired the decoration on the red-figured amphorae (see below, p. 411), which we can refer to as “black-bodied” amphorae. In this case, the entire body of the vase is covered in black, leaving a framed panel in red for the black figures. Thus, it’s evident that this second type of black-figured amphorae closely resembles the red-figured ones, although that doesn't necessarily mean they were a later or transitional development.
But in regard to our definition, it is necessary to reckon with the fact that there are not only vases of an earlier stage of art which have black figures painted on a (more or less) red ground, but that there are others in which the figures are painted not on red, but on a white slip. In particular we may instance the Cyrenaic vases and some of the Naucratite wares. We thus lose the sense of an exact contrast between black figures on red ground and red figures on black; and, moreover, the term acquires almost too wide a connotation to be of any value for a system of classification. The term “black-figured” must therefore be used to some extent conventionally, to denote a certain class of vases made at Athens during a certain period and with certain characteristics. The latter may be summarised as follows: (1) black varnish entirely filling in the contours of the figures; (2) red glaze (or white slip) employed as background; (3) details indicated by accessory pigments of white and purple, and incised lines; (4) subjects almost exclusively human and mythological figures.
But regarding our definition, we have to consider that there are not just vases from an earlier stage of art with black figures painted on a (more or less) red background, but also others where the figures are painted not on red, but on a white slip. For example, we can point to the Cyrenaic vases and some of the Naucratite wares. This means we lose the clear contrast between black figures on a red background and red figures on a black one; plus, the term becomes almost too broad to be useful for classification. The term “black-figured” should, therefore, be used somewhat conventionally to refer to a specific class of vases made in Athens during a particular period and with certain characteristics. These can be summarized as follows: (1) black varnish completely filling in the outlines of the figures; (2) red glaze (or white slip) used as the background; (3) details shown with additional pigments of white and purple, and incised lines; (4) subjects that are almost exclusively human and mythological figures.
The history of vase-painting in the middle of the sixth century B.C. is largely the history of a gradual centralising of that art in one place from a number of scattered local fabrics. This was mainly brought about by one cause—namely, the extraordinary advance in art and culture at Athens under the beneficent rule of the tyrant Peisistratos and his successors (565–510 B.C.). Previous to this time Athenian art was very limited in its scope, and in the domain of painting had so far produced nothing except the great Dipylon funeral vases, their immediate successors (the “Proto-Attic” wares), and the “Tyrrhenian” vases, which, as we have seen, were largely under the influence of Corinth. Attic importations into Italy cannot be traced until the black-figure style is well developed.
The history of vase-painting in the mid-sixth century BCE primarily focuses on the gradual centralization of this art form in one location, moving away from various local styles. This shift was mainly driven by one factor—the remarkable growth in art and culture in Athens during the positive rule of the tyrant Peisistratos and his successors (565–510 BCE). Before this period, Athenian art had a very limited range and had produced little in the realm of painting, with the main contributions being the impressive Dipylon funeral vases, their immediate successors (the “Proto-Attic” wares), and the “Tyrrhenian” vases, which we’ve observed were largely influenced by Corinth. Athenian imports into Italy don't become noticeable until the black-figure style is fully developed.
The immediate result of this advance was to attract artists from all parts of Greece—not only from Corinth, whose power was now on the wane, but also from Ionia, whose artists were driven to seek refuge elsewhere by the encroaching conquests of the Persian monarchs. Thus we shall see that certain artists, like Amasis and Nikosthenes, infused a large amount of Ionic element into their productions, just as in others we see the influence, more or less marked, of Corinth. But one marked characteristic of the Attic sixth-century vases is the entire disappearance of Oriental influence.
The immediate result of this progress was that it drew artists from all over Greece—not just from Corinth, which was losing its power, but also from Ionia, where artists were forced to find safety due to the advancing conquests of the Persian rulers. So, we notice that certain artists, like Amasis and Nikosthenes, added a significant amount of Ionic influence into their work, while in others, we see varying degrees of Corinthian influence. However, a key feature of the Attic vases from the sixth century is the complete elimination of Oriental influence.

From Furtwaengler and Reichhold. The François Vase in Florence.
From Furtwaengler and Reichhold. The François Vase in Florence.
In regard to technique, two points distinguish Athenian vases at all periods above other fabrics. Firstly, the admirable clay, traditionally obtained from Cape Kolias in Attica, and mingled with red ochre (rubrica) in order to produce its ruddy hue; this clay was eminently suited for taking a glaze, which was of course an essential preliminary for painting the surface. Next, the black varnish, with its exquisitely lustrous sheen, which was brought to a pitch of perfection in the subsequent period, and always affords such an admirable counterfoil to the red of the clay, though it has not been altogether popular with the modern photographer, owing to its reflecting qualities.
When it comes to technique, two things set Athenian vases apart from other types at all times. First, the excellent clay, traditionally sourced from Cape Kolias in Attica, mixed with red ochre (rubrica) to create its rich color; this clay was highly suitable for taking a glaze, which was a crucial step before painting the surface. Second, the black varnish, with its beautifully shiny finish, reached a peak of perfection in later periods and always provides a stunning contrast to the red of the clay, although it hasn’t been entirely favored by modern photographers because of its reflective properties.
As regards the figures, they were seldom left entirely black, though black is at all times their prevalent aspect. The accessory whites and purples are used in varying degrees at different times, and it may be laid down as a general rule that purple is more affected on the earlier vases, white on the later. A like principle obtains with the accessories on red-figured vases. In the later examples, moreover, they are much more sparingly used, perhaps owing to the influence of the new technique, and by the end of the sixth century they disappear altogether. The more careful artists pay greater attention to the use of incised lines, and prefer to produce effects of richness and delicacy by elaboration of details and patterns in this manner.
When it comes to the figures, they were rarely left completely black, though black is always their dominant feature. The additional whites and purples are applied in different amounts at various times, and a general rule is that purple is more common on the earlier vases, while white appears more on the later ones. The same principle applies to the accessories on red-figured vases. In the later examples, they are used much more sparingly, possibly due to the influence of the new technique, and by the end of the sixth century, they completely disappear. More meticulous artists focus more on using incised lines and prefer to create effects of richness and delicacy by elaborating on details and patterns this way.
At first there is a tendency to use purple in large masses, and even for the flesh of men; but it is generally employed for folds or portions of drapery, and for throwing up different parts of animals’ figures, or of the decorative patterns, such as palmettes and lotos-buds. White is employed for the hair of old men, for rocks and details of buildings, for the long garment worn by charioteers, and above all for the flesh of women. The latter we have already seen (p. 317) to be an invention traditionally attributed to Eumaros, who probably lived about the middle of this century; but whether it was first introduced at Athens or Corinth is uncertain.
At first, there’s a tendency to use purple in large areas, even for the skin of people; but it’s usually used for folds or parts of drapery, and for highlighting different parts of animal figures, or decorative patterns like palmettes and lotus buds. White is used for the hair of older men, for rocks and building details, for the long garment worn by charioteers, and especially for the skin of women. The latter has been noted (p. 317) as an invention traditionally credited to Eumaros, who likely lived around the middle of this century; however, it’s unclear whether it was first introduced in Athens or Corinth.
Throughout the period there is a steady advance in drawing, but more in the direction of carefulness and refinement than in accuracy and truthfulness to nature; that is to say, that it always remains conventional. We shall see later that, even after the red-figured style came in, a certain archaic stiffness still prevailed for a time, both in the old and new methods. On the other hand, there is a degenerate class of black-figured vases, found chiefly on Greek sites, in which the drawing is free almost to carelessness, and it is clear that these illustrate the last efforts of the black-figured method in Greece in the fifth century; but the vases are all rough and hasty productions, altogether devoid of merit or interest.
Throughout this period, drawing steadily improved, focusing more on carefulness and refinement than on accuracy and realism. In other words, it remained quite conventional. Later, we will see that even after the introduction of the red-figured style, there was still a certain archaic stiffness that lingered for a while in both old and new techniques. On the flip side, there is a lower quality of black-figured vases, largely found at Greek sites, where the drawing is almost carelessly free. It’s clear that these represent the final attempts of the black-figured method in Greece during the fifth century; however, the vases are all rough and hastily made, completely lacking in merit or interest.
The treatment of drapery may generally be regarded as a fair indication of date. The chiton is at first straight, with rigid stripes or casual patches of purple; then patterns are incised or painted in white; the waist is usually very small, and often bound tightly with a broad girdle.[1192] By degrees the lines indicating the folds of the skirt take an oblique direction, as if to indicate motion, while the himation or mantle—which is adopted in addition by the women to wear over the chiton—is made to fall in long formal folds with diagonal edges, known as πτέρυγες. It is curious that the more advanced style of drapery is usually found on the red-bodied amphorae, the older types on the black-bodied. In the hydriae, which preserve the panel form of decoration throughout, a progress is visible from the most rigid severity to comparative freedom.
The way drapery is treated can generally be seen as a good indicator of the time period. The chiton initially appears straight, with stiff stripes or random patches of purple; then patterns are carved or painted in white; the waist is typically very small and often tightly bound with a wide belt.[1192] Over time, the lines showing the folds of the skirt start to slant, suggesting movement, while the himation or cloak—which women wear over the chiton—falls in long, formal folds with diagonal edges, known as wings. It's interesting that the more advanced drapery style is generally found on red-bodied amphorae, whereas the older styles are on black-bodied ones. In the hydriae, which maintain the panel style of decoration throughout, there's a noticeable evolution from strict rigidity to greater freedom.
The shapes most frequently employed by Athenian potters are very limited in number—as, for instance, when compared with the Corinthian and other earlier fabrics. The really popular forms are limited to five: the amphora, hydria, kylix, oinochoe, and lekythos. Besides these we find the krater (usually with columnar handles), the deinos, the skyphos or kotyle (with its variant the mastos), the kyathos, the pyxis, and the pinax, and occasionally also the alabastron; but these are practically all. Some of these remain constant throughout, but others in their form and system of decoration present interesting varieties of development. In all cases there is an evident aim at improving upon the somewhat inartistic Corinthian forms, in the direction of grace, lightness, and architectonic symmetry.
The shapes most commonly used by Athenian potters are quite limited—especially when you compare them to the Corinthian and other earlier styles. The most popular forms consist of just five: the amphora, hydria, kylix, oinochoe, and lekythos. Besides these, we also see the krater (usually with column-style handles), the deinos, the skyphos or kotyle (along with its variant, the mastos), the kyathos, the pyxis, the pinax, and occasionally the alabastron; but that’s about it. Some of these shapes are consistent throughout, while others show interesting variations in form and decoration. In every case, there's a clear intention to enhance the somewhat clumsy Corinthian designs towards more grace, lightness, and architectural symmetry.
The different types of Attic amphora have been described elsewhere (p. 160), but may be briefly recapitulated here.
The various types of Attic amphora have been discussed elsewhere (p. 160), but can be summarized briefly here.
(2) The panel-amphora, with cylindrical handles.
(2) The panel-amphora, featuring cylindrical handles.
(4) The red-bodied amphora, distinguished by its straight neck sharply marked off from the shoulder (Plate XXIX.).
(4) The red-bodied amphora, noted for its straight neck that is sharply defined from the shoulder (Plate XXIX.).
(6) The prothesis-amphora, a tall, elongated type, used in connection with funeral ceremonies (see above, p. 159).
(6) The prothesis-amphora, a tall, slim type, used for funeral ceremonies (see above, p. 159).
(7) The Nikosthenes type (Plate XXX.).
The Nikosthenes type (Plate __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.)
The hydria, oinochoe, and krater almost universally adhere to the panel form of decoration, but the lekythos is red-bodied. In none of these is there much change visible, except in the later hydriae, some of which assume the curvilinear form of the R.F. “kalpis” (see p. 166). The evolution of the kylix is, however, of considerable interest, especially in view of its subsequent importance.
The hydria, oinochoe, and krater generally stick to the panel style of decoration, but the lekythos has a red body. There's not much noticeable change in these, except in the later hydriae, some of which take on the curved shape of the R.F. “kalpis” (see p. 166). The development of the kylix, however, is quite interesting, especially considering its later significance.
Before the sixth century this form was unknown at Athens, its nearest equivalent being the skyphos, or deep two-handled bowl with low base. But in course of time two forms of the kylix make their appearance, one apparently earlier than the other, and probably derived from a Corinthian prototype. At Corinth the kylix took the form of a large shallow bowl, with bulging outline and flat lip, on a very low foot. This type was also known in Ionia, as at Samos and Naukratis. It was usually decorated with friezes, internal or external, sometimes with a Gorgon’s head in the centre. The Athenians adopted this form, but raised it on a high stem, proportionately reducing its diameter (p. 190). At the same time they greatly reduced the surface available for decoration, either covering the whole with black varnish, except a narrow red band on the exterior, or else leaving the whole of the exterior red, but confining the figures strictly to the upper part. This became a very favourite fashion, and in course of time a school of painters arose whose practice was either to paint a row of diminutive figures (or even a single figure, as Fig. 96) on the upper band and sign their names below, or else to leave the cup quite plain except for the signature on one side and a motto on the other, such as χαῖρε, καὶ πίει εὖ, “Hail, and drink deep!”
Before the sixth century, this type was unknown in Athens; its closest equivalent was the skyphos, a deep two-handled bowl with a low base. Over time, two versions of the kylix emerged, with one seeming to be older than the other, likely derived from a Corinthian model. In Corinth, the kylix appeared as a large, shallow bowl with a bulging shape and flat lip, set on a very low foot. This type was also found in Ionia, particularly at Samos and Naukratis. It typically had friezes, either inside or out, sometimes featuring a Gorgon’s head in the center. The Athenians adopted this style but elevated it on a tall stem, proportionally reducing its diameter (p. 190). Meanwhile, they significantly minimized the decoration space, often covering the entire surface with black varnish, leaving only a narrow red band on the outside, or making the outer surface entirely red while restricting figures to the upper section. This became a popular trend, and over time, a group of painters developed a practice of either painting a row of small figures (or even a single figure, as seen in Fig. 96) on the upper band and signing their names below, or leaving the cup completely plain except for a signature on one side and a motto on the other, like Hello, and drink well., “Hail, and drink deep!”
These artists are known as the minor or miniature painters, and among them are found the names of Archikles and Glaukytes, Eucheiros, Hermogenes, Tleson, and Xenokles. At first they preferred not to decorate the interior, but then a small medallion with a figure of an animal or monster, such as a Sphinx, is introduced. Interior designs, however, were not at any time popular in this style.
These artists are referred to as minor or miniature painters, and they include names like Archikles, Glaukytes, Eucheiros, Hermogenes, Tleson, and Xenokles. Initially, they chose not to decorate the interiors, but eventually, they incorporated small medallions featuring images of animals or monsters, like a Sphinx. However, interior designs were never really popular in this style.
The second type of kylix is purely Ionic in origin (see above, p. 357). It is distinguished from the others by the absence of a lip, by its low, thick foot, and by the greater width and shallowness of the bowl (p. 191). With a very slight modification it obtains throughout the red-figure period. Its form is clearly derived from the libation-bowl, or phiale, with the addition of foot and handles; and it appears first in Ionia in the large cups ornamented with eyes, the best of which is the Phineus cup in Würzburg (see p. 357). The Cyrenaic cup (see p. 341) seems to be half-way between the two types, having a high stem and a very slight marking off of the lip.
The second type of kylix comes from an Ionic background (see above, p. 357). It stands out from the others because it lacks a lip, has a low, thick foot, and features a wider and shallower bowl (p. 191). With just a small tweak, it was used consistently throughout the red-figure period. Its shape clearly comes from the libation-bowl, or phiale, but with a foot and handles added; it first appears in Ionia in large cups decorated with eyes, the best example being the Phineus cup in Würzburg (see p. 357). The Cyrenaic cup (see p. 341) appears to be a mix between the two types, having a tall stem and only a slight indication of a lip.
The introduction of this form into Attica was apparently due to Exekias, who belongs to the middle of the B.F. period, and has left a very fine specimen, decorated with the Ionic eyes and a beautiful interior design of Dionysos sailing over the sea (see p. 381). They are invariably red-bodied externally, and, in contradistinction to the other form, decorated all over, inside and out. Some of the larger varieties have an inner frieze surrounding the medallion[1193]; but in many of the smaller examples the practice is to paint a Gorgon’s face in the interior, leaving the rest black. On the exterior, not only are the Ionic eyes generally to be seen, but also the whole scene is filled in with a background of interlacing branches or foliage—a common characteristic of later B.F. vases, and supposed to be also Ionic in its origin.
The introduction of this style in Attica seems to be the work of Exekias, who was active in the middle of the B.F. period, and he created a remarkable piece featuring Ionic eyes and a stunning interior design of Dionysus sailing across the sea (see p. 381). They consistently have red bodies on the outside, and unlike the other style, they are fully decorated both inside and out. Some of the larger versions have an inner frieze surrounding the medallion[1193]; however, many of the smaller pieces typically feature a painted Gorgon’s face inside, with the rest left black. On the outside, not only can you usually see the Ionic eyes, but the entire scene is filled with backgrounds of interwoven branches or foliage—a common trait of later B.F. vases, which is also thought to have Ionic origins.
In the hydriae the ornamentation consists of rays round the foot, with tongue-pattern on the top of the shoulder and round the handles; to this are added bands of ornament down the sides and along the bottom of the panel on the body. For the sides the favourite pattern is an ivy-wreath; but network is also used, and, on the inferior varieties, plain dots. Along the bottom the favourite device is a scroll of palmettes, often very artistic in character, the place of which is sometimes taken by a frieze of animals.
In the hydriae, the decoration features rays around the base, with a tongue pattern at the top of the shoulder and around the handles. Additional bands of decoration run down the sides and along the bottom of the panel on the body. The most popular pattern for the sides is an ivy wreath; however, a network design is also used, and simpler versions may have plain dots. Along the bottom, the preferred design is a scroll of palmettes, which are often quite artistic, although sometimes this is replaced by a frieze of animals.
The same decorative principles are seen in the other shapes, but in a more limited degree. The ornament on a kylix is almost confined to palmettes springing from each side of the handles; but the interior designs are sometimes surrounded with tongue-pattern. The panels on the oinochoae are often bordered with ivy, network, or dots, as on the hydriae; on the lekythos the ornament is confined to a row of lotos-buds or palmettes on the shoulder.
The same design principles are evident in the other shapes, but to a lesser extent. The decoration on a kylix mainly features palmettes coming from each side of the handles; however, the interior designs are sometimes framed with a tongue pattern. The panels on the oinochoae often have borders made up of ivy, mesh, or dots, similar to those on the hydriae; on the lekythos, the decoration is limited to a line of lotus buds or palmettes along the shoulder.
Many vases of the B.F. period are decorated solely with these patterns; but these are usually small and insignificant specimens, with a band of palmettes or other pattern carelessly painted, perhaps used for the tomb by those who could not afford more elaborate specimens. In the tombs of Rhodes and Cyprus small amphorae and lekythi are often found, the bodies of which are covered with a plain network pattern in black on a red or white ground.[1195] Others, again, seem to have been executed with great care, and there is a beautiful example from Vulci in the British Museum—a jug with a frieze of palmettes and scrolls on a white ground (B 632).
Many vases from the B.F. period are decorated only with these patterns; however, these are usually small and unremarkable pieces, featuring a band of palmettes or another pattern painted carelessly, possibly used for tombs by people who couldn’t afford more elaborate items. In the tombs of Rhodes and Cyprus, small amphorae and lekythoi are often found, with their surfaces covered in a simple network pattern in black on a red or white background.[1195] Some others appear to have been made with great attention to detail, and there’s a beautiful example from Vulci in the British Museum—a jug with a frieze of palmettes and scrolls on a white background (B 632).
To treat of the subjects depicted on Athenian black-figured vases within a reasonable compass is not only well-nigh impossible, but unnecessary, since it would practically be to traverse the ground covered in another part of this work. There are, however, some general considerations which must not be passed over. While we bear in mind that they are as comprehensive in their character as those on any other class of Greek vases, it may not be amiss to point out in what respects they vary, for instance, from the red-figured Athenian vases or from those of the decadence.
Discussing the subjects shown on Athenian black-figured vases in detail is not only nearly impossible, but also unnecessary, since it would basically repeat what has already been covered in another part of this work. However, there are some general points that need to be addressed. While we keep in mind that these subjects are as diverse as those on any other type of Greek vases, it’s worth noting how they differ from, for example, the red-figured Athenian vases or those from the later period.
The main point of difference is that in B.F. vases the mythological element on the whole predominates, whereas in the later periods it is fully counterbalanced, if not outweighed, by the preponderance of subjects from daily life. The Attic ephebos has not yet attained to the height of popularity which he reaches on the red-figure kylikes of Euphronios and Duris, and the softer side of Greek life, the life of the women’s quarters, or the sentimental scenes of courting which begin to prevail towards the end of the fifth century, are the products of a later development of social conditions. Religion, it is true, does not maintain on the vases the overwhelming importance that it does in other branches of art, except in a few classes relating to certain cults; nor has the cult of the dead as yet found general expression. To what, then, do we owe the preference for scenes from heroic legend, and the myths relating to the gods? It is, perhaps, largely due to the extreme conventionality of Greek art in the sixth century, which embodies its conceptions in a series of fixed types, which the artist repeats again and again from sheer inability to strike out a new line for himself. But with the general and rapid advance of artistic conception and technical power at the beginning of the fifth century, the change at once becomes apparent,—not, be it noted, with the beginning of the red-figure style, which for a time preserves most of the characteristics of its predecessor; but with the ripening of the powers of a Euphronios and a Brygos, who paved the way for the greater freedom and variety of conception exhibited in the highest products of fifth-century vase-painting. At the same time an ethical change is to be observed, especially in the position now occupied by two deities who are entirely absent from the B.F. vases—the god of love (Eros), and the goddess of victory (Nike). To the popularising of these two conceptions is mainly due the preponderance of the sentimental and athletic elements of the subsequent age.
The main difference is that in Black-Figure (B.F.) vases, the mythological themes are more prominent, while in later periods, they're usually balanced out, if not overshadowed, by scenes from everyday life. The Attic ephebos hasn't yet gained the popularity it achieves on the red-figure kylikes of Euphronios and Duris. The softer aspects of Greek life, particularly the women's quarters and the romantic scenes of courtship that start to appear towards the end of the fifth century, reflect later social developments. It's true that religion doesn't hold the same significant role on the vases as it does in other art forms, except for a few specific cult-related categories; the cult of the dead hasn't gained widespread representation yet. So, what accounts for the preference for scenes from heroic legends and myths about the gods? It might largely stem from the strict conventions of Greek art in the sixth century, which illustrates its ideas using a set of fixed types that artists repetitively use because they find it challenging to explore new directions. However, with the rapid advancement in artistic ideas and skills at the start of the fifth century, the change becomes clear—not immediately with the introduction of the red-figure style, which initially retains many characteristics of its predecessor, but with the emergence of artists like Euphronios and Brygos, who paved the way for the greater freedom and variety of ideas seen in the finest examples of fifth-century vase-painting. At the same time, an ethical shift is noticeable, especially with the introduction of two deities that are completely absent from B.F. vases—the god of love (Eros) and the goddess of victory (Nike). The rise of these two concepts mainly explains the increase in sentimental and athletic themes in the following era.
To return to the black-figured vases, we must now devote a few words to the consideration of the feature to which allusion has just been made, namely, the conventionalised types and schemes of composition in which the various myths and other themes are portrayed. Roughly speaking, they fall into three classes: (1) subjects represented by one single and constant type[1196]; (2) subjects represented by two or more distinct types[1197]; (3) subjects which fall into two or more episodes, each represented by a different type.[1198]
To focus on the black-figured vases, we should now spend a moment discussing the feature that was just mentioned, specifically the conventional types and compositional schemes used to depict various myths and other themes. Generally, these can be categorized into three groups: (1) subjects shown with one single, consistent type[1196]; (2) subjects represented by two or more distinct types[1197]; (3) subjects that consist of two or more episodes, each shown with a different type.[1198]
The question of the origin of these types is a difficult one to answer. They appear to have sprung, like the fully-armed Athena from the head of Zeus, in a matured form from the brain of the Athenian artist. It is, however, possible that the genius of some school of artists, such as those who conceived the decoration of the chest of Kypselos or the throne at Amyklae, may have influenced the vase-painters to a great extent. We have already seen how closely the scenes on some later Corinthian vases adhere to the description of Kypselos' chest. It is also a curious fact that the simpler form of a type is not necessarily the older. Some early types are of a quite complicated or elaborate nature; and the only variation apparent in a particular type is that of the number of bystanders watching the event. This, again, is due to an accidental cause—namely, the surface available for the painter, who, perhaps unconsciously, took the architectural sculptures of a temple for his model, and where his space resembled that of a metope (as in the panel-vases) reduced the number of his figures to a minimum, or where it took the form of a frieze filled in the space with a convenient number of spectators, the original “type” being preserved as a constant quantity in either case.
The question of the origin of these types is a tough one to answer. They seem to have emerged, like Athena fully armed from Zeus's head, in a fully developed form from the mind of the Athenian artist. However, it’s possible that the creativity of certain groups of artists, like those who designed the decoration of the chest of Kypselos or the throne at Amyklae, may have greatly influenced the vase painters. We’ve already noticed how closely some of the later Corinthian vases stick to the description of Kypselos' chest. It's also interesting to note that a simpler version of a type isn't necessarily the older one. Some early types are quite intricate, and the only difference in a particular type appears to be the number of onlookers watching the event. This is again due to an accidental cause—namely, the surface available for the painter, who might have unconsciously based his work on the architectural sculptures of a temple. When the space resembled that of a metope (as seen in the panel-vases), he reduced the number of figures to a minimum. When it resembled a frieze, he filled the space with a suitable number of spectators, while the original “type” remained a constant element in both cases.
A question which has always presented great difficulties to students of vase-paintings is one that to a certain degree arises at all periods, but more especially in the one under discussion—namely, the difficulty of deciding whether certain subjects have a mythological meaning or not. The difficulty is, of course, in the first instance, due to the type-system. If the artist wished to depict a marriage procession in daily life, he instinctively had recourse to a familiar scheme for the purpose—namely, the “chariot-procession” type consecrated to the marriage of Zeus and Hera and similar Olympian triumphs. Or, again, scenes of warriors departing to battle or engaged in the fray would naturally be copied from such familiar types as that of Hector parting from his wife and child, or the fight of Achilles and Memnon over the body of Antilochos. Even inscriptions do not lend the aid that might be expected, as in some cases they are wrongly applied, or the names convey no meaning (as on the Corinthian vases, see pp. 315, 318); and it is probable that in many cases the intention was just to produce a sort of parable or idealised picture of events of ordinary life, in order to give more interest to a theme.[1199]
A question that has always posed significant challenges for students of vase-paintings is one that appears to some extent in every era, but especially in the period we're discussing—specifically, the challenge of determining whether certain subjects have a mythological significance or not. This difficulty stems primarily from the type-system. If the artist wanted to depict a marriage procession in everyday life, they instinctively turned to a familiar format for that purpose—the “chariot-procession” type associated with the marriage of Zeus and Hera and similar Olympian celebrations. Likewise, scenes of warriors leaving for battle or fighting would likely be derived from well-known types, such as Hector bidding farewell to his wife and child or the battle between Achilles and Memnon over the body of Antilochos. Even inscriptions don't provide the clarity one might hope for, as they can be misapplied, or the names might not carry any significance (as seen on the Corinthian vases, see pp. 315, 318); it's likely that in many instances, the goal was simply to create a kind of parable or an idealized depiction of everyday events to add more interest to a theme.[1199]
We have already met with a few signed vases, among those of Corinth and Boeotia, of which the earliest go back to the beginning of the seventh century. Those of undoubtedly Attic origin fall into three or four main groups, the representative names in which may here be given.[1202]
We’ve already encountered some signed vases, including those from Corinth and Boeotia, with the earliest dating back to the early seventh century. The ones that definitely come from Attica can be categorized into three or four main groups, and I’ll mention some of the key names here.[1202]
(1) Early artists:
Early creators:
Klitias and Ergotimos, Taleides, Sophilos, Oikopheles.
Klitias and Ergotimos, Taleides, Sophilos, Oikopheles.
(2) Middle period:
Middle period:
Amasis, Exekias, Kolchos, Nearchos, Timagoras, Tychios.
Amasis, Exekias, Kolchos, Nearchos, Timagoras, Tychios.
(3) Minor artists, who painted kylikes almost exclusively:
(3) Lesser-known artists, who primarily created kylikes:
Archikles, Eucheiros, Glaukytes, Hermogenes, Phrynos, Tleson, Xenokles, Sakonides.
Archikles, Eucheiros, Glaukytes, Hermogenes, Phrynos, Tleson, Xenokles, Sakonides.
(4) Later artists, combining B.F. and R.F. methods, or painting in transitional style:
(4) Later artists, combining B.F. and R.F. methods or painting in a transitional style:
Andokides, Charinos, Nikosthenes, Pamphaios, Hischylos and Epiktetos, Pasiades.
Andokides, Charinos, Nikosthenes, Pamphaios, Hischylos, and Epiktetos, Pasiades.
Kittos, who painted in black figures a Panathenaic amphora of the later class (see p. 391), belongs to the middle of the fourth century.
Kittos, who painted in black figures on a Panathenaic amphora of the later class (see p. 391), is from the middle of the fourth century.
Most of these artists use the formula ἐποίησε,[1203] implying that the same man both made and painted the vase; but Exekias in two cases (see below) says ἔγραψε κἀποίησε. The François vase, as we have seen, records the names both of painter and artist. Some of these painters give the name of their father, and thus we learn that Eucheiros (Class 3) was the son of Ergotimos (Class 1), Tleson (Class 3) the son of Nearchos (Class 2). The names Andokides and Nearchos are found among the dedications on the Athenian Acropolis. We now proceed to speak of these artists in detail.
Most of these artists use the phrase made,[1203] indicating that the same person both created and painted the vase; however, Exekias in two instances (see below) states wrote and created. The François vase, as we've noted, lists the names of both the painter and the creator. Some of these painters mention their father's name, revealing that Eucheiros (Class 3) is the son of Ergotimos (Class 1), and Tleson (Class 3) is the son of Nearchos (Class 2). The names Andokides and Nearchos appear among the dedications on the Athenian Acropolis. We will now discuss these artists in detail.
In Class 1 Sophilos appears as the maker of a vase of which fragments were found on the Athenian Acropolis.[1204] In style it closely resembles the François vase, and its subject also appears to have been akin—the marriage of Peleus and Thetis—to judge from the figures of Horae still visible. Taleides, whose work is of early character, painted an amphora representing Theseus slaying the Minotaur and two men weighing goods in a balance.[1205] Ergotimos, besides the François vase, signed a kylix found in Aegina, and now in Berlin,[1206] with interior and exterior subjects.
In Class 1, Sophilos is recognized as the creator of a vase, fragments of which were discovered on the Athenian Acropolis.[1204] Its style is very similar to the François vase, and its theme also seems to be related—the marriage of Peleus and Thetis—based on the figures of the Horae that are still visible. Taleides, who is known for early works, painted an amphora depicting Theseus defeating the Minotaur and two men weighing goods on a scale.[1205] In addition to the François vase, Ergotimos signed a kylix that was found in Aegina and is now in Berlin,[1206] which features subjects on both the inside and outside.

Attic Black-figured Amphorae (British Museum).
1. In Style of Exekias; 2. In “Affected” Style.
Attic Black-Figure Amphorae (British Museum).
1. In the Style of Exekias; 2. In "Affected" Style.
In the next group are two very interesting names, those of
Amasis and Exekias, and both demand special attention, the
latter for the excellence of his work, the former as connected
with a special branch of Attic B.F. vases, which must be treated
by themselves. The vases of Exekias include four amphorae,
four cups (see Fig. 96), and two fragments, together with a few
unsigned vases which for various reasons may be attributed
to him.[1207] The finest of his works is an amphora in the Vatican,[1208]
on one side of which are Ajax and Achilles playing draughts,
the one calling out
“four!” the other
“three!”[1209]
On the reverse are the Dioskuri, with Tyndareus and Leda.
Besides the signature in iambic form
In the next group are two very interesting names, Amasis and Exekias, both of whom deserve special attention. Exekias is noted for the quality of his work, while Amasis is linked to a specific style of Attic B.F. vases that needs to be discussed separately. Exekias's vases include four amphorae, four cups (see Fig. 96), and two fragments, along with a few unsigned vases that can be reasonably attributed to him.[1207] The best of his works is an amphora in the Vatican,[1208] featuring Ajax and Achilles playing checkers on one side, with Ajax calling out “four!” and Achilles responding “three!”[1209] On the other side, the Dioskuri are depicted, accompanied by Tyndareus and Leda. Additionally, there is a signature in iambic form.


FIG. 96. KYLIX BY EXEKIAS: “MINOR ARTIST” TYPE.
FIG. 96. KYLIX BY EXEKIAS: "MINOR ARTIST" TYPE.
Exekias may be regarded as one of the most typical B.F. artists. His subjects are mostly from the usual stock-in-trade of the time, but distinguished above other examples by the care and accuracy displayed in every detail, especially in the extraordinary delicacy and minuteness of the incising and the judicious but sparing use of accessory colour, as also by the careful naming of the figures in almost all cases. He stands midway between Klitias of the François vase and the transitional work of Andokides and Pamphaios, and helps to carry on the tradition of minuteness and accuracy in detail characteristic of all these artists.
Exekias is often seen as one of the most typical black-figure artists. His subjects mostly come from the usual themes of the time, but what sets him apart is the care and accuracy in every detail, especially in the incredible delicacy and precision of the incising and the thoughtful but minimal use of color, as well as the attention given to naming the figures in almost every case. He is positioned between Klitias of the François vase and the transitional works of Andokides and Pamphaios, and he helps to continue the tradition of fine detail and precision characteristic of all these artists.
Amasis is an artist of similar calibre and temperament. His style is more individual than that of any B.F. artist, and hence it is possible to attribute to him many vases which he has not signed. It is marked, like that of Exekias, by accuracy of drawing and careful and delicate work in details[1211]; but his subjects are more monotonous and his figures much more rigid and conventional. There is much in his vases which suggests a connection with Ionia, especially with the later fabrics discussed above (p. 356); and this point has been well brought out by Karo.[1212] We have seven signed vases from his hand, of which no less than four are jugs of a characteristic form—a form not unknown in Ionic fabrics,[1213] but usually found among the later Corinthian wares. It is of the form known as olpe, with the design in a panel, on the right side of the handle only. An example of his work is given in Fig. 97.
Amasis is an artist of similar skill and temperament. His style is more unique than that of any B.F. artist, making it possible to attribute many vases to him even if they aren't signed. His work, like that of Exekias, features precise drawing and careful, delicate detailing[1211]; but his subjects are more repetitive and his figures more rigid and conventional. There’s a lot in his vases that hints at a connection with Ionia, especially with the later styles mentioned earlier (p. 356); and Karo has highlighted this point well.[1212] We have seven signed vases from him, four of which are jugs of a distinctive shape—a shape that appears in Ionic styles,[1213] but is typically seen in later Corinthian wares. This shape is known as olpe, with the design in a panel exclusively on the right side of the handle. An example of his work is shown in Fig. 97.

FIG. 97. PERSEUS SLAYING MEDUSA: FROM AN OLPE BY AMASIS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 97. PERSEUS KILLING MEDUSA: FROM AN OLPE BY AMASIS (BRITISH MUSEUM).
It has been thought by more than one writer that he must have been a foreigner. The name, of course, suggests Egypt, and his Ionic affinities would further suggest Naukratis or Daphnae as his home; but he may well have come from Asia Minor.[1214] His best-known work is the fine amphora in the Bibliothèque Nationale at Paris (222), with a representation of Athena and Poseidon, and among the olpae, one in the British Museum (B 471), with Perseus slaying Medusa (Fig. 97), and one in the Louvre (F 30), with Herakles’ reception by the Olympian deities.[1215]
It has been suggested by several writers that he was likely a foreigner. His name hints at Egypt, and his Ionic connections could imply that Naukratis or Daphnae was his home; however, he might have actually come from Asia Minor.[1214] His most famous work is the beautiful amphora in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris (222), featuring depictions of Athena and Poseidon, along with one of the olpae in the British Museum (B 471), showing Perseus defeating Medusa (Fig. 97), and another in the Louvre (F 30), illustrating Herakles’ welcome by the Olympian gods.[1215]
Of the other artists in this group, Nearchos is only represented by a fragmentary vase from the Athenian Acropolis[1216]; Timagoras was the artist of two fine hydriae in the Louvre (F 38–9), one representing Herakles wrestling with the fish-bodied Triton; Tychios has also signed a hydria; Kolchos is only known from one vase, but that a very fine jug with the combat of Herakles and Kyknos (Berlin 1732). The design on the last-named is not, as usual, confined to a panel, but is continued all round the body.
Of the other artists in this group, Nearchos is only represented by a fragmentary vase from the Athenian Acropolis[1216]; Timagoras created two beautiful hydriae in the Louvre (F 38–9), one depicting Herakles wrestling with the fish-bodied Triton; Tychios has also signed a hydria; Kolchos is only known from one vase, but it is a very fine jug featuring the combat of Herakles and Kyknos (Berlin 1732). The design on the latter is not, as is usually the case, limited to a panel, but continues all around the body.
The list of “Kleinmeister,” or minor artists, is a long one,[1217] but few individual names are of importance. The most prolific is Tleson, whose name appears on no fewer than forty cups, fourteen of which have no design, but only the signature on either side. Others have a design in the interior only, such as a Sphinx or Siren; others, again, a figure of an animal—a cock, hen, or ram—on either side above the signature. Seventeen are ascribed to Hermogenes, nine with signature only, and thirteen to Xenokles, of which eight have no design. But that Xenokles sometimes had larger aims is shown by two of the cups in the British Museum and the Deepdene collection, as well as by an oinochoe which he made for the painter Kleisophos to decorate. The Museum cup (B 425) has on one side the three cosmic deities Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades; on the other a subject of four figures which may be interpreted as the return of Persephone from Hades. The Deepdene cup[1218] has in the interior the procession of the goddesses to the Judgment of Paris, and on the exterior Herakles with Kerberos and Achilles’ pursuit of Troilos. Phrynos, an artist of similar style, has one cup (B.M. B 424) with the Birth of Athena and the reception of Herakles in Olympos, the figures being very diminutive, as are those on the British Museum Xenokles cup. Eucheiros and Sakonides[1219] show a preference for a female bust painted in outline on either side of the cup, as does also Hermogenes.[1220] Archikles and Glaukytes are associated on a fine cup in Munich (333), which is remarkable for the number of figures each side, the style being very minute and detailed. On one side is Theseus slaying the Minotaur, on the other the hunt of the Calydonian boar, appropriate figures being added each side to fill in the spaces at the ends of the friezes. There are seventeen figures in the first scene, and, exclusive of animals, nine in the latter. A similar cup in the British Museum (B 400), with continuous frieze, representing a battle (twenty fighters, three chariots), is signed by Glaukytes alone. Other names are Anakles, Charitaios, Ergoteles, Epitimos, Myspios, Neandros, Psoieas, Sokles, Sondros, Thrax, and Tlenpolemos.
The list of “Kleinmeister,” or minor artists, is quite extensive,[1217] but only a few names stand out. The most active among them is Tleson, whose name appears on at least forty cups, fourteen of which have no design, just the signature on either side. Some have a design only inside, like a Sphinx or Siren; others feature an animal—like a rooster, hen, or ram—above the signature on either side. Seventeen cups are attributed to Hermogenes, nine of which show only the signature, and thirteen to Xenokles, of which eight lack any design. However, Xenokles occasionally had grander ambitions, as evidenced by two of the cups in the British Museum and the Deepdene collection, along with an oinochoe he created for the painter Kleisophos to decorate. The Museum cup (B 425) displays on one side the three cosmic gods Zeus, Poseidon, and Hades; on the other, a scene depicting the return of Persephone from Hades. The Deepdene cup[1218] features the goddesses' procession to the Judgment of Paris inside, and on the outside, Herakles with Kerberos and Achilles chasing Troilos. Phrynos, another artist with a similar style, crafted one cup (B.M. B 424) showing the Birth of Athena and Herakles being welcomed in Olympos, with the figures being quite small, similar to those on the Xenokles cup at the British Museum. Eucheiros and Sakonides[1219] prefer to paint a female bust outlined on either side of the cup, as does Hermogenes.[1220] Archikles and Glaukytes collaborated on a beautiful cup in Munich (333), notable for the number of figures on each side, with a very detailed and intricate style. One side depicts Theseus killing the Minotaur, while the other shows the hunt for the Calydonian boar, with relevant figures added on each side to fill the spaces at the ends of the friezes. The first scene has seventeen figures, and excluding animals, the latter has nine. A similar cup in the British Museum (B 400), featuring a continuous frieze depicting a battle (twenty fighters, three chariots), is signed solely by Glaukytes. Other names include Anakles, Charitaios, Ergoteles, Epitimos, Myspios, Neandros, Psoieas, Sokles, Sondros, Thrax, and Tlenpolemos.

Vases by Nikosthenes (British Museum).
Vases by Nikosthenes (British Museum).
In the fourth class we are introduced to a very interesting personality, that of Nikosthenes, the most prolific of all Greek vase-painters known to us, and of the B.F. artists by far the most original.[1221] He was, however, a potter rather than a painter, and on many of his vases the designs are little more than decorative motives. He favoured vases of metallic form,[1222] such as the phiale mesomphalos, and invented a peculiar type of amphora, also derived from a metallic origin, with broad, flat handles and slim body, with moulded rings dividing the subjects (see Plate XXX.). Altogether, seventy-eight examples with his signature are known, of which forty-eight, or nearly two-thirds, are amphorae, nineteen are cups, four jugs, and one a krater. To these must be added two cups in mixed B.F. and R.F. technique, one made for Epiktetos, and three kanthari in the R.F. method, of which he was probably only the potter. That he had affinities with the “minor artists” is shown by his making a cup with Anakles, as also by the style of some of his paintings[1223]; while some of his cups have only the signature.
In the fourth class, we meet an intriguing figure, Nikosthenes, the most prolific of all known Greek vase painters, and the most original among the B.F. artists.[1221] However, he was more of a potter than a painter, and many of his vases feature designs that are just decorative motifs. He preferred vases with metallic shapes,[1222] such as the phial belly button and created a unique style of amphora that also had a metallic origin, with broad, flat handles and a slim body, featuring molded rings that separate the designs (see Plate XXX.). In total, seventy-eight pieces with his signature are known, of which forty-eight, or nearly two-thirds, are amphorae, nineteen are cups, four are jugs, and one is a krater. Additionally, there are two cups that combine B.F. and R.F. techniques, one made for Epiktetos, and three kanthari in the R.F. style, of which he was probably just the potter. His connections with the "minor artists" are evident from his collaboration on a cup with Anakles and from the style of some of his paintings[1223]; while some of his cups only bear his signature.
The amphorae are all very much alike, with subjects of a simple character—Sphinxes and Sirens, combats of warriors or boxers, Satyrs and Maenads dancing, and Herakles with the Nemean lion, a subject of which he seems to have been especially fond. The large krater in the British Museum (B 364) is interesting as an early example of the form with volute handles, and for the manner of its decoration, with a narrow band of minute figures on the neck only. In the Louvre there are two elegant jugs representing the reception of Herakles in Olympos (F 116–17), the figures being painted on a white slip in the Ionic manner.[1224] This point is important, because it has been held by many writers that Nikosthenes was of Ionian origin, and introduced the white-slip method at Athens. Attempts have even been made to connect him with Naukratis. The jug figured on Plate XXX. is similar to those in the Louvre, and is probably also Nikosthenes’ handiwork.[1225]
The amphorae are all quite similar, featuring simple subjects like Sphinxes and Sirens, battles between warriors or boxers, Satyrs and Maenads dancing, and Herakles with the Nemean lion, a theme he seemed particularly fond of. The large krater in the British Museum (B 364) is noteworthy as an early example of the form with volute handles and for its decoration, which includes a narrow band of tiny figures only on the neck. In the Louvre, there are two elegant jugs depicting the reception of Herakles in Olympos (F 116–17), with the figures painted on a white slip in the Ionic style.[1224] This is significant because many scholars believe that Nikosthenes had Ionian roots and introduced the white-slip technique in Athens. There have even been attempts to link him to Naukratis. The jug shown on Plate XXX. resembles those in the Louvre and is likely also made by Nikosthenes.[1225]
Whether this view can be maintained or not, there is no doubt that towards the end of the sixth century the practice of using a white slip does appear at Athens for vases with black figures, and it is quite reasonable to associate its introduction with a versatile and original artist like Nikosthenes. But the consideration of this style of painting must be reserved for a later page (p. 455).
Whether this perspective can be upheld or not, it's clear that by the end of the sixth century, the use of a white slip for black-figure vases became evident in Athens, and it's quite logical to connect its introduction to a talented and innovative artist like Nikosthenes. However, the discussion of this painting style will be saved for a later page (p. 455).
Pamphaios and Epiktetos, with their associates Hischylos, Pheidippos, and Chelis, must, on the whole, be regarded as belonging to the R.F. period, the majority of their works being purely in that style; they will therefore be considered under a subsequent heading. But the case of the remaining name in our fourth class, that of Andokides, is somewhat different. Among the signed examples we have from his hand only one is purely B.F., three are in mixed style, and two are purely R.F. It is clear, then, that he represents, better than any other artist, the intermediate stage between the two styles, more especially as a whole series of amphorae can be attributed to him in which the two are combined, sometimes in what has been called “bilingual” fashion—that is to say, that the design on both sides of the vase is identical, except for the variation of technique.[1226]
Pamphaios and Epiktetos, along with their colleagues Hischylos, Pheidippos, and Chelis, are generally seen as part of the R.F. period, with most of their works being distinctly in that style; they will be discussed under a later heading. However, the case of the last name in our fourth category, Andokides, is a bit different. Of the signed pieces we have from him, only one is purely B.F., three are in a mixed style, and two are purely R.F. This clearly shows that he represents, more effectively than any other artist, the transitional phase between the two styles, especially since a whole series of amphorae can be attributed to him that showcase a combination of both styles, sometimes referred to as “bilingual” — meaning that the design on both sides of the vase is the same, except for the difference in technique.[1226]
There are, then, six vases signed by Andokides, of which one is a kylix, the rest amphorae with designs in panels and broad grooved handles. The B.F. amphora represents a chariot seen from the front, in very minute, careful style.[1227] One of the “mixed” amphorae (Louvre F 203) has three Amazons preparing for battle (B.F.), and women in the bath, one of whom is swimming, another diving (R.F.) [1228]; the other, a Dionysiac B.F. scene, and Apollo, Artemis, Leto, and Ares on the R.F. side. The “mixed” kylix[1229] is a remarkable example of the counterchanging principle, the two halves of the exterior being exactly reversed in technique, the dividing-line passing under the handles.[1230] Of the two R.F. amphorae, one in Berlin represents the contest for the tripod and a pair of wrestlers; the other, in the Louvre, a combat and a musical contest.[1231]
There are six vases signed by Andokides, one of which is a kylix, while the others are amphorae featuring designs in panels and wide grooved handles. The B.F. amphora depicts a chariot seen from the front, crafted in detailed, careful style.[1227] One of the “mixed” amphorae (Louvre F 203) shows three Amazons getting ready for battle (B.F.), along with women in a bath, one of whom is swimming and another diving (R.F.)[1228]; the other showcases a Dionysiac B.F. scene, with Apollo, Artemis, Leto, and Ares on the R.F. side. The “mixed” kylix[1229] is a striking example of the counterchanging principle, where the two halves of the exterior are exactly reversed in technique, with the dividing line running under the handles.[1230] Of the two R.F. amphorae, one in Berlin depicts the contest for the tripod along with a pair of wrestlers; the other, in the Louvre, illustrates a combat and a musical contest.[1231]

Amphora in Style of Andokides (British Museum).
Obv.: Heroes Playing Draughts.
Amphora in the Style of Andokides (British Museum).
Obv.: Heroes Playing Checkers.

Amphora in Style of Andokides (British Museum).
Rev.: Herakles with Nemean Lion.
Amphora in the Style of Andokides (British Museum).
Rev.: Heracles with Nemean Lion.
The characteristics of Andokides’ work are freedom of composition, delicacy of drawing,[1232] and wealth of detail; but he is always bound by conventionalities, and his power of observation is stronger than his power of correct delineation. Furtwaengler thinks his combinations of B.F. and R.F. were deliberately chosen to show the superiority of the latter.[1233] His date may be placed about 525 B.C., and it is probable that his name appears on a marble base found on the Acropolis of Athens. He seems to have learnt his art either from Exekias or Amasis, probably the latter.
The features of Andokides’ work include a free style of composition, refined drawing,[1232] and rich detail; however, he is always constrained by conventions, and his observational skills are stronger than his ability to depict accurately. Furtwaengler believes that his combinations of B.F. and R.F. were intentionally selected to highlight the superiority of the latter.[1233] He is thought to have worked around 525 BCE, and it's likely that his name appears on a marble base discovered on the Acropolis of Athens. It seems he learned his craft from either Exekias or Amasis, probably the latter.
Scholars are generally agreed in attributing to him the series of “bilingual” amphorae already mentioned, of which the most notable examples are one in Munich (388) representing Herakles banqueting, and one in Boston with Herakles and a bull.[1234] Even more probable is the attribution to his hand of some half-dozen amphorae of the type which he employed, with different designs on either side, but B.F. and R.F. respectively. The most interesting of these is an amphora in the British Museum (B 193 = Plates XXXI.-II.), with the typical B.F. representation of warriors playing with pessi on one side, quite in the manner of Exekias (see above), and on the other Herakles with the Nemean lion, in which scene the painter has attempted a new departure. The lion is already subdued, and the hero carries it in triumph on his shoulder, no doubt with a reminiscence of the Erymanthian boar types (see Chapter XIV.).[1235]
Scholars generally agree that he is responsible for the series of “bilingual” amphorae mentioned earlier, with the most notable examples being one in Munich (388) depicting Herakles at a banquet, and another in Boston featuring Herakles and a bull.[1234] It's even more likely that he created several amphorae of a type he used, showcasing different designs on each side, but marked as B.F. and R.F. respectively. The most interesting of these is an amphora in the British Museum (B 193 = Plates XXXI.-II.), which displays the typical B.F. depiction of warriors playing with pessi on one side, reminiscent of Exekias (see above), and on the other side, it shows Herakles with the Nemean lion. In this scene, the painter has tried something new. The lion is already subdued, and the hero carries it triumphantly on his shoulder, likely inspired by the Erymanthian boar types (see Chapter XIV.).[1235]
A curious group of B.F. vases found exclusively in Italy, and belonging apparently to the middle of the sixth century, is marked by the extremes to which the mannerisms of the artists Exekias and Amasis are carried. They are without exception amphorae, and so similar in style that they must all have been produced by one workshop, if not one hand. In spite of the excellence of technique and careful drawing which they exhibit, showing a really advanced stage of B.F. vase-painting, they are lifeless and monotonous almost to grotesqueness. Karo, in publishing the series,[1236] reckons forty-four in all, and points out the various Ionian peculiarities they present, which mark them either as an offshoot of the school of Amasis or a parallel development. Originally known as “Tyrrhenian,” from the form of the amphora (cf. p. 160), they are now generally spoken of as “affected amphorae,” in allusion to their peculiar and mannered style. An example is given on Plate XXIX.
A curious group of B.F. vases found only in Italy, dating from the middle of the sixth century, showcases the extremes to which the styles of artists Exekias and Amasis have been pushed. They are all amphorae, so similar in style that they must have come from the same workshop, if not from the same artist. Despite the high level of technique and detailed drawing they display, representing a truly advanced stage of B.F. vase-painting, they feel lifeless and monotonous to the point of being grotesque. Karo, in publishing the series,[1236] counts a total of forty-four and highlights the various Ionian characteristics they exhibit, which suggest they are either a branch of Amasis's school or a parallel development. Originally referred to as “Tyrrhenian” due to the shape of the amphora (cf. p. 160), they are now generally called “affected amphorae,” referencing their unique and affected style. An example can be seen on Plate XXIX.
The complete absence of inscriptions is an Ionic feature as are the ornamental patterns, such as the tongue-pattern round the handles; the fondness for winged figures also points in this direction. The combination of good technique with feeble compositions points to a late and imitative stage, and is contrary to the Attic tendency to prefer new ideas and new subjects to a high standard of technique. Among other characteristic details we may note the tendency to give the human figures tapering extremities, common to all archaic art, but here greatly exaggerated; also the elaborate ornamentation of the draperies with purple and white flowers or rosettes.
The complete lack of inscriptions is a feature of the Ionic style, as are the decorative patterns, like the tongue pattern around the handles; the preference for winged figures also suggests this. The blend of good technique with weak designs indicates a later and more imitative phase, which contrasts with the Attic preference for new ideas and subjects at a high level of technique. Among other notable details, there’s a tendency to give human figures tapered extremities, common in all archaic art, but here it is greatly exaggerated; there’s also the intricate decoration on the draperies with purple and white flowers or rosettes.
The Panathenaic amphorae, of which some mention has already been made elsewhere (pp. 48, 132), form one of the most interesting groups of black-figured vases.[1238] The Panathenaic games, which were celebrated in the third year of each Olympiad, were traditionally attributed to Theseus, but at any rate were reconstituted by Peisistratos about 566 B.C., when rhapsodic contests were introduced. To these musical contests with flute and lyre were added in 456 by Pericles. The prizes were, as we know from Pindar, painted amphorae containing olive oil, and there is an interesting inscription[1239] which gives the number assigned as prizes for each contest. Thus, for the pentathlon, the first prize was 40 amphorae, the second 8; for the chariot-race, the first 104, the second 40; for the foot-race, the first 50 to 60, the second 10 to 12.[1240] That these vases were greatly valued and buried in tombs we know from the number found under such circumstances. About 130 in all are in existence.
The Panathenaic amphorae, which we've mentioned before (pp. 48, 132), are one of the most fascinating groups of black-figured vases.[1238] The Panathenaic games, held every third year during each Olympiad, were traditionally linked to Theseus, but they were revamped by Peisistratos around 566 BCE, when rhapsodic contests were added. These musical competitions, featuring flute and lyre, were expanded in 456 by Pericles. As we've learned from Pindar, the prizes were painted amphorae filled with olive oil, and there’s an intriguing inscription[1239] detailing the number of prizes for each contest. For the pentathlon, the first prize was 40 amphorae and the second was 8; for the chariot race, the first place received 104 and the second 40; for the foot race, the first prize ranged from 50 to 60 amphorae, and the second from 10 to 12.[1240] We know these vases were highly valued and often buried with the dead due to the large number found in such contexts. In total, about 130 of them still exist.

Panathenaic Amphora (British Museum).
Earlier Type (Obv. and Rev.).
Panathenaic Amphora (British Museum).
Old Type (Front and Back).
The shape of the sixth-century amphora is peculiar, but not exclusively used for this class[1241]; in height they vary from twenty-five inches to about eight inches. Towards the end of the century, and during the fifth, other forms were sometimes employed, that of the red-bodied amphora and even the “Nolan” being found. In the fourth century a great change took place, the height being greatly increased and the body becoming proportionately slim; the form exactly resembles that of the contemporary Apulian sepulchral amphorae (Fig. 30, p. 162), with the addition of a conical cover. After the end of the fourth century they appear to have been made only of metal, but that they continued to be made we know both from literature and monuments, such as the Athenian coins.
The shape of the sixth-century amphora is unusual, but it's not exclusive to this class[1241]; in height, they range from twenty-five inches to about eight inches. Towards the end of the century, and into the fifth, other styles were sometimes used, including the red-bodied amphora and even the “Nolan.” In the fourth century, a significant change occurred: the height increased considerably and the body became proportionately slimmer; the shape closely resembles that of the contemporary Apulian sepulchral amphorae (Fig. 30, p. 162), with the addition of a conical cover. After the end of the fourth century, they seem to have only been made of metal, but we know they continued to be produced from both literature and artifacts, like the Athenian coins.
The designs are always in panels, the obverse representing
the goddess to whom the games were sacred, in her character
of Athena Promachos; the reverse, the contest in which the
prize was won (see Plates XXXIII.-IV.). Athena is represented
standing to the left, with crested helmet, spear raised aloft in
right hand, and shield on left arm, adorned with an emblematic
device; her drapery is usually much ornamented. Except
in the earliest examples there is a Doric column on either
side of her, surmounted by a cock, as the bird sacred to
Agon, the god of athletic contests; sometimes in place of it
a Sphinx, Siren, panther, or vase. In the fourth century we
sometimes find a figure of Nike or Triptolemos in his car
surmounting the columns. Down the side of the left-hand
column is usually placed the inscription (always preserving
an archaic form):
,
τῶν Ἀθηνῆἄθεν
ἄθλων, “(a prize) from the games at Athens.” On the earliest
known, the Burgon amphora (B.M. B 130), the word
is added. In the fourth century the inscription still reads
down the side of the column, but the letters are placed
parallel to it, not at right angles. Further, in this period it
often becomes customary to add on the right-hand side the
name of the archon in whose year of office the games were
held, thus enabling us to date the vase exactly.[1242] Of these,
some ten examples are known, ranging from 367 to 313 B.C.,
the list being as follows:—
The designs are always divided into panels, with the front showing the goddess to whom the games were dedicated, depicted as Athena Promachos; the back shows the contest in which the prize was awarded (see Plates XXXIII.-IV.). Athena is shown standing to the left, wearing a crested helmet, holding a spear raised high in her right hand, and carrying a shield on her left arm, which is decorated with a symbolic design; her clothing is usually heavily embellished. Except for the earliest examples, there is a Doric column on either side of her, topped with a rooster, the bird sacred to Agon, the god of athletic competitions; sometimes a Sphinx, Siren, panther, or vase takes its place. In the fourth century, we sometimes see a figure of Nike or Triptolemos in his chariot on top of the columns. Along the side of the left column, the inscription is usually placed (always keeping an archaic form):
,
Athens' games, “(a prize) from the games at Athens.” On the earliest known example, the Burgon amphora (B.M. B 130), the word
is included. In the fourth century, the inscription still runs down the side of the column, but the letters are aligned parallel to it rather than at right angles. Furthermore, during this period, it often becomes common to add on the right-hand side the name of the archon under whose year of office the games took place, allowing us to date the vase precisely.[1242] Of these, about ten examples are known, dating from 367 to 313 B.C., and the list is as follows:—
Polyzelos | 367 | B.C. | B.M. B 603 | Found at | Teucheira, |
Cyrenaica | |||||
Themistokles | 347 | ” | Athens Mus. | ” | Athens |
Pythodelos | 336 | ” | B.M. B 607 and 608 | ” | Cervetri |
Nikokrates | 333 | ” | B.M. B 609 | ” | Benghazi |
Niketes | 332 | ” | B.M. B 610 | ” | Capua |
Euthykritos | 328 | ” | B.M. B 611 | ” | Teucheira |
Hegesias | 324 | ” | Louvre | ” | Benghazi |
Kephisodoros | 323 | ” | Louvre | ” | Benghazi |
Archippos | 321 | ” | Louvre | ” | Benghazi |
Theophrastos | 313 | ” | Louvre | ” | Benghazi |

Panathenaic Amphora (British Museum).
Later Type (Obv. and Rev.).
Panathenaic Vase (British Museum).
Later Type (Obverse and Reverse).
The black-figure method is preserved throughout, in spite of the development in drawing, that of the fourth-century vases being perfectly free. In the latter there is a lavish use of white and purple for details, especially on the figure of Athena; and Nike, when present at the contests, is usually painted white; but the tendency of later vases to neglect the reverse at the expense of the obverse in the matter of decoration is strongly manifested. The figure of Athena becomes greatly elongated, until her head is actually painted on the neck of the vase, and in all the vases after 336 B.C. she is turned to the right instead of the left. Two signatures of artists are found—Sikelos in the fifth century, Kittos in the fourth. There also exist some miniature fourth-century examples of these vases, the purpose of which is not obvious; on the reverse of one in the British Museum is represented a runner in the torch-race.[1243]
The black-figure technique remains consistent throughout, despite advancements in drawing, with the vases from the fourth century being quite expressive. In these later vases, there's a rich use of white and purple for details, especially on the figure of Athena; when Nike appears at the contests, she is typically painted white. However, there's a clear trend in later vases to focus more on decorating the front rather than the back. The figure of Athena becomes noticeably elongated, with her head even painted on the neck of the vase, and starting from 336 BCE, she faces right instead of left. Two artists' signatures are seen—Sikelos in the fifth century and Kittos in the fourth. There are also some small fourth-century examples of these vases, although their purpose isn’t clear; on the back of one in the British Museum, a runner in the torch-race is depicted.[1243]
A peculiar local development of the black-figure style is to be seen in the vases found on the site of the temple of the Kabeiri, near Thebes, in Boeotia. From the style of the painting, which is free and careless, they can hardly be earlier than the fifth century, and may be later, the old style being preserved, as in the Panathenaic amphorae, for religious reasons. The site was excavated in 1887–88, and yielded a large number of vases and fragments, together with Attic R.F. and plain black glazed wares. Of the local fabrics the majority are of a Dionysiac character, or have reference, more or less direct, to the cult of the Kabeiri; many bear dedicatory inscriptions to the presiding deities, such as τῷ Καβίρῳ or τῷ παιδὶ καὶ τῷ Καβίρῳ, etc.
A unique local variation of the black-figure style can be seen in the vases discovered at the site of the temple of the Kabeiri, near Thebes in Boeotia. Based on the painting style, which is loose and informal, these vases are unlikely to date earlier than the fifth century and could be more recent, as the older style is maintained, similar to the Panathenaic amphorae, for religious purposes. The site was excavated in 1887–88, uncovering a significant number of vases and fragments, along with Attic R.F. and plain black glazed ceramics. Most of the local pieces have a Dionysian theme or are related, directly or indirectly, to the cult of the Kabeiri; many feature dedicatory inscriptions to the leading deities, such as to the Cabiri or to the child and the Cabiri, etc.
The material is a reddish-yellow clay of good quality, on which the designs are painted in a pigment varying from yellow-brown to the deep lustrous black of the best Attic vases. Occasionally details in white or purple are added; incised lines are used only for inner markings as a rule. The shapes are confined almost entirely to one, a large deep bowl with two small ring-handles, to which are attached projections for the support of the fingers; it comes nearest to the pella described by Athenaeus (see p. 186). The decorative motives are simple—vine-wreaths, ivy-wreaths, myrtle and olive, and the wave-pattern; sometimes the reverse is only ornamented with a pattern of this kind.[1244]
The material is a reddish-yellow clay of good quality, on which the designs are painted in a pigment that ranges from yellow-brown to the deep, shiny black of the best Attic vases. Sometimes, details in white or purple are added; incised lines are typically used only for inner markings. The shapes are mostly limited to one type: a large, deep bowl with two small ring-handles, with projections for finger support; it is closest to the pella described by Athenaeus (see p. 186). The decorative motifs are simple—vine-wreaths, ivy-wreaths, myrtle and olive, and the wave-pattern; occasionally, the reverse is only decorated with a pattern like this.[1244]

FIG. 98. VASE FROM TEMPLE OF KABEIRI: PARODY OF ACHILLES AND CHEIRON
(BRIT. MUS. B 77).
FIG. 98. VASE FROM TEMPLE OF KABEIRI: PARODY OF ACHILLES AND CHEIRON
(BRIT. MUS. B 77).
The subjects are interesting from the fact that they are an early instance (in vase-paintings) of intentional caricatures or grotesques; this is shown not only in the manner of treating the themes selected, but in the rude character of the drawing. Among those drawn from myth and legend may be mentioned Odysseus with Kirke (two instances) and traversing the sea on a raft; Peleus bringing the young Achilles to Cheiron (Fig. 98); Kephalos hunting a fox; and Bellerophon slaying the Chimaera. A favourite subject is that of Pigmies in combat with cranes. But the most interesting is one which represents the deity Kabeiros (answering to Dionysos) with his son (Pais, i.e. Iacchos) at a banquet, accompanied by three symbolical figures—Mitos, Pratolaos, and Krateia. Another fragment shows a train of worshippers approaching the Kabeiros, in the manner of the Asklepios reliefs.[1245]
The subjects are intriguing because they represent an early example (in vase paintings) of intentional caricatures or grotesques; this is evident not only in how the chosen themes are depicted but also in the rough style of the drawing. Among the mythological and legendary figures, we can note Odysseus with Kirke (two instances) and traveling across the sea on a raft; Peleus bringing the young Achilles to Cheiron (Fig. 98); Kephalos hunting a fox; and Bellerophon defeating the Chimaera. A popular theme is that of Pigmies battling cranes. However, the most captivating depiction is of the deity Kabeiros (equivalent to Dionysos) with his son (Pais, i.e. Iacchos) at a banquet, accompanied by three symbolic figures—Mitos, Pratolaos, and Krateia. Another fragment illustrates a procession of worshipers approaching Kabeiros, similar to the Asklepios reliefs.[1245]
The transitional stage from black to red figures is illustrated by more than one class of vases. Those in which the two methods are united on one vase have been discussed elsewhere, in considering the characteristics of the artists who used both. But there is another class corresponding to neither method, and yet partaking of the character of both, in which the figures are painted in opaque red or white pigment laid directly on the surface of the vase, which is covered throughout with black varnish (Plate XXXV.). Inasmuch as the method of painting in colours is more suggestive of the B.F. vases, they are classed therewith in some collections, as in the British and Athens Museums; but since their appearance and style link them more closely with the R.F. period, they are found in others, as at Berlin, ranged with the latter class. In any case they form a distinct group, in which the earlier examples correspond more with the B.F., the later with the R.F., vases. They are undoubtedly of Athenian origin, but to what extent they affected the change from black to red figures is doubtful.
The transition from black to red figures is shown by more than one type of vase. Vases that combine both techniques have been discussed in other contexts, focusing on the traits of the artists who used both. However, there’s another type that doesn’t fit neatly into either category but shares elements of both. In these vases, figures are painted in opaque red or white pigment directly on the surface, which is completely covered in black varnish (Plate XXXV.). Because the painting technique resembles that of the B.F. vases, some collections, like those in the British and Athens Museums, classify them as such. Yet, since their appearance and style are more aligned with the R.F. period, others, like those in Berlin, categorize them with the latter group. In any case, they form a distinct category, where the earlier examples align more with B.F. and the later examples with R.F. vases. They are definitely of Athenian origin, but it’s unclear how much they contributed to the shift from black to red figures.
The practice of laying colours on the black varnish is, of course, one that was quite familiar to B.F. artists; the analogous procedure in the R.F. period was the laying of black pigment on the red glaze, as was necessarily done for details such as devices on shields. The transition was therefore easy in the case of a vase covered with black varnish, to painting the figures only in the opaque colours upon it, thereby enlarging the scope of the process. The incised lines in which the figure was necessarily sketched out before painting (and which frequently occur in this class) led the way to the process by which the R.F. artist engraved his design on the red clay before covering the rest of the vase with varnish. In the case of female figures it is obvious that this method was already practised, especially in scenes in which they appeared entirely nude, and the whole figure was painted white over the black silhouette, the black becoming the real accessory where it was required for the hair, etc.[1246]
The technique of applying colors over black varnish was definitely well-known to B.F. artists; a similar method during the R.F. period involved applying black pigment over the red glaze, which was essential for detailing items like devices on shields. This made it easy to transition to painting figures exclusively with opaque colors on a vase finished with black varnish, thus broadening the possibilities of the technique. The carved lines used to outline the figure before painting (which often appear in this category) paved the way for how R.F. artists engraved their designs on red clay before adding the varnish to the rest of the vase. In the case of female figures, it's clear that this technique was already in use, especially in scenes where they were portrayed completely nude, with the entire figure painted white over the black silhouette, allowing the black to serve as the actual detail where needed for the hair and so on.[1246]
Dr. Six, who has studied this class, gives a list of about seventy examples,[1247] including one signed by Nikosthenes (Plate XXXV., fig. 2 = F 114 in the Louvre) which has a figure of a woman painted in white each side, the style, be it noted, being purely black-figured. In later specimens the object seems to have been to imitate the appearance of the R.F. vases, and to paint the figures in a similar but opaque red colour instead of white.[1248] Other examples again have figures only incised on the black, without any addition of colour.[1249] In some of the earlier ones the use of black as an accessory[1250] shows that the painter, so to speak, “thought” in the B.F. style, but used white for black and vice versa.
Dr. Six, who has researched this category, provides a list of about seventy examples,[1247] including one signed by Nikosthenes (Plate XXXV., fig. 2 = F 114 in the Louvre) featuring a woman depicted in white on each side, with a style that is purely black-figure. In later examples, it seems the goal was to mimic the appearance of the R.F. vases, painting the figures in a similar but opaque red color instead of white.[1248] Other examples have figures that are just incised on the black, with no added color.[1249] In some of the earlier ones, the use of black as an accessory[1250] indicates that the painter, so to speak, “thought” in the B.F. style but used white for black and vice versa.
Most of the earlier examples have been found in Greece or Magna Graecia; they are usually of the lekythos form, which is always rare in Etruria. The later group chiefly consists of small bowls (phialae) of very negligent style, but some are of the typical R.F. forms, such as the “Nolan” amphora and the stamnos. A considerable number of fragments were found on the Acropolis of Athens, showing that even these late imitative specimens, in spite of their rude, careless execution, cannot be placed later than 480 B.C.
Most of the earlier examples have been found in Greece or Magna Graecia; they are usually in the lekythos shape, which is always rare in Etruria. The later group mainly consists of small bowls (phialae) with a very careless style, but some are in the typical R.F. shapes, like the “Nolan” amphora and the stamnos. A significant number of fragments were found on the Acropolis of Athens, indicating that even these late imitative pieces, despite their rough and haphazard execution, cannot be dated any later than 480 BCE
One of the most interesting examples is a fragment found on the Acropolis of Athens,[1251] with an owl within an olive-wreath; it had been dedicated to Athena by a potter whose name is now lost. There is also a good series in the British Museum (B 681–700), including a lekythos with Odysseus carried under the ram, painted in polychrome.
One of the most interesting examples is a fragment found on the Acropolis of Athens,[1251] featuring an owl inside an olive wreath; it was dedicated to Athena by a potter whose name has been lost to time. There's also a nice collection in the British Museum (B 681–700), including a lekythos depicting Odysseus being carried under the ram, painted in multiple colors.
Before embarking upon the history of the red-figured vases it may be well to endeavour to see what light the vase-paintings up to this point throw on the literary traditions preserved for us, chiefly by Pliny, in regard to early painting. There is, perhaps, no subject which that writer has treated with greater vagueness; and we are forced to the conclusion that he really knew nothing about it, and did not comprehend the meaning of the earlier writers from whom he borrowed.[1252] Still, it may fairly be supposed that the names he mentions are those of real persons, even if his account of their achievements is vague or imaginary. There are also a few stray items of information given by Aristotle, Aelian, Strabo, and Athenagoras.
Before diving into the history of red-figured vases, it’s a good idea to explore what the vase paintings so far reveal about the literary traditions preserved for us, mainly by Pliny, regarding early painting. There might not be any topic that Pliny has addressed with more ambiguity; we must conclude that he truly knew little about it and didn’t understand the earlier authors from whom he borrowed. However, it’s reasonable to assume that the names he mentions are those of actual people, even if his descriptions of their accomplishments are unclear or fictional. There are also a few scattered pieces of information provided by Aristotle, Aelian, Strabo, and Athenagoras.

Vases with Opaque Designs on Black Ground.
1. Brit. Mus.; 2. By Nikosthenes, in Louvre.
Vases with Opaque Patterns on a Black Background.
1. British Museum.; 2. By Nikosthenes, at the Louvre.
Pliny[1253] begins by attributing to Corinth or Sikyon the discovery of the possibility of producing figures by outlining shadows, as in the story of Butades (p. 110). The next stage, he says, was to fill in the outlines with single colours, or monochrome. He next states that Philokles, an Egyptian,[1254] and Kleanthes of Corinth “invented linear painting,” and that they were followed by Aridikes of Corinth and Telephanes of Sikyon, who, still without using any colours, introduced inner markings and details,[1255] and inscribed names over their figures. Ekphantos of Corinth introduced the use of a red wash, employing a pigment made from pounded pottery (testa trita),[1256] which may represent the purple so lavishly employed on Corinthian vases. A later development was that of monochrome painting—i.e. the use of a single flat body-colour—introduced by Hygiainon, Deinias, and Charmadas.
Pliny[1253] starts by crediting either Corinth or Sikyon with discovering how to create images by outlining shadows, similar to the story of Butades (p. 110). He explains that the next step was to fill in those outlines with solid colors, or monochrome. He goes on to mention that Philokles, an Egyptian,[1254] and Kleanthes from Corinth "invented linear painting," and were succeeded by Aridikes from Corinth and Telephanes from Sikyon, who, still without using any colors, added inner markings and details,[1255] and wrote names above their figures. Ekphantos from Corinth introduced the use of a red wash, using a pigment made from crushed pottery (testa trita),[1256] which may represent the purple often used on Corinthian vases. A later advancement was monochrome painting—i.e. the application of a single flat color—introduced by Hygiainon, Deinias, and Charmadas.
Aristotle, on the other hand, speaks of Eucheiros of Corinth as the “inventor of painting.” The name reminds us of the tradition of Demaratos, who took with him from Corinth to Etruria a craftsman of that name. It is also interesting to note that the name is borne by an Athenian kylix-painter (see above, p. 384), the son of Ergotimos, who made the François vase. Possibly he may have been the grandson of the Corinthian artist.
Aristotle, on the other hand, refers to Eucheiros of Corinth as the “inventor of painting.” The name reminds us of the tradition of Demaratos, who brought a craftsman with that name from Corinth to Etruria. It's also interesting to note that the name is shared by an Athenian kylix-painter (see above, p. 384), the son of Ergotimos, who created the François vase. He may have been the grandson of the Corinthian artist.
Strabo (viii. 343) and Athenaeus (viii. 346 C) mention a picture by Kleanthes (see above) which represented the Birth of Athena,[1257] and can hardly have been later than the seventh century—a period to which such evidence as we have would allot the series of artists already named.
Strabo (viii. 343) and Athenaeus (viii. 346 C) talk about a painting by Kleanthes (see above) that depicted the Birth of Athena,[1257] and it probably dates back no later than the seventh century—a time frame to which the evidence we have connects the series of artists already mentioned.
It must be borne in mind that the names of these early artists are those of draughtsmen, not of painters. Even in the time of Polygnotos drawing was the chief aim of all artists—as the red-figured vases amply testify—and painting, as we regard the art, only came into existence after the middle of the fifth century. The development from liniarem, or “outline-drawing,” to monochrome at first sight presents a difficulty, as it seems to be opposed to the evolution of vase-painting, which is from silhouette (as in the Dipylon ware) to outlines (as in the Ionic vases). But even if it is not always intelligible, we can still observe a distinct continuity in Pliny’s account.[1258]
It’s important to remember that the names of these early artists refer to draftsmen, not painters. Even during Polygnotos's time, drawing was the main focus of all artists—as the red-figured vases clearly show—and painting, as we think of it today, only emerged after the middle of the fifth century. The transition from liniarem, or "outline-drawing," to monochrome might seem confusing at first, as it appears to contradict the evolution of vase-painting, which moves from silhouette (like in the Dipylon ware) to outlines (as seen in the Ionic vases). But even if it isn’t always clear, we can still see a definite continuity in Pliny’s account.[1258]
After Ekphantos had introduced the filling-in of outlines with red washes, and Hygiainon and his confrères had continued painting with a single colour,[1259] a step further was made by Eumaros of Athens, who distinguished the sexes and “introduced all kinds of new subjects.” Here we may clearly discern the introduction of white in the later Corinthian and early Attic wares for female figures, and the growth of mythological and genre subjects on the vases of the time.[1260] His innovations of technique and subject may therefore be fairly regarded as coincident with the great advance in vase-painting made at Athens under Peisistratos and reacting upon Corinth. It is interesting to note that the name of Eumaros occurs on a marble base found on the Acropolis at Athens; and if this can be the painter, his date would be fixed about 590–570 B.C.[1261]
After Ekphantos introduced the use of red washes to fill in outlines, and Hygiainon and his confrères continued painting using a single color,[1259] Eumaros of Athens took it a step further by distinguishing between the sexes and “introducing all kinds of new subjects.” Here, we can clearly see the introduction of white in the later Corinthian and early Attic pottery for female figures, as well as an increase in mythological and genre subjects on vases of that period.[1260] His innovations in technique and subject can thus be fairly viewed as coinciding with the significant advancement in vase-painting that took place in Athens under Peisistratos, which also influenced Corinth. It’s interesting to note that the name Eumaros appears on a marble base found on the Acropolis in Athens; if this refers to the painter, his date would be approximately 590–570 BCE[1261]
In any case one thing is certain—that painting had not yet developed into anything like a high art. It was still purely decorative, and the few early paintings of which we hear, such as those of Bularchos (p. 361) and Kleanthes, were not beyond the level of the Clazomenae sarcophagi or the François vase in merit. We probably gain the best idea of painting which was not merely decorative from the Corinthian pinakes (p. 316) and the Acropolis warrior-tablet,[1262] especially as they are painted on the white slip or λεύκωμα, which we know to have been favoured by early Greek painters.[1263]
In any case, one thing is certain—painting had not yet evolved into anything resembling a high art. It was still purely decorative, and the few early paintings we hear about, such as those by Bularchos (p. 361) and Kleanthes, were not better than the Clazomenae sarcophagi or the François vase in quality. We probably get the best sense of painting that was not just decorative from the Corinthian pinakes (p. 316) and the Acropolis warrior-tablet,[1262] especially since they are painted on the white slip or λευκώμα, which we know was preferred by early Greek painters.[1263]
The relation of Pliny’s next artist, Kimon of Kleonae, and of his improvements to the work of the vase-painters, has been much discussed by writers on the red-figured vases; and they have not been by any means unanimous in their conclusions, either as to the nature of his “inventions” or as to the time at which their influence made itself felt. They are described by Pliny in the following words: “Cimon of Cleonae improved upon the inventions of Eumarus. He invented catagrapha—that is, oblique images—and varied positions of the features, looking back or up or down. He distinguished limbs from joints, emphasised the veins, and further reproduced folds and hollows in the drapery.”[1264]
The connection of Pliny’s next artist, Kimon of Kleonae, and his enhancements to the work of the vase painters has been widely debated by those studying red-figured vases; they haven't reached a consensus on either the nature of his “inventions” or when their impact became apparent. Pliny describes them in the following words: “Cimon of Cleonae improved upon the inventions of Eumarus. He invented catagrapha—that is, oblique images—and varied positions of the features, looking back or up or down. He distinguished limbs from joints, emphasized the veins, and further reproduced folds and hollows in the drapery.”[1264]
The crux of this passage is of course the word catagrapha, with Pliny’s Latin equivalent, obliquas imagines. At first sight it would seem that the Latin rendering of the word connected it with the rendering of the face in a new way, i.e. in three-quarter aspect instead of the old profile of the silhouettes. But this was not introduced into vase-painting until quite a late period[1265]; it is found, for instance, on the Meidias vase about 440 B.C., and is certainly not earlier than the time of Euphronios, whereas Kimon appears to have lived about 540–490 B.C.[1266] Moreover, there seems to be some antithesis between the imagines and voltus—i.e. varios formare voltus is not an explanation of the imagines—and, on the whole, it seems more natural to take the first word as a general term for figures. Obliquas imagines, then, would obviously imply some kind of perspective, which, when applied to the human figure, indicates foreshortening.
The crux of this passage is, of course, the word catagrapha, along with Pliny’s Latin equivalent, obliquas imagines. At first glance, it appears that the Latin version of the word linked it to a new way of depicting the face, i.e. in a three-quarter view instead of the traditional profile silhouettes. However, this style wasn't adopted in vase painting until much later [1265]; it can be seen, for example, on the Meidias vase around 440 BCE, and it definitely did not occur before the time of Euphronios, while Kimon seems to have lived around 540–490 BCE[1266] Additionally, there appears to be a contrast between the envisions and face—in other words, varios formare facies does not clarify the imagines—and overall, it seems more logical to interpret the first term as a general term for figures. Thus, oblique images would clearly imply some kind of perspective, which, when applied to the human figure, denotes foreshortening.
Now, this advance in drawing is first found in the earlier work of Euphronios, i.e. about 500–490 B.C., though traces of it are to be seen in the later work of the Epictetan cycle. It will be noted in the next chapter that Epiktetos and his contemporaries are still in the trammels of the old method. Many of these vases even exhibit traces of a decadent style, with rough and carelessly drawn figures. As Hartwig has well pointed out, the real division of style comes, not before Epiktetos, but between him and Euphronios. The Epictetan cycle is transitional, and a time of preparation, firstly in the change of technique, secondly in the evolution of cup-decoration, thirdly in the discovery of new motives and extending the scope of subjects. The new birth is seen in the form of increased naturalism, and is parallel to the development of sculpture under Pythagoras and Myron, who, like Kimon, “gave prominence to sinews and veins.” We may therefore sum up with Studniczka and Hartwig by saying that the reforms of Kimon, which first manifest themselves in Euphronios and his contemporaries about 500 B.C., imply a new theoretical knowledge of linear perspective, which in practice displays itself in a correct rendering of foreshortening.[1267] In minor details the same advance is at this time apparent, in the treatment of the eye, which now begins to be rendered with some approach to truth, and in the accurate and detailed rendering of muscles and anatomy, and of folds of drapery. These are precisely the points in which Pliny regards Kimon as having so greatly advanced his art, which, as Aelian tells us, he “helped out of leading-strings.”[1268]
Now, this advancement in drawing first appears in the earlier work of Euphronios, around 500–490 B.C., although some traces of it can be found in the later works of the Epictetan cycle. It's noted in the next chapter that Epiktetos and his contemporaries are still limited by the old method. Many of these vases even show signs of a decadent style, with rough and carelessly drawn figures. As Hartwig pointed out, the real distinction in style comes not before Epiktetos but between him and Euphronios. The Epictetan cycle is transitional and serves as a time of preparation, primarily in terms of changing technique, evolution of cup decoration, and discovering new motives while expanding the range of subjects. This new emergence is evident in the form of increased naturalism, paralleling the development of sculpture under Pythagoras and Myron, who, like Kimon, emphasized sinews and veins. Therefore, we can summarize, along with Studniczka and Hartwig, that the reforms of Kimon, which first appear in Euphronios and his contemporaries around 500 B.C., suggest a new understanding of linear perspective, which is practically seen in a correct representation of foreshortening. In minor details, the same advancement is evident at this time, particularly in how the eye is rendered, which now starts to show some truthfulness, along with the accurate and detailed representation of muscles and anatomy, and drapery folds. These are exactly the aspects where Pliny considers Kimon to have significantly advanced his art, which, as Aelian tells us, he “helped out of leading-strings.”
The first painter in polychrome was Panaenos, who also introduced portraiture, but must still be regarded as a draughtsman only; and, finally, Polygnotos, by such innovations as giving expression to faces, and rendering transparent draperies, gave the first real advance to the art. So far Pliny on the beginnings of Greek painting; but its further developments, and more particularly the relation of Polygnotos to the fifth-century vase-paintings, must be more fully dealt with in a succeeding section.
The first painter to use multiple colors was Panaenos, who also introduced portrait painting, but he should still be seen mainly as a draftsman. Finally, Polygnotos, with innovations like giving expression to faces and depicting transparent fabrics, significantly advanced the art. This summarizes what Pliny said about the beginnings of Greek painting, but the further developments, especially the connection between Polygnotos and the vase paintings of the fifth century, will be discussed more thoroughly in a later section.
1192. E.g. B 130 in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example B 130 in B.M.
1193. B.M. B 426.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. B 426.
1194. E.g. B 193–205 in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example B 193–205 in B.M.
1195. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 76, fig. 139.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Excavations in Cyprus, p. 76, fig. 139.
1200. General reference may here be made to Klein’s Lieblingsinschriften, 2nd edn.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.General reference can be made to Klein’s Favorite inscriptions, 2nd edition.
1201. See id., Meistersignaturen, 2nd edn., for full details.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See id., Meister signatures, 2nd ed., for complete details.
1203. A unique exception is the early Attic potter Oikopheles, who uses the word ἐκεράμευσε (Oxford 189 = Ashmolean Vases, pl. 26).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A unique exception is the early Attic potter Oikopheles, who uses the word Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. (Oxford 189 = Ashmolean Vases, pl. 26).
1204. Ath. Mitth. 1889, pl. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ath. Mitth. 1889, pl. 1.
1205. Wiener Vorl. 1889, pl. 5, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Wiener Vorl. 1889, plate 5, 1.
1206. Reinach, ii. 120.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, vol. 2, p. 120.
1208. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 6, fig. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 6, fig. 1.
1209. Cf. Ar. Ran. 1400: Βέβληκ’ Ἀχιλλεύς δύο κύβω καὶ τέτταρα.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ar. Ran. 1400: Achilles has been struck with two dice and four..
1210. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 5, fig. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 5, fig. 3.
1211. Adamek Unsignierte Vasen des A., p. 13 ff.) notes the use of fringed draperies as especially characteristic of Amasis. By this means he is enabled to trace several other vases to his hand.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Adamek Unmarked vases by A., p. 13 ff.) points out that the use of fringed draperies is particularly typical of Amasis. This allows him to connect several other vases to his work.
1212. J.H.S. xix. p. 143.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 19, p. 143.
1213. Cf. A 1532 from Naukratis in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See A 1532 from Naukratis in B.M.
1214. Loeschcke and Karo connect him with Samos, J.H.S. xix. p. 143.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Loeschcke and Karo link him to Samos, J.H.S. xix. p. 143.
1215. See on Amasis, Klein, Meisters. p. 43; Adamek, Unsignierte Vasen d. A. (Prager Studien, Heft v.); Karo, in J.H.S. xix. p. 135 ff.; Loeschcke in Pauly-Wissowa’s Lexikon, s.v. Other vases signed by Amasis are: Reinach, i. 359, 1 and 453, 3; Boston Mus. Report, 1903, No. 45 (fragment of cup with eyes); Würzburg, iii. 384; and one mentioned in Jahrbuch, 1896, p. 178, note 1. Unsigned vases attributed to him by Adamek, Karo, and other writers are B.M. B 53, B 151, B 197; Louvre F 25, F 26, F 28, F 36; Berlin 1688–92, 1731; Munich 75 and 81; Adamek, op. cit. pls. 1, 2 (Berlin); Mus. Greg. ii. 3; J.H.S. xix. pl. 5 (Würzburg); Reinach, i. 513, 1–5 (Athens); and two others mentioned J.H.S. xix. p. 139, Nos. 11, 12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Amasis, Klein, Masters. p. 43; Adamek, Unsigned Vases d. A. (Prager Studies, Heft v.); Karo, in J.H.S. xix. p. 135 ff.; Loeschcke in Pauly-Wissowa’s Lexicon, s.v. Other vases signed by Amasis include: Reinach, i. 359, 1 and 453, 3; Boston Mus. Report, 1903, No. 45 (fragment of cup with eyes); Würzburg, iii. 384; and one mentioned in Yearbook, 1896, p. 178, note 1. Unsigned vases attributed to him by Adamek, Karo, and other authors are B.M. B 53, B 151, B 197; Louvre F 25, F 26, F 28, F 36; Berlin 1688–92, 1731; Munich 75 and 81; Adamek, op. cit. pls. 1, 2 (Berlin); Mus. Greg. ii. 3; J.H.S. xix. pl. 5 (Würzburg); Reinach, i. 513, 1–5 (Athens); and two others mentioned in J.H.S. xix. p. 139, Nos. 11, 12.
1216. Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 4, fig. 2. But see also Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1896, pls. 6–7, p. 372.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Wiener Vorl. 1888, pl. 4, fig. 2. But also check Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1896, pls. 6–7, p. 372.
1217. Klein, Meistersig. p. 72 ff., reckons seventeen, to which number two or three must be added.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Klein, Meistersig. p. 72 ff., counts seventeen, to which two or three more should be added.
1218. Klein, op. cit. p. 81, No. 13.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Klein, op. cit. p. 81, No. 13.
1219. For a recently-discovered kylix painted by Sakonides, with Kaulos (?) as potter, see Notizie degli Scavi, 1903, p. 34.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For a newly found kylix painted by Sakonides, with Kaulos (?) as the potter, see Excavation News, 1903, p. 34.
1220. See Arch. Zeit. 1885, p. 189·
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Arch. Zeit. 1885, p. 189.
1221. Most of his vases are illustrated in the Wiener Vorlegeblätter for 1890–91.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Most of his vases are featured in the Vienna Presentation Sheets from 1890–91.
1223. E.g. B.M. B 364.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. B 364.
1224. Loeschcke (Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 36) has pointed out that these are the most archaic examples of the Attic white-ground vases.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Loeschcke (Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 36) has noted that these are the oldest examples of the Attic white-ground vases.
1226. Perhaps the nearest analogy is the “counterchanging” of heraldry.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Maybe the closest comparison is the "counterchanging" in heraldry.
1227. Burlington Fine Arts Club Cat. 1888, No. 108; 1903, No. 21, p. 102.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Burlington Fine Arts Club Cat. 1888, No. 108; 1903, No. 21, p. 102.
1228. See on the curious technique of this design Ath. Mitth. 1879, p. 290, note 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the interesting method behind this design Ath. Mitth. 1879, p. 290, note 4.
1229. Jahrbuch, 1889, pl. 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1889, pl. 4.
1230. Note especially the treatment of the large eyes in either case.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Pay particular attention to how the large eyes are depicted in both situations.
1231. See on all these vases Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, p. 1 ff.; also Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. p. 15 ff., and Jahreshefte, 1900, p. 69.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out all these vases in Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, p. 1 ff.; also Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. p. 15 ff., and Jahreshefte, 1900, p. 69.
1232. On his technique see Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 157, and Furtwaengler and Reichhold, op. cit. p. 19 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For his technique, see Yearbook, 1899, p. 157, and Furtwaengler and Reichhold, op. cit. p. 19 ff.
1233. Op. cit. p. 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. p. 17.
1234. A third example is given in Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, pp. 40–41 (with warriors playing dice).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Another example is found in Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, pages 40–41 (featuring warriors playing dice).
1235. The other examples are Munich 373, 375; Louvre F 204; a vase in Bologna (Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, pp. 18, 19); and one in Würzburg.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The other examples are Munich 373, 375; Louvre F 204; a vase in Bologna (Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, pp. 18, 19); and one in Würzburg.
1236. J.H.S. xix. p. 147 ff. See also B.M. B 149–53; Gsell, Fouilles de Vulci, pls. 7–8, p. 502.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.J.H.S. xix. p. 147 ff. See also B.M. B 149–53; Gsell, Excavations of Vulci, pls. 7–8, p. 502.
1237. E.g. B.M. B 149, 157.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. B 149, 157.
1238. See generally C. Smith in Brit. School Annual, 1896–97, p. 187 ff.; and for a bibliography, Urlichs, Beiträge, p. 33.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See generally C. Smith in Brit. School Annual, 1896–97, p. 187 ff.; and for a bibliography, Urlichs, Contributions, p. 33.
1239. Inscr. Gr. ii. (Atticae) pt. 2, No. 965.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Inscription Gr. ii. (Attica) pt. 2, No. 965.
1240. It is not likely that all of those given as prizes were painted. On the other hand, the number of the amphorae may denote the number of measures of oil given, the painted vases being, like modern silver cups, symbolical and honorific (C. Smith, loc. cit.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It's unlikely that all the items awarded as prizes were actually painted. However, the quantity of amphorae could indicate the amount of oil distributed, with the painted vases serving a purpose similar to modern silver cups, representing symbolism and honor (C. Smith, loc. cit.).
1242. A fourth-century fragment at Athens has the name of the agonothetes instead of the archon: ἀγωνο]θετοῦ(ν)το[ς τοῦ δεῖνος. See Brit. School Annual, 1896–97, pl. 16 (b).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A fourth-century fragment in Athens has the name of the agonothetes instead of the archon: ἀγωνο]θετοῦ(ν)το[ς τοῦ δεῖνος. See Brit. School Annual, 1896–97, pl. 16 (b).
1243. J.H.S. xviii. p. 300.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 18. p. 300.
1244. Riegl, Stilfragen, p. 176, notes the absence of all the usual B.F. patterns. The ivy-wreaths represent an old Boeotian tradition.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Riegl, Style Questions, p. 176, points out the lack of the usual B.F. patterns. The ivy wreaths symbolize an ancient Boeotian tradition.
1245. See Ath. Mitth. 1888, pls. 9–12; J.H.S. xiii. pl. 4, p. 77 ff.; B.M. B 77–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ath. Mitth. 1888, pls. 9–12; J.H.S. xiii. pl. 4, p. 77 ff.; B.M. B 77–8.
1246. Six (see next note) quotes the Berlin vase, 1843 = Él. Cér. iv. 18, in illustration of this.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Six (see next note) references the Berlin vase from 1843 = Él. Cér. iv. 18, to illustrate this point.
1247. Gaz. Arch. 1888, pp. 193 ff., 281 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gaz. Arch. 1888, pp. 193 ff., 281 ff.
1248. E.g. B.M. B 691, 700.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. B 691, 700.
1249. Cf. Mus. Ital. ii. pl. 3 = De Witte, Coll. à l’Hôtel Lambert, pl. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ital. Mus. ii. pl. 3 = De Witte, Collection at Hôtel Lambert, pl. 3.
1250. Cf. B.M. B 693.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See B.M. B 693.
1251. Six, op. cit. pl. 29, fig. 9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Six, same source pl. 29, fig. 9.
1252. His chief source was Xenokrates of Sikyon, about 280 B.C.: see Jex-Blake and Sellers, Pliny’s Chapters on Greek Art, p. xxviii; Münzer in Hermes, xxx. (1895), p. 499 ff.; id., Beitr. zur Quellenkritik der Naturgeschichte des Plinius (1897).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.His main source was Xenocrates of Sikyon, around 280 BCE: see Jex-Blake and Sellers, Pliny’s Chapters on Greek Art, p. xxviii; Münzer in Hermes, xxx. (1895), p. 499 ff.; id., Contributions to the Source Critique of the Natural History of Pliny (1897).
1253. H.N. xxxv. 15: see ibid. 56.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35: see ibid. 56.
1254. Probably an inhabitant of Naukratis, and connected with the Ionian school of painting. See Smith, Dict. Antiqs.3 ii. p. 401; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 582.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Likely a resident of Naukratis and associated with the Ionian school of painting. See Smith, Dict. Antiqs.3 ii. p. 401; Pottier, Louvre Catalog. ii. p. 582.
1255. As opposed to mere silhouettes, e.g. of the Dipylon vases. Some writers take the words (spargentes lineas intus) to refer to ground-ornaments (see above, p. 312).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Unlike simple outlines, e.g. those found on the Dipylon vases. Some authors interpret the phrase (sparse lines inside) as referring to ground ornaments (see above, p. 312).
1256. On the possible connection of Ekphantos with Melos, see above, p. 312. Studniczka’s argument rests partly on the early use of red on the Melian vases. In reference to the use of the word γρόφων in the Melian inscription, he thinks that the column supported a votive painted pinax or vase. For testa trita see Blümner, Technologie, iv. p. 478 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For the possible link between Ekphantos and Melos, see above, p. 312. Studniczka’s argument is partially based on the early use of red in the Melian vases. He believes that the term γρόφων in the Melian inscription indicates that the column held a votive painted pinax or vase. For ground test, refer to Blümner, Technology, iv. p. 478 ff.
1257. The earliest vase-painting with this subject is one from Athens (Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.) 1886, pl. 8, fig. 1). See Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 153.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The earliest vase painting on this topic is one from Athens (Chron. Arch.) 1886, pl. 8, fig. 1). See Yearbook, 1887, p. 153.
1258. See Jex-Blake and Sellers, op. cit. p. xxix.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Jex-Blake and Sellers, op. cit. p. xxix.
1259. These artists represent the Dorian and Continental school, as opposed to the polychrome Ionian (see Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 584).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.These artists are from the Dorian and Continental school, in contrast to the multicolored Ionian style (see Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 584).
1260. It has, however, been suggested (Jex-Blake and Sellers, p. 101) that figuras, the word used by Pliny, denotes “positions” rather than “subjects.” But this would seem more appropriate to Kimon (see below).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It has, however, been suggested (Jex-Blake and Sellers, p. 101) that figuras, the term used by Pliny, refers to “positions” rather than “subjects.” But this would seem more fitting for Kimon (see below).
1261. As Studniczka maintains (Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 152): see also Hartwig, Meistersch. p. 154.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.As Studniczka states (Yearbook, 1887, p. 152): see also Hartwig, Master's p. 154.
1262. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 6.
1263. Athenag. Leg. pro Christo, 17, 293 (ed. Migne).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Athenag. Leg. pro Christo, 17, 293 (ed. Migne).
1264. H.N. xxxv. 56.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. H.N. 35. 56.
1265. Even full face is exceptional on the earlier R.F. vases. Cf. B.M. E 67, 74, and Hartwig, pl. 59, fig. 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Even the complete face is remarkable on the earlier R.F. vases. See B.M. E 67, 74, and Hartwig, pl. 59, fig. 2.
1266. He is perhaps mentioned by Simonides of Keos (Overbeck, Schriftquellen, 379).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.He might be mentioned by Simonides of Keos (Overbeck, Written sources, 379).
1267. Studniczka says that catagrapha is a scientific term = “projection of a figure.” Cf. Stephanus, Thesaurus, s.v., and Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1850, p. 138.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Studniczka states that catagrapha is a scientific term meaning “projection of a figure.” See Stephanus, Thesaurus, s.v., and Jahn in Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1850, p. 138.
1268. Lit. “released from milk and swaddling-clothes” (Var. Hist. viii. 8).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lit. “freed from breastfeeding and baby clothes” (Var. Hist. viii. 8).
CHAPTER X
RED-FIGURED VASES
Origin of red-figure style—Date of introduction—Καλός-names and historical personages—Technical characteristics—Draughtsmanship—Shapes—Ornamentation—Subjects and types—Subdivisions of style—Severe period and artists—Strong period—Euphronios—Duris, Hieron, and Brygos—Fine period—Influence of Polygnotos—Later fine period—Boeotian local fabric.
Origin of red-figure style—Date of introduction—Kalos names and historical figures—Technical features—Drawing skills—Shapes—Decoration—Themes and categories—Subdivisions of style—Severe period and artists—Strong period—Euphronios—Duris, Hieron, and Brygos—Fine period—Influence of Polygnotos—Later fine period—Boeotian local fabric.
At first sight the sudden reversal of technical method involved in the change from black figures on red ground to red figures on black ground is not easy to explain. That it was a new invention, not a development from the old style, is obvious, seeing that no intermediate stage is possible. The theory has been promulgated by a German writer[1269] that the idea arose from the effect of the Gorgoneion painted on the inside of many late B.F. kylikes. Undoubtedly the effect is that of the R.F. style, the face itself being left red, surrounded by black hair, beyond which the black is continued over the whole surface of the interior.[1270] But this theory has not really much to support it; the Gorgoneion is in the R.F. technique, and did not therefore suggest it; and the earliest R.F. kylikes usually have B.F. interiors, not R.F. It is exceedingly doubtful that the kylikes had anything to do with bringing about the change.
At first glance, the sudden shift in technique from black figures on a red background to red figures on a black background is not easy to explain. It's clear that this was a new invention, not a progression from the old style, since there’s no possible intermediate stage. A German writer[1269] has proposed that the idea came from the effect of the Gorgoneion painted inside many late B.F. kylikes. Undeniably, this effect resembles the R.F. style, where the face is left red and surrounded by black hair, with black continuing over the entire interior surface.[1270] However, this theory lacks substantial support; the Gorgoneion is in the R.F. technique, and therefore did not inspire it; and the earliest R.F. kylikes typically have B.F. interiors, not R.F. It's highly unlikely that the kylikes were responsible for the change.
Much more probable is the suggestion that the class of vases with opaque figures on black ground (p. 393) represents the transition, if transition it can be called.[1271] We have seen that some of these correspond more to the B.F. vases, others to the R.F., and that in many cases their appearance is that of R.F. vases. It may easily be conceived that it occurred to the painter that it was more effective to let the red clay of the background appear through the black wherever he would place a figure than to paint the red on to the black. But these vases are few in number; and as the R.F. vases sprang at once into great popularity, the new invention must have become too general at the very first to have been adopted from such a comparatively rare method. There is also a greater tendency to naturalism in that class than in the earlier R.F. vases. The fact is that there had been going on throughout the course of early art a tendency (to which B.F. vase-painting forms an exception) in favour of drawing figures on a light ground against a dark background. And even in the B.F. vases this tendency is not altogether absent, as seen in the attempts at lightening the figures by making them polychrome, i.e. with purple and white, and also by the practice of covering the rest of the vase entirely with black.
The suggestion that the vases with opaque figures on a black background (p. 393) represent a transition, if it can even be called that, is much more likely. We’ve noted that some of these are more like the B.F. vases, while others resemble the R.F. vases, and in many cases, they look like R.F. vases. It's easy to imagine that the painter thought it was more effective to let the red clay of the background show through the black wherever he wanted to place a figure rather than painting the red over the black. However, these vases are few in number, and given that the R.F. vases quickly became very popular, this new method must have gained traction right away, making it unlikely to be adopted from such a relatively rare technique. There is also a greater tendency toward naturalism in this group compared to the earlier R.F. vases. The reality is that a trend had been developing throughout early art—of which B.F. vase painting is an exception—favoring the drawing of figures on a light ground against a dark background. Even in the B.F. vases, this trend is somewhat present, as demonstrated by attempts to lighten the figures with polychrome (i.e., incorporating purple and white), and by fully covering the rest of the vase in black.
Now, we have already seen that Andokides was a painter who liked to combine the two methods on one vase, and also that he was one who invariably adopted the completely black variety of amphora, for B.F. painting as well as R.F. His Louvre vase with the women swimming is clearly one of the earliest R.F. examples in existence. It is therefore much more likely that he represents for us the author of the new method than Epiktetos or the other artists who painted “mixed” kylikes or who used both styles. On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that it was really in the kylikes that the new style rose into popularity.[1272]
Now, we’ve already noted that Andokides was a painter who liked to mix the two styles on a single vase, and he consistently used the completely black type of amphora for both B.F. painting and R.F. His vase in the Louvre featuring women swimming is clearly one of the earliest R.F. examples still around. Therefore, it’s much more likely that he represents the originator of the new style rather than Epiktetos or the other artists who painted “mixed” kylikes or used both techniques. However, it’s important to remember that it was really in the kylikes that the new style gained popularity.[1272]
Next to the question of how the new style was brought about comes that of when it arose, and the length of its duration at Athens. The chronology of R.F. vases rests on two considerations—the inscriptions on the vases themselves, and the evidence of history and excavations. Until within the last twenty years it had been customary to regard the year 480 B.C. as the line of demarcation between the two methods, and the earliest date for R.F. vases. Yet as long ago as 1834 Ludwig Ross, finding a fragment of R.F. pottery among the debris of the Persian sack of the Acropolis, acutely deduced therefrom that this style must necessarily have been in existence before the date of the sack, i.e. before 480 B.C. His views, however, fell on deaf ears, and it was not until the scientific exploration of the Acropolis in 1885–89 that his deduction was seen to be justified. The result of these excavations was to show that among the mass of pottery found in the pre-Persian stratum a considerable quantity belonged to a comparatively advanced stage of R.F. painting, including signatures of artists of the archaic and severe style down to Euphronios. Some writers have thought that these fragments may belong to the period between 480 and 460, when the rebuilding of the site was begun; but so many show traces of burning that it is far more probable that the earlier date is correct.[1273] Allowing, then, for the necessary stages of development up to the time of Euphronios, the beginning of the style may be placed about 525–520 B.C., the date at which, as we have seen, Andokides may be placed. Besides his name (see above, p. 387) that of Euphronios “the potter” was also found on a base in the Acropolis excavations.[1274] The other limit of date will be more conveniently discussed in a subsequent connection, and it may suffice to say here that the gradual pushing back of the terminus post quem points now to a much earlier terminus ante quem than was formerly supposed. Reasons will subsequently appear for placing the termination of the red-figure fabrics at Athens in the closing years of the Peloponnesian War (410–400 B.C.).
Next to the question of how the new style emerged is when it started and how long it lasted in Athens. The timeline of Red Figure (R.F.) vases is based on two factors: the inscriptions on the vases themselves and historical evidence from excavations. Until the last twenty years, it was common to see the year 480 BCE as the dividing line between the two styles and the earliest date for R.F. vases. However, as far back as 1834, Ludwig Ross found a piece of R.F. pottery among the rubble from the Persian attack on the Acropolis and cleverly deduced that this style must have existed before the sack, i.e., before 480 BCE Unfortunately, his ideas were ignored, and it wasn’t until the scientific exploration of the Acropolis from 1885 to 1889 that his conclusion was validated. These excavations revealed that among the vast amount of pottery found in the pre-Persian layer, a significant quantity belonged to an advanced stage of R.F. painting, including signatures of artists from the archaic and severe styles, right up to Euphronios. Some scholars think these fragments might date from between 480 and 460, when the site began to be rebuilt; but many show signs of burning, making it much more likely that the earlier date is accurate.[1273] Considering the necessary phases of development leading to Euphronios, the start of the style can be placed around 525-520 BCE, which is when Andokides is thought to have existed. Besides his name (see above, p. 387), the name of Euphronios “the potter” was also found on a base during the Acropolis excavations.[1274] The other endpoint will be more conveniently discussed later, but for now, it suffices to say that the gradual revision of the after which now suggests a much earlier terminus ante quem than previously thought. Reasons will further emerge for placing the end of red-figure pottery production in Athens during the final years of the Peloponnesian War (410-400 BCE).
The evidence afforded by inscriptions is necessarily affected in some degree by that of excavations, and chiefly important for the relative dates of the vases. It is not palaeographical, but is afforded mainly by one class of inscriptions, that of the καλός-names, so far as they have an historical significance. These names will be the subject of discussion elsewhere,[1275] and are only alluded to here for their connection with the question of chronology. It is a well-known feature of these καλός-names that many are those of famous historical personages, such as Alkibiades, Megakles, Miltiades, and Hipparchos.[1276] But, on the other hand, any attempts to connect the vases with the historical bearers of the names have met with little success; there is also the danger of arguing in a circle—e.g. of saying that because Miltiades’ name appears on a vase, it is therefore to be dated in his youth, and because the vase belongs to the date when Miltiades was young, therefore it bears the name of that individual.
The evidence from inscriptions is somewhat influenced by that from excavations, and it's especially important for the relative dates of the vases. It's not about paleography, but mainly comes from one type of inscription, the good-names, in terms of their historical significance. These names will be discussed in more detail elsewhere,[1275] and are only mentioned here because of their connection to the issue of chronology. It's well known that many of these good-names belong to famous historical figures, like Alkibiades, Megakles, Miltiades, and Hipparchos.[1276] However, attempts to link the vases to the historical figures named have had little success; there's also the risk of circular reasoning—for example, claiming that since Miltiades’ name appears on a vase, it should be dated to his youth, and because that vase dates to when Miltiades was young, it must be named after him.
Where the importance of these names really comes in is in their relation to particular artists or groups of artists. In this way, as Klein and Hartwig have shown, connecting-links between the artists can be traced and their chronological sequence assured. This, taken in conjunction with questions of style and our fixed dates obtained from other sources, enables us to extract a fair working chronology from all the data. The subject must, however, be dealt with in greater detail when considering the work of individual artists, and only a few general statements can be laid down here.
The significance of these names really lies in their connection to specific artists or groups of artists. Klein and Hartwig have demonstrated that we can trace connections between the artists and establish their chronological order. When combined with stylistic considerations and our established dates from other sources, we can create a solid working timeline from all the information. However, this topic should be explored in more depth when examining the work of individual artists, so only a few general points can be made here.
Many of the historical καλός-names, such as Hipparchos or Glaukon, were probably very common at Athens,[1277] and we have therefore no grounds for attaching importance to their appearance. But in regard to the great painter Euphronios, whose date is fairly certain, it is important to note that two different names are connected with vases in his earlier and later manner respectively, viz. Leagros[1278] and Glaukon. Euphronios began his career about 500–490 B.C., and it probably covered some forty years, from about 495 to 455. Hence we may place the time of Leagros’ youth about 495–490, that of Glaukon about 465–460, and it is remarkable that the latter appears as “son of Leagros” in one or two cases.[1279] Now, we know that there was an Athenian general Leagros who was στρατηγός in 467, and fell in battle against the Edones in that year. Also that he had a son, Glaukon, who commanded at Kerkyra in 433–432. In this case the historical data fit in so exactly with the evidence of the vases and of the Acropolis excavations[1280] that we need hardly hesitate to accept the identity of these two names.
Many of the historical good names, like Hipparchos or Glaukon, were probably quite common in Athens,[1277] so we have no reason to assign special significance to their occurrence. However, concerning the great painter Euphronios, whose time frame is fairly certain, it's important to highlight that two different names are associated with vases from his earlier and later styles, namely Leagros[1278] and Glaukon. Euphronios started his career around 500–490 BCE, and it likely spanned about forty years, from around 495 to 455. Therefore, we can place the period of Leagros' youth between 495–490, and Glaukon's around 465–460, and it’s noteworthy that the latter is referred to as “son of Leagros” in one or two instances.[1279] We also know there was an Athenian general named Leagros who was general in 467 and died in battle against the Edones that year. Additionally, he had a son, Glaukon, who was in command at Kerkyra in 433–432. In this case, the historical evidence aligns so precisely with the findings from the vases and the Acropolis excavations[1280] that we can confidently accept the connection between these two names.
It has been assumed—and the assumption has hardly been questioned—that the καλός-names are necessarily always those of youths, i.e. of about seventeen to twenty years of age; this view is supported both by the general character of the subjects on the vases where they appear, and by the frequent use of the analogous formula ὁ παῖς καλός. Dr. Hartwig has laid down certain conclusions in regard to these names which have met with general acceptance, and may be briefly restated here by way of summarising the subject.
It has been assumed—and this assumption has rarely been challenged—that the good names are always associated with young men, specifically those around seventeen to twenty years old; this idea is backed up by both the general nature of the subjects depicted on the vases where they appear and the common use of the similar phrase The boy is handsome.. Dr. Hartwig has established certain conclusions about these names that have received widespread agreement, and they can be briefly restated here to summarize the topic.
(1) All vases with the same καλός-name are limited to a period of ten years, and consequently all those which are by one artist belong to a definite circumscribed period of his life.
(1) All vases with the same good-name are restricted to a period of ten years, meaning all those made by a single artist are tied to a specific, defined period of their life.
(2) All vases by different artists, but with the same καλός-name, are approximately contemporaneous, i.e. within ten years.
(2) All vases created by different artists, but sharing the same good name, are roughly from the same time period, i.e. within ten years.
(3) The appearance of two or more καλός-names on the same vase indicates the approximate similarity of age of the persons named, the greatest possible difference being ten years.
(3) The presence of two or more good-names on the same vase suggests that the individuals named are roughly the same age, with a maximum difference of ten years.
(4) All vases with the same καλός-name, whether by one artist or more, can always be linked together by their style; the same name does not appear on a man’s earliest and latest vases.
(4) All vases with the same Good-name, whether by one artist or multiple artists, can always be connected through their style; the same name doesn’t show up on a man’s earliest and latest vases.
He further impresses the caution that the identity and position of the παῖδες καλοί (i.e. whether or no they belonged to the aristocratic class) is a secondary question compared with that of the development of painting which they help to elucidate.
He also emphasizes that the identity and status of the beautiful children (i.e. whether or not they were part of the aristocracy) is a less important question compared to the development of painting that they help to clarify.
The question of fabric is one that hardly needs discussion, the evidence pointing so unanimously to Athens in all cases. The apparent exceptions suggested by classes of vases found almost exclusively on one site, like the “Nolan” amphorae or the Gela lekythi, can easily be shown to be no real exceptions. We have already met more than once with instances of particular fabrics being favoured by particular places; and just as Ionian vases were imported to Caere or Vulci, and a special class of Attic B.F. vases made for Cyprus, so we may suppose that certain Athenian makers had a monopoly of export to Nola, to Gela, or elsewhere. Otherwise similarity of style, of technique, of subject, of the alphabet of inscriptions, and all other details point to a purely homogeneous fabric, and that this was located in Athens itself is not a matter to be seriously disputed. To this complete monopoly which Athens enjoyed in the fifth century only one exception can be traced, that of Boeotia, where local fabrics continued to be made at Thebes and Tanagra. Of these one class has already been discussed (p. 391); the other will be treated of subsequently (p. 451).
The issue of fabric is hardly up for debate, as all evidence clearly points to Athens in every case. The apparent exceptions, like the “Nolan” amphorae or the Gela lekythi found mostly at one site, can easily be shown to not be real exceptions. We’ve seen multiple instances where certain fabrics are favored by specific places; just as Ionian vases were brought to Caere or Vulci, and a specific type of Attic B.F. vases was made for Cyprus, we can assume that certain Athenian makers monopolized exports to Nola, Gela, or elsewhere. Otherwise, the similarities in style, technique, subject matter, and the alphabet used for inscriptions, along with all other details, indicate a completely uniform fabric, and it’s hard to argue against the fact that this was based in Athens itself. In the fifth century, Athens enjoyed an almost complete monopoly, with only one exception in Boeotia, where local fabrics continued to be produced in Thebes and Tanagra. One class of these has already been discussed (p. 391); the other will be addressed later (p. 451).
We must next consider briefly the technical characteristics and the forms of the Attic R.F. vases. As regards the former, the method pursued during the period under consideration may be summarised as follows. The artist sketches his design on the red clay with a fine-pointed tool; he then surrounds this outline with black varnish, laid on with a pen or brush,[1281] to the extent of about an eighth of an inch all round, this being done to prevent the varnish, when laid on over the rest of the ground, from running over into any part of the design. Finally, details such as features or folds of drapery are added with a brush in black lines on the red, this process representing the incised lines of the old style; and further details are often expressed either in a thinned black pigment which becomes brown and is sometimes only perceptible in a strong light, or by application of white and purple as in the last period. In the severe style purple is generally used; but at a later stage this colour was dropped, and finally replaced by white. The accessory colours were chiefly used for fillets in the hair, liquids, flowers, and other small details, as well as for inscriptions. Thus we see that the technical process of the preceding method is exactly reversed and that the figures now stand out in the natural colour of the clay against the black ground.
We should now briefly look at the technical features and styles of the Attic R.F. vases. When it comes to the technical aspects during this period, the process can be summarized as follows. The artist first sketches the design on the red clay using a fine-pointed tool. He then outlines this sketch with black varnish, applying it with a pen or brush to about an eighth of an inch around the design to stop the varnish from spilling over into the design when applied to the rest of the surface. Next, details like facial features or folds in drapery are added with a brush in black lines on the red, imitating the incised lines from the older style. Additional details are often shown in a thinned black pigment that turns brown and is sometimes only visible in bright light, or with white and purple paint, similar to the previous period. In the severe style, purple is generally used, but later on, this color was dropped and eventually replaced by white. The additional colors were mainly used for hair accessories, liquids, flowers, and other small details, as well as for inscriptions. This shows that the technical process of the earlier method is completely reversed, resulting in figures that now stand out in the natural color of the clay against the black background.
The advantages of the new method were obvious. As long as the vase-painters continued content with stiff and hieratic forms and mere silhouettes the black figures were sufficient. The careful mapping-out of the hair and muscles, the decorations, and all the details of shadow in painting and of unequal surface in sculpture could be easily expressed by the new method. But it is evident that these stiff lines were quite inadequate to express those softer contours, which melted, as it were, into one another, and marked the more refined grace and freedom of the rapidly advancing schools of sculpture and painting. By the change of colour of the figures to the lucid red or orange of the background, the artist was enabled to draw lines of a tone or tint scarcely darker than the clay itself, but still sufficient to express all the finer anatomical details; while the more important outlines still continued to be marked with fine black lines. At first the style is essentially the same, the forms precise, the eyes in profile, the attitudes rigid, and the draperies rectilinear. The backgrounds may have been painted in by an ordinary workman, and some specimens exist in which it has never been laid on (cf. p. 222). The artists seem to have worked from slight sketches, and according to their individual feelings and ideas, and as duplicate designs are quite unknown, there was clearly no system of copying.
The benefits of the new method were clear. As long as the vase painters were happy with stiff and formal shapes and just silhouettes, the black figures were enough. The careful detailing of hair and muscles, the decorations, and all the shadow work in painting and the uneven surfaces in sculpture could be easily shown using the new method. However, it's clear that these rigid lines were not enough to convey the softer curves that blended together, highlighting the more refined elegance and freedom of the fast-evolving schools of sculpture and painting. By changing the figures' color to the bright red or orange of the background, the artist could draw lines in a tone or shade barely darker than the clay itself, yet still sufficient to convey all the finer anatomical details; while the more important outlines were still drawn with fine black lines. Initially, the style is essentially the same, with precise forms, eyes in profile, rigid postures, and straight drapery. The backgrounds might have been painted in by a regular worker, and there are some examples where it hasn't been applied at all (cf. p. 222). The artists seemed to have worked from simple sketches, based on their personal feelings and ideas, and since duplicate designs are completely unknown, there was clearly no system of copying.
The correspondence of style in the figures on the earlier R.F. vases to those of B.F. technique shows that the two methods must have coexisted for a time, and this is further borne out by the mixed vases of Andokides, Hischylos, and others, and by the work of artists who employed either style, like Pamphaios. The latter, for instance, seems to have adhered to the old style by preference for hydriae and large vases, but preferred to follow the new fashion in the kylix.
The similarity in style between the figures on the earlier R.F. vases and those in the B.F. technique indicates that both methods must have existed at the same time. This is further supported by the mixed vases of Andokides, Hischylos, and others, as well as by the work of artists who used either style, like Pamphaios. For example, Pamphaios seems to have favored the old style for hydriae and large vases, but chose to adopt the new trend in the kylix.
To quote a recent writer: “The new method opened up a path for the freer exercise of the imagination,” and we can see in the red-figure vases a gradual development of artistic conception and power of expression, together with the shaking off of all restrictions until the perfection of drawing is reached, and “the red figures stand out against the black, unencumbered with anything that might distract from harmony of colouring or purity of outline.”[1282] It is the essential characteristic of the new style that it is drawing rather than painting, and it stands out as the final attainment of what the vase-painters had really been striving after from the days of the Melian and early Ionic wares—namely, the perfection of linear design. The same principle is at work in the vases with white ground which passed through parallel phases of development.
To quote a recent writer: “The new method opened up a path for a freer use of the imagination,” and we can see in the red-figure vases a gradual development of artistic ideas and expression, along with the removal of all restrictions until the perfection of drawing is achieved, and “the red figures stand out against the black, free from anything that might distract from the harmony of color or purity of outline.” It is the main feature of the new style that it emphasizes drawing over painting, and it represents the ultimate achievement of what the vase painters had been striving for since the days of the Melian and early Ionic wares—specifically, the perfection of linear design. The same principle is evident in the vases with a white background, which followed similar developmental stages.
Among minor details of drawing in which an advance is conspicuous is the treatment of hair, eyes, and drapery. In the B.F. style the hair was indicated as a black mass, standing out against the light background; but now that the background had become black, a separation was necessary. At first this was done by adhering to the old engraved line method, for which came to be substituted a narrow unpainted line. Next, an advance was made in the treatment of the hair itself, with a view to more accuracy in detail, and the contours are undulated or separate locks shown on the forehead. Sometimes a kind of stippling process is adopted, by means of which the hair is indicated by rows or clusters of raised dots, representing close curls, such as are seen in Attic sculpture of the late archaic period.
Among the minor details in drawing where progress is noticeable is the depiction of hair, eyes, and drapery. In the B.F. style, hair was represented as a solid black mass, contrasting against the light background; however, as the background became black, a distinction was needed. Initially, this was achieved through the traditional engraved line method, which was later replaced by a narrow unpainted line. Subsequently, there was progress in how hair was treated, aiming for greater detail accuracy, resulting in undulating contours or separate locks visible on the forehead. Sometimes, a stippling technique is used, where hair is depicted using rows or clusters of raised dots, representing tight curls, similar to those found in Attic sculpture of the late archaic period.
The general contours of the forms are slender; the foreheads are low, the noses prominent, the eyes long, the chins sharp, the legs short and thick, and the folds of the garments stiff and rectilinear. Women are not distinguished in this style either by their colour or by the shape of their eyes, in which respects they are drawn just like the men, but exclusively by their costume and form. The white hair of old men is indicated by white markings on the black ground, and curly hair, as noted, by little raised knobs of black paint (βόστρυχοι). The figures are generally small, but some of grandiose proportions occur even in the earlier stages, though more characteristic of the succeeding “strong” style. The principal outlines are usually finished with wonderful spirit and truth, but sometimes, as in the extremities, great carelessness is visible. The general effect is much enhanced by the fineness of the clay, which in the earlier R.F. vases is of a bright orange-red, as also by the brilliancy of the black varnish.
The general shapes of the figures are slim; they have low foreheads, prominent noses, long eyes, sharp chins, and short, thick legs, with stiff and angular folds in their garments. Women are portrayed in this style not by their skin tone or eye shape, which are similar to the men, but rather by their clothing and body shape. The white hair of older men is shown with white markings on a black background, and curly hair is represented by small raised bumps of black paint. The figures tend to be small, but some larger ones appear even in the earlier phases, becoming more typical in the later “strong” style. The main outlines are usually rendered with incredible energy and accuracy, but there can be noticeable carelessness, especially in the limbs. The overall appearance is greatly enhanced by the quality of the clay, which in the earlier R.F. vases is a bright orange-red, along with the shine of the black glaze.

From B.M. Cat. iii.
FIG. 99. DIAGRAM SHOWING DEVELOPMENT IN RENDERING OF EYE.
From B.M. Cat. 3.
FIG. 99. DIAGRAM SHOWING DEVELOPMENT IN RENDERING OF EYE.
The development of the form of the eye is most important, as an aid to chronology (see Fig. 99). In the B.F. period it was invariably treated in two ways,—that of a man as a complete circle, in front view, between the lids, of which the upper is more arched than the lower; that of a woman is almond-shaped. In the R.F. vases the eye in front view is still maintained with figures in profile, but the sexes are not distinguished; the pupil is painted black, and the lids drawn at first like the B.F. male eye, then almond-shaped. The next stage is to shift the pupil (which now becomes a ring with central dot) into the inner corner. Lastly, this corner is opened out till it assumes the correct profile appearance, and then, about the middle of the fifth century, the pupil also attains the correct form. About midway in this development, as we have already seen, the power is acquired of moving the position of the pupil to express looking upwards, downwards, or sideways; the importance of this point as bearing on the new developments of Kimon of Kleonae we have already discussed. The eyelashes are not rendered until the correct profile is attained, except in a few instances, such as the Berlin cup of Euphronios (2282), where the lids are fringed with short, vertical strokes.[1283]
The way the eye's shape evolves is really important for establishing a timeline (see Fig. 99). In the B.F. period, it was typically depicted in two ways: a man's eye is shown as a complete circle in front view, with the upper lid more arched than the lower; a woman's eye is almond-shaped. In the R.F. vases, the front view of the eye is still shown with figures in profile, but there’s no distinction between the sexes; the pupil is painted black, and the eyelids are initially drawn like the B.F. male eye, then they shift to an almond shape. The next step is to move the pupil, which becomes a ring with a dot in the center, to the inner corner. Eventually, this corner is adjusted until it has a correct profile appearance, and by the mid-fifth century, the pupil also achieves the right shape. As we've seen, partway through this development, there’s a newfound ability to position the pupil to indicate looking up, down, or sideways; we've already talked about how crucial this point is in relation to the new developments by Kimon of Kleonae. The eyelashes are only shown once the correct profile is achieved, except in a few cases, like the Berlin cup of Euphronios (2282), where the lids are outlined with short, vertical strokes.[1283]
In regard to the treatment of drapery, the earlier vases, such as those of the Epiktetos cycle, retain the B.F. method of rendering folds only in the skirts of the chiton, these taking the form of parallel lines. Gradually the folds follow the motion of the body; and finally, under Euphronios, comes a marked advance, whereby contrasts of material are indicated.[1284] He uses fine brown crinkly lines to represent the soft transparent Athenian fabric which we also see worn by the archaic female figures of the Acropolis.
In terms of drapery treatment, the earlier vases, like those from the Epiktetos cycle, stick to the B.F. technique for depicting folds, showing them only in the skirts of the chiton as parallel lines. Over time, the folds start to reflect the body's movement; and finally, during Euphronios's era, there's a significant improvement, where different materials are depicted more distinctly.[1284] He uses fine brown wavy lines to show the soft, transparent Athenian fabric, which we also see draped on the archaic female figures from the Acropolis.
The shapes of the R.F. period are to a great extent the same as in the last, but most of them are modified to some degree, and some new ones are introduced. Moreover, the relative popularity of certain shapes varies, the amphora and hydria of the B.F. period being now surpassed in favour by the kylix, the krater and lekythos receiving more attention, and certain new forms, such as the askos and stamnos, appearing at different stages.
The shapes of the R.F. period are largely similar to those of the last period, but most have been changed to some extent, and some new ones have been introduced. Additionally, the relative popularity of certain shapes has shifted; the amphora and hydria from the B.F. period are now less favored compared to the kylix, while the krater and lekythos are getting more attention, and some new forms like the askos and stamnos are showing up at various stages.
For the first half of the period, from 520 to 460 B.C., the kylix is pre-eminent, not only in point of numbers, but for the attention devoted to its decoration. It is, as we have seen, doubtful whether it was actually in the kylikes that the new style came into being, but in any case they form the material for the study of its earlier phases. The form is that of the later B.F. varieties (see p. 191), as used by Exekias and the painters who used the large eyes in its decoration, tracing its origin probably to an Ionic source.[1285] At first the decoration is often confined to the interior, or the exterior designs are little more than conventional, consisting of the eyes and a simple motive or figure between.[1286] In the strong period there is usually a connection between the interior and exterior designs, the whole often forming successive episodes of a story[1287]; but subsequently the old principle asserts itself, and the interior subject becomes the important one. Slight variations of form occur,[1288] as in the cups of Brygos, with their off-set lip, or the delicate products of Sotades, the handles of which are shaped like a chicken’s merrythought. In the latest specimens the stem is often replaced by a flat broad foot, or the bowl becomes flat and ugly, losing all the beauty of the earlier graceful curves.
For the first half of the period, from 520 to 460 BCE, the kylix stands out, not only in terms of quantity but also for the attention given to its decoration. As we've observed, it's uncertain whether the new style actually originated in the kylikes, but they definitely provide material for studying its earlier stages. The shape is that of the later B.F. varieties (see p. 191), as used by Exekias and the painters who incorporated large eyes into their designs, likely tracing its roots back to an Ionic source.[1285] Initially, the decoration often focuses on the interior, or the exterior designs are mostly conventional, featuring eyes and a simple motive or figure in between.[1286] In the strong period, there’s usually a connection between the interior and exterior designs, often presenting successive episodes of a story[1287]; but later, the old principle reasserts itself, making the interior subject the primary focus. Slight variations in form occur,[1288] such as in the cups by Brygos, with their offset lip, or the delicate pieces by Sotades, whose handles resemble a chicken’s merrythought. In the latest examples, the stem is often replaced by a broad flat foot, or the bowl becomes flat and unattractive, losing the beauty of the earlier graceful curves.
Among other drinking-cups the kotyle, kantharos, and rhyton are most often found. The former was favoured by Epiktetos and Hieron, and a kantharos is signed by Epigenes, others by Nikosthenes and Duris. The kantharos, though a very beautiful form, is never common in the painted vases, being perhaps oftener made in metal. Among the kotylae we may mention here a series painted with an owl and olive-wreath,[1289] which obviously have some reference to the cult of Athena. They have been identified, but on slight authority, with the Παναθηναϊκά mentioned by Athenaeus[1290]; but their real meaning has not yet found a satisfactory explanation. The rhyton strictly belongs to the series of plastic vases (see pp. 201, 211), the lower portion being always modelled in the form of a head, human or animal, or two conjoined. Some of these are signed by artists, such as Charinos and Kaliades.[1291]
Among other drinking cups, the kotyle, kantharos, and rhyton are the most commonly found. The kotyle was favored by Epiktetos and Hieron, and a kantharos is signed by Epigenes, with others signed by Nikosthenes and Duris. Although the kantharos is a very beautiful shape, it’s rarely seen in painted vases, possibly because it’s often made in metal. Among the kotylae, we can mention a series painted with an owl and an olive wreath,[1289] which clearly relates to the cult of Athena. They have been linked, though with little evidence, to the Panaθinaϊkos mentioned by Athenaeus[1290]; however, their true significance has not yet been satisfactorily explained. The rhyton strictly belongs to the category of plastic vases (see pp. 201, 211), with the lower part always shaped like a head, either human or animal, or a combination of both. Some of these bear the signatures of artists, like Charinos and Kaliades.[1291]
Of the amphora three main varieties are found. The earlier type, which reproduces the “black-bodied” or panel-amphora of the B.F. period, did not long remain in favour, and was mainly used by Andokides and Euthymides and their associates. The panel system of decoration is still retained, the framework being formed of ornamental patterns as in the old style. Secondly, there is the “Nolan” amphora, which came in about 500–480 B.C., and was obviously an improvement on the old “red-bodied” B.F. type. It is a very graceful, slender form, with long neck, distinguished by the surpassing excellence of its black varnish, and the impression of taste and restraint given by its simple decoration of one or two figures each side (see Plate XXXVI.). The third variety is the so-called pelike (see p. 163), a not very successful variation of the amphora, but for some reason very popular in the later stages. With its flat foot and bulbous body it stands in the same relation to the amphora as does the so-called aryballos (see below) to the lekythos.
Of the amphora, three main types are found. The earlier type, which resembles the “black-bodied” or panel-amphora from the B.F. period, didn’t stay popular for long and was mainly used by Andokides, Euthymides, and their peers. The panel system of decoration is still present, framed by ornamental patterns like in the traditional style. Secondly, there’s the “Nolan” amphora, which emerged around 500–480 B.C., and was clearly an improvement on the older “red-bodied” B.F. type. It has a very elegant, slender shape, with a long neck, noted for the exceptional quality of its black varnish and the sense of taste and restraint conveyed by its simple decoration featuring one or two figures on each side (see Plate XXXVI.). The third type is the so-called pelike (see p. 163), a not very successful variation of the amphora, but somehow very popular in later periods. With its flat foot and bulbous body, it relates to the amphora as the so-called aryballos (see below) relates to the lekythos.
Two forms that may be connected with the amphora are the stamnos and the psykter (see pp. 163, 172). The former is peculiar to the R.F. period in its earlier stages; the first known example is signed by Pamphaios, a “transitional” artist. Most of the known specimens attain a high average of excellence. The psykter or wine-cooler is very rare, but there are two fine examples signed by Euphronios and Duris.
Two types that might be related to the amphora are the stamnos and the psykter (see pp. 163, 172). The stamnos is unique to the R.F. period in its earlier stages; the first known example is signed by Pamphaios, a “transitional” artist. Most of the known specimens are of high quality. The psykter, or wine cooler, is quite rare, but there are two excellent examples signed by Euphronios and Duris.
The hydria in this period at first retains the B.F. form, as seen in an example of about 500 B.C. signed by Phintias (B.M. E 159), but the tendency to prefer a curvilinear outline is soon manifested. The new development is conventionally known as a kalpis. The shoulder having ceased to be distinct from the body, the design becomes single, or else is confined to the upper part of the field.
The hydria from this period initially keeps the B.F. shape, as shown in an example from around 500 BCE signed by Phintias (B.M. E 159), but the trend towards a more curvy outline quickly appears. This new style is typically referred to as a kalpis. With the shoulder no longer set apart from the body, the design becomes unified or is limited to the upper part of the surface.
Of the krater we have at least four varieties, all belonging to the more developed stages of the period. The earliest example is the Antaios-krater of Euphronios in the Louvre, about 500 B.C., which is of the form known as vaso a calice (p. 170); but this and the other varieties never become really common till the final stages are reached. The bell-krater, or vaso a campana, is only found in the late fine period, and is then almost the only kind of large vase made; the volute-handled krater, which was developed from the old column-handled type, is seen in some fine specimens. At first the design (as in the B.F. example by Nikosthenes, B.M. B 364) is confined to the neck. The treatment of the column-handled type is interesting as a survival of archaism both in design and arrangement, with the bordered panels and occasional B.F. friezes of animals.[1292]
Of the krater, we have at least four types, all from the more advanced stages of the period. The earliest example is the Antaios-krater by Euphronios in the Louvre, around 500 BCE, which is in the form known as vaso a calice (p. 170); however, this type and the others don't really become common until the later stages. The bell-krater, or vaso a campana, only appears in the late fine period and then becomes almost the only kind of large vase produced; the volute-handled krater, which evolved from the older column-handled type, can be seen in some fine examples. At first, the design (as shown in the B.F. example by Nikosthenes, B.M. B 364) is limited to the neck. The treatment of the column-handled type is notable as a remnant of earlier styles both in design and layout, featuring bordered panels and occasional B.F. animal friezes.[1292]
Among the smaller vases, the oinochoë and lekythos with their varieties, the askos and the pyxis, are the most important. With the exception of the ordinary form of lekythos these belong chiefly to the later stages, when the preference was for a sort of miniature style. Very few of these bear artists' signatures. The oinochoë differs little from the B.F. examples; the pyxis is practically a revival of an old form favoured in the Corinthian and other early fabrics. The latter are usually decorated with domestic or marriage subjects, in reference to their use by women for toilet purposes (see Plates XLII., XLIII.).
Among the smaller vases, the oinochoë and lekythos and their various forms, along with the askos and the pyxis, are the most significant. Except for the standard lekythos, these mainly belong to later periods when there was a trend toward a more miniature style. Very few of these pieces are signed by artists. The oinochoë is very similar to the B.F. examples; the pyxis is essentially a revival of an older style that was popular in Corinthian and other early pottery. These are typically decorated with themes related to domestic life or marriage, reflecting their use by women for grooming (see Plates XLII., XLIII.).
The lekythos was, as we shall see, the form exclusively employed for the funeral vases, and largely also for others with polychrome decoration on white ground. Those painted with red figures belong mainly to the strong period (500–460), and have been mostly found in Sicily, whither they were imported by preference, like the amphorae made for Nola; a fine specimen is given on Plate XXXVI. When this form came to be adopted for the funeral vases, a new type arose with bulbous or spherical body, conventionally known as an aryballos. In the late fine style we have many examples of this form, with rich polychrome decoration and gilding (Plate XLII.).[1293]
The lekythos was, as we will see, the style exclusively used for funeral vases and for many others with colorful designs on a white background. The red-figure pieces mostly belong to the strong period (500–460) and have primarily been found in Sicily, where they were particularly imported, similar to the amphorae made for Nola; a fine example is shown in Plate XXXVI. When this style began to be used for funeral vases, a new type emerged featuring a bulbous or spherical body, conventionally called an aryballos. In the late fine style, we have many examples of this form, showcasing rich polychrome decoration and gilding (Plate XLII.).[1293]

Red-figured “Nolan” Amphorae and Lekythos (British Museum).
Red-figured “Nolan” amphorae and lekythos (British Museum).
The ornamental patterns on R.F. vases do not, generally speaking, call for so much attention as those of earlier style; they are on the whole used with great restraint and little variety, and are more subordinate to the designs than at any other period of vase-painting. The principal motives are the palmette, maeander, and egg-pattern; all others are comparatively rare. It is interesting to note, on the early amphorae and hydriae, and on the column-handled kraters down to quite a late date, the survival of the old panel system with its borders of ornament. Strictly speaking, now that the background was black throughout, there was no necessity for enclosing the space on which the figures were depicted; but the conservative instincts prevailed, especially while the old shapes were retained.[1294] Gradually, however, as these vases assumed new forms, the borders were almost unconsciously dropped—first the sides, then the top, and lastly the lower border, which maintained its ground longer than the others. The same tendency, from a formal framework to absolute freedom, is in fact to be observed in all the vases; and in the later stages we note a new development, that of an elaborate pattern of palmettes under the handles, which assumes more and more prominence.
The decorative patterns on R.F. vases don't, overall, draw as much attention as those from earlier styles; they are generally used with a lot of restraint and little variety, and are more secondary to the designs than at any other time in vase painting. The main motifs are the palmette, maeander, and egg pattern; all others are relatively uncommon. It's interesting to see that on the early amphorae and hydriae, as well as on the column-handled kraters up until a pretty late period, the old panel system with its borders of decoration has survived. Technically, now that the background was black throughout, there was no need to enclose the area where the figures were shown; but traditional instincts won out, especially while the old shapes were kept.[1294] However, as these vases gradually took on new forms, the borders were almost unconsciously eliminated—first the sides, then the top, and finally the lower border, which held out longer than the others. This same trend, moving from a formal framework to total freedom, is noticeable in all the vases; and in the later stages, we see a new development, with an intricate pattern of palmettes beneath the handles that becomes increasingly prominent.
The evolution of the palmette on R.F. vases has been skilfully traced by Dr. Winter[1295] in reference to the kylikes; but it is no less interesting in the amphorae and similar forms. In both cases it arose from the tendency to make the handles terminate in stylised palmettes, which on the B.F. kylikes of the minor artists are often a prominent element in the decoration. Similarly, on the B.F. red-bodied amphorae we have the symmetrical compositions of palmettes under the handles radiating from a common centre. These were at first reduced to a modest single palmette or a pair, but soon spread out again, preserving at first the symmetrical grouping; subsequently, with an increasing tendency to naturalism, the palmettes, enclosed within graceful tendrils, form unsymmetrical but highly pleasing compositions without any definite centre.[1296] This development of ornament under the handles—to which part of the vase it was almost restricted—can be traced during the first half of the fifth century, till it reaches its height about the middle. Where a band of ornament was required round the base of the design, as on the large calyx-kraters, it takes the form of a row of palmettes enclosed in tendrils, in the style of modern arabesques; or the palmettes are arranged in pairs, set obliquely, and each pair divided by a scroll ending in volutes. Or, again, a row of somewhat squat palmettes, similarly enclosed, alternates with lotos-flowers in the old style, as on B.M. E 169.[1297]
The development of the palmette on R.F. vases has been skillfully documented by Dr. Winter[1295] concerning the kylikes; but it’s just as fascinating in the amphorae and similar shapes. In both cases, it originated from the effort to have the handles end in stylized palmettes, which often stand out in the decoration of the B.F. kylikes created by lesser-known artists. Likewise, on B.F. red-bodied amphorae, we see symmetrical arrangements of palmettes under the handles radiating from a shared center. Initially, these were simplified to a single palmette or a pair, but they quickly expanded again, initially maintaining the symmetrical grouping; then, with a growing inclination toward naturalism, the palmettes, surrounded by elegant tendrils, form asymmetrical yet very attractive arrangements without a definite center.[1296] This ornamental evolution under the handles—where it was mostly confined—can be traced through the first half of the fifth century, peaking around the midpoint. When decorative bands were needed around the base of the design, as seen on large calyx-kraters, they took the form of a row of palmettes covered in tendrils, reminiscent of modern arabesques; or the palmettes could be arranged in pairs, set at an angle, with each pair separated by a scroll ending in volutes. Alternatively, a row of somewhat squat palmettes, similarly enclosed, alternates with lotos-flowers in the older style, as seen on B.M. E 169.[1297]

FIG. 100. PALMETTES UNDER HANDLES (EARLY R.F. PERIOD).
FIG. 100. PALMETTES UNDER HANDLES (EARLY R.F. PERIOD).
In the kylikes the development of the handle-ornament first begins with Epiktetos, who (as on E 3 in B.M.) first draws a free palmette with separated leaves on either side.[1298] As the tendency to cover the whole of the exterior space with the design increased, the intervening space under the handle came to be filled in also, by extending the tendrils of the palmettes and terminating them with buds (Fig. 100).[1299] Next, a tendency to symmetrical composition each side is seen, the palmettes being doubled in number[1300]; or, again, an attempt is made at uniting the two isolated palmette-systems in one harmonious whole, and at the same time to fill the intervening space, by means of interlacing tendrils.[1301] The palmettes are further increased to three or four each side, and in the arrangement is seen the tendency to freedom even at the cost of symmetry already noted, as in Fig. 101.[1302] Thus is reached the point at which the severe passes into the strong style. In the latter the palmettes are often omitted altogether,[1303] especially where the two exterior scenes are connected; or their place is taken by some figure under the handle, as on vases by Hieron or Brygos. Where the patterns do occur, they are often stereotyped, as in the vases of Duris, who on nine examples with handle-patterns repeats the same device in each case. In the fine style, after 460 B.C., the symmetrical arrangement recurs, the usual type consisting of a double palmette between two large ones, with connecting and enclosing tendrils.
In the kylikes, the evolution of handle decorations starts with Epiktetos, who (as seen on E 3 in B.M.) first draws a free palmette with separated leaves on each side.[1298] As the trend to cover the entire exterior space with the design grew, the area beneath the handle also got filled in by extending the tendrils of the palmettes and finishing them with buds (Fig. 100).[1299] Next, there's a trend towards having a symmetrical composition on each side, with the number of palmettes doubled[1300]; or, an effort is made to combine the two separate palmette designs into one cohesive unit while filling the intervening space with interlacing tendrils.[1301] The palmettes are further increased to three or four on each side, and we see a tendency towards freedom in the arrangement, even at the expense of symmetry, as shown in Fig. 101.[1302] This leads to a point where the severe style transitions into a stronger style. In this later style, palmettes are sometimes completely omitted,[1303] especially where the two outer scenes are connected; or instead, a figure may appear under the handle, as on vases by Hieron or Brygos. When the patterns do appear, they often become repetitive, as seen in the vases of Duris, who repeats the same design in nine different examples with handle patterns. In the fine style, after 460 BCE, the symmetrical arrangement reappears, usually featuring a double palmette between two larger ones, with connecting and enclosing tendrils.

FIG. 101. PALMETTES UNDER HANDLES (LATER STAGE).
FIG. 101. PALMETTES UNDER HANDLES (LATER STAGE).
Another method of tracing the chronological sequence of the R.F. cups is by means of the maeander patterns which surround the interior design and extend below the outside scenes (Fig. 102).[1304] A parallel development of this pattern may also be traced on the amphorae and other vases, where it is used as a border below the figures. In the severe style, as in the cups of Epiktetos, this pattern has not yet made its appearance, and its place is taken by a simple line of red; and in the vases of Euphronios, on which it is first found, a simple maeander is employed. The first to vary this was Duris, who alternates it with squares, the centre of which is “voided” in the form of a red cross, and this practice subsequently became invariable. The square itself shows a development of form, the cross being first filled in with a black centre, then made diagonal; next, the black background is largely diminished, until it disappears, except for dots between the arms of the black cross; finally, it changes into the form of a chequered square, black and red, of which the red squares are sometimes dotted.
Another way to trace the chronological sequence of the R.F. cups is through the maeander patterns that surround the interior design and extend below the outside scenes (Fig. 102).[1304] This pattern can also be seen on amphorae and other vases, where it serves as a border below the figures. In the severe style, like in the cups of Epiktetos, this pattern hasn't appeared yet, and it is replaced by a simple red line; in the vases of Euphronios, where it first shows up, a simple maeander is used. The first to modify this was Duris, who alternated it with squares, with the center being left "void" in the shape of a red cross, and this practice eventually became standard. The square itself shows a development in form, where the cross was initially filled with a black center, then made diagonal; next, the black background was reduced significantly until it disappeared, leaving only dots between the arms of the black cross; finally, it transformed into a chequered square, black and red, with the red squares sometimes dotted.
The subjects on red-figured vases may not perhaps be so varied or so full of mythological interest as those on the black-figured, but yet present many features worthy of attention. At the very outset we see the tendency towards scenes from real life in preference to those from mythology; and on the whole throughout the period the ratio of one class to the other is exactly the reverse of the preceding period. Nor are the stock subjects in either class the same. In regard to mythology the cosmogonic themes of B.F. vases, such as the Gigantomachia and the Birth of Athena, are replaced by such subjects as Eleusinian and Attic local cults, the sending forth of Triptolemos or the birth of Erichthonios. In the heroic cycles Herakles is no longer the popular favourite, but is supplanted, for reasons presently to be detailed, by Theseus. The Argonautika frequently provides subjects for vases of the more developed style, in which the influence of Polygnotos is felt; and the Odyssey begins to rival the Iliad as a source of epic themes. The influence of the stage is as yet hardly felt, though here and there scenes may be traced to the influence of some Satyric drama.
The subjects on red-figured vases might not be as diverse or mythologically intriguing as those on black-figured vases, but they still offer many noteworthy features. Right from the beginning, we notice a shift towards scenes from everyday life rather than mythology; overall, during this period, the balance between the two classes is exactly the opposite of the previous one. The common themes in each class are also different. In terms of mythology, the cosmogonic themes found on black-figured vases, like the Gigantomachia and the Birth of Athena, are replaced by subjects related to local cults from Eleusis and Attica, the sending out of Triptolemos, or the birth of Erichthonios. In the heroic tales, Herakles is no longer the favorite, as he is replaced, for reasons that will be explained later, by Theseus. The Argonautika often serves as inspiration for vases of the more advanced style, reflecting the influence of Polygnotos; and the Odyssey starts to compete with the Iliad as a source of epic themes. The influence of theater is not yet very strong, though occasionally, some scenes may show the impact of certain Satyric dramas.

From B.M. Cat. iii.
FIG. 102. DEVELOPMENT OF MAEANDER-AND-CROSS PATTERN.
From B.M. Cat. vol. iii.
FIG. 102. DEVELOPMENT OF MAEANDER-AND-CROSS PATTERN.
Turning to the subjects of daily life again, it may be observed that on the B.F. vases the preference is for battle-scenes, warriors setting out for battle, or scenes of the chase; even athletic subjects are in a great minority, except on the Panathenaic amphorae. In the R.F. period the preference is for athletic scenes, banquets, and the life of women and children; we also find frequent illustrations of religious cults, and scenes of sacrifice and libations. The R.F. vases of the severe stage in the main follow on the lines of the later B.F. period, except in the interiors of the kylikes of the Epictetan cycle. In these we find very few instances of mythological subjects, unless it be single figures of Satyrs. The main object of the painter was to fill in the circular space as best he might, and this space only admitted of a single figure, the rule being observed that exterior and interior figures should be of similar proportions. Hence the easiest solution was obviously to choose a simple figure, such as that of a nude young man, and depict him in various simple attitudes, running, leaping, carrying a vase or musical instrument, or otherwise engaged in such a way as to fill the space with his limbs or the objects he carried (see p. 426).
Returning to the everyday subjects, it's noticeable that on B.F. vases, there’s a strong focus on battle scenes, warriors heading into combat, or hunting scenes; athletic themes are quite rare, except on the Panathenaic amphorae. In the R.F. period, athletic scenes, banquets, and the lives of women and children become more common; we also frequently see depictions of religious practices, sacrifices, and libations. The R.F. vases from the severe stage mainly follow the trends of the later B.F. period, except in the interiors of the kylikes from the Epictetan cycle. In these, there are very few mythological images, apart from singular figures of Satyrs. The main goal of the painter was to effectively fill the circular space, which typically allowed for a single figure, following the rule that exterior and interior figures should have similar proportions. Therefore, the simplest solution was to select a straightforward figure, like a nude young man, and portray him in various simple poses—running, leaping, carrying a vase or musical instrument, or otherwise positioned to fill the space with his limbs or the items he held (see p. 426).
In the “strong” style we observe a new principle at work, which may be described in a single phrase as “the glorification of the Attic ephebos or young athlete.” A new impetus had been given to athletics at Athens by the Peisistratidae, who encouraged a more extensive celebration of festivals, and thus we find a growing fondness for the introduction of scenes from the palaestra and stadium, often rendered with considerable spirit and unconventionality, as in a group of boxers quarrelling,[1305] or on another vase depicting the humorous side of the armed foot-race.[1306]
In the "strong" style, we see a new principle emerging, which can be summed up as "the glorification of the Attic ephebos or young athlete." The Peisistratidae revitalized athletics in Athens by promoting more elaborate celebrations of festivals. As a result, there was an increasing appreciation for scenes from the palaestra and stadium, often depicted with great energy and originality, like a group of boxers arguing,[1305] or another vase showcasing the comedic aspect of the armed footrace.[1306]
The introduction of scenes from the story of Theseus, which now begin to be frequent, especially on the kylikes, is no doubt due partly to this cause, though partly also to religious and patriotic reasons. Theseus seems to have been regarded as the typical Attic ephebos and athlete, and his contests as analogous to success in the palaestra. Hence the grouping of scenes from his labours after the manner of groups of athletes variously engaged. It was formerly thought that the popularity of the Theseus legends was due to the bringing back of his bones from Skyros by Kimon, and their solemn burial in the Theseion, which gave rise to a regular cult of the national hero. But this took place in 469 B.C., and recent investigations have shown that many of the Theseus vases must be placed at an earlier date. He was, however, supposed to have appeared at the battle of Marathon in aid of the Athenians, and this event may have been quite sufficient to bring his cult into prominence.
The introduction of scenes from the story of Theseus, which are now appearing more frequently, especially on the kylikes, is likely due in part to this reason, but also to religious and patriotic motivations. Theseus seems to have been seen as the typical Attic youth and athlete, and his contests were considered similar to achieving success in the wrestling school. This explains the way scenes from his adventures are grouped together, like the different activities of athletes. It was previously thought that the popularity of the Theseus legends stemmed from Kimon bringing back his bones from Skyros and their formal burial in the Theseion, which led to a dedicated cult for the national hero. However, this event occurred in 469 BCE, and recent research has indicated that many of the Theseus vases date back to an earlier period. Nevertheless, he was believed to have fought alongside the Athenians at the battle of Marathon, and this event may have been enough to elevate his cult's visibility.
Towards the middle of the fifth century several new types are introduced—such as the youth as distinguished from the ephebos, the girl as distinguished from the matured woman,[1307] and the infant playing with toys. Juvenile games, such as the top, hoop, and knucklebones, now become generally popular. The evolution of the types of Eros and Nike virtually dates from this time[1308]; hitherto Eros (as, for instance, on the kylikes) has seldom appeared, and Nike is also hardly found before the “strong” style. Meaningless groups of figures, conversing or without particular action, are common on the exterior of cups by Hieron and his contemporaries; and similar groups, though, in accordance with the spirit of the times, more freely and pictorially composed, become the recognised method of decorating the small elegant vases of the late fine style. In some of these an ancient practice is revived of attempting to give interest to the scenes by adding mythological names to the figures. But these are chosen quite at haphazard, sometimes as vague personifications (see Chapter XII., under Aphrodite), sometimes in such anomalous collocations as Thetis and Hippolyte, or Danae, Helen, and Iphigeneia.[1309]
In the middle of the fifth century, several new types are introduced—like the young man, as different from the ephebos, the girl, as different from the adult woman,[1307] and the infant playing with toys. Children's games, like tops, hoops, and knucklebones, become widely popular. The development of figures representing Eros and Nike really starts around this time[1308]; until then, Eros (as seen on the kylikes) rarely appears, and Nike is hardly found before the "strong" style. Pointless groups of figures, whether talking or without any specific action, are common on the outside of cups made by Hieron and his contemporaries; similar groups, though more freely and artistically arranged to fit the spirit of the times, become the standard way to decorate the small, elegant vases of the late fine style. In some of these, an old practice is revived, attempting to add interest to the scenes by giving mythological names to the figures. However, these names are chosen randomly, sometimes as vague representations (see Chapter XII., under Aphrodite), and at times in such unusual combinations as Thetis and Hippolyte, or Danae, Helen, and Iphigeneia.[1309]
In the treatment of mythological scenes it is curious to note how, almost from the first, the well-worn conventional types of the B.F. style are discarded, the painter, with his new-born capacities for drawing and free composition, instinctively forming his own idea of his subject, and departing from the lines on which his predecessors had worked. Some subjects are almost entirely ignored, such as the chariot procession (of Herakles or deities), the contests of Herakles with Triton and the Cretan bull, warriors playing draughts, and Odysseus and Polyphemos. The labours of Herakles are largely replaced by those of Theseus. In other cases the subjects are still popular, but the “type” is no longer preserved, as in the case of the Judgment of Paris or some of the labours of Herakles.
When it comes to mythological scenes, it's interesting to see how, almost from the beginning, the familiar conventional types of the B.F. style are set aside. The painter, with his fresh abilities in drawing and free composition, naturally forms his own interpretation of his subject, breaking away from the methods used by his predecessors. Some subjects are almost completely overlooked, like the chariot procession (of Herakles or deities), the battles of Herakles with Triton and the Cretan bull, warriors playing checkers, and Odysseus and Polyphemus. The labors of Herakles are largely replaced by those of Theseus. In other cases, the subjects remain popular, but the "type" is no longer maintained, as seen in the Judgment of Paris or some of Herakles' labors.
But it must not be supposed that the principle of recognised “types” is altogether absent from the R.F. vases. There are, in fact, certain motives which occur over and over again, only with this difference—that they are not always employed with the same signification. Thus the “pursuing” type, which is as common as any on R.F. vases, may be either mythological or ordinary. In the former case Eos pursues Kephalos, or Menelaos Helen; in the latter a Seilenos pursues a Maenad, or a warrior or hunter a woman. This type becomes almost conventional, and the figures can only be identified when inscribed. Theseus, Ajax, Orestes, Ion, Alkmaion, and Neoptolemos all pursue women in the same manner. Again, the B.F. type of Peleus seizing Thetis, sometimes found on R.F. vases,[1310] is used for that of a Seilenos seizing a Maenad, even the snakes into which Thetis transforms herself becoming the ordinary attribute of the Bacchanal.
But it shouldn't be assumed that the principle of recognized "types" is completely missing from the R.F. vases. In fact, there are certain themes that appear repeatedly, with the difference being that they're not always used in the same way. For example, the "pursuing" type, which is one of the most common on R.F. vases, can be either mythological or everyday. In the mythological context, Eos chases Kephalos or Menelaos pursues Helen; in the everyday scenario, a Seilenos chases a Maenad, or a warrior or hunter goes after a woman. This type becomes almost standard, and the figures can only be identified when inscribed. Theseus, Ajax, Orestes, Ion, Alkmaion, and Neoptolemos all pursue women in a similar way. Additionally, the B.F. type of Peleus seizing Thetis, which is sometimes found on R.F. vases,[1310] is used for a Seilenos grabbing a Maenad, with the snakes that Thetis transforms into becoming a typical attribute of the Bacchanal.
A different class of subjects, in which the subject remains the same but the type varies, is also found on R.F. vases. In such cases the various artists seem to have drawn their inspiration from the same model; it might be a famous sixth-century painting or sculptured group, but each has treated it according to his own individuality. A good instance is the subject of the sack of Troy, the principal episodes of which we find depicted by the masters Euphronios and Brygos (Plate LIV.), and on a hydria of somewhat later date.[1311]
A different category of subjects, where the theme stays the same but the style varies, can also be found on R.F. vases. In these cases, different artists seem to have taken inspiration from the same model; it could be a well-known sixth-century painting or sculpture, but each artist has interpreted it based on their own unique style. A good example is the scene of the sack of Troy, where the main events are depicted by the artists Euphronios and Brygos (Plate LIV.), as well as on a hydria from a slightly later period.[1311]
Another characteristic of R.F. vases is the individualising of barbarian types, a new feature in Greek art. It is possible that this is largely the effect of the Persian wars, which rendered the Greeks familiar with barbarian costumes.[1312] In any case the fashion of wearing Thracian cloaks and other outlandish garments seems to have been adopted by the young men of Athens at the beginning of the fifth century, and many of the cups of that period represent young horsemen apparelled in this fashion (see Chapter XV.). There was also in the fifth century a fondness for vases modelled in the form of heads of negroes or Persians. Such subjects as those relating to Orpheus, the rape of Oreithyia, Herakles and Busiris, or combats of Greeks with Amazons or Persians, also illustrate the popularity of these new ideas.
Another characteristic of R.F. vases is the way they portray different barbarian types, which was a new aspect of Greek art. This shift was likely influenced by the Persian wars, which made the Greeks more aware of barbarian clothing.[1312] Regardless, the trend of wearing Thracian cloaks and other exotic garments seems to have been taken up by young men in Athens around the early fifth century, and many of the cups from that time show young horsemen dressed this way (see Chapter XV.). There was also a trend in the fifth century for vases shaped like the heads of black individuals or Persians. Stories such as those about Orpheus, the abduction of Oreithyia, Herakles and Busiris, or battles between Greeks and Amazons or Persians, further highlight the popularity of these new themes.
In regard to style, the Attic red-figured vases fall into four principal groups, which are usually classified as follows (though each group is sometimes subdivided):—
In terms of style, the Attic red-figured vases are categorized into four main groups, which are typically classified like this (though each group can be further divided):—
(1) The archaic or severe period (about 520–500 B.C.), in which there is little advance in the drawing, which is stiff and lacks technical freedom. Apart from the new experiments in technique, it is marked by its wide and novel choice of subjects, with great attention paid to details. The principal artists whose signatures are found in this group are: (a) cup-painters—Epiktetos, Hischylos, Pheidippos, Pamphaios, Chelis, Chachrylion, Euergides, Epilykos, Hermaios, Sikanos; (b) other painters—Andokides, Euthymides, Phintias (amphora and hydria), Hypsis (hydria), Psiax and Hilinos.
(1) The archaic or severe period (about 520–500 BCE), during which there is little progress in drawing, resulting in a stiff and technically constrained style. Aside from new experiments in technique, this time is characterized by a wide and innovative selection of subjects, with a strong focus on details. The main artists known from this group include: (a) cup painters—Epiktetos, Hischylos, Pheidippos, Pamphaios, Chelis, Chachrylion, Euergides, Epilykos, Hermaios, Sikanos; (b) other painters—Andokides, Euthymides, Phintias (amphora and hydria), Hypsis (hydria), Psiax, and Hilinos.
(2) The strong style (about 500–460 B.C.), characterised by a great and sudden advance in drawing and power of expression, which leads the painter to attempt difficult subjects with success. The difficulties of front-view or three-quarter drawing, as opposed to the old profile-figures, are also largely overcome. In the amphorae and other forms the compositions are restrained and dignified, being often limited to one or two figures in large style. The principal artists are: (a) cup-painters—Euphronios, Oltos, Sosias, Phintias, Peithinos, Duris, Hieron, Brygos, Amasis, Onesimos; (b) other artists—Euxitheos, Smikros.
(2) The strong style (around 500–460 BCE) is marked by a significant and rapid improvement in drawing and expressive power, which encourages painters to tackle challenging subjects successfully. The challenges of front or three-quarter view drawing, as opposed to the older profile figures, are mostly addressed. In the amphorae and other forms, the compositions are measured and dignified, often focusing on one or two figures in a grand style. The main artists are: (a) cup painters—Euphronios, Oltos, Sosias, Phintias, Peithinos, Duris, Hieron, Brygos, Amasis, Onesimos; (b) other artists—Euxitheos, Smikros.
(3) The fine style (about 460–440 B.C.) exhibits the culmination of technique and composition, with great breadth and largeness of conception in the larger vases, delicacy and refinement in the smaller. Cup-painting has passed its zenith, and yields comparatively few artists’ names. In this period the influence of Polygnotos and the great painters begins to make itself felt, in a tendency to more pictorial composition; landscape is indicated, and figures are placed at different levels. The influence of sculpture may also be traced. The chief artists' names are: Aeson, Aristophanes and Erginos, Epigenes, Hegias, Hermonax, Megakles, Polygnotos, Sotades, and Xenotimos; Meidias and Nikias; Xenophantos.
(3) The fine style (about 460–440 B.C.) shows the peak of technique and composition, with a great sense of scale in the larger vases and delicacy in the smaller ones. Cup-painting has reached its high point and has produced relatively few notable artists. During this time, the influence of Polygnotos and the great painters starts to be felt, leading to a more pictorial style; landscapes are suggested, and figures are arranged at different heights. The impact of sculpture can also be noticed. The main artists include: Aeson, Aristophanes and Erginos, Epigenes, Hegias, Hermonax, Megakles, Polygnotos, Sotades, and Xenotimos; Meidias and Nikias; Xenophantos.
(4) The late fine style (about 440–400 B.C.) is marked by a great falling-off in every respect. The extraordinarily rapid advance, both in artistic conception and in power of execution, during the preceding fifty years, fostered by the concurrent advance in sculpture and painting, hastened the vase-painter to his ruin. With the attainment of perfection in drawing, dexterity and grace are his sole aim, and in place of vigour and originality we meet with over-refinement and mannerisms, and florid pictorial compositions executed in a careless manner.
(4) The late fine style (around 440–400 BCE) is characterized by a significant decline in every aspect. The incredibly rapid progress in artistic concepts and execution over the previous fifty years, fueled by simultaneous advancements in sculpture and painting, led the vase-painter to his downfall. After achieving perfection in drawing, his only focus became dexterity and grace, and instead of energy and originality, we encounter excessive refinement and stylistic quirks, along with elaborate pictorial compositions created in a slapdash manner.
We now propose to speak in detail of the principal artists of this period, a study of whose works will be sufficient to give a clear idea of the achievements of the new style, at all events down to the middle of the century.[1315] After that time the signatures become so rare that the later vases are best treated as a whole.
We now want to discuss in detail the main artists of this period, and studying their work will give a clear understanding of the accomplishments of the new style, at least until the middle of the century.[1315] After that time the signatures become so uncommon that the later vases are best considered as a group.
It is important to note, by way of preliminary, the various methods of signature which the artists adopt (see also Chapter XVII.).[1316] The ordinary signatures fall under four headings: (1) ἐποίησεν; (2) ἔγραψεν; (3) A. ἐποίησεν, B. ἔγραψεν (4) A. ἐποίησε καὶ ἔγραψεν. In the archaic period ἐποίησεν covers the work of the potter and painter, except in the case where the latter is specially mentioned. In the best period we usually find ἐποίησεν on the kylikes, ἔγραψεν on the amphorae. Euphronios and Phintias use either (1) or (2). The vase E 12 in the British Museum has only the inscription, Πάμφαιος ἐποίησεν; but, as will be seen later, there is good reason for supposing that the exterior was not painted by him. Different formulae, it has been suggested, may represent different periods in a man’s career, as in the case of Euphronios, who was at first a painter in Chachrylion’s workshop, then worked independently, and finally adopted Onesimos as a partner (see p. 434). The use of the imperfect ἐποίει in some cases is characteristic of the transitional period (see below, p. 430).
It’s important to mention, as a preliminary note, the different ways artists sign their work (see also Chapter XVII.).[1316] The standard signatures fall into four categories: (1) created; (2) wrote; (3) A. He made, B. wrote; (4) A. made and wrote. In the archaic period, He made. indicates the work of both the potter and painter, unless the painter is specifically named. In the classical period, we typically see Made on kylikes and wrote on amphorae. Euphronios and Phintias used either (1) or (2). The vase E 12 in the British Museum has only the inscription, Pampeios created; however, as will be shown later, it’s likely that he did not paint the exterior. It has been suggested that different signatures may reflect different stages in an artist’s career, as seen with Euphronios, who started as a painter in Chachrylion’s workshop, then worked independently, and finally partnered with Onesimos (see p. 434). The use of the imperfect He made in some cases is typical of the transitional period (see below, p. 430).
In the archaic or severe period the typical name is that of Epiktetos, who, as we have seen, is thought by some authorities to have been actually the inventor of the red-figure style. However this may be, he is the principal representative of the development of cup-painting during this period—a development which has been carefully traced by Klein.[1317] We have no B.F. kylikes signed by him, although there are four examples of “mixed” cups with B.F. interiors, three of which were made by Hischylos, the fourth by Nikosthenes, while Epiktetos was presumably responsible for the whole of the decoration. He invariably signs with the formula ἔγραψεν, from which we know that all his signed vases are actually the work of his brush. Besides those already mentioned, he painted two cups which bear Pamphaios’ name as potter, and two more with those of Hischylos and Python as potters—all R.F. throughout, one of the Pamphaios cups retaining the old fashion of decoration with eyes on the exterior. The vase made by Python[1318] is interesting from its subject—the slaying of Busiris by Herakles.[1319] It belongs to an advanced stage of his career, when the exterior designs were assuming more importance and developing from decorative compositions to regular friezes. Thirteen kylikes and ten plates with designs like those on the interiors of the cups (Plate XXXVII.), a kotyle with Pistoxenos’ name as potter, and two amphorae, make up the total of Epiktetos’ performances.
In the early or strict period, a typical name is Epiktetos, who, as we’ve seen, some experts believe was actually the inventor of the red-figure style. Regardless, he is the main representative of the progress in cup painting during this period—a development that has been carefully documented by Klein.[1317] We don’t have any B.F. kylikes signed by him, but there are four examples of “mixed” cups with B.F. interiors. Three of these were made by Hischylos, and the fourth by Nikosthenes, while Epiktetos likely handled all the decoration. He always signs with the formula He wrote., which tells us that all his signed vases are truly the work of his brush. In addition to those already mentioned, he painted two cups that bear Pamphaios’ name as potter, and two more with the names of Hischylos and Python as potters—all R.F. throughout, with one of the Pamphaios cups keeping the old style of decoration with eyes on the outside. The vase made by Python[1318] is interesting for its subject—the killing of Busiris by Herakles.[1319] It comes from an advanced stage of his career when the exterior designs were becoming more significant and evolving from decorative compositions to regular friezes. Thirteen kylikes and ten plates with designs similar to those on the interiors of the cups (Plate XXXVII.), a kotyle with Pistoxenos’ name as potter, and two amphorae, make up the total of Epiktetos’ works.

Interior of Kylix of Transitional Style; 2, Plate by Epiktetos (British Museum).
Interior of Kylix in Transitional Style; 2, Plate by Epiktetos (British Museum).
Murray thus describes the chief characteristics of Epiktetos' work[1320]: “No painter is so uniform and at the same time so peculiar in his manner as Epiktetos. His drawing is always characterised by precision and fastidiousness. He loves slim, youthful forms.... He prefers to draw his figures on a small scale, where his minute touches produce at times a startling vividness. He appears to have been influenced in a measure by the older miniature vase-painters [the ‘minor artists’] ... his manner is singularly precise and fastidious ... but his precision never fails him.... He uses skilfully faint yellow lines for the inner markings of muscle and bone.” Hartwig points out that he continues the development of a refined archaism from Amasis (p. 382). The period of his activity may be placed between 530 and 500 B.C.
Murray describes the main features of Epiktetos' work[1320]: “No painter is as consistent and yet as unique in style as Epiktetos. His drawings are always marked by precision and attention to detail. He loves slender, youthful shapes.... He tends to draw his figures on a small scale, where his delicate touches sometimes create a surprisingly vivid effect. He seems to have been somewhat influenced by the earlier miniature vase-painters [the ‘minor artists’] ... his style is remarkably precise and meticulous ... but his precision never lets him down.... He skillfully uses faint yellow lines to indicate the inner details of muscles and bones.” Hartwig notes that he carries on the development of a refined archaism from Amasis (p. 382). His active period is generally placed between 530 and 500 BCE
Most remarkable of all his signed works is the British Museum kylix (E 12), with its exquisite exterior designs, of which Murray says, “Surely in the whole realm of Greek vase-painting there is hardly to be met with a finer conception” than the figures of the two wind-gods or death-deities carrying off the body of the dead warrior. Nor are the figures of Amazons arming on the other side of inferior merit. So marked, indeed, is the superiority of these designs to Pamphaios' ordinary work, that most authorities are agreed in attributing them to another artist belonging to a more advanced school—namely, Euphronios. We have after all no certain proof that the painting of the cup is Pamphaios’ handiwork, and we can only say that, if it is, it betokens a most surprising outbreak of artistic power.
The most remarkable of all his signed works is the British Museum kylix (E 12), with its stunning exterior designs, which Murray states, “Surely in the whole realm of Greek vase-painting there is hardly to be encountered a finer conception” than the figures of the two wind-gods or death-deities carrying off the body of the dead warrior. The figures of Amazons arming on the other side are also of high quality. In fact, the difference in quality between these designs and Pamphaios' usual work is so pronounced that most experts agree they were created by another artist from a more advanced school—namely, Euphronios. After all, we have no definitive proof that the painting of the cup is actually Pamphaios’ work, and we can only suggest that, if it is, it represents a truly surprising surge of artistic talent.
Of the other artists in this cycle Hischylos appears chiefly as a potter for other artists; for Sakonides he made a (B.F.) kylix, for Epiktetos four, and for Pheidippos one. A B.F. plate, two “mixed” cups, and one R.F. cup bear his name alone. He always signs with ἐποίησεν, but it is not improbable that he was responsible for the interior B.F. designs on three of the cups made for Epiktetos. Pheidippos is only known from the one cup already mentioned. Euergides made three cups, Epilykos three,[1321] Hermaios five[1322] (one of which bears a figure of Hermes, perhaps by way of a sort of canting heraldry), and Sikanos one plate. The cups by Chelis number five, of which one has a B.F. interior.
Of the other artists in this cycle, Hischylos mainly shows up as a potter for others; he created a (B.F.) kylix for Sakonides, four for Epiktetos, and one for Pheidippos. A B.F. plate, two “mixed” cups, and one R.F. cup bear his name alone. He always signs with made, but it’s likely he also did the interior B.F. designs on three of the cups made for Epiktetos. Pheidippos is only known from the one cup already mentioned. Euergides made three cups, Epilykos made three,[1321] Hermaios made five[1322] (one of which features a figure of Hermes, possibly as a sort of playful heraldry), and Sikanos made one plate. The cups by Chelis total five, with one having a B.F. interior.
Chachrylion, who stands on the verge of the next period, calls for more detailed treatment, especially since the exhaustive discussion of his work by Hartwig.[1323] Sixteen cups signed by him are known, two having been discovered since Klein made his list; he also acted as potter for Euphronios on one occasion. He always signs ἐποίησεν, but we may assume that this includes the decoration of the vases. With him we enter upon the period in which the use of “favourite names” by vase-painters becomes regular, those employed by Chachrylion being Leagros and Memnon. The former name is also used by Oltos, Euthymides, and Euphronios, and the names of Epidromos and Athenodotos belong to this period, if not to this cycle. A number of vases with the name Memnon have no signature, and these have usually been attributed en bloc to Chachrylion. But it has been pointed out by Hartwig that some of them must belong to an earlier stage, standing in much closer relation to the B.F. vases. Besides the sixteen signed vases, Hartwig assigns to him seven with the name of Epidromos, and two others with that of Leagros in addition, and another without name. A remarkable number of these cups have no exterior decoration.
Chachrylion, who is on the edge of the next era, needs more in-depth analysis, especially considering Hartwig's thorough examination of his work.[1323] Sixteen cups with his signature are known, with two discovered since Klein compiled his list; he also worked as a potter for Euphronios once. He always signs Created, but we can assume this also covers the decoration of the vases. With him, we enter the time when vase-painters regularly use “favorite names,” with Chachrylion often using Leagros and Memnon. The name Leagros is also used by Oltos, Euthymides, and Euphronios, and the names Epidromos and Athenodotos belong to this period, if not this cycle. Several vases with the name Memnon lack a signature, and these are generally attributed en bloc to Chachrylion. However, Hartwig has noted that some of them must belong to an earlier phase, being much more closely related to the B.F. vases. In addition to the sixteen signed vases, Hartwig associates seven with the name Epidromos, two more with Leagros, and one without a name. Notably, many of these cups have no exterior decoration.
Chachrylion’s work is in character essentially transitional. Some of his cups[1324] are in the style of the archaic decadence, before the new influence of Euphronios, but he never freed himself from the trammels of the severe style. He drops the Epictetan method of decorating the exterior with large eyes and animals bounding the scene, and uses large palmettes under the handles; but his interior scenes are still bordered with a plain ring, instead of the later maeander. He is never altogether happy in his exterior designs; hence his preference for interiors, in which, it may be noted, he is almost the first to introduce more than one figure.[1325] His figures, like those of Epiktetos, have slim proportions and small heads, the bodily forms better rendered than the limbs. He seems to strike a medium between the vigour of Pamphaios and the refinement of Epiktetos, combining robustness and grace with a tendency to largeness of style,[1326] which shows that he is preparing the way for Euphronios.
Chachrylion’s work is fundamentally transitional. Some of his cups[1324] showcase a style that reflects the archaic decadence, prior to the new influence of Euphronios, but he never completely breaks free from the constraints of the severe style. He moves away from the Epictetan method of decorating the exterior with large eyes and animals surrounding the scene, opting instead for large palmettes under the handles; however, his interior scenes are still framed with a plain ring, rather than the later maeander. He never feels fully satisfied with his exterior designs, which is why he prefers interiors, where, notably, he is one of the first to introduce more than one figure.[1325] His figures, similar to those of Epiktetos, have slender proportions and small heads, with the bodily shapes better defined than the limbs. He seems to find a balance between the energy of Pamphaios and the elegance of Epiktetos, merging strength and grace with a tendency towards a larger style,[1326] which indicates he is paving the way for Euphronios.
In summing up the characteristics of the cups of severe style, we note that they exhibit throughout a development in technique and decoration rather than in style and drawing. The earliest are little removed from the later B.F. kylikes with interior designs and large eyes on the exterior, many having in fact B.F. interiors. With the eyes occupying so much space, it is rare at first to find anything like a composition on the exterior; but gradually the eyes disappear, the palmette ornaments (see p. 414) decrease in size, and the figures extend themselves into friezes, with definite action. We have scenes of combat with a marked centre, like a sculptured pediment, group of athletes or revellers, and mythological or heroic subjects from the stories of Herakles, Theseus, and Troy.
In summarizing the features of the cups with a severe style, we see that they show a progression in technique and decoration rather than in style and design. The earliest examples are not much different from the later B.F. kylikes, which have interior designs and large eyes on the outside, many actually featuring B.F. interiors. Since the eyes take up so much space, it's initially uncommon to find any kind of composition on the exterior; however, over time the eyes fade away, the palmette ornaments (see p. 414) shrink in size, and the figures develop into friezes with clear action. We have scenes of battle with a distinct focus, like a sculpted pediment, groups of athletes or revelers, and mythological or heroic themes from the tales of Herakles, Theseus, and Troy.
In the interiors the development is somewhat different. Beginning with a simple design of a simple figure within a plain circle—at first an enforced necessity, but subsequently due to choice—the tendency is to fill in the space more and more as the power of drawing develops, and the painter casts about for new ideas. Hence, as Klein[1327] says, “Here we have carrying, lifting, hurrying, running, stooping, dancing, springing ... and all for the sole purpose of obtaining those movements of the human body which the space of the vase demanded.” We also note the almost entire absence of mythological scenes in the interiors; repose or simple action is all that is aimed at, whereas on the exteriors scenes of activity or even violence are admitted.
In the interiors, the development is a bit different. Starting with a basic design of a simple shape within a plain circle—initially a necessity, but later a choice—the trend is to gradually fill in the space more as drawing skills improve, and the artist looks for new ideas. Therefore, as Klein[1327] says, “Here we observe carrying, lifting, hurrying, running, stooping, dancing, springing ... all aimed at capturing the movements of the human body that the space of the vase required.” We also notice the almost complete lack of mythological scenes in the interiors; the focus is on repose or simple action, while the exteriors can include scenes of activity or even violence.
Murray[1328] has pointed out some interesting parallels between the kylix-interiors and contemporary coins and gems, which show the vase-painter to have been in full accord with the spirit of the times. Thus, to take the coins first, the Sphinx of Chios is repeated on the B.M. vase E 10, the armed warrior of Aspendos on E 11, the Diskobolos of Kos on E 78, and the squatting Satyr of Naxos on a vase formerly in the Bourguignon collection.[1329] Among fifth-century gems we find such subjects as a youth kneeling and holding a jug, a woman at a washing-basin, a Satyr with wine-skin, a youth fastening his sandal, and an archer[1330]—all of which occur on the interior of R.F. kylikes. The beautiful subject of the body of Memnon borne by two genii (see above), although an exterior subject, may also be mentioned here as paralleled in a fine gem.[1331]
Murray[1328] has noted some fascinating similarities between the interiors of kylixes and modern coins and gems, which show that the vase-painter was in tune with the spirit of the times. For example, on the coins, the Sphinx of Chios appears on the B.M. vase E 10, the armed warrior of Aspendos is on E 11, the Diskobolos of Kos is on E 78, and the squatting Satyr of Naxos is featured on a vase that was once in the Bourguignon collection.[1329] Among fifth-century gems, we see subjects like a young man kneeling and holding a jug, a woman at a washing-basin, a Satyr with a wine-skin, a young man fastening his sandal, and an archer[1330]—all of which are depicted on the interior of R.F. kylikes. The beautiful depiction of Memnon being carried by two genii (see above), while an exterior subject, can also be highlighted here as it is mirrored in a fine gem.[1331]
In Klein’s valuable monograph on early R.F. cup-painting there is a useful table[1332] setting forth the development of the Epictetan cycle of cups, both in subject and arrangement. His first class includes the purely B.F. cups of Nikosthenes and Pamphaios, with the Gorgoneion in the interior and large eyes on the exterior, which form the prelude to the R.F. series. In the next stage a B.F. subject, such as a warrior, horseman, or deer, takes the place of the Gorgoneion; the exteriors are R.F., but the eyes are retained, allowing only of a single figure each side. Three of these are painted by Epiktetos, others by Pamphaios and Chelis. The third stage has only R.F. interiors, the exterior preserving the same character; instances may be found among the works of Chelis and Pheidippos. Finally, there is a long series of nearly eighty cups and plates, many of the former with interior designs only, in which the eyes are finally dropped, and the exterior subjects are developed into regular friezes, being often mythological. These include the majority of the works of Epiktetos, Pamphaios, and Chachrylion, the latter of whom marks the transition to the next stage.
In Klein’s insightful book on early R.F. cup-painting, there's a helpful table[1332] outlining the evolution of the Epictetan cycle of cups, both in theme and layout. His first category includes the purely B.F. cups made by Nikosthenes and Pamphaios, featuring the Gorgoneion on the inside and large eyes on the outside, which sets the stage for the R.F. series. In the next phase, a B.F. theme, such as a warrior, horseman, or deer, replaces the Gorgoneion; the exteriors are R.F., but the eyes remain, allowing for only one figure on each side. Three of these are painted by Epiktetos, with others by Pamphaios and Chelis. The third phase includes only R.F. interiors, while the exteriors keep the same style; examples can be found in the works of Chelis and Pheidippos. Lastly, there's a lengthy series of nearly eighty cups and plates, many of which have designs only on the inside, where the eyes are finally removed, and the exterior themes evolve into regular friezes, often with mythological content. This series includes the majority of the works by Epiktetos, Pamphaios, and Chachrylion, the latter of whom signifies the shift to the next phase.
The similarity of his work to that of Phintias suggests that they were partners. A vase with the inscription τοὶ τήνδε, Εὐθυμίδες, “This [vase I dedicate] to thee, Euthymides,” has been attributed by Hartwig to Phintias, and may be an interesting instance of the friendship existing between the two artists. On the other hand, Euthymides seems to have viewed with apprehension and jealousy the growing success of his junior, Euphronios. On one of the Munich amphorae he places the boast—by no means with justification—“Euphronios never made the like” (ὡς οὐδέποτε Εὐφρόνιος).
The similarity between his work and that of Phintias suggests they were collaborators. A vase with the inscription the one here, Euthymides, “This [vase I dedicate] to you, Euthymides,” has been credited to Phintias by Hartwig and may be an interesting sign of the friendship between the two artists. On the flip side, Euthymides seems to have felt anxious and envious about the rising success of his junior, Euphronios. On one of the Munich amphorae, he boasts—without much reason—“Euphronios never made anything like this” (as never Euphronius).
The height of his activity may be placed about 500–490 B.C., a date which suits the use of the name Megakles. This probably denotes the grandfather of Alkibiades and uncle of Perikles, who was ostracised in 487 B.C. The same name, as is well known, occurs on the warrior-tablet found on the Acropolis[1334], and on the strength of this Hoppin attributes the tablet to Euthymides.[1335] There is, however, no proof that such tablets, which belong rather to the higher branch of painting at that time, were made by vase-painters.
The peak of his activity is around 500–490 BCE, a time that aligns with the name Megakles. This likely refers to the grandfather of Alcibiades and the uncle of Pericles, who was ostracized in 487 BCE The same name, as everyone knows, appears on the warrior tablet found on the Acropolis[1334], and based on this, Hoppin attributes the tablet to Euthymides.[1335] However, there is no evidence that such tablets, which were more aligned with the upper tier of painting at that time, were created by vase painters.
The style of Euthymides and his preference for the amphora seem to indicate that he was much under the influence of Andokides. He still clings to the old style in his methods of decoration, as in the borders of the designs. His individuality, says Hoppin, is best shown in his draperies, the details of which are faintly indicated in red, and he shows some skill in foreshortening, but his heads are too large. He also exhibits a strong preference for mythological subjects, such as the arming of Hector, but usually balances these subjects with a genre-scene from the gymnasium or symposium.
The style of Euthymides and his preference for the amphora suggest that he was heavily influenced by Andokides. He still holds onto the older style in his decoration methods, as seen in the borders of the designs. His individuality, according to Hoppin, is best showcased in his draperies, the details of which are subtly indicated in red, and he demonstrates some skill in foreshortening, though his heads are too large. He also shows a strong preference for mythological themes, like the arming of Hector, but usually balances these themes with a scene from the gymnasium or symposium.
His partner Phintias[1336] is distinguished from him in one respect—namely, that he painted cups as well as other shapes. But his cups have nothing in common with his Epictetan cycle, and seem rather to have been under the influence of Euphronios. We may therefore regard him as another connecting-link between the severe and strong periods. Eight vases are actually signed by him,[1337] though one of these has no subject, being merely modelled in the form of a head (see below, p. 493); but from his use of Megakles and Chairias as καλός-names, and other indications, Hartwig has been enabled to add to the number no less than twelve cups and eleven other vases[1338].
His partner Phintias[1336] stands out from him in one way—specifically, he painted cups as well as other shapes. However, his cups don’t resemble his Epictetan series, and appear to be influenced more by Euphronios. Therefore, we can see him as another link between the strict and strong periods. Eight vases are actually signed by him,[1337] though one doesn’t have a theme, as it is just shaped like a head (see below, p. 493); but due to his use of Megakles and Chairias as good-names, along with other clues, Hartwig has been able to add at least twelve cups and eleven other vases to the count[1338].
The cups are mostly small, with interior designs only, and those single figures; his composition is not a strong point, but the single figures are good, especially the nude forms; his draperies are stiff, but effective, and his heads are influenced by Euphronios, as Hartwig notes.
The cups are mostly small, featuring just interior designs and single figures; his composition isn't his strong suit, but the individual figures are good, especially the nude forms. His drapery is stiff but works well, and his heads are influenced by Euphronios, as Hartwig points out.
A pair of painters that may be linked together are Oltos and Euxitheos, the former the painter, the latter the potter, of a kylix in Berlin (2264). We also have a magnificent kylix at Corneto, with the name of Euxitheos as potter, probably painted by Oltos; on one side of the exterior is an assemblage of the gods, on the other a Dionysiac scene.[1339] In the British Museum is an amphora, also made by Euxitheos (E 258; signed on handles), with a single figure each side (Achilles and Briseis), and a krater in the Louvre with the καλός-name Leagros seems to be by the same hand.[1340] Hartwig, who regards Oltos as the painter in each case, shows his connection on the one side with Andokides and Euthymides, on the other with Hieron. He displays a preference for large figures and for Dionysiac subjects.
A pair of painters that can be connected are Oltos and Euxitheos, with Oltos as the painter and Euxitheos as the potter of a kylix in Berlin (2264). We also have a stunning kylix in Corneto, featuring Euxitheos' name as the potter, likely painted by Oltos; one side of the outside shows a group of gods, while the other side depicts a scene related to Dionysus.[1339] In the British Museum, there’s an amphora also created by Euxitheos (E 258; signed on the handles), featuring a single figure on each side (Achilles and Briseis), and a krater in the Louvre with the good-name Leagros seems to be from the same artist.[1340] Hartwig, who sees Oltos as the painter in each case, highlights his connection to Andokides and Euthymides on one side and Hieron on the other. He shows a preference for large figures and Dionysian themes.
The one vase of Hypsis, a hydria,[1341] must be of early date; the
shape, ornamentation, and arrangement of the designs are purely
B.F. in character. We have two vases of the alabastron form[1342]—an
unusual one for signatures—made by Hilinos and painted by
Psiax, and a kylix of Epictetan style in Munich signed by the
latter.[1343] The two former are each decorated with two figures in
a simple, severe, yet effective style; the latter has a B.F. interior
(figure of Seilenos), and R.F. exterior with the large eyes, and
a warrior on one side only. In the latter case the signature is
simply
,
without a verb; on the Odessa vase the imperfect
tense ἐποίει is used, the casual use of which is a characteristic
of the transitional period.[1344] Mr. Hoppin has given several reasons
for attributing an early date to those two artists (about 520–500),
not the least convincing of which is the use of a B.F. technique
and of the large eyes.
The one vase of Hypsis, a hydria,[1341] must be early; the shape, decoration, and layout of the designs are distinctly B.F. in style. We have two vases in the form of alabastron[1342]—which is unusual for signatures—made by Hilinos and painted by Psiax, and a kylix in the Epictetan style from Munich, signed by the latter.[1343] The first two are adorned with two figures in a simple, stark, yet effective style; the latter features a B.F. interior (depicting Seilenos) and an R.F. exterior with large eyes, showing a warrior on just one side. In this case, the signature is simply
,
without a verb; on the Odessa vase, the imperfect tense Made is used, which appears casually and is a characteristic of the transitional period.[1344] Mr. Hoppin has provided several reasons for dating these two artists early (around 520–500), with the use of B.F. technique and the large eyes being among the most convincing.
We now find ourselves at the point where Euphronios forces his way to the front as the great master in the new school of painting in which the influence of Kimon of Kleonae can be traced.[1345] Hartwig compares this new departure of art to the Italian schools of painting in the fifteenth century, in which also naturalism and a knowledge of perspective become the characteristics in which they differ most markedly from their predecessors. The early work of the school of Euphronios, which we may place about 500–480 B.C., is best illustrated by the series of cups with the καλός-name Leagros, which must belong to this time. This name is found on two of the vases signed by Euphronios, the Antaios krater in the Louvre and the Geryon kylix in Munich, of which Chachrylion was the potter. The fact that it is found also on some B.F. vases[1346] seems to argue, not for its appearance previous to this date, but rather for the view that at the beginning of the fifth century there was still a preference for the old method for certain shapes—the amphora, hydria, and lekythos. It may also be inferred that Euphronios had already appeared on the scene while Chachrylion, Pamphaios, and Oltos were still painting more in the manner of Epiktetos, and hence we are justified in regarding those artists as belonging to the severe style, even though they overlap with the succeeding period.
We now find ourselves at a point where Euphronios emerges as the leading master in the new school of painting, which shows the influence of Kimon of Kleonae.[1345] Hartwig compares this new art direction to the Italian painting schools of the fifteenth century, where naturalism and understanding of perspective became distinguishing features that set them apart from their predecessors. The early work of Euphronios's school, which we can date around 500–480 BCE, is best exemplified by a series of cups featuring the good name Leagros, which likely dates to this time. This name appears on two vases signed by Euphronios: the Antaios krater in the Louvre and the Geryon kylix in Munich, the latter of which was made by potter Chachrylion. The fact that it also appears on some B.F. vases[1346] suggests that it wasn’t used before this date, but rather indicates that at the beginning of the fifth century, there was still a preference for the old method for certain shapes — the amphora, hydria, and lekythos. It can also be inferred that Euphronios had already made his mark while Chachrylion, Pamphaios, and Oltos were still painting more in the style of Epiktetos, allowing us to categorize those artists as part of the severe style, even though their work overlaps with the next period.
The labours of Hartwig and other scholars have now made it possible to associate an extensive series of vases with the school of Euphronios, but there are only ten in existence which actually bear his signature.[1347] They are as follows (the order being roughly chronological):—
The work of Hartwig and other researchers has now made it possible to link a large number of vases to the school of Euphronios, but only ten exist that actually bear his signature.[1347] They are as follows (the order being roughly chronological):—
(1) Krater in Louvre, G 103: Herakles and Antaios; musical performance. Pottier, Louvre Atlas, pls. 100, 101.
(1) Krater in Louvre, G 103: Herakles and Antaios; musical performance. Pottier, Louvre Atlas, pls. 100, 101.
(2) Psykter in Petersburg, 1670: Banquet of Hetairae.
(2) Psykter in Petersburg, 1670: Banquet of Hetairae.
(3) Kylix in Munich, 337: Herakles and Geryon. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 22 = Plate XXXVIII.
(3) Kylix in Munich, 337: Herakles and Geryon. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 22 = Plate XXXVIII.
(4) Kylix in Louvre, G 104: Theseus’ adventures. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 5; J.H.S. xviii. pl. 14.
(4) Kylix in the Louvre, G 104: Theseus’ adventures. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 5; J.H.S. xviii. pl. 14.
(5) Kylix in Bibl. Nat., 526: Scene from Doloneia (fragmentary). Klein, Euphronios,2 p. 137.
(5) Kylix in Bibl. Nat., 526: Scene from Doloneia (fragmentary). Klein, Euphronios,2 p. 137.
(6) Kylix in Brit. Mus., E 44: Herakles and Eurystheus. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 23.
(6) Kylix in the British Museum, E 44: Herakles and Eurystheus. Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 23.
(7) Kylix in Perugia: Achilles and Troilos scenes. Hartwig, pls. 58–9.
(7) Kylix in Perugia: Achilles and Troilos scenes. Hartwig, pls. 58–9.
(8) Kylix in Berlin, 2281: Sack of Troy (fragmentary).
(8) Kylix in Berlin, 2281: Sack of Troy (fragment).
(9) Kylix in Boston: Banquet scenes. Hartwig, pls. 47–8.
(9) Kylix in Boston: Banquet scenes. Hartwig, pp. 47–8.
(10) Kylix in Berlin, 2282 (polychrome): Achilles and Diomede. Hartwig, pls. 51–2.
(10) Kylix in Berlin, 2282 (polychrome): Achilles and Diomede. Hartwig, pls. 51–2.
In the first three instances he signs ἔγραψεν, in the rest ἔποιησεν.
In the first three cases, he writes wrote, and in the others made.
The Geryon cup (Plate XXXVIII.) is a wonderful combination of picturesque and effective grouping with elaboration of detail, and is so far the most naturalistic piece of work that any vase-painter has produced. Here again the old B.F. “type” is retained, at least for the Geryon, who appears as the “three men joined together” of the Kypselos chest,[1348] one of whom falls backward wounded. But the whole scene is vivid and instinct with life; even Athena and Iolaos, instead of calmly watching the contest, join in animated comment thereon, and the former seems to be hastening forward to join in the fray. Not the least effective part of the design is formed by the group of Geryon’s cows on the reverse, which show that Euphronios was a keen observer of nature and anatomy, and the varied poses and skilful grouping of the herd are striking instances of his art in composition.
The Geryon cup (Plate XXXVIII.) is an impressive blend of beautiful and effective arrangement with attention to detail, and it’s currently the most realistic work produced by any vase painter. Once again, the old B.F. "type" is featured, at least for Geryon, who appears as the "three men joined together" from the Kypselos chest,[1348] one of whom is falling back, wounded. But the entire scene is vibrant and full of life; even Athena and Iolaos, instead of calmly observing the battle, are engaged in lively discussion about it, and Athena appears to be rushing forward to join in. A particularly striking part of the design is the group of Geryon’s cows on the reverse, which illustrates that Euphronios was an astute observer of nature and anatomy, and the different poses and skillful arrangement of the herd are remarkable examples of his artistic composition.

Kylix by Euphronios (in Munich): Herakles Slaying Geryon.
Kylix by Euphronios (in Munich): Heracles Killing Geryon.
The Troilos kylix in Perugia, which as far as can be ascertained is the latest of Euphronios’ works, is interesting, apart from its artistic treatment, as an instance of the current tendency to combine interior and exterior scenes in one whole, representing distinct or successive episodes of a single subject. On one side of the exterior, Achilles, having emerged from his ambush, drags the unfortunate boy by his hair to the altar at which the tragedy is to be consummated; his horses betake themselves off with flying reins. Meanwhile, on the other side, Troilos’ Trojan comrades, as on the François vase, hastily arm themselves in order to come to his rescue. But the interior scene shows us that their efforts are in vain; the boy, in whose countenance fear and agony are admirably depicted, is about to fall a victim to the sword of his relentless foe, who in a vigorous yet even graceful attitude raises his arm to deal the death-blow. Of the vase as a whole Murray says, “There is no mistaking in it the presence of all the best and strongest qualities of Euphronios, though in a more subdued and more poetic form. His draperies...are full of refinement and beauty.”
The Troilos kylix in Perugia, which is likely the last of Euphronios’ works, is intriguing not just for its artistic style but also for how it reflects the trend of combining interior and exterior scenes into a single composition, depicting different or sequential moments of a single story. On one side of the exterior, Achilles, having come out of hiding, is dragging the unfortunate boy by his hair to the altar where the tragedy will unfold; his horses are bolting with loose reins. Meanwhile, on the other side, Troilos’ Trojan friends, similar to those on the François vase, are quickly arming themselves to try to save him. However, the interior scene shows that their efforts are hopeless; the boy, whose face shows fear and agony beautifully, is about to become a victim of his merciless enemy, who, in a strong yet graceful pose, is raising his arm to deliver the killing blow. Regarding the vase as a whole, Murray notes, “There is no mistaking in it the presence of all the best and strongest qualities of Euphronios, though in a more subdued and more poetic form. His draperies...are full of refinement and beauty.”
It remains to say a word on Euphronios in another aspect—as a painter in polychrome on white ground. The Berlin cup No. 2282, sadly fragmentary as it is, bears not only the signature of Euphronios, but the καλός-name Glaukon, to which we have already referred. The method of painting, to which we have referred on a subsequent page (p. 457), was one just at its height in the middle of the fifth century. The two heads, which are the best-preserved parts of the cup, are remarkable for their breadth and largeness of style, and for their idealising tendency, which recalls the coins of a slightly later period and such works of sculpture as the ephebos-head from the Athenian Acropolis, to say nothing of the sculptures of Olympia.
It’s worth mentioning Euphronios in another role—as a painter who used color on a white background. The Berlin cup No. 2282, although it’s unfortunately in fragments, carries not just Euphronios's signature but also the good-name Glaukon that we discussed earlier. The painting technique, which we touched on in a later section (p. 457), was at its peak in the middle of the fifth century. The two heads, which are the best-preserved features of the cup, stand out for their wide and bold style, along with their idealizing approach, which is reminiscent of coins from a slightly later period and sculptures like the ephebos-head from the Athenian Acropolis, not to mention the sculptures from Olympia.
We must not, however, omit to notice here the views of some recent writers, who are inclined to doubt whether the paintings on some of these later vases are actually from Euphronios' hand.[1349] It is certainly noteworthy that he has ceased to sign ἔγραψε; but to maintain that the ἐποίησε, where no other painter’s name occurs, does not include the painting of the vase, is to rest on somewhat negative evidence, and would also lead to the refusal to recognise Chachrylion and other noted artists as the painters of their signed vases. If, however, this view is to be accepted, it would entail the attribution of the scenes on the Troilos cup to Onesimos, who painted a cup of similar style in the Louvre,[1350] of which Euphronios was the potter. Hartwig thinks that the Berlin cup is not by Euphronios, but would attribute to him a similar fragmentary cup in the British Museum (D 1). The beautiful Aphrodite cup in the same collection (D 2) bears the καλός-name of Glaukon, but in view of what has been said any attempt to attribute it to Euphronios would be dangerous.[1351]
We shouldn't ignore the opinions of some recent writers who are starting to question whether the paintings on some of the later vases were actually done by Euphronios. It's definitely interesting that he stopped signing with Wrote; however, claiming that the It did. designation, where no other painter’s name appears, doesn’t include the vase painting relies on somewhat weak evidence, and it would also mean denying recognition to Chachrylion and other well-known artists for their signed vases. If this perspective is accepted, it would mean attributing the scenes on the Troilos cup to Onesimos, who created a similar style cup in the Louvre, of which Euphronios was the potter. Hartwig believes that the Berlin cup isn’t by Euphronios but would credit him with a similar fragmentary cup in the British Museum (D 1). The beautiful Aphrodite cup in the same collection (D 2) carries the good-name of Glaukon, but considering what has been discussed, any attempt to attribute it to Euphronios would be risky.
We now have to deal with a trio of his contemporaries, men of marked individuality and capacity, who display the same instincts for naturalism and freedom of style, though no one of them rises quite to the height of Euphronios’ genius.
We now need to consider a group of three of his contemporaries, individuals with strong personalities and abilities, who show the same tendencies toward naturalism and creative expression, although none of them quite reaches the level of Euphronios' brilliance.
Of these Duris has left a total of twenty-three signed vases, of which no less than twenty-one are kylikes, the other two being a kantharos and a psykter. He signs almost consistently ἔγραψε, but ἐποίησεν in addition on the kantharos; he employs three potters at different times—Python (who worked for Epiktetos), Kleophrades (who worked for Amasis II.), and Kalliades. Of καλός-names he uses no less than five, the first two of which go together in his earlier period—Chairestratos and Panaitios. The latter name, as we have seen, was used by Euphronios. On the vases in his later manner the names of Aristagoras, Hermogenes, and Hippodamas appear. He seems to have been about ten years the junior of Euphronios, but to what extent he was influenced by him is uncertain. Murray traces the influence of the other in his later manner, when he forsakes his old love of figures in repose for subjects entailing violent action. Hartwig, on the other hand, attributes this change to the influence of Brygos; and in any case, it is certain that he never attained to the vitality and freedom of Euphronios.
Of these, Duris has left a total of twenty-three signed vases, with twenty-one being kylikes, and the other two being a kantharos and a psykter. He consistently signs with wrote, and also uses He did. on the kantharos. He works with three potters at different times—Python (who created vases for Epiktetos), Kleophrades (who worked for Amasis II), and Kalliades. He uses at least five good names, with the first two occurring in his earlier work—Chairestratos and Panaitios. The latter name, as we've noted, was used by Euphronios. In his later style, the names of Aristagoras, Hermogenes, and Hippodamas appear. He seems to be about ten years younger than Euphronios, but it's unclear how much he was influenced by him. Murray connects the influence of the other artist to his later style, when he shifts from his earlier focus on still figures to scenes with intense action. Hartwig, however, attributes this change to the influence of Brygos; and in any case, it is clear that he never reached the same level of vitality and freedom as Euphronios.
His style is so marked that it is possible—apart from the evidence of καλός-names—to attribute to him many vases not actually signed by him, as may be gathered from the study of his work by Hartwig.[1352] In his earlier vases he shows a strong preference for scenes from the palaestra, and only two are mythological. According to Hartwig it is these vases that show the closest parallelism with Euphronios, both in choice of subject and in treatment. The later works show a great and surprising falling off, and are frequently dull and comparatively careless. They show, in fact, a change from the perfecting of naturalism to mere mannerism, and this in spite of the change in subjects from repose to violent action. It is probable that he fell away from the influence of Euphronios to that of Hieron and Brygos, lacking entirely, as he did, the genius of the older artist. On the other hand, his choice of subjects becomes much more varied, many being heroic or mythological, and among these scenes from the labours of Theseus take the place of the older athletic types (cf. p. 418). He is also fond of banquet-scenes at all times, and found in them scope for bold foreshortening as applied to figures in repose.[1353]
His style is so distinctive that, aside from the evidence of good-names, we can attribute many vases to him even if they aren’t actually signed, as Hartwig's analysis of his work indicates. In his earlier vases, he shows a strong preference for scenes from the palaestra, with only two being mythological. According to Hartwig, these vases display the closest similarities to Euphronios in both subject matter and execution. The later works demonstrate a significant and surprising decline, often appearing dull and relatively careless. They reflect a shift from refined naturalism to simple mannerism, despite the change in subjects from calm poses to dynamic action. It’s likely that he strayed from the influence of Euphronios to that of Hieron and Brygos, completely lacking the genius of the earlier artist. On the flip side, his choice of subjects became much more diverse, with many being heroic or mythological, and scenes from the labors of Theseus replacing the older athletic themes (cf. p. 418). He also consistently enjoys banquet scenes, which provide him opportunities for bold foreshortening in depictions of figures at rest.
Hieron has signed twenty-eight vases, all being kylikes except three, which are kotylae. His invariable formula is ἐποίησεν, and the signature is generally incised on the handle of the vase. Hartwig is inclined to attribute one or two cups with this signature to another master, who had a preference for introducing bald-headed figures[1356]; and, in regard to others, there is fairly certain evidence that they were not painted by him. For instance, a very fine kylix with the carrying off of Helen bears the name of Makron as painter,[1357] and it is possible that others are actually painted by that artist, who in any case must have been a partner of his. His work is regarded by Hartwig as full of individuality and excellence. Hieron, on the other hand, is inclined to the repetition of certain types, little individualised. He seems to have been trained in the school of Oltos rather than that of Euphronios,[1358] except that he learned from the latter the use of foreshortening. His only καλός-name is that of Hippodamas, also used by Duris.
Hieron has signed twenty-eight vases, all of which are kylikes except for three that are kotylae. His consistent signature is Made, and it is usually engraved on the handle of the vase. Hartwig thinks that one or two of these signed cups might belong to a different artist who liked to depict bald-headed figures[1356]; and for some others, there is quite solid evidence that they weren’t painted by him. For example, a very beautiful kylix depicting the abduction of Helen has the name Makron as its painter,[1357] and it’s possible that other vases were actually painted by this artist, who must have been working with Hieron. Hartwig considers his work to be full of personality and excellence. In contrast, Hieron tends to repeat certain designs that are not very individualized. He appears to have been trained in Oltos's style rather than Euphronios's,[1358] except that he learned the technique of foreshortening from the latter. His only good-name is that of Hippodamas, which is also used by Duris.

1, Kylix by Duris (in Berlin): School Scene.
2, Kylix in Style of Brygos (Corneto): Theseus Deserting Ariadne.
1, Kylix by Duris (in Berlin): Classroom Scene.
2, Kylix in the Style of Brygos (Corneto): Theseus Leaving Ariadne.
Brygos has only left eight cups, but they are on the whole of a high order of merit. The Acropolis excavations yielded a fragment of his work, showing that the beginning of his career must be placed before 480 B.C. But although he retains some archaisms from his early training, he stands, as Murray has pointed out, on the threshold of the fine style, and in some of his compositions there is a distinctly pictorial tendency. His use of gilding (as on E 65 in B.M.) is also, as with Euphronios in his polychrome cup, an evidence of advanced work. He shows in his work more directness and actuality, as compared with the stateliness and grace of Hieron and Makron, and the infusion of earnestness and animation into his figures is a typical characteristic.[1359] He pays more attention to his compositions than to his single figures, but lacks the rhythm of Euphronios.
Brygos has left behind only eight cups, but overall, they are of high quality. The Acropolis excavations uncovered a fragment of his work, indicating that the start of his career must have been before 480 B.C. Although he still shows some old-fashioned elements from his early training, as Murray noted, he stands at the edge of the fine style, and in some of his pieces, there's a clearly pictorial approach. His use of gilding (like on E 65 in B.M.) is also, similar to Euphronios in his polychrome cup, a sign of advanced skill. His work conveys more straightforwardness and realism compared to the dignity and elegance of Hieron and Makron, and the infusion of seriousness and liveliness into his figures is a typical trait.[1359] He focuses more on his compositions than on individual figures, but he lacks the rhythm found in Euphronios.
His subjects are very varied, and cover almost all the vase-painters' ground except the palaestra. Hartwig on this account connects him with the school of Oltos, Hieron, and Peithinos, who preferred erotic and Dionysiac to athletic subjects, and points out that his use of bold foreshortening effects need not connote the direct influence of Euphronios, inasmuch as κατάγραφα were by this time the common property of vase- painters. It is interesting to note that he uses no καλός-name, and both he and Hieron seem to belong to a time when this fashion was dying out; by the end of the “strong” period it had practically disappeared.
His subjects are very diverse and cover almost all the vase painters' themes except for the palaestra. Hartwig associates him with the schools of Oltos, Hieron, and Peithinos, who favored erotic and Dionysian subjects over athletic ones. He also notes that his use of bold foreshortening doesn't necessarily imply a direct influence from Euphronios, since by this time, κατάγραφα were common property among vase painters. It's interesting to point out that he doesn’t use a good name, and both he and Hieron seem to belong to an era when this trend was fading; by the end of the “strong” period, it had nearly vanished.
Peithinos is a master who has been largely rediscovered by Hartwig. Only one cup with his signature is known, a fine example in Berlin (2279) with the Euphronian καλός-name Athenodotos, and the interior subject of Peleus seizing Thetis, treated with great decorative effect. Hartwig traces his style in eight more cups, chiefly with erotic and banqueting subjects, and points out among the former an early instance of sentimentality in vase-painting in the figure of a love-sick man. He characterises his style as “over-ripe archaism,” with a slight reversion to the mannerisms of Exekias, and great attention to detail in general. He sees in Peithinos the first instance of the pictorial tendency of which we have spoken, contrasting him with Euphronios and other painters who were always in the first instance draughtsmen.
Peithinos is a master who has been largely rediscovered by Hartwig. Only one cup with his signature is known, a fine example in Berlin (2279) featuring the Euphronian good-name Athenodotos, and the interior scene of Peleus capturing Thetis, done with great decorative effect. Hartwig identifies his style in eight more cups, mainly with erotic and banquet themes, and highlights an early instance of sentimentality in vase-painting in the image of a lovesick man. He describes his style as “over-ripe archaism,” with a slight return to the mannerisms of Exekias, and a strong focus on detail overall. He sees in Peithinos the first example of the pictorial tendency we discussed, contrasting him with Euphronios and other painters who primarily focused on being draughtsmen.
In the Berlin Museum there is a magnificent cup (2278)[1361] purporting to be made by Sosias, a name which does not otherwise occur.[1362] In the absence of indications of the painter, Hartwig and Furtwaengler are inclined to think that the decoration may be the work of Peithinos; but this can hardly amount to more than a matter of individual opinion. It is one of the most sumptuously decorated cups of this period that we possess, but the exterior is unfortunately greatly damaged. In the interior Achilles is represented binding up the wounded arm of his comrade Patroklos. The expressions of the figures and the remarkable foreshortening of Patroklos’ right leg are indications of the admirable skill of the painter, whoever he may have been. On the exterior is an assemblage of gods and goddesses to receive Herakles on his entry into Olympos, including seventeen figures in all, distinguished by inscriptions.
In the Berlin Museum, there is a stunning cup (2278)[1361] that claims to be made by Sosias, a name not found elsewhere.[1362] Without knowing who the painter is, Hartwig and Furtwaengler suggest that the decoration might be the work of Peithinos, but this is really just a personal opinion. It is one of the most lavishly decorated cups from this period that we have, but the outside is unfortunately quite damaged. Inside, Achilles is shown bandaging the wounded arm of his friend Patroklos. The expressions on the figures and the impressive foreshortening of Patroklos’ right leg demonstrate the painter’s exceptional skill, whoever that may be. On the outside, there's a group of gods and goddesses welcoming Herakles as he enters Olympos, featuring a total of seventeen figures, each labeled with inscriptions.
In the later chapters of his great work Hartwig has disentangled the styles of several masters of this period, though not in every case is he able to give their names; but some vases can be grouped together by means of καλός-names or by special peculiarities, such as the use of a conventional foliage-ornament. They are, however, for the most part of inferior merit to those of the painters hitherto discussed. Among the painters’ names are those of Amasis II., Apollodoros, and Onesimos; the latter has already been mentioned in connection with Euphronios.
In the later chapters of his great work, Hartwig has sorted out the styles of several masters from this period, though he can’t always identify them by name. However, some vases can be grouped together using good-names or by specific details, like the use of a conventional foliage ornament. Generally, though, these are of lesser quality compared to the painters discussed so far. Among the painters’ names are Amasis II., Apollodoros, and Onesimos; the latter was already mentioned in relation to Euphronios.
Generally speaking, the chief characteristic of the cups of this period is the tendency to treat the interior and exterior as representing successive episodes of one theme,[1363] as in the Troilos cup of Euphronios, or at least as having some connection, more or less definite, as in the Theseus cup of the same master.
Generally, the main feature of the cups from this period is the way the inside and outside show different parts of the same story,[1363] like in the Troilos cup by Euphronios, or at least suggest some connection, whether clear or not, as seen in the Theseus cup from the same artist.
Both in exterior and interior designs the development of composition is very strongly marked, and there is a notable tendency to enhance the effect of interior scenes by rich decorative borders. Even in the work of individual painters a great development is to be observed, showing how rapid the growth of artistic power was at this time; and thus we are able to distinguish in Euphronios and Duris an earlier and a later manner. As Hartwig has said (p. 95), the period of progress associated with the names of Euphronios and Brygos is characterised by an individuality and freedom which were partly the cause and partly the effect of a closer study of nature and an increased capacity for rendering it.
Both in outdoor and indoor designs, the development of composition is very pronounced, and there’s a noticeable trend to enhance the impact of interior scenes with lavish decorative borders. Even in the work of individual artists, a significant evolution can be seen, indicating how quickly artistic skills were advancing during this time. Therefore, we can identify an earlier and a later style in the works of Euphronios and Duris. As Hartwig noted (p. 95), the era of progress linked to Euphronios and Brygos is marked by a sense of individuality and freedom, which were, in part, both a result of and a reason for a more detailed study of nature and a greater capability to depict it.
Among other artists of the time, almost the only conspicuous
name is that of Smikros, the painter of two stamni, in the
British Museum (E 438) and Brussels,[1364] and also most probably
of a “Nolan” amphora in the Louvre (G 107), which is
inscribed
,
“This is evidently Smikros’
work.” He signs in both the former cases with ἔγραψεν.
He appears, says M. Gaspar, as a rival of Euphronios and
Duris, but fails in the attempt to equal their achievements in
vividness, originality, and faithful reproduction of the human
figure. The Brussels stamnos is interesting as representing
inscribed persons from ordinary life, just as Phintias (see p. 429)
introduces on a vase figures of the artists Tlenpolemos and
Euthymides. Klein also attributes to him a krater at Arezzo[1365]
with the καλός-name Pheidiades, which occurs on the signed
vases. It is remarkable for the treatment of the subject
(Herakles and the Amazons) in the style of the B.F. vases.
Among other artists of the time, the only notable name is that of Smikros, the painter of two stamni, in the British Museum (E 438) and Brussels,[1364] and probably of a “Nolan” amphora in the Louvre (G 107), which is inscribed
,
“This is clearly Smikros’ work.” He signs in both previous cases with wrote. He appears, according to M. Gaspar, as a competitor of Euphronios and Duris, but does not succeed in matching their achievements in vividness, originality, and accurate representation of the human figure. The Brussels stamnos is noteworthy for depicting inscribed individuals from everyday life, similar to how Phintias (see p. 429) features figures of the artists Tlenpolemos and Euthymides on a vase. Klein also attributes to him a krater at Arezzo[1365] with the good-name Pheidiades, which appears on the signed vases. It is remarkable for its treatment of the subject (Herakles and the Amazons) in the style of the B.F. vases.
The next development of R.F. vase-painting, which presents all the characteristics of the best period of Greek art and of the highest point to which that art attained, is that called the fine style. In this the influence of painting first really begins to manifest itself, especially that of the Polygnotan school, which covers the years 470–440 B.C. It is shown alike in composition and in drawing, and to a lesser degree in the colouring; but the general use of colours and gilding on vases really belongs to the succeeding stage. As regards the drawing, the figures have lost the hardness which at first characterised them; the eyes are no longer represented obliquely, but in profile; the extremities are finished with greater care, the chin and nose are more rounded, and have lost the extreme elongation of the earlier schools. The limbs are fuller and thicker, the faces noble, the hair of the head and beard treated with greater breadth and mass, just as subsequently the painter Zeuxis gave more flesh to his figures in order to make them appear of greater breadth and grandeur, like Homer, who represented even his women of larger proportions.[1366]
The next stage in R.F. vase-painting, which showcases all the features of the finest period of Greek art and the peak it reached, is known as the fine style. This is when the influence of painting really starts to show, particularly from the Polygnotan school, covering the years 470–440 BCE It’s evident in both composition and in the drawing, though to a lesser extent in the coloring; however, the common use of colors and gilding on vases actually belongs to the next stage. In terms of drawing, the figures have lost the hardness they originally had; the eyes are no longer drawn obliquely but in profile; the limbs are more carefully defined, the chin and nose are rounder, and the extreme elongation of earlier styles has disappeared. The limbs are fuller and thicker, the faces look noble, and the hair on the head and beard is treated with more volume, just as later the painter Zeuxis added more flesh to his figures to give them a sense of greater size and grandeur, similar to how Homer depicted even his women as having larger proportions.[1366]
The great charm of these designs is the beauty of the composition, and the more perfect proportion of the figures. The head is an oval, three-quarters of which forms the distance from the chin to the ear; the disproportionate length of limbs has entirely disappeared, and the countenance assumes a natural form and expression. The folds of the drapery, too, are freer, and the attitudes have lost their old rigidity. It is the outgrowth of the life and freedom of an ideal proportion, united with careful composition. Before the introduction of the Polygnotan style of composition, the figures are generally large, and arranged in groups of two or three on each side, occupying about two-thirds of the height of the vase; but the pictorial influence is more in the direction of smaller figures, grouped at different levels. Figures in full face are now much less uncommon. In some of the larger vases with figures on both sides, such as the kraters, the reverse side is not finished with the same care as the obverse, being intended to stand against a wall, or at least to be less prominently seen.
The great appeal of these designs lies in their beautiful composition and better proportions of the figures. The head is oval, with three-quarters of it being the distance from the chin to the ear; the previously disproportionate length of limbs has completely vanished, and the face now has a natural shape and expression. The folds of the fabric are also freer, and the poses have shed their old stiffness. It reflects the result of life and freedom of ideal proportions combined with careful composition. Before the Polygnotan style of composition was introduced, the figures were generally large and arranged in groups of two or three on each side, taking up about two-thirds of the vase's height; however, the artistic influence now leans towards smaller figures grouped at different levels. Full-face figures are now much less rare. On some of the larger vases with figures on both sides, like the kraters, the back side isn’t finished with the same attention as the front, as it's meant to be placed against a wall or at least seen less prominently.
The career of Polygnotos extends from 478 B.C. to 447 B.C., as far as can be gathered from the various works on which we know him to have been engaged. In 478 he painted frescoes for the temple of Athena Areia at Plataea, in 474 he decorated the Theseion and Anakeion at Athens, in 460 he worked with Mikon on the Stoa Poikile, and from 458 to 447 he was engaged on his great paintings of the Ἰλίου Πέρσις and Νέκυια for the Lesche at Delphi.[1367] As all these paintings are described more or less in detail by Pausanias, their subjects form a valuable clue to the investigation of his influence on the vases.
The career of Polygnotos spanned from 478 B.C. to 447 BCE, based on the various works we've found he was involved in. In 478, he painted frescoes for the temple of Athena Areia at Plataea; in 474, he decorated the Theseion and Anakeion in Athens; in 460, he collaborated with Mikon on the Stoa Poikile; and from 458 to 447, he worked on his major paintings of the The Siege of Ilium and Νέκυια for the Lesche at Delphi.[1367] Since Pausanias provides a detailed description of these paintings, their themes offer important insights into his influence on vase painting.

FIG. 103. KRATER OF POLYGNOTAN STYLE IN LOUVRE:
THE SLAYING OF THE NIOBIDS.
FIG. 103. KRATER OF POLYGNOTAN STYLE IN LOUVRE:
THE SLAYING OF THE NIOBIDS.
At first, indeed, this is limited to single figures or motives[1368]; it is not until about 470 that his method of composition, with its rough perspective and variety of level, finds its way on to the vases. The oldest vase on which these new features appear is the krater from Orvieto in the Louvre,[1369] which has usually been placed about 470, though at first sight it appears to be later; but certain small details of an archaic character point the other way. The main subject is a group of Argonauts, which has been variously interpreted, but Robert suggests that the scene represents their preparations for departure, and is thus able to associate it with a painting by Mikon in the Anakeion, on which that subject was employed. The various vases which depict the story of Theseus’ visit to Amphitrite[1370] are referred also by Robert to an original by Mikon in the Theseion (about 470 B.C.). The cup of Euphronios (p. 431) and the Girgenti krater represent a stage of the subject contemporary with that painter; on the Bologna krater we have a reduced version of his work; and on the Tricase vase from Ruvo, which belongs to the school of Hermonax (see below) a simpler form of the myth occurs, contemporary with the preceding.
At first, this is really just about individual figures or themes[1368]; it isn’t until around 470 that his composition style, featuring rough perspective and varied levels, starts appearing on the vases. The oldest vase showcasing these new features is the krater from Orvieto in the Louvre,[1369] which is typically dated to around 470, although it initially seems to be from a later time; however, certain small archaic details suggest otherwise. The main scene depicts a group of Argonauts, which has been interpreted in different ways, but Robert proposes that it shows their preparations for departure, connecting it to a painting by Mikon in the Anakeion that features that theme. The various vases illustrating the story of Theseus’ visit to Amphitrite[1370] are also linked by Robert to an original by Mikon in the Theseion (around 470 BCE). The cup of Euphronios (p. 431) and the Girgenti krater capture a moment of the subject that corresponds to that painter's time; the Bologna krater offers a smaller version of his work; and the Tricase vase from Ruvo, which is from the Hermonax school (see below), presents a simpler version of the myth that is contemporary with the earlier examples.
The following is a list of vases showing Polygnotan influence:
The following is a list of vases showing the influence of Polygnotus:
(1) In types and motives only (470–460 B.C.)[1373]:
(1) In types and motives only (470–460 BCE)[1373]:
B.M. E 170, 450, 469; Berlin 2403 = Reinach, i. 450; Naples 2421 = Reinach, ii. 278 and 3089 = Millingen- Reinach, 33; Reinach, i. 184 (two vases), 218, 221; Jahrbuch, 1886, pl. 10, fig. 2; Millingen-Reinach, 49–50; Furtwaengler, 50tes Winckelmannsfestprogr. pl. 2[1374]; Louvre A 256 = Jahrbuch, 1887, pl. 11 (Dümmler).
B.M. E 170, 450, 469; Berlin 2403 = Reinach, i. 450; Naples 2421 = Reinach, ii. 278 and 3089 = Millingen-Reinach, 33; Reinach, i. 184 (two vases), 218, 221; Yearbook, 1886, pl. 10, fig. 2; Millingen-Reinach, 49–50; Furtwaengler, 50tes Winckelmann Festival Program. pl. 2[1374]; Louvre A 256 = Journal, 1887, pl. 11 (Dümmler).
B.M. E 224, E 466, E 492; Berlin 2588 = Reinach, i. 217 and 2471 = Coll. Sabouroff, i. 55; Naples R.C. 239 = Reinach, i. 482; Jatta 1093, 1095, 1498 = Reinach, i. 175, 119, 111; Petersburg 1792, 1807 = Reinach, i. 1, 7; Reinach, i. 522, 5 (in Bologna); Ant. Denkm. i. 36 (ibid.); Reinach, i. 191; and reflecting the style of Polygnotos or of Mikon: Reinach, i. 226–27 = J.H.S. x. p. 118 (Louvre); Reinach, i. 232 = J.H.S. xviii. p. 277.
B.M. E 224, E 466, E 492; Berlin 2588 = Reinach, i. 217 and 2471 = Coll. Sabouroff, i. 55; Naples R.C. 239 = Reinach, i. 482; Jatta 1093, 1095, 1498 = Reinach, i. 175, 119, 111; Petersburg 1792, 1807 = Reinach, i. 1, 7; Reinach, i. 522, 5 (in Bologna); Ant. Denkm. i. 36 (ibid.); Reinach, i. 191; and reflecting the style of Polygnotos or of Mikon: Reinach, i. 226–27 = J.H.S. x. p. 118 (Louvre); Reinach, i. 232 = J.H.S. xviii. p. 277.
To these may perhaps be added:
To these, we might also add:
Naples 2889 = Raoul-Rochette, Mon. Inéd. pls. 13–4; Athens 1921 = Reinach, i. 511; Berlin 2326 (see Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 172).
Naples 2889 = Raoul-Rochette, Mon. Inéd. pls. 13–4; Athens 1921 = Reinach, i. 511; Berlin 2326 (see Yearbook, 1887, p. 172).

Cups by Sotades.
1, In Boston; 2, Brit. Mus.: Polyeidos in the Tomb of Glaukos.
Sotades Cups.
1, In Boston; 2, Brit. Mus.: Polyeidos in the Tomb of Glaukos.
Sotades stands apart from his contemporaries as an artist of much individuality, with a tendency to great refinement and delicacy in his work. He has left one R.F. kantharos and some half-dozen vases of the white-ground type, two with very interesting subjects (see also p. 457); all but the first were formerly in M. van Branteghem’s collection, and these are now divided between the British and Boston Museums. He is remarkable for his extremely delicate cups, with handles in the form of a chicken’s merrythought, and he also made two phialae with white interior and moulded exterior painted in rings of red, white, and black; on the interior of one of these a cicala (τέττιξ) is ingeniously modelled so as to appear resting there (Plate XL.). Hegesiboulos, one of whose vases was also in the Van Branteghem collection,[1380] seems to have been an artist of similar tendencies.
Sotades stands out from his peers as a uniquely talented artist, known for the refinement and delicacy in his work. He has left behind one R.F. kantharos and around six vases of the white-ground type, two of which have very interesting subjects (see also p. 457); all except the first were previously part of M. van Branteghem’s collection, and these are now split between the British and Boston Museums. He is especially noted for his extremely delicate cups, featuring handles shaped like a chicken’s merrythought, and he also created two phialae with white interiors and molded exteriors painted in rings of red, white, and black; inside one of these, a cicala (τζίτζικας) is cleverly crafted to look like it is resting there (Plate XL.) Hegesiboulos, whose vase was also in the Van Branteghem collection,[1380] appears to have been an artist with similar styles.
Of the rest, Epigenes' name appears on a small kantharos in the Bibliothèque Nationale, and those of Megakles and Maurion on pyxides. Among the painters who exercised their skill on larger vases the most noteworthy is Polygnotos, who has left an amphora and two stamni. The similarity of his name to that of the great contemporary painter has naturally led to conjectures as to a possible connection of the two, which has been discussed by Professor Robert in publishing two of the vases with his signature.[1381] His conclusion is that they belong to the period 460–450 B.C., in which the influence of the painter is beginning to make itself felt, but only in isolated figures and motives, not, as in a class of which we shall presently speak, in the composition of scenes. The earliest of the three is the stamnos in Brussels, with the subject of Kaineus overwhelmed by the Centaurs[1382]; next comes the stamnos with the combat of Herakles and the Centaur Dexamenos[1383]; and lastly the British Museum amphora,[1384] which retains an archaic form, but in its style and drawing presents no traces of archaism.[1385] In the reverses of his vases, with their tendency to meaningless and carelessly drawn figures, we seem to trace the beginnings of the decadence. Hermonax, who painted four stamni and a “pelike,” seems to be closely associated in style with Polygnotos.[1386] Professor Robert would also attribute to a pupil of Polygnotos three fine R.F. cups of about 445 B.C.—the Kodros cup in Bologna (Chapter XIV.) and two in Berlin (2537–38), with the subjects of the birth of Erichthonios, and Aegeus consulting the oracle of Themis.
Of the others, Epigenes' name appears on a small kantharos in the Bibliothèque Nationale, while those of Megakles and Maurion are found on pyxides. Among the painters who worked on larger vases, the most notable is Polygnotos, who left behind an amphora and two stamni. The similarity of his name to that of the great contemporary painter has naturally led to speculation about a possible connection between the two, a topic discussed by Professor Robert in his publication of two vases with his signature.[1381] He concludes that they date back to the period 460–450 BCE, when the influence of the painter starts to emerge, but only in isolated figures and motifs, not, as in a class we will discuss later, in the composition of scenes. The earliest of the three is the stamnos in Brussels, depicting Kaineus overwhelmed by the Centaurs[1382]; the next is the stamnos showing the battle between Herakles and the Centaur Dexamenos[1383]; and finally, the amphora in the British Museum,[1384] which maintains an archaic form, but in its style and drawing shows no signs of archaism.[1385] In the reverse sides of his vases, with their tendency towards meaningless and carelessly drawn figures, we can see the beginnings of decline. Hermonax, who painted four stamni and a “pelike,” seems to have a style that is closely associated with Polygnotos.[1386] Professor Robert also attributes three fine R.F. cups from around 445 BCE to a pupil of Polygnotos—the Kodros cup in Bologna (Chapter XIV.) and two in Berlin (2537–38), featuring the subjects of the birth of Erichthonios and Aegeus consulting the oracle of Themis.
Nikias, of whom we have only one example, a bell-shaped krater in the British Museum (formerly in the Tyszkiewicz collection),[1387] is evidently, from the form of the vase and the style of the paintings, an artist of the latest stage of R.F. vase-painting at Athens. He is, however, remarkable in one respect, namely the form of his signature,[1388] which gives not only his parentage but—a unique instance among vase-painters—his deme:
Nikias, of whom we only have one known example, a bell-shaped krater in the British Museum (formerly in the Tyszkiewicz collection),[1387] is clearly, based on the shape of the vase and the style of the paintings, an artist from the final stage of R.F. vase-painting in Athens. He is notable in one particular way, which is the form of his signature,[1388] that includes not only his lineage but—uniquely among vase-painters—his deme:
The subject of the vase is the torch-race, one often found on late Athenian kraters, and seldom at an earlier date.
The topic of the vase is the torch race, which is commonly seen on later Athenian kraters but rarely appears in earlier periods.
Lastly we have a hydria from the hand of Meidias, in the British Museum, which originally formed part of the Hamilton collection (Plate XLI.). Winckelmann estimated it above all other vases known to him, and regarded it as illustrating the highest achievement of the Greeks in the way of drawing. His criticism is hardly even now out of date, in spite of the enormous number that now challenge comparison with it, as far as concerns the beauty and richness of the drawing and of the composition. The artist, says Furtwaengler, “revels in a sea of beauty and grace; youth and charm are idealised in his work.” In point of style it belongs to the epoch of the Peloponnesian War, about 430–420 B.C., but so admirable is the work that it can hardly be placed so low as the contemporary vases of “late fine” style, with their patent evidences of decadence. Meidias may therefore fairly be included with the foregoing.[1389]
Lastly, we have a hydria created by Meidias, located in the British Museum, which was originally part of the Hamilton collection (Plate XLI.). Winckelmann rated it above all other vases known to him and viewed it as showcasing the highest achievement of the Greeks in drawing. His assessment still holds true today, even with the vast number of vases that can now be compared, regarding the beauty and richness of the drawing and composition. The artist, according to Furtwaengler, “enjoys a sea of beauty and grace; youth and charm are idealized in his work.” In terms of style, it belongs to the period of the Peloponnesian War, around 430–420 BCE, but the quality of the work is so exceptional that it can't really be categorized as low as the contemporary vases of the “late fine” style, which clearly show signs of decline. Therefore, Meidias can rightly be included among the others.[1389]

Hydria by Meidias (British Museum).
Hydria by Meidias (British Museum).
The subjects represented are arranged in two friezes all round the vase, the upper containing the rape of the Leukippidae by the Dioskuri—a subject which had been chosen by Polygnotos for his painting in the Anakeion.[1390] Not only this, but all the vases with the same subject are doubtless largely indebted to the painting for their ideas, especially in the system of composition with figures at different levels.[1391] On the lower row the front view shows Herakles in the garden of the Hesperides, and at the back is a group of Athenian tribal heroes.[1392] All the figures have their names inscribed; these, together with the artist’s signature, were only first noticed by Gerhard in 1839. Among the details of treatment are to be noted the exquisitely fine lines for the folds of drapery, and the elaborate chequers and other patterns representing embroidery, the occasional use of gilding, the attempts to impart expression to faces by means of wrinkles, and the characteristic rendering of the hair with wavy dark lines of thinned black on a brown wash.
The figures depicted are arranged in two friezes around the vase, with the upper one showing the abduction of the Leukippidae by the Dioskuri—a scene that Polygnotos had chosen for his painting in the Anakeion.[1390] Not only this, but all the vases with the same theme are likely influenced by the painting, especially in how the figures are composed at different levels.[1391] In the lower row, the front view displays Herakles in the garden of the Hesperides, while at the back is a group of Athenian tribal heroes.[1392] Every figure has its name inscribed; these, along with the artist's signature, were first noted by Gerhard in 1839. Among the details to appreciate are the incredibly fine lines for the folds of drapery, the intricate checks and other patterns representing embroidery, the occasional use of gilding, attempts to convey expression in the faces through wrinkles, and the distinctive depiction of hair with wavy dark lines of thinned black on a brown wash.
The last artist of Athenian origin who remains to be mentioned is Xenophantos, a contemporary of Meidias, whose name appears on a vase found at Kertch and now in the Hermitage at Petersburg.[1393] Here he expressly calls himself an Athenian, and it has therefore been supposed that the vase was made on the spot, otherwise it would not be obvious why he should proclaim his nationality (see below, p. 464). The chief feature of the vase—a lekythos of the “bellied” type so common at this stage—is the use of figures moulded in relief and applied to the surface, in conjunction with gilding and a lavish use of white colour. The subject is the Persian king hunting.
The last artist from Athens worth mentioning is Xenophantos, who was a contemporary of Meidias. His name appears on a vase found in Kertch, which is now in the Hermitage in Petersburg.[1393] Here, he explicitly identifies himself as an Athenian, leading to the assumption that the vase was made locally; otherwise, it’s unclear why he would need to highlight his nationality (see below, p. 464). The main feature of the vase—a lekythos of the “bellied” type, which was very common at this time—is the use of figures molded in relief and applied to the surface, along with gilding and a generous application of white color. The theme depicts the Persian king on a hunt.
The vases of the late fine style, into which the “fine” style merges about the year 430 B.C., may be divided into two classes,—that of the larger vases, chiefly kraters, in which the pictorial traditions of the Polygnotan vases are carried on and developed, and the influence of contemporary art makes itself felt; and that of the smaller types, such as the pyxis and the wide-bellied lekythos, in which new features and new subjects are introduced (cf. Plate XLII.).
The vases from the late fine style, which merges with the "fine" style around 430 BCE, can be split into two categories: the larger vases, mainly kraters, that continue and develop the pictorial traditions of the Polygnotan vases while also reflecting the impact of contemporary art; and the smaller types, like the pyxis and the wide-bellied lekythos, which introduce new features and subjects (cf. Plate XLII.).
The former class is chiefly made up of the vases found in Southern Italy, in the Crimea, the Cyrenaica, and the Greek islands, which are apparently of Athenian, not local, fabric; but they are comparatively rare at Athens and in Greece Proper, where the smaller vases have been found in considerable numbers. It may be found convenient to deal first with the latter, as more typically Athenian, while the larger vases serve as a connecting-link with the succeeding fabrics dealt with in the next section.
The earlier group mainly consists of the vases discovered in Southern Italy, Crimea, Cyrenaica, and the Greek islands, which seem to be made in Athens rather than locally; however, these are quite rare in Athens and mainland Greece, where a larger number of smaller vases have been found. It might be easier to focus on the smaller ones first, as they are more typically Athenian, while the larger vases act as a bridge to the next styles discussed in the following section.
In these vases linear drawing reaches its limits in respect of perfect freedom and refinement of detail; but it is at a severe cost. The artist seems to have lost interest in his subject when it no longer required an effort to execute it, and is content to decorate his vase with a few stock figures in conventional attitudes, uncharacterised by action or attribute. Frequent faults of design may be observed, such as coarseness of drawing or negligence in the laying on of the black varnish. The artist works by routine, and appears to be nonchalant and bored. Mythological scenes become exceedingly rare, and are confined to Dionysos or Aphrodite with their attendant personifications, and the compositions are fanciful or decorative in character, without any suggestion of particular events or actions. The all-pervading presence of Eros is another feature which is new to vase-painting, but henceforward his position is established. An even greater novelty is the preponderance
In these vases, linear drawing reaches its limits in terms of complete freedom and fine detail, but it comes at a high price. The artist seems to lose interest in the subject once it no longer requires effort to create, settling for decorating the vase with a few standard figures in typical poses that lack action or unique traits. You can often spot design flaws like rough drawing or carelessness in applying the black varnish. The artist appears to work on autopilot, seemingly indifferent and bored. Mythological scenes become very rare, only featuring Dionysos or Aphrodite with their usual personifications, and the compositions are more fanciful or decorative without hinting at specific events or actions. The constant presence of Eros is another new element in vase painting, and from now on, his role is secure. An even greater innovation is the dominance

VASE OF “LATE FINE” STYLE.
(British Museum).
VASE OF "LATE FINE" STYLE.
(British Museum).
of subjects connected with the daily life of women or children—the toilet, the occupations of every-day life, or nuptial ceremonies; and a whole series of small jugs, themselves in all probability toys, depicts the various games in which the Athenian child delighted—the hoop, the go-cart, and the ball, or his pet animals (cf. Plate XLII.).
of topics related to the everyday lives of women and children—their grooming, daily activities, or wedding ceremonies; along with a collection of small jugs, likely toys, showcasing the different games that Athenian children enjoyed—the hoop, the go-cart, and the ball, or their favorite pets (cf. Plate XLII.).
The shapes most popular in this group are, as we have indicated, the oinochoë, the wide-bellied lekythos, and the pyxis (Plate XLII.). Milchhoefer, in a most important article,[1394] regards the lekythi as more instructive than any other group for illustrating the later developments of R.F. vase-painting. Beginning with early examples of the fine style,[1395] they extend to the very end without any gaps, the tradition being further continued in Apulia. They exhibit a development from simple to rich compositions, from “strong” style to perfect freedom. In the latest examples, such as that by Xenophantos, we see the straining after novelty which marks the decadence, in the introduction of figures in relief applied to the surface of the vase, as well as in the increase of polychromy and gilding. Among the finer vases we may note a hydria at Karlsruhe (259) with the Judgment of Paris, in which may be traced the hand of Meidias; the lekythos in the British Museum from Cyprus (E 696), with Oedipus slaying the Sphinx, in which the figure of Athena with its white coating is clearly reminiscent of the gold-and-ivory Parthenos statue; and two pretty lekythi from Apollonia, in Thrace, with the subject of incense-gathering. There are also two pyxides in the British Museum (E 773–4), on which are groups of women, with fancy names added to give interest to the scene: thus Klytaemnestra, Danae, and Iphigeneia occur all together, and the Nereids are engaged in the every-day occupations of the women’s apartments.
The most popular shapes in this group are, as we've mentioned, the oinochoë, the wide-bellied lekythos, and the pyxis (Plate XLII). Milchhoefer, in a very important article,[1394] considers the lekythi to be more informative than any other group for showcasing the later developments of R.F. vase-painting. Starting from early examples of the fine style,[1395] they extend right to the end without interruptions, with the tradition continuing further in Apulia. They show a progression from simple to intricate designs, from a “strong” style to complete freedom. In the latest examples, like the one by Xenophantos, we observe a push for novelty that characterizes the decline, with the introduction of figures in relief applied to the surface of the vase, as well as an increase in polychromy and gilding. Among the finer vases, we can highlight a hydria at Karlsruhe (259) featuring the Judgment of Paris, which shows the skill of Meidias; the lekythos in the British Museum from Cyprus (E 696), depicting Oedipus killing the Sphinx, where the figure of Athena with its white coating clearly resembles the gold-and-ivory Parthenos statue; and two attractive lekythi from Apollonia, in Thrace, illustrating the theme of incense-gathering. There are also two pyxides in the British Museum (E 773–4), which display groups of women, with creative names added to enhance the scene: Klytaemnestra, Danae, and Iphigeneia all appear together, while the Nereids are engaged in the everyday activities of the women’s quarters.
From a technical point of view, the principal change is in the increased use of gilding and polychrome colouring. The former, employed exceptionally by Euphronios and Brygos, now becomes the rule, and concurrently the use of white for flesh-tints, as in the figure of Athena just mentioned, and of red, green, and blue for draperies, becomes more and more general. The gilding was applied for small details, such as wreaths, and for the hair; and the places where it was to be applied were marked by low relief. It was fixed in the form of gold-leaf by means of a yellowish gum. Jahn, who some years ago collected the list of vases with gilding,[1396] reckoned fifty-one known to him, chiefly from Kertch; and Heydemann and Collignon[1397] have since added several to the list, chiefly from collections at Athens. They have been found not only in Athens and Kertch, but at Corinth, Megara, Hermione, Thebes, and in Acarnania and Thrace.
From a technical perspective, the main change is the increased use of gilding and colorful paints. Gilding, which was used sparingly by Euphronios and Brygos, now becomes standard, and the use of white for skin tones—like in the figure of Athena mentioned earlier—and red, green, and blue for clothing is becoming more common. Gilding was used for small details, like wreaths and hair; areas designated for gilding were marked by low relief. It was applied as gold-leaf using a yellowish gum. Jahn, who compiled a list of vases with gilding a few years ago,[1396] identified fifty-one that he knew of, mostly from Kertch; and Heydemann and Collignon[1397] have since added several more, primarily from collections in Athens. These items have been discovered not only in Athens and Kertch but also in Corinth, Megara, Hermione, Thebes, and in Acarnania and Thrace.
In the larger vases of this period the pictorial method of the preceding phase is, as might have been expected, greatly developed. Among the vases of undoubted Attic origin we have, first of all, the Meidias hydria and its companion vase, the Karlsruhe hydria with the Judgment of Paris[1398]; and, secondly, the great Gigantomachia vase from Melos in the Louvre, which contains no less than forty-seven figures.[1399] Another fine instance is the polychrome Kameiros vase in the British Museum with the subject of Peleus and Thetis. Robert[1400] sees in the two latter a possible influence of Parrhasios, who is known to have paid great attention to drawing, and, in reference to the Kameiros vase, draws attention to the plastic silhouette effect of the figures. Parrhasios’ art consisted in giving this effect by his linear drawing.[1401] The influence of Zeuxis is less apparent, though from his earlier date it might more naturally have been expected.[1402]
In the larger vases from this period, the pictorial style of the previous phase is, as expected, significantly more advanced. Among the vases of definitely Attic origin, we first have the Meidias hydria and its companion, the Karlsruhe hydria, depicting the Judgment of Paris[1398]; and, secondly, the impressive Gigantomachia vase from Melos in the Louvre, which features no fewer than forty-seven figures.[1399] Another excellent example is the multicolored Kameiros vase in the British Museum, showing the scene of Peleus and Thetis. Robert[1400] sees in the latter two a potential influence from Parrhasios, who is known for his focus on drawing. Regarding the Kameiros vase, he highlights the sculptural silhouette effect of the figures. Parrhasios’ technique aimed to achieve this effect through his linear drawing.[1401] The influence of Zeuxis is less obvious, although one might have expected it more naturally due to his earlier timeline.[1402]
It is, however, still more instructive to trace in this group the influence of the Parthenon sculptures, which, where it can be observed, enables us to date the vases approximately as at any rate not earlier than 438 B.C. On the other hand, it must be borne in mind that sculptor and painter may often have gone back to the same original type. This explains the appearance of apparently Pheidian motives on vases of an earlier style—such as riding youths, water-carriers, etc.—or the similarity of composition on one of the Parthenon metopes and a vase of undoubtedly earlier date.[1403] But in one or two instances there can be no doubt of such influence, most notably in the Athena and Poseidon vase from Kertch (see below, p. 464). It cannot be without significance here that the two figures are actually in relief on the vase, and the parallelism with the pediment (so far as we know the design) is so close that a copy of it was manifestly the vase-artist’s intention. Mention has already been made of a figure of the Parthenos on a vase of this period, and another instance, though not on a painted vase, may be noted in the polychrome bust of the goddess in terracotta from Athens, now in the British Museum.[1404] Some instances of this type on vases may be earlier than the statue; it was not created by Pheidias.[1405]
It’s still more helpful to see in this group the influence of the Parthenon sculptures, which, where we can observe it, helps us date the vases to at least 438 B.C. On the other hand, we must keep in mind that sculptors and painters may have referred back to the same original type. This explains why we see apparently Pheidian themes on vases of an earlier style—like riding youths, water-carriers, and so on—or the similarity in composition between one of the Parthenon metopes and a vase that is definitely older.[1403] But in a couple of cases, there’s no doubt about this influence, especially in the Athena and Poseidon vase from Kertch (see below, p. 464). It’s noteworthy that the two figures are actually in relief on the vase, and the resemblance to the pediment (based on what we know of the design) is so close that it’s clear a copy of it was the vase artist’s intention. We’ve already mentioned a figure of the Parthenos on a vase from this period, and another example, although not a painted vase, can be seen in the polychrome bust of the goddess in terracotta from Athens, now in the British Museum.[1404] Some examples of this type on vases may be older than the statue; it wasn’t made by Pheidias.[1405]
It has already been mentioned that there is one exception to the Athenian monopoly of vase-making in the fifth century, and this is in the local fabrics of Boeotia. Of the Kabeirion vases, which, though in the B.F. technique, belong to this period, we have already spoken. There remains a small class—only five examples are at present known—which appears to have been made at Tanagra. All five evidently came from the same workshop, and in three cases the provenance is certainly known. Two are in the British Museum (E 813–4), and three in the Museum at Athens.[1406] With the exception of E 814 in the British Museum, which is a pyxis, all are small two-handled cups, with low feet. The designs are outlined on a background of yellow clay in a black-brown pigment, the lines being coarsely drawn. Inner details are indicated by means of thinned-out pigment. That they are of Boeotian origin is further shown by the ornamentation: the pyxis has round the sides rows of vertical wavy lines, such as are often seen on the Boeotian geometrical fabrics (p. 288), and also an ivy-leaf which recalls the Kabeirion ware. The ornamentation of the hangings round the chair on Athens 1120 exactly resembles the patterns indicating the drapery on some of the early Boeotian terracottas.[1407] The subjects, on the other hand, seem to suggest Athenian prototypes: in the designs much archaism is to be observed—such as defects in perspective, the rendering of the eyelashes, and the drawing of the feet in profile, but with toes in front. Numerous small details point to a date late in the fifth century, which, in view of the conservative tendencies of Boeotia, is not unlikely.
It has already been noted that there is one exception to the Athenian monopoly on vase-making in the fifth century, which is found in the local productions of Boeotia. We have already discussed the Kabeirion vases, which, while made using the B.F. technique, belong to this period. There remains a small group—only five examples are currently known—that seems to have been produced in Tanagra. All five clearly originated from the same workshop, and in three cases, the provenance is definitely established. Two are in the British Museum (E 813–4), and three are in the Museum in Athens.[1406] Except for E 814 in the British Museum, which is a pyxis, all are small two-handled cups with low feet. The designs are outlined on a yellow clay background using a black-brown pigment, with the lines drawn somewhat roughly. Inner details are shown with diluted pigment. Their Boeotian origin is further indicated by the decoration: the pyxis features rows of vertical wavy lines around the sides, often seen on Boeotian geometric fabrics (p. 288), and also an ivy leaf that is reminiscent of Kabeirion ware. The decoration of the drapery around the chair on Athens 1120 closely resembles the patterns found on some of the early Boeotian terracottas.[1407] On the other hand, the subjects seem to suggest Athenian influences: the designs show considerable archaism—such as issues with perspective, the portrayal of eyelashes, and the profile rendering of feet with toes facing forward. Numerous small details indicate a date late in the fifth century, which is quite plausible given the conservative tendencies of Boeotia.

FIG. 104. BOEOTIAN KYLIX (BRITISH MUSEUM): GIRL PLAYING KOTTABOS(?).
FIG. 104. BOEOTIAN KYLIX (BRITISH MUSEUM): GIRL PLAYING KOTTABOS(?).
The subjects are of some interest, and include two figures of Herakles, one bearded, the other youthful; a girl playing kottabos (Fig. 104); and a cultus-image of an enthroned Chthonian goddess (Demeter or Persephone), holding a torch, ears of corn, and poppies. These vases have been collected and fully discussed in an interesting article by Dr. S. Wide.[1408]
The subjects are somewhat intriguing and include two figures of Herakles, one bearded and the other youthful; a girl playing kottabos (Fig. 104); and a cult image of a seated Chthonian goddess (Demeter or Persephone), holding a torch, ears of corn, and poppies. These vases have been collected and thoroughly discussed in an engaging article by Dr. S. Wide.[1408]
1269. Klein, Euphronios,2 p. 31 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Klein, Euphronios,2 p. 31 and following.
1270. See Berl. Phil. Woch. 1894, p. 112.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Berl. Phil. Woch. 1894, p. 112.
1271. See Norton in Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, p. 37.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Norton in Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1896, p. 37.
1272. Furtwaengler, in Berl. Phil. Woch. 1894, p. 112, in repudiating the idea that the new style was first introduced in the kylikes, seems to have misunderstood Hartwig’s arguments.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Furtwaengler, in Berl. Phil. Woch. 1894, p. 112, rejecting the notion that the new style was first introduced in the kylikes, seems to have misunderstood Hartwig’s arguments.
1273. Jahrbuch, ii. (1887), p. 159 ff. The alternative view is upheld by Klein, Lieblingsinschr.2 p. 26 ff., and he is followed by Murray, Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 6. Klein compares Epictetan vases with the work of Mikon, and also bases his argument on the story of Kimon and the bones of Theseus (see p. 418).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, ii. (1887), p. 159 ff. The alternative view is supported by Klein, Favorite inscription. p. 26 ff., and he is followed by Murray, Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 6. Klein compares Epictetan vases with Mikon's work and also bases his argument on the story of Kimon and the bones of Theseus (see p. 418).
1274. Inscr. Gr. i. (Atticae), Suppl. pp. 79, 154; Jahrbuch, loc. cit. p. 144.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Inscr. Gr. i. (Atticae), Suppl. pp. 79, 154; Yearbook, loc. cit. p. 144.
1276. On the identity of these names in particular, see Klein, Lieblingsinschr.2 p. 27 ff.; Murray, Designs, p. 6; J.H.S. xii. p. 380.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information on the identity of these specific names, check out Klein, Lieblingsinschr.2 p. 27 ff.; Murray, Designs, p. 6; J.H.S. xii. p. 380.
1277. Hartwig (p. 11) points out that vase-painters also bear well-known names, such as Hieron, Andokides, Aristophanes.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hartwig (p. 11) notes that vase painters are also recognizable by famous names like Hieron, Andokides, and Aristophanes.
1278. The name of Leagros also occurs on late B.F. hydriae, e.g. B 325 in B.M. It is used by four R.F. painters in all.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The name Leagros also appears on late B.F. hydriae, for example B 325 in B.M. It is used by a total of four R.F. painters.
1279. E.g. Branteghem Cat. 57.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. Branteghem Cat. 57.
1280. See Hartwig, Meistersch. p. 3, and id. in Mélanges d’Arch. 1894, p. 10. He also cites a vase in Berlin (1906) which bears the name Stesileos καλός. This may refer to the S. who fell at Marathon.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hartwig, Meistersch. p. 3, and id. in Mélanges d’Arch. 1894, p. 10. He also mentions a vase in Berlin (1906) which bears the name Stesileos good. This could refer to the S. who died at Marathon.
1282. C. Smith in B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.C. Smith in B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 1.
1283. See also B.M. E 15, E 458.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also B.M. E 15, E 458.
1284. Cf. Pliny’s In veste rugas et sinus inventit, of Kimon.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Pliny’s He found wrinkles and folds in the garment, about Kimon.
1288. See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 11.
1289. See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 14; Urlichs, Beiträge, p. 37; and cf. p. 135 for a mention of a vase stamped with an owl and olive-branch, and supposed to be an official choinix measure.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 14; Urlichs, Contributions, p. 37; and see p. 135 for a mention of a vase stamped with an owl and olive branch, which is thought to be an official choinix measure.
1290. xi. 495 B.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. xi. 495 B.
1292. Cf. B.M. E 471 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See B.M. E 471 ff.
1293. See Jahrbuch, 1894, p. 60.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Yearbook, 1894, p. 60.
1294. See what has been said above on the changes in the form of the amphora, hydria, and krater.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the discussion above about the changes in the designs of the amphora, hydria, and krater.
1295. Jahrbuch, 1892, p. 105 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1892, p. 105 ff.
1297. See also some valuable notes on the subject in Riegl’s Stilfragen, p. 191 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Also check out some useful notes on the topic in Riegl’s Style questions, p. 191 ff.
1298. B.M. E 4–5; Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 16, fig. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. E 4–5; Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 16, fig. 3.
1299. B.M. E 17–19; Berlin 2263, 4220; Louvre G 18; Helbig 246 = Mus. Greg. ii. 70, 2. All these are cups with the name of Memnon καλός.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. E 17–19; Berlin 2263, 4220; Louvre G 18; Helbig 246 = Mus. Greg. ii. 70, 2. All these are cups with the name of Memnon good.
1300. Berlin 2262.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Berlin 2262.
1301. B.M. E 22, 41; Berlin 2264–65; Louvre G 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. E 22, 41; Berlin 2264–65; Louvre G 17.
1302. E.g. Munich 1160 (by Hischylos) B.M. E 37–8, 40.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For instance. Munich 1160 (by Hischylos) B.M. E 37–8, 40.
1303. As on E 69, 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. As on E 69, 78.
1305. B.M. E 6, 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 6, 78.
1306. B.M. E 818.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 818.
1307. See Hartwig, Meistersch. p. 321; and cf. B.M. E 68, 718.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hartwig, Master's p. 321; and also look at B.M. E 68, 718.
1308. See Furtwaengler, Eros in d. Vasenm.; Knapp, Nike in d. Vasenm.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Furtwaengler, Eros in the Vases; Knapp, Nike in the Vases
1309. B.M. E 772–73.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 772–73.
1310. Notably on the fine kylix by Peithinos in Berlin (Hartwig, Meistersch. pl. 24). Cf. B.M. E 462, 510, and Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. pls. 44–5 = Munich 408.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Especially on the beautiful kylix by Peithinos in Berlin (Hartwig, Master's degree pl. 24). See B.M. E 462, 510, and Furtwaengler and Reichhold, Gr. Vasenm. pls. 44–5 = Munich 408.
1311. Cf. also, for varied treatment of the same subject by two artists, B.M. E 44 (ext.) with Louvre G 17.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also, for different takes on the same topic by two artists, B.M. E 44 (ext.) with Louvre G 17.
1314. E.g. B.M. E 406 (Lampadedromia); E 298, 460, 469, 270 (musical contests).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, B.M. E 406 (Lampadedromia); E 298, 460, 469, 270 (music competitions).
1315. General reference may be made to Klein’s Meistersig., 2nd edn., supplemented by Hartwig.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.General reference can be made to Klein’s Meistersig., 2nd ed., updated by Hartwig.
1316. Cf. also C. Smith in B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 21.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also C. Smith in B.M. Cat. of Vases, iii. p. 21.
1317. Euphronios,2 p. 14 ff., with list of cups in Appendix.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Euphronios,2 p. 14 ff., with list of cups in Appendix.
1318. B.M. E 18.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. B.M. E 18.
1319. The type, it should be noted, is purely B.F. in character.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. The type is strictly B.F. in nature.
1320. Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 8.
1321. The Louvre cup F 129, inscribed Ἐπίλυκος καλός, cannot be assigned to him, although Klein did so. See Monuments Piot, ix. pp. 157, 168 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The Louvre cup F 129, which is inscribed Good solution, can't be attributed to him, even though Klein claimed it could. See Monuments Piot, ix. pp. 157, 168 ff.
1322. Él. Cér. iii. 73; B.M. E 34; Branteghem Cat. 28; fragment acquired by B.M., 1896; Boston Mus. Report, 1903, No. 52.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Él. Cér. iii. 73; B.M. E 34; Branteghem Cat. 28; fragment acquired by B.M., 1896; Boston Mus. Report, 1903, No. 52.
1323. Meisterschalen, chap. iv.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Master Bowls, chap. iv.
1324. Nos. 8–11 in Klein’s list, according to Hartwig, p. 63.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Nos. 8–11 in Klein’s list, according to Hartwig, p. 63.
1325. The earliest example seems to be Reinach, i. 223 = Wiener Vorl. D. 5 (a cup by Pamphaios).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The earliest example appears to be Reinach, i. 223 = Wiener Vorl. D. 5 (a cup by Pamphaios).
1326. As in the Epidromos cup (B.M. E 25).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Just like in the Epidromos cup (B.M. E 25).
1328. Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 4.
1329. Reinach, i. 460, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, i. 460, 1.
1330. See Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 39, fig. 8, pl. 40, figs. 11–12; the Satyr and archer are among recent acquisitions of the British Museum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Cesnola, Cyprus, pl. 39, fig. 8, pl. 40, figs. 11–12; the Satyr and archer are among the recent additions to the British Museum.
1331. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1883, p. 213.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ann. dell’ Inst. 1883, p. 213.
1332. Euphronios, p. 289 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Euphronios, p. 289 and following.
1333. See Hoppin’s monograph on this painter, passim. In addition to the five signed vases (for which see Klein, Meistersig. p. 194) he gives the following as probably Euthymides’ work: B.M. B 254–56, 767; Munich 410 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 33; Berlin 2180; Reinach, ii. 133.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out Hoppin’s monograph on this painter, passim. Besides the five signed vases (for which see Klein, Meistersig. p. 194), he suggests the following as likely works by Euthymides: B.M. B 254–56, 767; Munich 410 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 33; Berlin 2180; Reinach, ii. 133.
1334. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1887, pl. 6.
1335. See also J.H.S. xii. p. 380.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See also J.H.S. 12, p. 380.
1336. See Hartwig, chap. ix. throughout; also Jones in J.H.S. xii. p. 366 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hartwig, chap. 9. throughout; also Jones in J.H.S. 12, p. 366 and following.
1337. Klein only knew of four, but Hartwig (p. 168) has added to his list.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Klein only knew of four, but Hartwig (p. 168) has added to his list.
1338. A hydria in Munich (No. 6) is also probably his work. It represents his colleague Euthymides and another potter, Tlenpolemos (see p. 440). Cf. the vase mentioned above, dedicated by Phintias to Euthymides.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A hydria in Munich (No. 6) is likely his work as well. It depicts his colleague Euthymides and another potter, Tlenpolemos (see p. 440). See also the vase mentioned earlier, which was dedicated by Phintias to Euthymides.
1339. Reinach, i. 203.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Reinach, vol. 1, page 203.
1340. See also Hartwig, pl. 6.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See also Hartwig, p. 6.
1341. Gerhard, A.V. 103 = Reinach, ii. 57. The vase in Ant. Denkm. ii. pl. 8, is probably not his work, as has been suggested. The ornamentation of the hydria is not given accurately by Gerhard (see Klein, Meistersig. p. 198).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gerhard, A.V. 103 = Reinach, ii. 57. The vase in Ant. Denkm. ii. pl. 8 is probably not his work, as has been suggested. The decoration of the hydria is not accurately represented by Gerhard (see Klein, Meistersig. p. 198).
1342. Karlsruhe 242; Arch. Anzeiger, 1894, p. 180 (at Odessa).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Karlsruhe 242; Arch. Anzeiger, 1894, p. 180 (at Odessa).
1343. Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1895, p. 485.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1895, p. 485.
1344. It is used by Andokides, Chelis, Euthymides, Pamphaios, and Nikosthenes.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It's used by Andokides, Chelis, Euthymides, Pamphaios, and Nikosthenes.
1345. See Klein, Euphronios, passim; Hartwig, chaps. vii. xviii.; Murray, Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Klein, Euphronios, various sections; Hartwig, chaps. 7, 18; Murray, Designs on Gk. Vases, p. 11.
1346. E.g. the B.M. hydria B 325: see Klein, Lieblingsinschr2. p. 70.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, the B.M. hydria B 325: see Klein, Favorite inscription2. p. 70.
1347. Hartwig, p. 152, mentions another possible instance, an amphora in the Louvre. All the vases except (9) are published in Klein’s Euphronios, and all except (8) and (9) in the Wiener Vorlegeblätter, ser. 5, pls. 1–7. A few more recent publications are noted in the list.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hartwig, p. 152, mentions another possible instance, an amphora in the Louvre. All the vases except (9) are published in Klein’s Euphronios, and all except (8) and (9) in the Wiener Presentation Papers, ser. 5, pls. 1–7. A few more recent publications are noted in the list.
1348. Paus. v. 19, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Paus. v. 19, 1.
1349. Hartwig, op. cit. p. 487; Furtwaengler in Gr. Vasenm. p. 110 (denies the B.M. kylix to Euphronios).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Hartwig, op. cit. p. 487; Furtwaengler in Gr. Vasenm. p. 110 (denies the B.M. kylix to Euphronios).
1350. Hartwig, pl. 53.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hartwig, p. 53.
1351. As noted on p. 457, it has been attributed by Furtwaengler (with some probability) to Sotades. For other attributions of vases to Euphronios, see Hartwig, chaps. vii. and xviii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.As mentioned on p. 457, Furtwaengler has likely attributed this to Sotades. For other vases credited to Euphronios, check Hartwig, chaps. vii. and xviii.
1352. Op. cit. chaps. x. and xxi.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. cit. chs. x and xxi.
1353. A good instance of this is E 50 in the British Museum.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A great example of this is E 50 in the British Museum.
1354. Wiener Vorl. vi. pl. 7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Wiener Vorl. vi. pl. 7.
1355. Murray, p. 12.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Murray, p. 12.
1356. See his chap. xvii.: “Der Meister mit dem Kahlkopf.”
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See his chap. xvii.: “The Master with the Bald Head.”
1357. Hartwig, p. 301.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hartwig, p. 301.
1358. Ibid. p. 305.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. p. 305.
1359. Murray, p. 15.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Murray, p. 15.
1360. See Murray, Designs, p. 16; Hartwig, p. 321.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Murray, Designs, p. 16; Hartwig, p. 321.
1361. Ant. Denkm. i. pls. 9, 10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ant. Denkm. i. pls. 9, 10.
1362. Except in one insignificant instance: see Rayet and Collignon, p. 187.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Except for one minor case: see Rayet and Collignon, p. 187.
1363. Murray (Designs, p. 5) notes the same characteristic in the cups with genre subjects, as in the B.M. examples E 33, 39, 49, 51, 54, 55, 61, 68, 70, 71, 78.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Murray (Designs, p. 5) highlights the same feature in the cups with genre subjects, similar to the B.M. examples E 33, 39, 49, 51, 54, 55, 61, 68, 70, 71, 78.
1364. See Monuments Piot, ix. pls. 2–3, p. 15 ff·
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Monuments Piot, ix. pls. 2–3, p. 15 ff·
1365. Lieblingsinschr.2 p. 126 = Reinach, i. 166.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Favorite Inscription.2 p. 126 = Reinach, i. 166.
1366. Quint. Inst. Or. xii. 15.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Quint. Inst. Or. xii. 15.
1367. This chronology is taken from Robert’s Marathonschlacht, p. 69.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This timeline is from Robert's Marathon battle, p. 69.
1368. Cf. Jahrbuch, ii. (1887), p. 170 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Yearbook, ii. (1887), p. 170 ff.
1370. See J.H.S. xviii. pl. 14, p. 276 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See J.H.S. xviii. pl. 14, p. 276 ff.
1371. See his monographs on the Nekyia and Iliupersis = Hallisches Festprogramm, Nos. 16 and 17 (1892–93).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out his monographs on the Nekyia and Iliupersis = Halle Festival Program, Nos. 16 and 17 (1892–93).
1372. E.g. B.M. E 492; Reinach, i. 217.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example: B.M. E 492; Reinach, i. 217.
1373. See Robert in Mon. Antichi, ix. p. 24; id. Marathonschlacht, p. 55.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Robert in Mon. Antichi, ix. p. 24; id. Marathon battle, p. 55.
1374. The type of Orpheus on this vase is clearly derived from Polygnotos; the figure standing with one foot raised, like Antilochos in the Nekyia, is a well-known motive of his. See Furtwaengler, op. cit. p. 161.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The depiction of Orpheus on this vase clearly comes from Polygnotos; the figure standing with one foot raised, similar to Antilochos in the Nekyia, is a recognizable theme of his. See Furtwaengler, op. cit. p. 161.
1375. See Robert, Nekyia, p. 43; Dümmler in Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 170 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Robert, Nekyia, p. 43; Dümmler in Yearbook, 1887, p. 170 ff.
1376. Stackelberg, pl. 25.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Stackelberg, p. 25.
1377. Branteghem Cat. 84 = Ant. Denkm, i. 59: see also ibid. 85.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Branteghem Cat. 84 = Ant. Denkm, i. 59: see also ibid. 85.
1378. Report for 1900, Nos. 17–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Report for 1900, Nos. 17–8.
1379. In Madrid (Ant. Denkm. ii. pl. 1). The vase E 84 in the British Museum is very similar, and the style also has affinities with that of Aristophanes.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In Madrid (Ant. Denkm. ii. pl. 1). The vase E 84 in the British Museum is very similar, and the style also has connections with that of Aristophanes.
1380. Cat. 167.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 167.
1381. Mon. Antichi, ix. pls. 2–3, p. 5 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. Antichi, ix. pls. 2–3, p. 5 ff.
1382. Op. cit. pl. 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Op. cit. p. 2.
1383. Ibid. pl. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Same source. pl. 3.
1384. E 284 = Reinach, ii. 123.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.E 284 = Reinach, ii. 123.
1385. Naples 3089 = Millingen-Reinach, 33 is probably also by Polygnotos.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Naples 3089 = Millingen-Reinach, 33 is likely also by Polygnotos.
1386. The British Museum pelike with the Birth of Athena (E 410) and the Tricase vase (J.H.S. xviii. p. 279) may perhaps be his work.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The British Museum pelike featuring the Birth of Athena (E 410) and the Tricase vase (J.H.S. xviii. p. 279) might possibly be his work.
1387. Froehner, Tyszkiewicz Coll. pl. 35.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Froehner, Tyszkiewicz Collection pl. 35.
1388. For facsimile see Chapter XVII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For the fax, see Chapter 17.
1389. The following vases are in the style of Meidias, though not necessarily from his hand: Athens 1287 = Reinach, i. 342; Naples, S.A. 311 = Reinach, i. 474, 7; Jahrbuch, 1894, p. 252; Karlsruhe 259 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 30; Reinach, i. 472, 1; 476, 2; 477, 2; 493, 3; Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 8; Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 59.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The following vases reflect the style of Meidias, but they might not have been created by him: Athens 1287 = Reinach, i. 342; Naples, S.A. 311 = Reinach, i. 474, 7; Yearbook, 1894, p. 252; Karlsruhe 259 = Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 30; Reinach, i. 472, 1; 476, 2; 477, 2; 493, 3; Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 8; Furtwaengler and Reichhold, pl. 59.
1390. Paus. i. 18, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Paus. i. 18, 1.
1391. See Robert, Marathonschlacht, p. 97; Nekyia, p. 42. On late R.F. vases with double friezes see Winter, Jüngere attische Vasen, p. 69, and Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 102. The principle is frequently adopted in the vases of Apulia (e.g. Plate XLV.); for early Apulian examples see p. 485.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Robert, Marathon battle, p. 97; Nekyia, p. 42. For late R.F. vases featuring double friezes, refer to Winter, Younger Attic Vases, p. 69, and Rom. Dig. 1897, p. 102. This principle is often used in the vases of Apulia (e.g. Plate XLV.); for early Apulian examples, see p. 485.
1392. See J.H.S. xiii. p. 119.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. p. 119.
1393. Cat. 1790 = Ant. du Bosph. Cimm. pl. 46 (in colours) = Reinach, i. 23. For a curious imitation of this vase, see Naples 2992.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Cat. 1790 = Ant. du Bosph. Cimm. pl. 46 (in colors) = Reinach, i. 23. For an interesting replica of this vase, check out Naples 2992.
1394. Jahrbuch, 1894, p. 57 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Yearbook, 1894, p. 57 ff.
1395. Naples 3135, according to him, is contemporaneous with the B.M. Aphrodite cup (D 2), about 460 B.C.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.He says that Naples 3135 is from the same period as the B.M. Aphrodite cup (D 2), which is about 460 BCE
1396. Vasen mit Goldschmuck (1865).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Vases with Gold Decorations (1865).
1397. Gr. Vasenbilder, p. 2, pl. 1, fig. 3, pl. 9, fig. 1; Rev. Arch. xxx. (1875), pp. 1, 73, pls. 17–20. See also Berlin 2661 = Rayet and Collignon, p. 257, and 2705 = Reinach, i. 426, 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gr. Vasenbilder, p. 2, pl. 1, fig. 3, pl. 9, fig. 1; Rev. Arch. xxx. (1875), pp. 1, 73, pls. 17–20. See also Berlin 2661 = Rayet and Collignon, p. 257, and 2705 = Reinach, i. 426, 2.
1398. Of similar style are the fragment Naples 2664 = Reinach, i. 181, and Athens 1259 = Reinach, i. 506.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Also similar is the fragment Naples 2664 = Reinach, i. 181, and Athens 1259 = Reinach, i. 506.
1399. Mon. Grecs, 1875, pls. 1, 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. Greeks, 1875, pls. 1, 2.
1400. Marathonschlacht, p. 74.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Marathon Battle, p. 74.
1401. Cf. Quint. xii. 10, 3, and Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 67.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Quint. xii. 10, 3, and Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 67.
1402. See Robert, Iliupersis, p. 35.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Robert, Iliupersis, p. 35.
1403. Cf. Michaelis, Parthenon, pl. 4, 25, with a vase in the Vatican (Baumeister, i. p. 746); and see Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 177, and Roscher, i. p. 1355.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Michaelis, Parthenon, pl. 4, 25, with a vase in the Vatican (Baumeister, i. p. 746); and refer to Yearbook, 1887, p. 177, and Roscher, i. p. 1355.
1404. E 716 = J.H.S. xv. pl. 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. E 716 = J.H.S. vol. 15, plate 5.
1405. See Jahrbuch, 1894, p. 69.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Yearbook, 1894, p. 69.
1406. Nos. 1119–20, and one uncatalogued.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Nos. 1119-20, plus one uncatalogued.
1407. Cf. B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, B 57–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, B 57–8.
1408. Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 143 ff., with pl. 8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.
CHAPTER XI
WHITE-GROUND AND LATER FABRICS
Origin and character of white-ground painting—Outline drawing and polychromy—Funeral lekythi—Subjects and types—Decadence of Greek vase-painting—Rise of new centres—Kertch, Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy—Characteristics of the latter fabrics—Shapes—Draughtsmanship—Influence of Tragedy and Comedy—Subjects—Paestum fabric—Lucanian, Campanian, and Apulian fabrics—Gnathia vases—Vases modelled in form of figures—Imitations of metal—Vases with reliefs—“Megarian” bowls—Bolsena ware and Calene phialae.
Origin and character of white-ground painting—Outline drawing and polychromy—Funeral lekythi—Subjects and types—Decline of Greek vase-painting—Emergence of new centers—Kertch, Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy—Characteristics of these later fabrics—Shapes—Drawing style—Influence of Tragedy and Comedy—Subjects—Paestum fabric—Lucanian, Campanian, and Apulian fabrics—Gnathia vases—Vases shaped like figures—Imitations of metal—Vases with reliefs—“Megarian” bowls—Bolsena ware and Calene phialae.
§ 1. White Ground Vases
The method of painting on a white ground, which was brought to such perfection in the fifth century, really requires a section to itself, its development being parallel to, yet different from, that of the painting in red on black. Its genealogy can be traced almost throughout the period of Greek vase-painting, beginning with the Ionian fabrics of Rhodes and Samos, through the more developed vases of Naukratis and Kyrene, until it was introduced at Athens in the latter part of the sixth century, perhaps, as we have seen (p. 385), by Nikosthenes. The method was not, of course, new then to Continental Greece. It was the one usually employed for painting votive tablets or pictures on wood, the surface of the tablet being prepared by covering it with a thick slip of creamy-white lustrous character, known as λεύκωμα.[1409] Thus it is used in one of the few examples known of Attic painting, apart from the vases, the Warrior pinax from the Acropolis, which may be dated about 500 B.C., and stands midway between frescoes and white-ground vases (see above, p. 397). Possibly the idea of the white slip was to get the effect of painting on marble such as we see in the tombstones of Lyseas and Aineos.[1410]
The technique of painting on a white background, which reached a high level of skill in the fifth century, deserves its own section, as its development runs parallel to, yet differs from, the technique of painting in red on black. Its origins can be traced throughout the history of Greek vase-painting, starting with the Ionian pottery from Rhodes and Samos, moving through the more refined vases of Naukratis and Kyrene, until it made its way to Athens in the late sixth century, possibly, as we have noted (p. 385), by Nikosthenes. This method wasn't new to Continental Greece at that time. It was the common technique used for painting votive tablets or wooden pictures, where the surface of the tablet was prepared by applying a thick layer of creamy-white slip, known as λεύκωμα.[1409] This technique is evident in one of the few examples of Attic painting outside of vases, the Warrior pinax from the Acropolis, dated around 500 BCE, which lies between frescoes and white-ground vases (see above, p. 397). The use of the white slip may have been intended to mimic the look of painting on marble, similar to what we see in the tombstones of Lyseas and Aineos.[1410]
This method was adhered to throughout the fifth century by all the great painters, such as Polygnotos, and hence the importance to us of the white-ground vases of that time, as reflecting their methods, and in a miniature form the appearance of their works. In the fifth century the all-important consideration in a picture was perfection of design and composition; colouring was relatively unimportant, and the technical processes exceedingly simple, three or four colours alone being employed. Cicero[1411] tells us that Polygnotos, Zeuxis, and Timanthes only used four colours—black, white, red, and yellow. It is interesting to note that these are just the four colours we ordinarily find on the polychrome vases, the flat tints so frequently employed being no doubt suggested by the mural paintings.
This method was followed throughout the fifth century by all the great painters, like Polygnotos, which is why the white-ground vases from that time are important to us; they reflect their methods and give us a miniature glimpse of their works. In the fifth century, the key focus in a painting was perfection in design and composition; color was relatively less important, and the technical processes were quite simple, using only three or four colors. Cicero[1411] tells us that Polygnotos, Zeuxis, and Timanthes used only four colors—black, white, red, and yellow. It’s interesting to note that these are the exact four colors we usually find on the polychrome vases, and the flat tints that were often used were likely inspired by mural paintings.
To go back to the earlier Athenian vases with white ground, we observe that at first the method of painting in silhouette, in the manner of the ordinary B.F. vases, obtains exclusively.[1412] About the beginning of the fifth century this method is superseded by what we may regard as a transitional class, in which the figures are painted partly in silhouette, partly in outline, the simple black-on-white design being preserved, with a very occasional use of purple or yellow.[1413] According to Winter, the origin of outline drawing of this kind may be found in the partly outlined female heads which are found on some of the minor artists’ cups, such as those of Sakonides, Eucheiros, and Hermogenes.[1414] We need not go as far as he does in explaining the catagrapha of Kimon (see p. 397) as the replacement of mere silhouettes by outline drawing, so as to give individuality and variety to faces; but the vases which he publishes are remarkable for the highly developed character of the heads depicted thereon.[1415] One in particular is more like a head by Euphronios than one of the Epictetan cycle, to which it must belong in point of date. But it must be remembered that Epiktetos and his school were still hampered by archaic conventions, while the painter on a white ground was carving out the way to perfect freedom.
To go back to the earlier Athenian vases with a white background, we notice that initially, the technique of painting in silhouette, like the typical B.F. vases, is the only method used.[1412] Around the beginning of the fifth century, this technique is replaced by what we can see as a transitional style, where figures are painted partly in silhouette and partly in outline, maintaining the simple black-on-white design, with occasional touches of purple or yellow.[1413] According to Winter, the beginnings of this type of outline drawing can be found in the partially outlined female heads on some of the minor artists’ cups, such as those by Sakonides, Eucheiros, and Hermogenes.[1414] We don't need to go as far as he does in describing the catagrapha of Kimon (see p. 397) as the shift from simple silhouettes to outline drawing, which gives individuality and variety to faces; however, the vases he showcases are notable for the highly developed nature of the heads depicted on them.[1415] One in particular resembles a head by Euphronios more than one from the Epictetan cycle, to which it must belong chronologically. But it’s important to remember that Epiktetos and his followers were still restricted by archaic conventions, while the painter using a white background was paving the way to complete freedom.
The shapes employed for the new white-ground technique are much the same as those used in the previous period—the kylix, the lekythos, the oinochoë, the pyxis, and the alabastron.[1416] But of these only one retains its popularity for any length of time; in fact, after the middle of the fifth century it is the only one employed at all. This shape is the lekythos, on which, indeed, alone the whole development of white-ground painting can be traced from the B.F. types down to the fourth century, when it finally disappears. Although not exclusively the sepulchral vase (as may be seen from the appearance of other vases on tombs in the painted funeral scenes[1417]), yet for some reason it came to be regarded as the proper shape for such purposes, and the fashion of making white lekythi exclusively for the tomb, and decorated as a general rule with funerary subjects, prevailed for about a hundred and fifty years. We have elsewhere (pp. 132, 143) noted instances of its use recorded by Aristophanes.
The shapes used for the new white-ground technique are mostly the same as those from the previous period—the kylix, the lekythos, the oinochoë, the pyxis, and the alabastron.[1416] But of these, only one stays popular for any length of time; in fact, after the middle of the fifth century, it's the only one that's used at all. This shape is the lekythos, on which the entire development of white-ground painting can be traced from the B.F. types down to the fourth century, when it finally disappears. Although it isn't exclusively the sepulchral vase (as can be seen from the appearance of other vases on tombs in the painted funeral scenes[1417]), it somehow came to be seen as the appropriate shape for such purposes, and the trend of making white lekythi specifically for tombs, usually decorated with funerary subjects, lasted for about one hundred and fifty years. We've mentioned examples of its use recorded by Aristophanes elsewhere (pp. 132, 143).
The introduction of polychromy is a gradual development. At first, as we have seen, colour is very sparingly employed, only in the use of a brownish yellow (produced by thinning out the black) for details or washes, or of a purple or pinkish brown. Subsequently the outlines are drawn in black or brown, and filled in with black, brown, or purple washes; the occasional use of a clear, thick, white pigment, standing out against the cream background, is also to be noted[1418]; and next a wash of bright red or vermilion is employed. In the final stages of polychrome painting, during the fourth century, the range of colours is greatly extended, and blue or green are employed
The use of color in painting developed slowly over time. Initially, as we've seen, color was used very sparingly, just a brownish yellow (created by diluting black) for details or washes, or a purple or pinkish brown. Later on, outlines were drawn in black or brown and filled in with black, brown, or purple washes. It's also worth noting the occasional use of a thick, bright white pigment that stands out against the cream background[1418]; and then, a wash of bright red or vermilion was added. By the fourth century, in the final stages of polychrome painting, the variety of colors was greatly increased, and blue or green began to be used.

VASES WITH POLYCHROME DESIGNS ON WHITE GROUND.
(British Museum).
VASES WITH MULTICOLOR DESIGNS ON WHITE BACKGROUND.
(British Museum).
in addition to those already named. The outlines are also painted in the vermilion colour already mentioned, instead of the black in previous use. Up to the end of the fifth century the colouring always preserves a character of soberness and austerity; and such a feature as the use of gilding[1419] is quite exceptional.
besides those already mentioned. The outlines are now painted in the vermilion color noted earlier, instead of the black that was previously used. Until the end of the fifth century, the coloring consistently reflects a sense of seriousness and simplicity; the use of gold leaf[1419] is quite rare.
Some of the white-ground kylikes are only partially so; the exterior is painted in the ordinary R.F. manner, of the “strong” style, as in the case of the Anesidora cup in the British Museum. On the other hand, a fine cup at Gotha has a red-figured interior and polychrome exterior.[1420] In the Munich collection there are three very beautiful cups of this kind.[1421] The interior subjects are respectively Europa on the bull, a frenzied Maenad, and Hera. The cup with the Maenad is attributed by Furtwaengler to the style of Brygos, and may therefore be dated about 470–460 B.C. It is rare to find a large vase decorated in this method, but there is a very fine krater of the calyx type in the Museo Gregoriano at Rome,[1422] which has been attributed to the middle of the fifth century (contemporary with Euphronios’ later manner); the subject is the delivery of the infant Dionysos to the nymphs of Nysa, and is painted throughout in polychrome on a white ground. Of late years some very fine pyxides in this style have been found in Greece,[1423] often decorated with marriage scenes, the style of the painting being contemporary with Duris and Brygos. But for beauty and delicacy all are surpassed by some of the smaller cups, above all the Aphrodite cup from Kameiros in the British Museum,[1424] in which refinement and grace are combined with boldness of conception and accuracy of drawing in a marvellous degree. Or, again, the group of cups and bowls by Sotades (see above, p. 445),[1425] some with mythological or other subjects painted in minute and graceful style, others of fantastic or unusual shape and decoration, form a unique series among the white-ground vases.[1426]
Some of the white-ground kylikes only have partial coverage; the outside is painted in the usual R.F. style, known for its “strong” design, like the Anesidora cup in the British Museum. In contrast, a beautiful cup in Gotha features a red-figured inside and a multicolored exterior.[1420] The Munich collection includes three stunning cups of this type.[1421] The interior illustrations depict Europa on the bull, a frenzied Maenad, and Hera. Furtwaengler attributes the cup with the Maenad to the style of Brygos, suggesting it dates back to around 470–460 BCE It's uncommon to find a large vase decorated this way, but there's an exquisite krater of the calyx type in the Museo Gregoriano in Rome,[1422] which is believed to be from the middle of the fifth century (contemporary with Euphronios' later style); the scene shows the delivery of the infant Dionysos to the nymphs of Nysa and is fully painted in polychrome on a white background. Recently, several fine pyxides in this style have been discovered in Greece,[1423] often illustrating marriage scenes, with painting styles that align with those of Duris and Brygos. However, for beauty and delicacy, all are outshone by some of the smaller cups, especially the Aphrodite cup from Kameiros in the British Museum,[1424] where refinement and elegance blend perfectly with bold concepts and precise drawing to a remarkable extent. Additionally, there’s a collection of cups and bowls by Sotades (see above, p. 445),[1425] some featuring mythological or other subjects rendered in a delicate and detailed style, while others showcase fantastic or unique shapes and decorations, creating a distinctive series among the white-ground vases.[1426]
To sum up in the words of A. S. Murray the characteristics of these vases[1427]: “There was thus in the white vases an exceptional opportunity for purity of outline in the drawing, and it is not without reason that they are regarded as the best representatives we yet possess of the great age of Greek fresco-painting, in which also purity and sweep of outline on a white ground, simplicity of composition, and a limited scale of brilliant colours, were the chief characteristics.”
To sum up in the words of A. S. Murray the characteristics of these vases[1427]: “The white vases offered a unique chance for clean outlines in the artwork, and it’s no surprise that they are seen as the best examples we have from the golden age of Greek fresco painting. During this period, clarity and fluidity of line on a white background, straightforward designs, and a limited palette of vibrant colors were the main features.”
It remains now to speak of the funeral lekythi as a distinct class, their subjects and method of treatment.[1428] Although it was formerly customary to speak of “vases of Locri” or “vases of Gela” in speaking of examples found on those sites, it is almost certain that they are all really of Athenian origin.[1429] Apart from the fact that the great majority have been found at Athens, there are no special peculiarities about those from other sites which would justify any such distinction of fabrics. The same remarks apply to the numerous examples which have been found of late years at Eretria in Euboea, and have caused some recrudescence of the theory of non-Attic origin.[1430] But Eretria was so near to Athens that importation must have been quite a simple matter. In regard to the Locri vases, it has been noted by M. Pottier[1431] that they seem to represent an inferior, though still Athenian fabric, in which the white is more lustrous and less flaky than in the better examples, and the outlines are in black exclusively. Black silhouettes are occasionally found, and the subjects are not necessarily funerary.
Now let's discuss the funeral lekythi as a separate category, including their themes and how they were made.[1428] While it used to be common to refer to “vases of Locri” or “vases of Gela” when mentioning examples discovered at those locations, it's almost certain that they all originated in Athens.[1429] Besides the fact that the vast majority were found in Athens, there are no unique characteristics of those from other areas that would support any distinction between the types. The same observations apply to the many examples that have been uncovered in recent years at Eretria in Euboea, which have revived the theory that they may not be of Athenian origin.[1430] However, Eretria was so close to Athens that importing them would have been quite easy. Regarding the Locri vases, M. Pottier[1431] noted that they appear to represent an inferior version, although still Athenian, where the white is shinier and less flaky than in the better examples, and the outlines are entirely in black. Occasionally, black silhouettes can be found, and the subjects are not necessarily related to funerals.
The funerary subjects fall into four classes; they will be enumerated in Chapter XV., where examples of each class are given, but may be briefly recapitulated here, in order to note some artistic considerations.
The funerary subjects are divided into four categories; they will be detailed in Chapter XV., where examples of each category are provided, but can be briefly summarized here to highlight some artistic aspects.
Among other details of interest in these scenes may be noted the appearance of the εἴδωλα or ghosts of the deceased, represented as tiny hovering winged creatures. M. Pottier has noted eighteen instances, and the number has since then been greatly increased.[1437] The invariable youthfulness of the figures—which, it may be remarked, are always purely impersonal; and mere types of mourners—is noteworthy as a characteristic of later fifth-century art, which tended to create ideals of youth and beauty.[1438] This, of course, is everywhere apparent in sculpture, as in the Parthenon frieze and the works of Polykleitos; and reminiscences of Pheidian youthful types may be suggested by some of the figures on the lekythi.[1439] In the figures of deities the same change was going on, as in the case of Hermes, and even the aged and grim figure of Charon is toned down on the funeral vases to a more humane conception. It has also been suggested that the choice of youthful figures is due to the thought that youth is the period when bereavement produces its simplest and most natural effects.
Among other interesting details in these scenes, we can note the appearance of the idols or ghosts of the deceased, depicted as small floating winged beings. M. Pottier identified eighteen instances, and that number has since grown significantly.[1437] The consistent youthfulness of these figures—which, it's worth mentioning, are always completely impersonal and simply types of mourners—is striking as a feature of later fifth-century art, which aimed to create ideals of youth and beauty.[1438] This is clearly visible in sculpture, evident in the Parthenon frieze and the works of Polykleitos; and echoes of Pheidian youthful types can be seen in some of the figures on the lekythi.[1439] The same transformation was occurring in depictions of deities, as seen in Hermes, and even the older and stern figure of Charon is softened in the funeral vases to a more compassionate representation. It's also been suggested that the choice of youthful figures reflects the idea that youth is the time when loss has its most straightforward and natural effects.
The influence of the sepulchral stelae of the fifth and fourth centuries soon begins to be apparent in the lekythi, especially in the scenes of tomb-offerings.[1440] Like the vases, the stelae always varied in merit, some being refined and artistic compositions, others poor and commonplace. The choice of subjects, indeed, differs in some degree, the subjects on the stelae relating chiefly to the previous life of the deceased, those of the vases to the actual death and burial. But there are many lekythi, the subjects on which are more like those of the stelae, not being strictly funerary.[1441] Thus we see the deceased as a warrior charging with a spear or on horseback, like the Dexileos of the Kerameikos; the young hunter pursuing a hare; the lady at her toilet with mirror or jewellery in hand, attended by her maidens, like the charming Hegeso (Plate XLIII.); or the warrior parting from his spouse.
The influence of the funeral stelae from the fifth and fourth centuries becomes evident in the lekythi, especially in the scenes depicting tomb offerings.[1440] Like the vases, the stelae varied in quality, with some being elegant and artistic pieces, while others were simple and ordinary. The choice of subjects also differs somewhat; the stelae primarily focus on the deceased's life before death, while the vases relate to their actual death and burial. However, many lekythi feature subjects that resemble those on the stelae, not being strictly related to funerary themes.[1441] For example, we see the deceased as a warrior charging with a spear or riding a horse, similar to the Dexileos of the Kerameikos; a young hunter pursuing a hare; a lady at her dressing table with a mirror or jewelry in hand, accompanied by her maidens, like the lovely Hegeso (Plate XLIII.); or a warrior bidding farewell to his wife.
Regarding the funeral lekythi in their artistic aspect, we note, as M. Pottier points out, two main characteristics—restraint and uniformity of composition. The space for the decoration being limited to about two-thirds of the whole circumference, the figures are necessarily few in number, varying from one to three, but very rarely more. Emotion and pathos are produced by the simplest means. Murray instances the prothesis lekythos in the British Museum (Plate LV. fig. 1) as an example of deep pathos expressed in a simple, yet strong and rapid manner, and two others (D 70 = Plate LV. fig. 2, and D 71) as showing almost tragic emotion expressed only by a few outlines. Uniformity of composition is manifested in the repetition of types, often copied from familiar models, yet with an infinite variety of detail (as, for instance, in the form of the stelae) which does not affect the constancy of the main idea. In this respect they may be compared with the terracotta Tanagra figures, of which many are turned out from the same mould; yet by varying the pose of the head or position of the arms the artist was able to avoid the absolute identity of any two figures.
Regarding the artistic aspects of the funeral lekythi, we observe, as M. Pottier notes, two main characteristics—restraint and uniformity of composition. With the decoration space limited to about two-thirds of the total circumference, the figures are necessarily few in number, ranging from one to three, but rarely more. Emotion and pathos are conveyed through the simplest means. Murray cites the prothesis lekythos in the British Museum (Plate LV. fig. 1) as an example of deep emotion expressed in a straightforward yet impactful manner, and mentions two others (D 70 = Plate LV. fig. 2, and D 71) that show almost tragic emotion captured with just a few outlines. Uniformity of composition is evident in the repetition of types, often imitated from well-known models, yet featuring an endless variety of details (such as in the form of the stelae) that do not compromise the core concept. In this regard, they can be compared to the terracotta Tanagra figures, many of which are crafted from the same mold; however, by altering the angle of the head or positioning of the arms, the artist was able to maintain unique characteristics in each figure.
The lekythi can hardly be classified chronologically; we cannot say to what extent the rougher examples may be earlier, and vice versa; but even in the poorest examples skill and lightness of touch are always discernible. The classification given by M. Pottier,[1442] however, may serve as a general indication of chronological succession and development. He collects them under three heads, as follows:
The lekythi are difficult to date accurately; we can't determine how much earlier the rougher examples might be, and vice versa; however, even in the least refined examples, you can always see skill and finesse. The classification provided by M. Pottier,[1442] is useful as a general guide for chronological order and development. He organizes them into three categories, as follows:
(1) The paste is of a light red colour, the walls thin, and the white slip unpolished; the main design is first sketched, then painted, the outlines being usually in red. The ornaments are palmettes and maeander, in black and red, the subjects almost exclusively funerary. The slip and colours are delicate, the style fine, and the polychromy restrained.[1443]
(1) The paste has a light red color, the walls are thin, and the white slip is unpolished; the main design is first sketched and then painted, with the outlines typically in red. The decorations include palmettes and meanders in black and red, with the subjects being almost entirely funerary. The slip and colors are delicate, the style is refined, and the polychromy is subtle.[1443]
(2) The paste is grey, the walls thicker; the white is sometimes polished, and the outlines black or brown. The ornaments are palmettes and maeander, with crosses or stars, in black only. The subjects are funerary or from daily life, with figures of deities; the style is still fine, but the polychromy is more varied.[1444]
(2) The paste is gray, the walls are thicker; the white is sometimes polished, and the outlines are black or brown. The decorations are palmettes and meanders, featuring crosses or stars, all in black. The themes are funerary or related to daily life, with figures of deities; the style is still fine, but the colors are more varied.[1444]
(3) The clay is red and light, the white unpolished, the outlines yellow. The slip is not extended to the shoulder, on which is a tongue-pattern in black; the maeander is careless. The subjects are either funerary or from daily life, the style negligent; the designs are almost entirely monochrome.[1445]
(3) The clay is light red, the white is unpolished, and the outlines are yellow. The slip doesn’t cover the shoulder, which features a black tongue pattern; the meander is pretty sloppy. The themes are either related to funerals or everyday life, and the style is relaxed; the designs are mostly monochrome.[1445]
§ 2. The Decline of Greek Vase Art
We have now reached the point at which the centre of ceramic industry is no longer to be found at Athens, but must be sought in distant colonies in various parts of the Mediterranean. The extinction of vase-painting as a decorative art at Athens was brought about as much by political events as by sheer artistic decadence at the end of the fifth century. It had until recent years been customary to assume that red-figured vases continued to be made at Athens through the greater part of the fourth century; but the evidence of excavations on many sites has been too decisive for the maintenance of such a view. That certain classes of ceramic products, such as the Panathenaic amphorae and the funeral lekythi, still continued to be made we have already seen; but these are only exceptions, and due entirely to their religious associations.
We have now reached a point where the center of the ceramic industry is no longer in Athens, but must instead be sought in far-off colonies around the Mediterranean. The decline of vase-painting as an art form in Athens was influenced as much by political events as by a general artistic decline at the end of the fifth century. Until recently, it was commonly believed that red-figured vases were still being produced in Athens for most of the fourth century; however, the evidence from excavations at numerous sites has been too clear to support that belief. We have already noted that certain types of ceramic products, like the Panathenaic amphorae and the funeral lekythi, continued to be made, but these are exceptions and are entirely due to their religious significance.
The evidence for the revised chronology has been summarised by Milchhoefer in a paper already referred to,[1446] in which he pointed out the importance of historical considerations. Even during the Peloponnesian War the manufacture and export of painted vases must have been much crippled, and the absence of the later Athenian wares from the tombs of Etruria clearly shows that commercial relations between the two countries had ceased.[1447] Similarly intercourse with Campania largely ceased after the Samnite invasion of 440 B.C., and relations with Sicily must have been entirely broken off after the outbreak of hostilities with Syracuse in 427.
The evidence for the new timeline has been summarized by Milchhoefer in a previously mentioned paper,[1446] where he highlighted the significance of historical factors. Even during the Peloponnesian War, the production and export of painted vases likely suffered greatly, and the lack of later Athenian pottery in the tombs of Etruria clearly indicates that trade between the two regions had come to a halt.[1447] Similarly, trade with Campania mostly stopped after the Samnite invasion of 440 BCE, and relations with Sicily must have completely ended after hostilities broke out with Syracuse in 427.
Again, in the city of Rhodes, which was founded in B.C. 408, no Attic vases have been found, while all those from Kameiros must be earlier than that date.[1448] In Athens itself no R.F. vases of any importance have been found in fourth-century tombs, although some fragments of fine style are reported from the tomb of Dexileos, which is not earlier in date than 394 B.C.[1449] Hence the conclusion is irresistible that no good Attic R.F. vases can be assigned to the fourth century, which is only represented at Athens by the funeral lekythi, the Panathenaic amphorae, and a few isolated, generally inferior, R.F. specimens.
Once again, in the city of Rhodes, which was founded in BCE 408, no Attic vases have been found, while all those from Kameiros must date back to before that time.[1448] In Athens itself, no important R.F. vases have been discovered in fourth-century tombs, although some fragments of fine style are reported from the tomb of Dexileos, which is no earlier than 394 BCE[1449] Therefore, it’s clear that no high-quality Attic R.F. vases can be dated to the fourth century, which is only represented in Athens by the funeral lekythi, the Panathenaic amphorae, and a few isolated, generally lower-quality, R.F. pieces.
It may be an open question whether these vases were imported from Athens, but at least the vase of Xenophantos testifies to the existence of a local fabric at Panticapaeum, and it is not at all unlikely that the general upheaval brought about by the Peloponnesian War led to a dispersion of Athenian artists, and thus to the continuance of their art in other lands, but not in Athens itself. We shall see that this largely accounts for the origin of the fabrics of Southern Italy. In any case Panticapaeum was a place of considerable importance in the fourth century, being the chief place whence the Athenians obtained their supplies of grain, as we learn from the orations of Demosthenes, such as the Contra Phormionem.
It’s still unclear whether these vases were brought in from Athens, but at least the vase made by Xenophantos shows that there was local pottery made in Panticapaeum. It’s quite possible that the general chaos caused by the Peloponnesian War led to Athenian artists spreading out, allowing their art to continue in other regions rather than in Athens itself. This is mostly what explains the origins of the pottery styles in Southern Italy. In any case, Panticapaeum was a significant location in the fourth century, serving as the main source of grain supplies for the Athenians, as noted in the speeches of Demosthenes, like the Contra Phormionem.
With the Cyrenaica circumstances were no doubt little different. But the vases from this site, though similar to those of the Crimea, are mostly inferior, of small size, and often of very rough character. Like the former they exhibit a preference for polychromy and gilding. Similar fabrics are also found in the Greek islands, such as Karpathos and Telos, in the Troad, and elsewhere,[1452] but for the most part of a very inferior character.
With the situation in Cyrenaica, things were probably not much different. However, the vases from this site, while similar to those from Crimea, are mostly of lower quality, smaller in size, and often very rough. Like the ones from before, they show a preference for colorful designs and gilding. Similar styles can also be found in the Greek islands, such as Karpathos and Telos, in the Troad, and elsewhere,[1452] but they are mostly of much poorer quality.
In the tombs of Southern Italy many vases are found representing the same stage of development as those of the Crimea and Cyrenaica, varying from large kraters with fine if florid designs, often enhanced by a lavish use of white pigment, to inferior and almost worthless specimens. Inasmuch as these vases are not distinguished by any stylising tendencies such as enable us to classify the other fabrics of Southern Italy and assign them to particular districts, and on the other hand bear the same relation to the later R.F. vases of Athens as do those of the Eastern Mediterranean, it is evident either that all these fabrics were imported from Athens or that Athenian artists had been driven to settle in these respective regions. And since it is exceedingly unlikely that the exportation of pottery from Athens can have gone on to any extent in the fourth century, it seems, on the whole, most probable that the latter is the true version.
In the tombs of Southern Italy, many vases are found that show the same level of development as those from Crimea and Cyrenaica, ranging from large kraters with intricate, often ornate designs, frequently highlighted with a generous use of white pigment, to lesser-quality and nearly worthless examples. Since these vases aren't marked by any stylistic traits that would allow us to categorize other pottery from Southern Italy and attribute them to specific regions, and since they relate to the later Red Figure vases of Athens in the same way as those from the Eastern Mediterranean, it's clear that either all these pottery styles were imported from Athens, or Athenian artists moved to these areas. Given that it's highly unlikely that significant pottery exports from Athens occurred in the fourth century, it seems most likely that the latter explanation is the correct one.
We may, then, establish a class of vases intermediate between the R.F. fabrics proper and the local Italian fabrics, which represents the manner in which Athenian artists carried on their traditions under new circumstances, and serves to explain how the new Italian schools came into being.[1453]
We can, therefore, create a category of vases that sit between the R.F. fabrics and the local Italian fabrics, illustrating how Athenian artists maintained their traditions in different contexts, and helps to clarify how the new Italian schools developed.[1453]
These vases are often characterised by a refinement of drawing and simplicity of conception which recall the earlier R.F. period, and in such cases accessory colours, elaborate draperies, and the filling-in of the field with miscellaneous objects are studiously avoided. Even the decorative patterns show considerable restraint. It is probable that some of these belong to the latter part of the fifth century, even if they are not actually imported from Athens. But there are others of a distinctly florid kind, in which we may trace the influence of Meidias and his school. The compositions are crowded with figures, often placed at different levels (without indication of ground-lines), and there is a general tendency to elaborate decoration, both by means of white pigment and by richly embroidered draperies. As examples may be cited two fine kraters in the British Museum, one with a scene from the lesser Mysteries at Agra (F 68), another with Thetis and the Nereids bearing the arms of Achilles (F 69). The bell-shaped krater is by far the most favourite form, although practically a new one in Greek ceramics; contrary to the usual rule, the reverse often has a definite subject, in which accessories are used, although the tendency had begun some time before the end of the fifth century to neglect the decoration of the reverse in kraters and other large vases.
These vases are often marked by a refinement in design and simplicity in concept that remind us of the earlier R.F. period. In these cases, additional colors, intricate drapery, and a mix of miscellaneous objects are carefully avoided. Even the decorative patterns display a lot of restraint. It is likely that some of these date from the later part of the fifth century, even if they aren't actually imported from Athens. However, there are others that are distinctly ornate, where we can see the influence of Meidias and his school. The compositions are filled with figures, often positioned at different heights (without clearly defined ground-lines), and there's a general tendency towards complex decoration, using both white paint and richly embroidered fabrics. Two notable examples are two impressive kraters in the British Museum: one depicting a scene from the lesser Mysteries at Agra (F 68) and another showing Thetis and the Nereids carrying the arms of Achilles (F 69). The bell-shaped krater is by far the most popular shape, even though it's relatively new in Greek ceramics; contrary to the usual norm, the back often features a specific subject, incorporating accessories, although by the end of the fifth century, there was a growing trend to downplay the decoration on the back of kraters and other large vases.
In its new home in Southern Italy this branch of Greek art had lighted on a very favourable soil. The great colonies such as Tarentum, Capua, Cumae, and Poseidonia, founded almost in the dawn of Greek history, were not only as completely Hellenic as Athens and Corinth, but in luxury and splendour even surpassed them at this period. Hence, art flourished in such towns far more readily than in the distant and comparatively barbarous regions of South Russia and North Africa. In the character of their productions we shall see the nature and condition of the inhabitants of Southern Italy reflected. The chief aim is splendour and general effect; and both the size and colouring of the vases indicate to some extent the luxury and magnificence in which the people lived.
In its new home in Southern Italy, this branch of Greek art found very favorable ground. The major colonies like Tarentum, Capua, Cumae, and Poseidonia, established almost at the beginning of Greek history, were just as Hellenic as Athens and Corinth, but in terms of luxury and opulence, they even outshone them during this period. As a result, art thrived in these cities far more easily than in the distant and relatively uncivilized areas of South Russia and North Africa. The characteristics of their creations reflect the nature and lifestyle of the people of Southern Italy. The primary focus is on opulence and overall impact; both the size and colors of the vases reveal something about the luxury and grandeur in which the people lived.
It must not, however, be supposed that vase-painting was a new art introduced to this region by Athenians in the earlier part of the fourth century. In another chapter we shall speak of the early attempts at imitation of Greek vases on the part of the semi-barbarian natives of the peninsula, and reminiscences of these early attempts crop up from time to time under circumstances of greater development, as will be seen. Moreover, a constant stream of importations from Athens (small indeed as compared with that to Etruria, but still steady) had been finding its way to the Greek colonies of Southern Italy and Sicily; special fabrics were made for export to Nola, Gela, and other places; and thus the local artists had all along been undergoing an unconscious training which enabled them to take up the industry at the point where the Athenian artists left off.[1454]
It shouldn't be assumed that vase-painting was a new art brought to this area by Athenians in the early part of the fourth century. In another chapter, we'll discuss the early attempts by the semi-barbaric natives of the peninsula to imitate Greek vases, and echoes of these early efforts emerge from time to time in more developed contexts, as will be shown. Additionally, there was a steady flow of imports from Athens (although small compared to what went to Etruria, it was still consistent) reaching the Greek colonies of Southern Italy and Sicily; specific products were created for export to Nola, Gela, and other locations; thus, local artists had been undergoing an unintentional training that allowed them to continue the craft from where the Athenian artists had left off.[1454]
The local fabrics of Southern Italy fall into three main classes, corresponding to the geographical divisions of Apulia, Lucania, and Campania, which three, with some modifications, include all that come under discussion in the present section. Before, however, entering upon the question of the criteria on which this classification is based, a few general considerations may be touched upon by way of preface.
The local textiles of Southern Italy can be categorized into three main types, reflecting the geographical regions of Apulia, Lucania, and Campania. These three classifications, with some adjustments, cover everything that will be discussed in this section. Before diving into the criteria for this classification, it might be helpful to consider a few general points as a preface.
The study of South Italy fabrics is to some extent a new one. At the beginning of the last century, when scarcely any vases had been found outside Italy, the majority of both public and private collections consisted of vases of this period. Of those now exhibited in the Fourth Vase Room of the British Museum, at least one-fifth are from the collections of Sir William Hamilton, Charles Towneley, and Richard Payne Knight; and in such publications as those of D'Hancarville, Tischbein, Inghirami, and Millin, a great majority of the plates are devoted to them. Hence their importance was much over-estimated; but, on the other hand, no attention was paid to questions of style or provenance, and they were only regarded as pretty pictures. Subsequently to the discoveries at Vulci, and the gradual growth of the scientific study of vase-painting, the later vases suffered greatly from neglect, as yielding less interest than the early fabrics and the products of the best Athenian artists, and even at the present day it is rare to find them made the subject of serious study. The only writer, in fact, who has attempted in recent years to apply to them the critical methods of modern archaeology is Signor G. Patroni of the Naples Museum, who has availed himself of the opportunities afforded by the extensive series under his care.[1455]
The study of South Italian fabrics is relatively new. At the start of the last century, when hardly any vases had been discovered outside Italy, most public and private collections consisted of vases from this period. Of those displayed in the Fourth Vase Room of the British Museum, at least one-fifth come from the collections of Sir William Hamilton, Charles Towneley, and Richard Payne Knight; and in publications by D'Hancarville, Tischbein, Inghirami, and Millin, a large majority of the plates feature them. Because of this, their importance was greatly overestimated; however, no attention was given to questions of style or provenance, and they were merely seen as attractive images. Following the discoveries at Vulci and the gradual development of scientific vase-painting studies, the later vases were largely ignored, as they seemed less interesting than the early fabrics and the works of the top Athenian artists. Even today, it is uncommon to find them being the focus of serious study. The only writer who has recently tried to apply modern archaeological methods to them is Signor G. Patroni from the Naples Museum, who has taken advantage of the extensive collection he oversees.[1455]
The vases from Southern Italy, which from their style may be regarded as undoubtedly local non-Attic fabrics, are all distinguished by certain common features. In all there is seen a perpetual striving after effect rather than beauty, manifested in the size and splendid appearance of the earlier Apulian products, in the largeness of style and bold drawing of Lucanian artists, especially the school of Paestum, and in the gaudy colouring of the Campanian vases. The later Apulian wares are chiefly remarkable for varied and exaggerated shapes.
The vases from Southern Italy, which based on their style can definitely be seen as local non-Attic pieces, all share certain common traits. They all show a constant drive for impact rather than beauty, evident in the size and impressive look of the earlier Apulian products, in the bold style and daring designs of Lucanian artists, especially from the Paestum school, and in the bright colors of the Campanian vases. The later Apulian wares are mainly notable for their unique and exaggerated shapes.
Common to all vases alike is the fondness for ornamental patterns, such as the egg-pattern, wave-pattern, maeander, palmettes, and wreaths of laurel, myrtle, or ivy; though even these are guided by certain rules, much as on the black-figured vases. On the large bell-shaped kraters the decoration almost invariably consists of a laurel-wreath round the lip, maeander below the designs, and palmette patterns under the handles; and every shape of vase has its characteristic decoration. The Campanian vases show the least tendency to formal ornament, and the Lucanian run to the opposite extreme. The column-handled kraters are almost alone in retaining the archaic scheme of decoration in panels with borders of ornament, to which they adhere throughout the R.F. period; but the panels are occasionally employed for hydriae or oinochoae. In most cases, however, the luxuriant palmette patterns under the handles form an adequate frame for the design with the maeander band below. A female head frequently occurs as a decorative motive, especially in the Apulian vases; either forming the main decoration, or placed under the handles, or adorning the neck, encircled with foliage. So too the figure of Eros is employed on the later Apulian vases purely as a decorative motive.
All vases share a love for decorative patterns, like the egg-pattern, wave-pattern, meander, palmettes, and wreaths made of laurel, myrtle, or ivy; even these are guided by specific rules, much like the black-figured vases. On large bell-shaped kraters, the decoration usually features a laurel wreath around the lip, meander patterns below the designs, and palmette patterns underneath the handles; and each vase shape has its own typical decoration. The Campanian vases show the least inclination towards formal decoration, while Lucanian vases lean towards the opposite extreme. The column-handled kraters are almost unique in sticking to the archaic style of decoration in panels with ornamental borders, which they maintain throughout the R.F. period; however, panels are sometimes used for hydriae or oinochoae. In most cases, though, the lavish palmette patterns under the handles provide a suitable frame for the design with the meander band below. A female head often appears as a decorative element, especially in Apulian vases; either as the main decoration, under the handles, or embellishing the neck, surrounded by foliage. Similarly, the figure of Eros is used in later Apulian vases purely for decoration.
The shapes of the vases present a very great variety, as compared with the Athenian fabrics.[1456] The bell-shaped krater enjoyed a short vogue, and is only found in the earlier examples; but besides the column-handled type already mentioned, the calyx-krater (vaso a calice) and the volute-handled (a rotelle) form occur from time to time. Among the early Apulian vases a variety of the latter, with medallions (mascherone) in place of the volutes, frequently occurs; these are often of gigantic size, decorated with several rows of figures, and nearly all the finest existing specimens are of this form. It is also the usual type for the sepulchral vases (see below). The medallions are ornamented with Gorgons’ masks and other devices, coloured on a white slip. A peculiar local variety of the krater, with four handles, is found in Lucania only (see p. 172).
The shapes of the vases show a wide variety compared to Athenian fabrics.[1456] The bell-shaped krater had a brief popularity and is only seen in earlier examples; however, alongside the previously mentioned column-handled type, the calyx-krater (vaso a calice) and the volute-handled (a rotelle) forms appear occasionally. Among the early Apulian vases, a type of the latter, featuring medallions (mascherone) instead of volutes, is common; these are often gigantic, decorated with multiple rows of figures, and nearly all the finest existing examples are of this type. This is also the standard type for sepulchral vases (see below). The medallions are decorated with Gorgon masks and other designs, painted on a white slip. A unique local variety of the krater, with four handles, is found only in Lucania (see p. 172).
Other vases for holding liquids are the situla, lebes, amphora, and hydria, forms which are more or less familiar. The amphora is slender, with more or less elliptical body; in Campania it is small and squat-shouldered, the body almost cylindrical, but in Apulia it is usually very tall and elegant (cf. Plate XLV.). An occasional variant has a cylindrical flat-topped body, with elaborate handles in the form of scrolls; the so-called pelike is a more common type, but somewhat inelegant. The hydria is usually a degenerate version of the R.F. kalpis, but at Paestum the Attic type still obtains. A new form is that known as the lekane, a jar for holding sweetmeats; it has vertical handles and a cover of elaborate form, often surmounted by a small vase. Of similar type is the so-called lepaste, a circular covered dish on a high stem.
Other vases for holding liquids include the situla, lebes, amphora, and hydria, which are fairly well-known. The amphora is slim, with a more or less elliptical body; in Campania, it's small and has broad shoulders, with an almost cylindrical body, but in Apulia, it tends to be very tall and elegant (cf. Plate XLV.). There’s a rare variation that has a cylindrical flat-topped body, with elaborate handles shaped like scrolls; the so-called pelike is a more common type, though somewhat clunky. The hydria is typically a less sophisticated version of the R.F. kalpis, but at Paestum, the Attic type is still prevalent. A new form called the lekane, which is a jar for holding sweet treats, features vertical handles and an intricately designed lid, often topped with a small vase. A similar type is the so-called lepaste, a round covered dish on a tall stem.
Among the smaller vases may be mentioned the oinochoë, of which there are one or two varieties, notably the graceful prochoos, with its high handle and foot, and the equally ungraceful epichysis, with its long beak-like mouth and pyxis-shaped body; both of these are confined to Apulia. The lekythos retains the bulbous body and low foot of the later R.F. period; the askos in various forms is fairly common. Two new varieties are a sort of alabastron without a handle but with flat base, and a jar with a handle over the mouth. Of drinking-cups the kantharos and rhyton are popular among the later Apulian wares; the kotyle is rare, and the kylix has almost entirely disappeared, its place being taken by a gigantic circular dish, elaborately decorated inside and out. These are obviously designed with a view to general effect, and seem to have been intended for hanging up against a wall.
Among the smaller vases, we can mention the oinochoë, which has one or two varieties, especially the elegant prochoos with its tall handle and foot, and the less graceful epichysis with its long spout and pyxis-shaped body; both of these are exclusive to Apulia. The lekythos keeps the bulbous body and low foot from the later R.F. period; the askos in various forms is fairly common. Two new types include a kind of alabastron without a handle but with a flat base, and a jar with a handle over the opening. Among drinking cups, the kantharos and rhyton are popular in later Apulian pottery; the kotyle is rare, and the kylix has almost completely vanished, replaced by a huge circular dish, richly decorated both inside and out. These are clearly made for visual impact and seem to have been intended for hanging on a wall.
In regard to the technique the general method is that of the later R.F. vases; but in the majority all idea of simplicity and refinement is lost, and the tendency to exaggeration and showiness is manifested both in drawing and colouring. Throughout there is a fondness for large masses of white, and this pigment is used not only for the flesh of women and of Eros, but for architectural details and other objects, such as temples, shrines, and lavers. Yellow is largely employed for details, especially for features or hair, and for picking out the ornamental patterns; purple, too, is not uncommon. Attempts at shading are occasionally found.[1457] Accessory colours are, however, seldom found on the reverses of the vases, which are always drawn and painted with the greatest carelessness.
In terms of technique, the general style is similar to that of the later R.F. vases; however, in most cases, any sense of simplicity and elegance is lost, and there is a clear trend toward exaggeration and flamboyance in both the drawing and coloring. There’s a noticeable preference for large areas of white, which is used not only for the skin of women and Eros but also for architectural details and other items like temples, shrines, and basins. Yellow is frequently used for details, especially for facial features or hair, and to highlight decorative patterns; purple is also quite common. Occasionally, there are attempts at shading. However, accessory colors are rarely used on the backs of the vases, which are always drawn and painted with considerable carelessness.
The drawing is entirely free, and in fact errs on the other side, becoming careless and faulty; the forms are soft, and the male figures often effeminate. An extreme facility of hand has indeed proved the ruin of the vase-painter. The love of the far-fetched betrays itself in variety of posture and elaborate foreshortening; and in the richly embroidered draperies and studied settings of some scenes the influence of the theatre is obviously to be traced. Frequent attempts are made at perspective, especially in buildings of which the insides are shown, but the attempts are seldom successful. As a rule the artist is content to indicate figures in the background by placing them on a higher level, or only showing the upper half of the figure. On many vases with mythological subjects, especially those of Apulia, a row of deities is thus represented, as if seated on the θεολογεῖον of the stage. Landscape is represented by rocks, stones, and flowers scattered about, trees and buildings; but in most cases the painter prefers the old system of merely giving a clue to the scene, representing the palaestra by jumping-weights or oil-flasks suspended, women’s apartments by sashes, toilet-boxes, or small windows, and so on.
The drawing is completely free, but it often goes too far, becoming careless and flawed; the shapes are soft, and the male figures often look feminine. The extreme skill of the vase-painter has actually led to their downfall. A fascination with the unusual shows in the variety of poses and complex foreshortening; and in the richly decorated draperies and carefully arranged settings of some scenes, the influence of the theater is clearly evident. They frequently try for perspective, especially in buildings with visible interiors, but these efforts are rarely successful. Generally, the artist is satisfied to show figures in the background by placing them higher or just depicting the upper half of the figure. On many vases with mythological themes, particularly those from Apulia, a line of gods is shown as if seated on the theological writings of the stage. Landscapes are depicted with rocks, stones, and flowers scattered around, along with trees and buildings; however, in most cases, the painter prefers the traditional method of simply hinting at the scene, indicating the gymnasium with jumping weights or oil flasks hanging, and women's quarters with sashes, toiletry boxes, or small windows, and so forth.
The pictorial effect of the scenes on many vases naturally gives rise to the question to what extent the artists were indebted to the great painters of the fifth and fourth centuries. In some cases the paintings seem to be more naturally adapted for large canvases than for the limited surface of a vase; but more than this, in others the subjects actually lead our thoughts directly back to the works of great masters of which we have record. The influence of Polygnotos and his school has indeed died out, but the emotional tendencies of the fourth-century painters and their fondness for new and difficult subjects found a ready echo in the conceptions of the Apulian vase-painters. It may suffice to quote a few instances from the British Museum collection. Thus on one vase (F 479) we find a representation of the infant Herakles strangling the snakes, a theme selected by the great Zeuxis, and also to be seen in one of the paintings from the house of the Vettii at Pompeii. Or, again, the famous sacrifice of Iphigeneia and the death of Hippolytos, subjects which employed the brushes of Timanthes and Antiphilos respectively, are depicted in a truly pictorial manner on two kraters (F 160, F 279). In each case we are able to note a correspondence with the description of the pictures given by Pliny; in the last-named, also, with a picture described by Philostratos. Were more known of ancient pictures, it is possible that other examples would be readily found; but that some such influence was exerted can hardly be questioned.
The visual impact of the scenes on many vases naturally raises the question of how much the artists were influenced by the great painters of the fifth and fourth centuries. In some cases, the artworks seem better suited for large canvases than for the limited space of a vase; moreover, in other instances, the subjects actually remind us of the works of the great masters we know of. The influence of Polygnotos and his school has faded, but the emotional styles of the fourth-century painters and their interest in new and challenging subjects resonated strongly with the ideas of the Apulian vase-painters. A few examples from the British Museum collection will suffice. On one vase (F 479), we see a depiction of the infant Herakles strangling the snakes, a theme chosen by the renowned Zeuxis, and also found in one of the paintings from the house of the Vettii at Pompeii. Additionally, the well-known sacrifice of Iphigeneia and the death of Hippolytos, subjects that were painted by Timanthes and Antiphilos respectively, are illustrated in a strikingly pictorial way on two kraters (F 160, F 279). In each case, we can see a connection with the descriptions of the paintings provided by Pliny; in the latter case, there’s also a match with a picture described by Philostratos. If we knew more about ancient paintings, it's likely that we would find other examples; however, it’s hard to question that some influence was definitely at play.
Again, in the later vases with opaque designs on black grounds (see p. 488), most of which are merely decorated with wreaths, festoons, or masks, we are at once reminded of the Pompeian wall-paintings, or rather of their predecessors in the Hellenistic Age, since the vases must be earlier than most of the pictures of Pompeii. There is a vase of late date in the British Museum (F 542) which, with its elaborate treatment of light and shade effects and its border of arabesques, not only in its subject (a young shepherd and his dog), but also in method, suggests a close connection with the Pompeian frescoes.[1458]
Again, in the later vases with opaque designs on black backgrounds (see p. 488), most of which are just decorated with wreaths, garlands, or masks, we are immediately reminded of the wall paintings from Pompeii, or more accurately, their earlier counterparts from the Hellenistic Age, since the vases must be older than most of the pictures from Pompeii. There’s a later vase in the British Museum (F 542) that, with its detailed treatment of light and shadow effects and its border of arabesques, not only in its subject (a young shepherd and his dog), but also in technique, suggests a strong link to the Pompeian frescoes.[1458]
Another influence at work on the vases of the period besides that of the great painters was that of the stage, in which both tragedy and comedy play their part. The influence of tragedy as represented on the Greek stage is seen not only in the choice of subjects, but in the composition of the scenes and the costumes of the figures. This is especially the case with the large Apulian vases with mythological subjects. The architectural arrangements, with a temple, altar, or statue in the centre, the embroidered draperies and gorgeous tiaras worn by the principal personages, and the abundance of dramatic or even passionate action, can only be due to the influence of the stage. But it is only to Euripides that we can ascribe this influence. There appears to have been a great revival of his plays towards the end of the fourth century, especially in Magna Graecia, and the extent of the effect of this revival on the vase-paintings has been discussed by several writers. The tendency of the age to passion and pathos, seen in the Pergamene sculptures and other great works of art, as well as in the paintings of a Parrhasios or a Timanthes, would naturally find an echo in the subjects treated of by Euripides. Of the existing dramas, we find scenes drawn more or less directly from the Hecuba, the Hercules Furens, the Hippolytos, the two Iphigeneias, the Medeia, and the Phoenissae. Many others can be traced to the lost dramas, as for instance (to quote only from examples in the British Museum) the Alkmena, the Oineus, the Antigone, the Andromeda, the Oinomaos, and the Lykourgos.[1459]
Another influence on the vases from this period, in addition to the great painters, was the theater, where both tragedy and comedy play a role. The impact of tragedy, as shown on the ancient Greek stage, is evident not only in the choice of subjects but also in the scene compositions and the costumes of the figures. This is particularly true for the large Apulian vases with mythological themes. The architectural elements, featuring a temple, altar, or statue at the center, the richly embroidered drapes and stunning tiaras worn by the main characters, along with the dramatic or even intense actions, can only be attributed to the theater's influence. However, it's mainly to Euripides that we can trace this impact. There seems to have been a significant revival of his plays towards the end of the fourth century, especially in Magna Graecia, and several writers have discussed how this revival affected vase-paintings. The era's tendency towards passion and emotion, seen in the Pergamene sculptures and other magnificent artworks, as well as in the paintings of Parrhasios or Timanthes, would naturally resonate with the themes explored by Euripides. Among the surviving dramas, we find scenes that are drawn more or less directly from the Hecuba, the Hercules Furens, the Hippolytos, the two Iphigeneias, the Medeia, and the Phoenissae. Many others can be linked to lost dramas, such as (to cite just a few examples from the British Museum) the Alkmena, the Oineus, the Antigone, the Andromeda, the Oinomaos, and the Lykourgos.[1459]
It has been observed that on many vases of this period on which mythological subjects are represented, although the theme is essentially tragic, yet the treatment has a somewhat grotesque, not to say burlesque effect. A notable instance is the well-known vase of Assteas in Madrid, with Herakles destroying his children (Fig. 107). This quasi-comic element, which appears to be quite unintentional, is often accompanied by considerable largeness of scale, exemplified in the size of the figures, the expression of the features, and the drawing generally. It may be that a certain element of exaggeration attended the revival of tragedy in Southern Italy,[1460] caused by unsuccessful attempts to retain the lofty manner and large style of the old productions. Hence too, perhaps, the fondness for burlesques of tragedies among the comic writers of the period, reflected in another class of vases.
It has been noted that on many vases from this period depicting mythological themes, even though the subject matter is essentially tragic, the treatment often has a somewhat grotesque, if not comic, effect. A notable example is the famous vase by Assteas in Madrid, showing Herakles destroying his children (Fig. 107). This almost comedic element, which seems to be quite unintentional, is often paired with a significant scale, seen in the size of the figures, the expressions of the faces, and the overall drawing. It’s possible that a level of exaggeration accompanied the revival of tragedy in Southern Italy,[1460] due to unsuccessful efforts to maintain the elevated style and grand scale of earlier works. This might also explain the preference for burlesques of tragedies among the comedic writers of the time, which is reflected in another category of vases.
In many of these scenes the actual stage is represented; in others we have merely the figure of a comic actor, sometimes in a grotesque attitude. The figures almost invariably wear masks and padded stomachs, their dress consisting of a close-fitting leather garment with sleeves and tight trousers, over which is a short loose tunic (see Fig. 105); on their feet are the traditional socci or low shoes of comedy, and there is one instance of an actor wearing gloves. The subjects of these vases have been dealt with elsewhere,[1464] and need not be recapitulated here; the example given in Fig. 105, a burlesque of Herakles and Auge,[1465] may serve as typical. They have a peculiar style of their own, and can hardly be classed with any of the known fabrics, though found all over Southern Italy. One is signed by the painter Assteas of Paestum, but we look in vain for evidence of his usual style thereon. They may all be regarded as belonging to the fourth century.
In many of these scenes, the actual stage is depicted; in others, we only see the figure of a comic actor, sometimes in a funny pose. The characters almost always wear masks and padded bellies, dressed in a tight-fitting leather outfit with sleeves and snug trousers, over which is a short loose tunic (see Fig. 105); on their feet are the traditional soccer or low comedy shoes, and there’s one instance of an actor wearing gloves. The topics of these vases have been discussed elsewhere,[1464] and don’t need to be summarized here; the example shown in Fig. 105, a parody featuring Herakles and Auge,[1465] serves as a good example. They have a unique style of their own and can hardly be categorized with any known styles, though they are found throughout Southern Italy. One is signed by the painter Assteas of Paestum, but we search in vain for evidence of his usual style on it. They can all be considered part of the fourth century.

From Jahrbuch, i.
FIG. 105. BURLESQUE SCENE: HERAKLES AND AUGE.
From Yearbook, i.
FIG. 105. BURLESQUE SCENE: HERAKLES AND AUGE.
Turning to the subjects in general on these vases, we note the systematic supplanting of the old heroic myths by new subjects of a dramatic and emotional nature. As in the case of the gods Zeus and Athena are replaced by Apollo, Aphrodite, and Dionysos, so instead of the labours of Herakles and Theseus we find themes drawn from the stories of Troy and Thebes, or the legends of Pelops, Hippolytos, Pentheus, and Lykourgos. The taking of Troy in particular is a popular subject on the large vases, as are single episodes, such as Ajax seizing Kassandra. Among entirely new subjects, introduced from the tragedies, are those relating to Alkmena, Pelops, Oedipus, and the later Theban heroes.
Looking at the subjects on these vases, we see a clear shift from the old heroic myths to new themes that are more dramatic and emotional. Just as Zeus and Athena are replaced by Apollo, Aphrodite, and Dionysos, we also see a move away from the labors of Herakles and Theseus to stories about Troy and Thebes, as well as legends of Pelops, Hippolytos, Pentheus, and Lykourgos. The fall of Troy, in particular, is a popular theme on the large vases, along with specific scenes, like Ajax capturing Kassandra. New subjects introduced from tragedies include stories about Alkmena, Pelops, Oedipus, and the later heroes of Thebes.
Cosmogonic myths such as the Gigantomachia and the Birth of Athena entirely disappear, as do many of the myths connected with the gods; on the other hand, such subjects as the contest of Apollo and Marsyas, the Judgment of Paris, Triptolemos, or Europa and the bull, retain their popularity. Herakles is conveyed to Olympos by Nike instead of Athena; but his labours and combats are seldom represented. The typically Attic subjects, Theseus, Eos and Kephalos, and the Birth of Erichthonios, disappear as might have been expected, as does the wrestling of Peleus and Thetis. Combats of Greeks with Centaurs and Amazons are favourite subjects, but often little more than decorative.
Cosmogonic myths like the Gigantomachia and the Birth of Athena completely fade away, along with many stories related to the gods. On the flip side, themes like the contest between Apollo and Marsyas, the Judgment of Paris, Triptolemos, and Europa with the bull remain popular. Heracles is taken to Olympus by Nike instead of Athena, but his labors and battles are rarely depicted. The classic Athenian themes—Theseus, Eos and Kephalos, and the Birth of Erichthonios—vanish as expected, along with the wrestling match between Peleus and Thetis. Battles between Greeks and Centaurs and Amazons are common themes, but they often serve more as decoration.
Dionysiac scenes are very frequent, but usually in the form of groups of figures without any particular meaning; Aphrodite, and even Apollo, similarly occur in the midst of Nymphs and attendants, without special characterising of the figures. A peculiar feature of the period is the almost universal presence of Eros. Whether the scene be mythological, Dionysiac, or from daily life, he is an almost invariable participant, and on the later Apulian vases frequently occurs as a single decorative figure.
Dionysian scenes are quite common, but they often appear as groups of figures that lack any specific meaning. Aphrodite and even Apollo are often found among Nymphs and attendants without any distinct characterization of the figures. A notable aspect of this period is the almost constant presence of Eros. Whether the scene is mythological, Dionysian, or reflects daily life, he is almost always included, and on the later Apulian vases, he often appears as a standalone decorative figure.
Scenes from daily life are, if anything, more common than mythological subjects. Banquet-scenes and revels are very popular, and the kottabos is sometimes introduced (see Chapter XV.). A departing warrior is sometimes represented on Lucanian and Campanian vases (see Fig. 108 and Plate XLIV.), but chariot and battle scenes are comparatively rare. Among the Apulian vases occur a large class of subjects formerly characterised on insufficient grounds as “toilet scenes” of Aphrodite or Helen. Many no doubt actually represent scenes from women’s daily life; but the commonest type is that of a seated woman and a standing youth exchanging presents of fruit, mirrors, sashes, or toilet-boxes. The presence of Eros in most cases suggests scenes of courting and the offerings of lovers; but as a rule they are purely fanciful, like the designs on Dresden and Sèvres china.
Scenes from everyday life are, if anything, more common than mythological subjects. Banquet scenes and parties are very popular, and the kottabos is sometimes included (see Chapter XV.). A departing warrior is sometimes depicted on Lucanian and Campanian vases (see Fig. 108 and Plate XLIV), but chariot and battle scenes are relatively rare. Among the Apulian vases, there is a large group of subjects that were previously labeled, without sufficient evidence, as “toilet scenes” of Aphrodite or Helen. Many of these likely depict scenes from women’s daily life; however, the most common type shows a seated woman and a standing young man exchanging gifts like fruit, mirrors, sashes, or toiletry boxes. The presence of Eros in most cases suggests scenes of courtship and the gifts of lovers; but generally, they are purely imaginative, similar to the designs on Dresden and Sèvres china.
Athletic scenes, in which a race or contest, is going on, are practically non-existent; but groups of athletes, or rather of ephebi, usually wrapped in mantles and conversing together, furnish the stock decoration of the reverse of the kraters and other double-sided vases, a practice already begun in the Athenian R.F. vases, and now become invariable.
Athletic scenes featuring races or competitions are almost nonexistent; instead, groups of athletes, or rather ephebi, typically draped in cloaks and chatting with each other, serve as the standard decoration on the back of kraters and other double-sided vases, a trend that started with the Athenian R.F. vases and has now become a constant.
The second class is confined to scenes representing offerings at the tombs of the departed, which may take two forms. In the simpler, which is characteristic of Lucania and Campania, and especially of the hydria form, the tomb is a stele, like those of the Athenian lekythi, at which the relatives of the deceased meet to mourn or make offerings (Fig. 20). The “type” is that of Orestes and Electra at the tomb of Agamemnon, but only in one or two cases is it possible to suggest this interpretation. On the Apulian vases, almost exclusively on the large kraters and amphorae, but sometimes also on the hydriae, a more elaborate treatment of the subject is employed. The centre of the scene is occupied by an Ionic distyle building representing a ἡρῷον or shrine devoted to the worship of an ancestor or family “hero.” In the entrance of this building (which is painted white to denote marble) stands or sits the figure of a young man or a woman holding some attribute—a cup or piece of armour—or standing by a horse. These figures are usually painted white throughout like the building, which seems to imply that a statue or relief is represented rather than an actual human figure.[1466] On either side of the shrine figures are represented bringing libations. Sometimes the actual tomb of the deceased is represented with a plant growing in it; or, again, a lady is represented at her toilet with her maid, as in the Athenian sepulchral reliefs (Fig. 106). Each person is represented with his appropriate costume or attributes—the warrior with horse or armour, the hunter with dog, the lady with articles of toilet.
The second category focuses on scenes depicting offerings at the graves of the deceased, which can take two forms. In the simpler version, typical of Lucania and Campania, especially in the hydria style, the tomb is represented by a stele, similar to those found in Athenian lekythi, where the relatives of the deceased gather to mourn or make offerings (Fig. 20). The reference point here is Orestes and Electra at Agamemnon's tomb, although this interpretation is only applicable in a few instances. On Apulian vases, particularly the large kraters and amphorae but sometimes also on hydriae, a more detailed portrayal of the scene is used. The focal point of the scene features an Ionic distyle building representing a hero or a shrine dedicated to the worship of an ancestor or family “hero.” At the entrance of this building (which is painted white to signify marble) stands or sits a young man or woman holding an object—a cup or piece of armor—or standing next to a horse. These figures are typically painted entirely in white like the building, suggesting they represent a statue or relief rather than a living person.[1466] On either side of the shrine, figures are shown offering libations. Occasionally, the actual tomb of the deceased is depicted with a plant growing in it; alternatively, a woman is illustrated at her toilet alongside her maid, similar to the Athenian sepulchral reliefs (Fig. 106). Each individual is portrayed with their respective attire or attributes—the warrior with a horse or armor, the hunter with a dog, and the lady with personal items.

FIG. 106. APULIAN VASE WITH SEPULCHRAL SCENE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 106. APULIAN VASE WITH SEPULCHRAL SCENE (BRITISH MUSEUM).
In spite of the absence of “banquet” or “greeting” scenes, the parallelism with the Attic reliefs is very marked, and the sepulchral character of these vases is indubitable. It is, further, natural to suppose that there is some reference to the worship of a ἥρως or deceased ancestor, such as is known to have been a universal custom among the Greeks.[1467] Reliefs have been found at Tarentum with subjects which obviously have this reference. Apart from these two classes, however, the majority of the vases of Southern Italy seem to have been made originally for ornamental purposes, such as the decoration of a house, as is implied by the distinction in the artistic merit of the two sides.
Despite the lack of “banquet” or “greeting” scenes, the similarities with the Attic reliefs are quite clear, and the funerary nature of these vases is undeniable. It’s also reasonable to assume that there is some reference to the worship of a hero or a deceased ancestor, which was a common practice among the Greeks.[1467] Reliefs have been discovered in Tarentum that clearly relate to this. However, aside from these two categories, most of the vases from Southern Italy appear to have been originally created for decorative purposes, like adorning a home, as suggested by the differences in artistic quality between the two sides.
Assteas. (1) Krater from Paestum in Madrid. Reinach, i. 168 = Baumeister, i. p. 665, fig. 732 = Fig. 107. Herakles destroying his children.
Assteas. (1) Krater from Paestum in Madrid. Reinach, i. 168 = Baumeister, i. p. 665, fig. 732 = Fig. 107. Herakles destroying his children.
(2) Krater from Paestum in Naples (3412). Wiener Vorl. B. 2. Phrixos and Helle.
(2) Krater from Paestum in Naples (3412). Wiener Vorl. B. 2. Phrixos and Helle.
(3) Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in Naples (3226). Millingen, Anc. Uned. Mon. i. 27. Kadmos slaying the dragon.
(3) Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in Naples (3226). Millingen, Anc. Uned. Mon. i. 27. Kadmos killing the dragon.
(4) Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in Berlin (3044). Wiener Vorl. B. 3, 1. Scene from farce (parody of Prokrustes?).
(4) Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in Berlin (3044). Vienna Preview B. 3, 1. Scene from a farce (parody of Prokrustes?).
(5) Lekythos from Paestum in Naples (2873). Millin-Reinach, i. pl. 3. The garden of the Hesperides.
(5) Lekythos from Paestum in Naples (2873). Millin-Reinach, i. pl. 3. The garden of the Hesperides.
Python. Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in the British Museum (F 149). J.H.S. xi. pl. 6. Alkmena on the funeral pyre.
Python programming language. Krater from S. Agata dei Goti in the British Museum (F 149). J.H.S. xi. pl. 6. Alkmena on the funeral pyre.
The characteristics of Assteas’ work are very marked, and, curiously enough, Python’s differs little from it. Both are essentially pictorial artists, trained in Greek traditions, and inheriting from Attic painters like Meidias the love of elaborate and minutely rendered draperies and picturesque grouping of figures at different levels. In the latter detail we also seem to see signs of the influence of Polygnotos.
The features of Assteas' work are quite distinct, and interestingly, Python's is not that different. Both are primarily visual artists, influenced by Greek traditions, and they inherit from Attic painters like Meidias a passion for intricate and detailed draperies, as well as visually appealing arrangements of figures at varying heights. In this aspect, we can also see hints of Polygnotos' influence.
There are many other vases in our museums which present the same features of style and treatment as these.[1469] Besides those already mentioned, the fondness for half-figures in the background, the large heads, pronounced features, and heavy masses of hair in the figures on these vases connect them unmistakably with the school represented by the two artists. It is not the style of Lucania or of Campania, still less that of Apulia; and yet it is clearly an Italian fabric. Some previous writers have maintained that Assteas came from (or was resident at) Tarentum, arguing thus partly on epigraphical grounds, partly on the ground of his employment of scenes from the farces,[1470] which, as we have seen, were popular in that city. But having regard to the fact that three out of five of Assteas’ vases were found at Paestum, and that he combines certain characteristics of Lucanian and Campanian fabrics, we may fairly assume that he (and therefore also Python) resided in that city, which lay on the border of the two districts.
There are many other vases in our museums that show the same style and treatment as these.[1469] In addition to those already mentioned, the preference for half-figures in the background, the large heads, distinctive features, and thick masses of hair in the figures on these vases unmistakably link them to the school represented by the two artists. It isn't the style of Lucania or Campania, and certainly not that of Apulia; yet it’s clearly an Italian production. Some earlier writers have claimed that Assteas came from (or lived in) Tarentum, arguing partly based on inscriptions and partly because of his use of scenes from the farces,[1470] which, as we've seen, were popular in that city. However, considering that three out of five of Assteas’ vases were found at Paestum, and that he combines certain features of Lucanian and Campanian styles, we can reasonably assume that he (and therefore also Python) lived in that city, which was located on the border of the two regions.
We are thus enabled to establish a style of Paestum distinct from the other Italian fabrics—a conclusion at which the present writer and Signor Patroni arrived independently some years back. The latter has pointed out that several small details also point to that city—such as the gaily plumed helmet worn by Herakles on the Madrid vase, which resembles those worn by local warriors on paintings found in that city.[1471] And in the Naples Museum there are several other vases in the style of Assteas from Paestum.[1472] Signor Patroni dates Assteas about 350–320 B.C., Python a little later.
We can therefore confirm a style of Paestum that is different from other Italian fabrics—something that the current author and Signor Patroni independently concluded years ago. He has noted that several small details also point to that city—like the brightly feathered helmet worn by Herakles on the Madrid vase, which resembles those worn by local warriors in paintings found in that city.[1471] In the Naples Museum, there are several other vases in the style of Assteas from Paestum.[1472] Signor Patroni dates Assteas around 350–320 B.C., with Python a bit later.

From Baumeister.
FIG. 107. VASE BY ASSTEAS IN MADRID: HERAKLES DESTROYING HIS CHILDREN.
From Baumeister.
FIG. 107. VASE BY ASSTEAS IN MADRID: HERAKLES DESTROYING HIS CHILDREN.
We now proceed to describe in detail the characteristics of the three principal fabrics, beginning with that of Lucania, as the earliest in character, if not necessarily in point of time. Lucanian vases stand nearer to the latest Attic fabrics than do those of the other districts, and do not present the same local peculiarities; nor do they sink like the others into a state of decadence and barbarism, but are very conservative in their style.
We will now describe in detail the key features of the three main types of fabric, starting with Lucania, as it’s the earliest in style, if not necessarily in time. Lucanian vases are more similar to the latest Attic styles than those from other regions, and they don’t show the same local quirks. Unlike the others, they don’t decline into a state of decay and barbarism; instead, they maintain a very conservative style.
We note in them a much greater unity of style than in the vases of Campania, and everything points to one centre of fabrication. This is most probably Anzi, where the largest number have been found. Information as to provenance is unfortunately often vague, but few other places are given as sources (see p. 83), almost the only other names being those of Pisticci and Pomarico. But the number of vases that it is possible to attribute to Lucania is not large in any case.
We see a much greater unity of style in them compared to the vases from Campania, and everything suggests one main production center. This is most likely Anzi, where the largest number have been discovered. Unfortunately, information about their origin is often unclear, but very few other locations are cited as sources (see p. 83), with Pisticci and Pomarico being the only other names mentioned. However, the total number of vases we can attribute to Lucania is small regardless.
The designs are usually somewhat severe and restrained, and characterised by a certain stiffness of drawing and largeness of scale. The heads of figures are abnormally large, with great staring eyes and masses of hair rendered without detail. The draperies are comparatively free from ornamentation, only broad black borders and patterns of small dots being admitted. The clay is of a rich red colour, but accessory colours are exceedingly rare. Hence they present a great contrast to the Apulian and Campanian, with their masses of white and generally gaudy appearance. Another peculiarity is that fillets in the hair are rendered simply by leaving a narrow band across the head in the colour of the clay. The figures often stand in the air without the usual dotted ground-lines, but sometimes the ground is represented by a heap of loose stones. A favourite device is that of a half-shield seen in the upper part of the scene, as a sort of indication of locality or action.[1473] Fig. 108 gives a typical example of Lucanian vase-painting.
The designs are typically quite simple and understated, marked by a certain rigidity in the drawing and a large scale. The heads of the figures are disproportionately large, featuring wide, staring eyes and clumps of hair that lack detail. The draperies are mostly free of decorations, only including broad black borders and small dot patterns. The clay has a rich red hue, but additional colors are extremely rare. As a result, these pieces contrast sharply with the Apulian and Campanian styles, which are known for their white masses and bright, flashy appearance. Another unique feature is that hair fillets are depicted simply by leaving a narrow band across the head in the clay’s color. The figures often float in mid-air without the usual dotted ground lines, but at times the ground is shown as a pile of loose stones. A common motif is a half-shield depicted in the upper part of the scene, serving as a marker for location or action.[1473] Fig. 108 provides a typical example of Lucanian vase-painting.
Among the favourite shapes are the bell-shaped krater and the amphora, also the hydria and column-handled krater. The hydria is generally employed, as in Campania, for sepulchral subjects. The vases are mostly of large size, whence a corresponding largeness of the figures; whereas Campanian vases are generally small, and make up for the absence of imposing figures by their colouring. An entirely new shape, peculiar to this style, is the four-handled krater, to which the name of nestoris has been somewhat absurdly given[1474]; it is undoubtedly a local form, being found in the indigenous pottery of the district.[1475] There are two varieties, one with a high neck, the other with sloping shoulder and no neck. The handles are usually ornamented with discs painted with rosettes, and the designs are in panels surrounded by ornament, sometimes on the second variety with a lower frieze of figures. Generally speaking, secondary ornamentation is largely employed on these vases, especially on the last-named shape. The palmette patterns under the handles are usually very luxuriant.
Some of the favorite shapes include the bell-shaped krater and the amphora, as well as the hydria and column-handled krater. The hydria is mostly used, like in Campania, for funerary subjects. The vases are usually quite large, which results in larger figures; on the other hand, Campanian vases are generally smaller and make up for the lack of imposing figures with their vibrant colors. A completely new shape unique to this style is the four-handled krater, which has been somewhat absurdly named nestoris[1474]; it is definitely a local form, found in the native pottery of the area.[1475] There are two varieties: one with a high neck and the other with a sloping shoulder and no neck. The handles are often decorated with discs painted with rosettes, and the designs are in panels framed by ornamentation, sometimes on the second variety with a lower frieze of figures. Generally speaking, secondary ornamentation is widely used on these vases, especially on the latter shape. The palmette patterns beneath the handles are typically very ornate.

FIG. 108. DEPARTURE OF WARRIOR, FROM A LUCANIAN KRATER (BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 108. DEPARTURE OF WARRIOR, FROM A LUCANIAN KRATER (BRITISH MUSEUM).
The vases of Campania present in many ways a striking contrast to those of Lucania. Their chief characteristic is, as has been noted, love of picturesque effect and variety of colour, even to the extent of introducing attempts at shading (see above, p. 471). The vases are mostly small, and none of the large kraters or amphorae belong to this class. The favourite shapes are the hydria, lekythos with bulbous body, and amphora; the latter is clearly an imitation of the Attic “Nolan” amphorae, which were so largely imported into the district, but the body is usually more symmetrical. The clay is usually of a buff or dull yellow ochre tone, and red and yellow washes are frequently used, as well as large masses of white; these tints are laid on very carelessly, and the white is of a kind that is apt to flake off and disappear. Yellow, purple, and white are largely used as accessories, and the drawing has a tendency to become very careless. The lines of the ground are indicated by occasional strokes of white, or by rocks strewn with flowers. Ornamental patterns are not so popular as in Lucania; the favourite is the wave, and the palmettes under the handles are thick and ugly, with angular leaves. Some decorative motives seem to be derived directly from nature.
The vases from Campania really stand out compared to those from Lucania. Their main feature, as mentioned, is their love for a striking look and a variety of colors, even trying out shading techniques (see above, p. 471). Most of the vases are small, and you won't find any large kraters or amphorae in this category. The most common shapes are the hydria, lekythos with a bulbous body, and amphora; the last one clearly mimics the Attic “Nolan” amphorae, which were widely imported into the area, but generally has a more symmetrical body. The clay is typically a buff or dull yellow ochre, and red and yellow washes are often used, along with large areas of white; these colors are applied quite carelessly, and the white tends to flake off easily. Yellow, purple, and white are frequently used as accents, and the drawing tends to be pretty sloppy. The lines of the ground are shown with occasional white strokes or by rocks scattered with flowers. Ornamental patterns aren’t as popular as in Lucania; the wave pattern is a favorite, and the palmettes under the handles are thick and unattractive, with angular leaves. Some decorative elements appear to be inspired directly by nature.
The subjects are often interesting and uncommon, introducing recondite or unusual myths; many of the vases with comic scenes appear to belong to this class, and one in the British Museum has an Oscan inscription. Local peculiarities of costume and armour, which Signor Patroni calls Osco-Samnite, are often found; for instance, warriors wear a very short chiton with broad girdle, a helmet with waving crest and tall side-plumes of Italian type,[1476] and a remarkable breast-plate formed of three circular plates of metal arranged in a triangle.[1477] These same peculiarities are found on the wall-paintings at Paestum, and there are indications that Virgil was familiar with them.[1478]
The subjects are often intriguing and out of the ordinary, presenting obscure or unique myths; many of the vases depicting comic scenes seem to fall into this category, and one in the British Museum has an Oscan inscription. Local quirks in costume and armor, which Signor Patroni refers to as Osco-Samnite, are frequently seen; for example, warriors wear a very short chiton with a wide girdle, a helmet with a wavy crest, and tall side-plumes of Italian style,[1476] along with a distinctive breastplate made of three circular metal plates arranged in a triangle.[1477] These same features can be observed in the wall paintings at Paestum, and there are signs that Virgil was familiar with them.[1478]
Signor Patroni, by dint of an exhaustive study of the Naples collection, has made a tentative classification of Campanian vases according to fabric; he distinguishes those of Cumae, Saticula (Santa Agata dei Goti), and Abella; but those of Capua, Nola, and Neapolis appear to have no distinctive style. The Cumae fabric, for studying which the Raccolta Cumana in Naples gives exceptional facilities, is represented by the long, straight-bodied amphorae, the hydriae with female heads under the handles, and kraters on which the design is framed by stylised floral patterns or heavy palmettes. Among the characteristic patterns are the wave, large flowers in profile, and ground-ornaments generally, such as ivy-leaves, branches, and small windows. The strong tendency to polychromy seems to be the result of using the late Attic polychrome vases as models. In the colouring a new feature is the use of a carmine red, which, according to Patroni, is only found in the Cumae fabrics.[1479] Mythological subjects are rare,[1480] sepulchral common, and shrines are found on these alone; but the majority have scenes from daily life,[1481] banquets, return of warriors, etc. It is on these that the local costumes are usually found.
Signor Patroni, through a thorough study of the Naples collection, has developed a preliminary classification of Campanian vases based on their material; he identifies those from Cumae, Saticula (Santa Agata dei Goti), and Abella; however, the vases from Capua, Nola, and Neapolis seem to lack a distinct style. The Cumae fabric, for which the Raccolta Cumana in Naples offers excellent resources for study, is characterized by long, straight-bodied amphorae, hydriae featuring female heads beneath the handles, and kraters with designs surrounded by stylized floral patterns or bold palmettes. Notable patterns include waves, large profile flowers, and decorative elements like ivy leaves, branches, and small windows. The strong inclination for polychromy appears to be influenced by the late Attic polychrome vases. A new aspect in the coloring is the use of carmine red, which, according to Patroni, is unique to the Cumae fabrics.[1479] Mythological themes are infrequent,[1480] while sepulchral ones are common, and shrines are exclusively found on these; however, most vases depict scenes from everyday life,[1481] like banquets and the return of warriors. It is primarily these scenes that showcase the local costumes.
The Saticula fabrics are very uniform,[1482] practically all bell-shaped kraters with red clay; colours are sparingly used, and then only white; a maeander takes the place of the wave-pattern as a border; ground-lines are usually indicated. Of subjects Dionysiac have the preference. The vases of Abella are of late date, chiefly hydriae of very pale clay with accessory colours; among the typical patterns are arabesques ending in white daisies. They sometimes show reminiscences of the Paestum style.[1483]
The Saticula fabrics are very consistent,[1482] almost all are bell-shaped kraters made from red clay; colors are used sparingly, and only in white; a maeander replaces the wave pattern as a border; ground lines are usually marked. Dionysian subjects are preferred. The vases from Abella are from a later period, mainly hydriae made from very pale clay with additional colors; common patterns include arabesques that end in white daisies. They sometimes reflect elements of the Paestum style.[1483]

South Italian Vases (British Museum).
1, 2, Apulian Vases; 3, Campanian.
South Italian Vases (British Museum).
1, 2, Apulian Vases; 3, Campanian.
There are a few peculiar fabrics which we may also attribute to a Campanian origin, including rude imitations of the B.F. style, chiefly small amphorae with single figures; imitations of Nolan amphorae, reproducing both their form and their scheme of decoration[1484]; and bell-shaped kraters imitating the Attic style, which Signor Patroni has associated with Saticula. The imitations of Nolan amphorae have a slim body, twisted handles, and a sharply set-off shoulder forming a right angle with the neck instead of a graceful curve. As in their prototypes, the subjects are confined to one or two figures each side. The lustrous black glaze of the Attic vases is admirably reproduced. There is also a class of vases with designs painted in opaque red on the black ground, reproducing the method of the transitional vases described on p. 393.[1485] They are very rude in character, with roughly incised details and subjects of a simple kind; the red pigment appears to have been made from fragments of pounded pottery (testa trita). There is, however, one remarkable exception—a small phiale in the British Museum,[1486] dating from the third century, with the subject of a shepherd-boy with his dog. The design is carefully painted in opaque red and white in the style of the Pompeian wall-paintings, and the effect of light and shade produced by hatched lines is both remarkable and unique. A krater found at Civita Castellana (Falerii),[1487] the paintings on which are in Campanian style, is unique in having Latin inscriptions over the figures, a group consisting of Zeus (... SPATER, Die]spater), Ganymede, Eros (CVPIDO), and Athena (MENERVA). The subject is conceived rather in the style of the Etruscan mirrors than that of the painted vases, and is obviously under local influence. As Falerii was destroyed in 243 B.C., a terminus ante quem may be obtained for the date of the vase, as for others found on this site (see p. 75).
There are a few unique fabrics that we can also trace back to a Campanian origin, including rough copies of the B.F. style, mainly small amphorae with single figures; imitations of Nolan amphorae, which replicate both their shape and their decorative design[1484]; and bell-shaped kraters mimicking the Attic style, which Signor Patroni has linked to Saticula. The imitations of Nolan amphorae have a slim body, twisted handles, and a sharply defined shoulder that forms a right angle with the neck instead of a smooth curve. As in their original counterparts, the subjects are limited to one or two figures on each side. The shiny black glaze of the Attic vases is beautifully recreated. There is also a category of vases with designs painted in opaque red on a black background, which replicate the technique of the transitional vases described on p. 393.[1485] They are quite crude in style, with roughly carved details and simple subjects; the red pigment seems to have been made from crushed pottery (testa trita). However, there is one remarkable exception—a small phiale in the British Museum,[1486] dating from the third century, featuring a design of a shepherd boy with his dog. The design is carefully painted in opaque red and white in the style of the Pompeian wall paintings, and the play of light and shadow created by hatching lines is both striking and unique. A krater found at Civita Castellana (Falerii),[1487] whose paintings are in Campanian style, is distinctive for having Latin inscriptions above the figures, which include Zeus (... SPATER, Die]spater), Ganymede, Eros (CVPIDO), and Athena (MENERVA). The subject is styled more like Etruscan mirrors than painted vases, clearly showing local influence. Since Falerii was destroyed in 243 BCE, we can establish a deadline for the dating of the vase, as well as others found at this site (see p. 75).
The vases of Apulia are not only more numerous, but of more merit and greater interest than those of the other two classes. In them may be observed two or three stages of development, beginning with a fifth- or early fourth-century group of Attic type, consisting of large amphorae with two friezes of figures.[1488] Both in shape and method of decoration these form the prototype of the large kraters and amphorae which comprise the second class; they are distinguished from the latter by severity of treatment and absence of colour. The second class includes the large vases with mythological and tragic subjects, the Under-world vases, and those with sepulchral scenes; they are all richly decorated from head to foot, with two main rows of figures, smaller subjects on the neck, and ornamentation over every available space. The theatrical characteristics of which we have spoken above (p. 472) are best illustrated by some of this series.
The vases from Apulia are not only more numerous but also more significant and interesting than those from the other two categories. They show two or three stages of development, starting with a group from the fifth or early fourth century that follows the Attic style, featuring large amphorae with two friezes of figures.[1488] Both in shape and decoration, these serve as the prototype for the large kraters and amphorae in the second category; they stand out from the latter due to their strict treatment and lack of color. The second category includes large vases depicting mythological and tragic themes, as well as Under-world vases and those showing sepulchral scenes; they are all richly adorned from head to toe, with two main rows of figures, smaller subjects on the neck, and ornamentation filling every available space. The theatrical characteristics mentioned earlier (p. 472) are best exemplified by some of this collection.
The third class includes some large vases, such as the so-called pelikae and the large phialae, and the smaller forms, the oinochoë and its varieties, and kanthari, rhyta, and other kinds of drinking-cups. Some shapes are peculiar to this class. In spite of the great variety of shape, there is a remarkable poverty of conception in the subjects, which show a tendency to become purely decorative, and are mainly confined to the vague “courting” scenes or “toilet” scenes, or to single figures of Eros and Nike. On the smallest vases the commonest subject is often that of a female head covered with a cap, sometimes of a relatively colossal size, and this also occurs, surrounded by foliage, on the necks of the large vases. The shapes, as in the case of the epichysis (p. 179), often tend to ugliness and over-refinement.
The third class includes some large vases, like the so-called pelikae and the large phialae, as well as smaller forms like the oinochoë and its variations, kanthari, rhyta, and other types of drinking cups. Some shapes are unique to this class. Despite the wide variety of shapes, there is a notable lack of creativity in the subjects, which tend to be mostly decorative and mainly focus on vague “courting” scenes or “toilet” scenes, or single figures of Eros and Nike. On the smallest vases, the most common subject is often a female head covered with a cap, sometimes disproportionately large, and this also appears, surrounded by foliage, on the necks of the large vases. The shapes, as seen with the epichysis (p. 179), often lean towards ugliness and excessive refinement.
The conception of Eros on the later Apulian vases is one of their chief characteristics (cf. Plate XLIV.). An almost invariable participant in every scene, his form assumes an androgynous character; his hair is arranged in feminine fashion, and his person adorned with necklaces, earrings, and other jewellery. Among other peculiarities we may note the double line of white or yellow dots for ground-lines; the characterising of Oriental figures by tiaras and cross-belts; the general treatment of the hair of women, at first long, thick, and wig-like, but later gathered up in a cap, from which the ends float out behind; the thick but effeminate proportions of the men; and the small heads of the horses.
The portrayal of Eros on later Apulian vases is one of their main features (cf. Plate XLIV.). He almost always appears in every scene, taking on an androgynous look; his hair is styled in a feminine way, and his body is decorated with necklaces, earrings, and other jewelry. Other notable details include the double line of white or yellow dots representing ground-lines; the depiction of Oriental figures with tiaras and cross-belts; the general style of women's hair, initially long, thick, and wig-like, but later styled up in a cap with ends flowing out behind; the stocky yet effeminate build of the men; and the small heads of the horses.

APULIAN AMPHORA.
PERSEPHONE IN HADES.
(British Museum).
Apulian Amphora.
Persephone in Hades.
(British Museum).
There does not seem to be any possibility of distinguishing different centres of fabric in Apulia. Nor can Tarentum have been a centre of vase-fabrics, although Lenormant stoutly upheld its claims, as the chief centre of Greek civilisation in that region. But Tarentum has been the scene of much excavation, and results do not point to that conclusion; most of the vases found there are purely Greek. On the other hand, enormous numbers have been found at Ruvo, and this was undoubtedly the chief centre, though without a distinguishing style of its own. Ruvo was famous for its red clay, and remains of furnaces and potteries have been found there. Other sites where vases have been found are Bari, Canosa, and Ceglie. At Canosa there was a preference for the tall amphora with scroll-handles, the large phiale, and the prochoös,[1489] and purple accessories were largely used here. It is also interesting to recall that Canosa seems to have been the centre for the large ornamental vases of terracotta painted in tempera (p. 119).
It doesn’t seem possible to identify different centers of pottery production in Apulia. Tarentum can't be considered a center for vase-making, despite Lenormant’s strong claims that it was the main hub of Greek culture in that area. However, extensive excavations in Tarentum haven’t supported this idea; most of the vases unearthed there are strictly Greek. In contrast, countless vases have been discovered in Ruvo, which was definitely the leading center, even if it didn't have a unique style. Ruvo was known for its red clay, and remains of kilns and pottery workshops have been found there. Other locations where vases have been discovered include Bari, Canosa, and Ceglie. In Canosa, there was a preference for tall amphorae with scroll handles, large phialai, and prochoös; it’s noted that purple decorations were frequently used there. It's also noteworthy that Canosa appears to have been the hub for large ornamental terracotta vases painted in tempera (p. 119).
On some of the column-handled kraters[1490] local costumes appear, probably representing the Peucetians, and having some affinities with those of Lucania; the principal features are the tall pointed cap and short striped chiton worn by both sexes. Another group peculiar to Apulia is formed by the fish-plates[1491]—a peculiar form of plate, with low stem, a sinking in the centre, and edge turned over, all being painted with fish of various kinds (Plate XLIV.). They were no doubt used for eating fish, the sinking being for the sauce; but they may also have been hung up as votive offerings in the temple of some marine deity.
On some of the kraters with column handles[1490], local costumes can be seen, likely representing the Peucetians, which share some similarities with those from Lucania. The main features are the tall pointed cap and short striped chiton worn by both men and women. Another unique group from Apulia includes the fish plates[1491]—a distinctive type of plate with a low stem, a depressed center, and an overturned edge, all decorated with various kinds of fish (Plate XLIV.). They were probably used for serving fish, with the depression meant for sauce; however, they might have also been displayed as offerings in the temple of a marine god.
The last efforts of vase-painting on the soil of Magna Graecia date from the latter half of the third century B.C. By this time vase-painting had reached a stage of complete decadence, devoid of style or taste, and rapidly verging on barbarism, as shown in some specimens, which seem to be the efforts of local craftsmen to copy the better examples, but with the same want of success as the Etruscans.[1492]
The final attempts at vase-painting in Magna Graecia happened in the second half of the third century BCE By this time, vase-painting had completely declined, lacking in style or taste, and was quickly moving towards barbarism. This is evident in some examples that appear to be the attempts of local artisans trying to imitate better works, but they were just as unsuccessful as the Etruscans.[1492]
Another direction which vase-painting took before it finally disappeared is illustrated by a group of vases mostly found at Egnazia (Gnathia) in Apulia, which clearly form a final stage in the evolution of the local fabric just discussed. Originally known from the place where the majority was found as vasi di Egnazia or Gnathia vases, they were in the view of Lenormant more probably made at Tarentum.[1493] But we have seen that there is slight evidence of local fabric there,[1494] and their connection with the fabrics of Ruvo and Canosa makes it more likely that they came from that neighbourhood. It is therefore probable that the old name is the correct one.
Another direction that vase painting took before it eventually disappeared is shown by a group of vases mostly found at Egnazia (Gnathia) in Apulia, which clearly represents a final stage in the development of the local style just discussed. Originally known from the location where most were discovered as vases of Egnazia or Gnathia vases, Lenormant believed they were more likely produced in Tarentum.[1493] However, we have seen that there is little evidence of local style there,[1494] and their connection with the styles of Ruvo and Canosa makes it more probable that they came from that area. Therefore, it is likely that the old name is the correct one.
The characteristics of this group are: (1) the black varnish with which the whole vase is covered; (2) the designs painted in opaque colours—white, purple, and yellow; (3) the tendency to imitate vases of metal, as seen in the vertically ribbed bodies and other details of form. The important rôle played by the black varnish is interesting, as showing the increasing tendency to reduce the painter’s labour to a minimum, combined with a striving after novelty and the rejuvenation of the art. The practice, no doubt, arose from the discovery of the painter that it was easier to paint the figures on the black in opaque colour than to trace them out in the clay and work round them with the varnish, especially in the case of the elaborate foliage patterns which played so important a part in Apulian vases.
The features of this group include: (1) the black glaze that covers the entire vase; (2) the designs painted in solid colors—white, purple, and yellow; (3) the tendency to mimic metal vases, evident in the vertically ribbed shapes and other form details. The significant role of the black glaze is notable, reflecting a growing trend to minimize the painter's effort while seeking innovation and revitalization in the art. This practice likely emerged when painters discovered it was easier to paint figures in opaque color over the black than to outline them in the clay and work around them with the glaze, especially with the complex foliage patterns that were so crucial to Apulian vases.

FIG. 109. HYDRIA WITH OPAQUE PAINTING ON BLACK GROUND, FROM CURIUM
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 109. Hydria with opaque painting on black background, from Curium
(British Museum).
It is interesting to note that specimens of this ware are sometimes found on Greek sites, such as Athens, Myrina in Asia Minor, Melos, and Cyprus. At Curium in the latter island a fine hydria in this style, with figures on the shoulder (Fig. 109), was found in 1895.[1496] Whether these were imported from Italy or made elsewhere is quite uncertain.[1497]
It’s interesting to see that pieces of this pottery are sometimes found in Greek locations like Athens, Myrina in Asia Minor, Melos, and Cyprus. At Curium on that island, a beautiful hydria in this style, featuring figures on the shoulder (Fig. 109), was discovered in 1895.[1496] It’s unclear whether these were imported from Italy or created in other locations.[1497]

FIG. 110. PHIALE WITH LATIN INSCRIPTION: “THE CUP OF AEQUITIA”
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
FIG. 110. CUP WITH LATIN INSCRIPTION: “THE CUP OF AEQUITIA”
(BRITISH MUSEUM).
Another interesting but much smaller class which belongs to the latter half of the third century is formed by a group of vases, mostly small phialae, which are distinguished by bearing painted Latin inscriptions.[1498] Some also have figures (Eros, a female head, etc.), which are treated in the same manner as the Gnatia vases. It is probable that Rome was the place of origin of this class, in spite of the fact that most of them were found in Etruria.[1499] But the Latin language at that time was more at home in Campania than anywhere else outside Rome. The inscriptions take the form: AECETIAI POCOLOM, Aequitiae poculum (B.M. F 604 = Fig. 110); IVNONENES POCOLOM, Junonis poculum; and so on,—Saturn, Mercury, and other Roman deities being included in the list. Reasons have been given for dating this series in the First Punic War, 260–240 B.C.
Another interesting but much smaller group that belongs to the latter half of the third century is made up of a collection of vases, mostly small phialae, which are notable for having painted Latin inscriptions.[1498] Some also feature figures (Eros, a female head, etc.), which are handled in the same style as the Gnatia vases. It’s likely that this group originated in Rome, even though most of them were found in Etruria.[1499] However, at that time, the Latin language was more widely spoken in Campania than anywhere else outside of Rome. The inscriptions include: AECETIAI POCOLOM, Cup of fairness (B.M. F 604 = Fig. 110); IVNONENES POCOLOM, Juno's cup; and so forth,—including Roman gods like Saturn, Mercury, and others on the list. There are arguments for dating this series to the First Punic War, 260–240 BCE
Formerly it was universally supposed that the art of vase-painting was brought to an end in 186 B.C. by the action of the Roman Senate when they issued their edict against Bacchanalian ceremonies, which undoubtedly affected Southern Italy. But this was only a natural view to be taken by writers who associated the painted vases with the Eleusinian mysteries and similar ideas; on other grounds it is hardly tenable. Especially in regard to the general putting back of the chronology of the art, it is impossible to suppose that painted vases with mythological subjects were still made in the second century. The character of the mid-third-century vases just described is sufficient to indicate that they represent the last stage to which Greek painting could ever have reached.
It was once believed that the art of vase-painting ended in 186 B.C. due to a decree from the Roman Senate against Bacchanalian ceremonies, which certainly impacted Southern Italy. However, this was merely a common assumption among writers who linked painted vases to the Eleusinian mysteries and similar concepts; it doesn't hold up well on other grounds. Particularly regarding the overall adjustment of the art's timeline, it's hard to imagine that painted vases featuring mythological themes were still being made in the second century. The characteristics of the mid-third-century vases just described clearly show that they represent the final stage of development in Greek painting.
§ 3. Figured Vases and Relief Vases
We propose to conclude this sketch of the history of Greek vase-painting with a few words on a principle which, while always present in Greek pottery, yet at all times lay in the background, until the latest stages of the art, when it entered on a phase of increased popularity. This is the principle of combining the ceramic with the plastic art—in other words, the manufacture of vases in the form of human or animal figures or heads.
We would like to wrap up this overview of the history of Greek vase-painting with a few thoughts on a principle that, although consistently found in Greek pottery, remained somewhat overlooked until the later stages of the art, when it gained more popularity. This principle involves merging ceramics with sculpture—in other words, creating vases shaped like human or animal figures or heads.
It has already been noted, in discussing the primitive pottery of Troy (p. 257), that the idea of associating the vase form and the human form is a very old one. At Troy it is of course seen in its most rudimentary stage, when correct modelling was a thing quite beyond the potter’s scope, and he could only roughly indicate features and limbs on the surface of the vase, which thus always remained a vase, and the figure idea never gained, as in later times, the predominance. In the Mycenaean period the advance in modelling was great, but only reached a high level in Crete. It is only since the discoveries at Knossos that we have been able to account for the astounding group of porcelain rhyta from the Enkomi tombs in Cyprus (see Plate X., fig. 4),[1500] which at first sight seem to have been made by a sixth-century artist, so admirable and lifelike are they. Although the rams’ heads bear the palm, the female heads are, for the period, a tour de force, so advanced in type that it would be pardonable to argue—apart from the circumstances of their discovery—that they must belong to a later stage of art.
It has already been pointed out, while discussing the basic pottery of Troy (p. 257), that the concept of linking the shape of a vase to the human form is quite ancient. At Troy, we see this idea in its most basic form, where proper modeling was beyond the potter's abilities, and he could only roughly suggest features and limbs on the surface of the vase, which thus always remained just a vase, without the figure becoming dominant, as occurred in later periods. During the Mycenaean period, there was significant progress in modeling, but it only reached a high standard in Crete. It is only since the discoveries at Knossos that we have been able to explain the remarkable collection of porcelain rhyta from the Enkomi tombs in Cyprus (see Plate X, fig. 4),[1500] which at first glance appear to have been created by a sixth-century artist, given how impressive and lifelike they are. Although the ram heads are the standout pieces, the female heads are, for that period, an impressive achievement, so advanced in style that one might reasonably argue—independent of the conditions of their discovery—that they must belong to a later stage of artistic development.

Greek Vases Modelled in Various Forms (British Museum).
1, 6, Sixth Century; 2, 4, 5, Fifth Century; 3, Fourth Century.
Greek vases with various designs (British Museum).
1, 6, Sixth Century; 2, 4, 5, Fifth Century; 3, Fourth Century.
During the sixth century painted figurine vases are rare, though there are not wanting various examples of the class just described, which belong to this period; but at all events hardly any examples can be traced to Athenian manufacture during the age of B.F. vase-painting. Towards the end of the century, however, the fashion was reintroduced by the potter Charinos, who belongs to the transitional period (about 525–500 B.C.). A vase signed by him, which was found at Corneto, is in the form of a female head surmounted by a kalathos.[1503] It was made in a mould like the terracotta figures, but the painted decoration, which is remarkably elaborate and minute, is entirely B.F. in character. The patterns on the head-dress include maeander, stars, ivy-leaves, lozenge and net patterns, and a minute frieze of animals, painted in black on the clay ground. A similar vase, but later in date, is in the Berlin Museum[1504]; in this example we may note the introduction of R.F. ornamentation, in the palmettes and diapering round the top.
During the sixth century, painted figurine vases were rare, but there are various examples from this period. However, hardly any can be traced back to Athenian production during the B.F. vase-painting era. Toward the end of the century, the style was revived by the potter Charinos, who is part of the transitional period (about 525–500 B.C.). A vase signed by him, found in Corneto, is shaped like a female head topped with a kalathos.[1503] It was made using a mold like the terracotta figures, but the painted decoration, which is incredibly detailed and intricate, is entirely in the B.F. style. The patterns on the headpiece include meanders, stars, ivy leaves, lozenges, and net patterns, along with a tiny frieze of animals painted in black on the clay background. A similar vase, but dated later, is in the Berlin Museum[1504]; in this example, we can see the introduction of R.F. ornamentation, with palmettes and decorative patterns around the top.
These two stand at the head of a series of similar vases extending throughout the succeeding periods down to the end of the age of painted vases. They compare for style with the heads of the female statues found on the Acropolis, which belong to the same period. Two other potters, Kaliades and Prokles, made similar vases.[1505]
These two are at the forefront of a series of similar vases that continue through the following periods until the end of the painted vase era. Their style is comparable to the heads of the female statues discovered on the Acropolis, which are from the same time. Two other potters, Kaliades and Prokles, created similar vases.[1505]
The fashion started by Charinos continued throughout the fifth century, but the plastic conception tended to become subordinate to the ceramic, and it became more and more customary to decorate the non-plastic portions in the manner of the vases. Of this development the most noteworthy example is the beautiful rhyton in the British Museum in the form of a Sphinx (E 788), the upper or vase part of which is ornamented with the subject of Kekrops and Erichthonios. The body of the Sphinx is covered with a fine white slip, and the details are picked out with red and gilding. This vase dates from about the middle of the century. There also exist many examples of rhyta or kanthari, formed of a head or two heads back to back, usually a Maenad and a Seilenos.[1506] Another favourite type is that of a jug in the form of a negro’s or Aethiopian’s head[1507]; and there are also rhyta which terminate in the head of a lion, mule, or other animal finely modelled (Plate XLVI., figs. 2, 5).
The style started by Charinos continued through the fifth century, but the three-dimensional design became less important compared to the ceramic, making it more common to decorate the non-sculpted parts like the vases. One of the best examples of this trend is the stunning rhyton in the British Museum shaped like a Sphinx (E 788), where the upper or vase portion features a design of Kekrops and Erichthonios. The body of the Sphinx is coated with a fine white slip, and the details are highlighted in red and gold. This vase is dated to around the middle of the century. There are also many examples of rhyta or kanthari shaped like one or two heads back-to-back, typically depicting a Maenad and a Seilenos.[1506] Another popular type is a jug shaped like a person of African descent, or an Ethiopian’s head[1507]; and there are also rhyta that end in the head of a lion, mule, or other intricately modeled animal (Plate XLVI., figs. 2, 5).
Towards the end of the fifth century there is a reversion to the purely plastic figure-vase, usually in the form of a lekythos with spherical body, to the front of which the figure is attached (Plate XLVI., fig. 4). The vase is usually covered with black glaze, and the figure with a white slip like the terracottas, with polychrome colouring. Examples of this class are the series of lekythi representing Aphrodite Anadyomene in a scallop-shell, of which there are examples at Athens and Petersburg,[1508] and the fine vase in the British Museum (E 716) with the bust of Athena Parthenos. A series of smaller lekythi, of which the British Museum possesses examples (G 2–7), represents Eros on a dolphin, the young Dionysos in a sort of canopy, Europa on the bull, a boy with a dog, and other subjects; the technique is similar to that of the larger specimens, with pink and green colouring. They form charming little objects, and are often well executed.[1509]
Towards the end of the fifth century, there was a return to the purely decorative figure-vase, usually shaped like a lekythos with a round body, to which the figure is attached at the front (Plate XLVI., fig. 4). The vase is typically coated with black glaze, and the figure is adorned with a white slip similar to the terracottas, featuring polychrome coloring. Notable examples of this type include the series of lekythi depicting Aphrodite Anadyomene in a scallop shell, with examples found in Athens and Petersburg,[1508] as well as the exquisite vase in the British Museum (E 716) showcasing the bust of Athena Parthenos. A collection of smaller lekythi, some of which are in the British Museum (G 2–7), illustrate Eros on a dolphin, the young Dionysus underneath a sort of canopy, Europa on the bull, a boy with a dog, and other themes; the technique mirrors that of the larger pieces, featuring pink and green hues. They create delightful little items and are often well-crafted.[1509]
In Southern Italy many of these types are continued, the most popular being that of the rhyton ending in an animal’s head (p. 193), of which many examples have been found in Apulia. They usually have some simple design painted on the upper part, such as a figure of Eros. There are also numerous examples of vases in the form of animals or human figures (Plate XLVI., fig. 3), some of which are in black glazed ware with patterns in white like the vases of Egnazia, others being covered with white slip like the terracottas. With the decay of painted decoration the plastic element gradually predominates more and more, until the vase form becomes, so to speak, purely accidental. Thus in the third century the fabrics of Canosa, of which we have spoken in a previous chapter (p. 118), entirely hold the field, and the vases pass out of the sphere of the history of vase-painting.
In Southern Italy, many of these styles are still produced, with the most popular being the rhyton that ends with an animal’s head (p. 193), of which many examples have been discovered in Apulia. They typically feature a simple design painted on the upper part, like a figure of Eros. There are also several examples of vases shaped like animals or human figures (Plate XLVI, fig. 3), some made from black glazed material with white patterns similar to the vases from Egnazia, while others are covered in white slip like the terracottas. As painted decoration declines, the three-dimensional aspect increasingly takes over, until the vase shape becomes almost incidental. By the third century, the textiles from Canosa, which we discussed in a previous chapter (p. 118), completely dominate the scene, and vases move out of the realm of vase-painting history.
In all or nearly all of the vases just described we observe the same principle at work—namely, the tendency to imitate metal in terracotta. It is one that is constantly recurring throughout the whole history of Greek ceramics, with more or less persistency and prominence. Sometimes, as in the Melian, Proto-Attic, and other fabrics, the imitation is limited to the form of the handles, which is, strictly speaking, inappropriate in terracotta, though frequently found in early bronze vessels.[1510] It is seldom found in Ionia, but in Western Greece there are many examples during the seventh and sixth centuries, as in some of the Proto-Corinthian and early Corinthian wares,[1511] This is doubtless in a large measure due to the influence of the great centres of metal-work at that time, Corinth and Chalkis. We are not, therefore, surprised to find the tendency exemplified in the pottery fabrics of those two centres, and at Chalkis, as has already been noted (p. 321), it is especially conspicuous in the form and minor details of the vases. At Athens examples are rare, with the exception of the vases of Nikosthenes, who not only copies complete vases in metal, as in his peculiarly-shaped amphorae and in a small phiale mesomphalos in the British Museum,[1512] but is also addicted to adorning the handles of jugs with female heads in relief, as on specimens in the Louvre and elsewhere.[1513] After the sixth century the tendency is far less conspicuous, owing to the high esteem in which vase-painting was then held, and little is seen of attempts at imitating metal until the revival of the plastic element in pottery in the fourth century. An almost unique exception is the Berlin krater from Corinth (2882), which must date from the fifth century. It is of black ware, with designs in relief round the body.[1514]
In almost all of the vases mentioned, we notice the same principle at play—specifically, the tendency to replicate metal designs in terracotta. This is a recurring theme throughout the entire history of Greek ceramics, with varying degrees of persistence and prominence. Sometimes, as seen in Melian, Proto-Attic, and other styles, the imitation is limited to the shape of the handles, which is technically inappropriate for terracotta but often appears in early bronze vessels.[1510] It's rarely found in Ionia, but in Western Greece, there are many examples from the seventh and sixth centuries, as seen in some Proto-Corinthian and early Corinthian wares,[1511] likely influenced by the major centers of metalwork of that time, Corinth and Chalkis. Therefore, it's not surprising to see this tendency reflected in the pottery from these two locations. At Chalkis, as previously noted (p. 321), this is particularly evident in the shape and finer details of the vases. In Athens, such examples are rare, except for the vases created by Nikosthenes, who not only mimics complete metal vases, like his uniquely-shaped amphorae and a small phiale mesomphalos in the British Museum,[1512] but also tends to embellish jug handles with female heads in relief, as found in specimens in the Louvre and other collections.[1513] After the sixth century, this tendency becomes much less noticeable due to the admiration for vase painting, and there are few attempts to imitate metal until the revival of the plastic element in pottery during the fourth century. An almost unique exception is the Berlin krater from Corinth (2882), which dates back to the fifth century. It is made of black ware, featuring relief designs around the body.[1514]
The tendency also manifests itself in a marked degree in another direction in early Greek art—namely, in that of ornamenting vases with reliefs. So much evidence of this has been yielded by discoveries on Greek soil that it is now certain that this method of decoration had its origin in Greece, and not in Etruria, although the close resemblance between early relief-wares from Rhodes and the large πίθοι of Cervetri (see p. 153) had led archaeologists in the past to regard Etruria as its original home. The Etruscans always preferred modelled vases or relief decoration to painted ware, as their bucchero fabrics show; but we know that they had no inventive power, and even in this they have proved to be only imitators.[1515]
The tendency is also clearly evident in another area of early Greek art—specifically, in decorating vases with reliefs. Discoveries in Greece have provided so much evidence that it’s now clear this method of decoration originated in Greece, not in Etruria. Previously, the close similarity between early relief-ware from Rhodes and large πίθοι from Cervetri (see p. 153) led archaeologists to believe Etruria was the original source. The Etruscans always preferred modeled vases or relief decoration over painted ones, as their bucchero styles indicate; however, we know they lacked creative power and were ultimately just imitators.[1515]
Turning to details of the early Greek vases with reliefs, we may note that there are two varieties: firstly, those in which the reliefs are made by rolling a cylinder round the vase, the design being repeated over again; secondly, those in which the reliefs are made from separate moulds, and attached with some kind of cement.[1516] In both classes the shape usually affected is that of a large πίθος (cf. p. 151), of a somewhat coarse red clay. It is the first variety which so closely resemble the πίθοι found at Cervetri, and which are now known to be the prototypes, not imitations, of the Etruscan examples.[1517]
Looking at the details of early Greek vases with reliefs, we can see two types: first, those where the reliefs are created by rolling a cylinder around the vase, repeating the design; second, those where the reliefs come from separate molds and are attached with some kind of adhesive.[1516] In both types, the shape typically resembles a large πίθος (see p. 151), made from a somewhat rough red clay. The first type closely resembles the πίθοι found at Cervetri, which are now recognized as the originals, not imitations, of the Etruscan examples.[1517]

From Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.
Archaic Pithos with Reliefs from Boeotia (Athens Mus.).
From Ἐφ. Ἀρχ.
Ancient Pithos with Reliefs from Boeotia (Athens Museum).
In Greece fragments of the first class have been found on the Acropolis at Athens, the recurring design being a two-horse chariot which a warrior mounts, with a scorpion in the field. The similarity in the clay, the shape, and the technique of the reliefs with the Cervetri vases is remarkable; the subject is one common on Corinthian vases. Other fragments have been found at Tanagra, and there is a good example in the Louvre with a series of figures, representing a dance of women, all of similar types, yet not from the same stamp, but different moulds.[1518] The variations of detail in dress and hair show conclusively that the cylinder process is not employed here, but that the figures are freely modelled from a single type. The costume is that typical of the women on early B.F. vases (cf. p. 372). Some very fine examples of πίθοι with reliefs, dating from the end of the seventh century, have been published by De Ridder.[1519] They are all from Boeotia, and are similar to those made in Rhodes, but with the characteristic ornamental handles of metallic form. Here again the figures are freely modelled with variations of detail, and they afford interesting points of comparison with the painted vases and with the early bronze reliefs which are variously attributed to Corinth and Chalkis.[1520] One in Athens (Cat. 462) has the interesting subject of Artemis Diktynna; another (Cat. 466 = Plate XLVII.), an accouchement scene. Similar finds have been made in Kythnos, Tenos, Crete, and Rhodes,[1521] the ornamentation being for the most part purely geometrical, but sometimes with Centaurs or human figures.[1522] In none of these examples is there any peculiarly Etruscan feature; all is purely Hellenic, presenting close analogies not only with metal-work in relief, but also with the Oriental art to which the Greek work of that age was so much indebted, as in the case of the cylinder process.[1523]
In Greece, high-quality fragments have been discovered on the Acropolis in Athens, featuring a recurring design of a two-horse chariot being mounted by a warrior, with a scorpion depicted in the background. The similarity in the clay, shape, and technique of these reliefs with the Cervetri vases is striking; the theme is commonly seen on Corinthian vases. Additional fragments have been found at Tanagra, and a notable example is in the Louvre, showcasing a series of figures representing a women's dance. While the figures share similar features, they are not from the same mold, but from different ones. The variations in clothing and hairstyle clearly indicate that the cylinder process wasn't used here; instead, the figures are crafted freely from a single type. The costumes resemble those typical of women on early B.F. vases. Some excellent examples of πίθοι with reliefs, dating back to the late seventh century, have been published by De Ridder. They originate from Boeotia and are akin to those produced in Rhodes, but with distinctive metallic ornamental handles. Again, the figures are freely shaped with varying details, providing fascinating points of comparison with painted vases and early bronze reliefs, which are attributed to Corinth and Chalkis. One piece in Athens (Cat. 462) features the intriguing subject of Artemis Diktynna; another (Cat. 466 = Plate XLVII) depicts a childbirth scene. Similar finds have been made in Kythnos, Tenos, Crete, and Rhodes, with ornamentation mostly being purely geometric, sometimes incorporating Centaurs or human figures. None of these examples show any distinctly Etruscan characteristics; they are entirely Hellenic, displaying strong similarities not only with relief metalwork but also with Oriental art, to which Greek works of that era were heavily influenced, as seen in the case of the cylinder process.
A new method of decorating vases, which first makes its appearance towards the end of the fifth century, is by means of appliqué reliefs. It is doubtless due to the influence of sculpture, and perhaps more especially to that of the bronze reliefs which on vases and mirror-cases were now becoming popular. The former influence is clearly at work in the great Kertch vase with the contest of Athena and Poseidon (Plate L.), where we may see in the two central figures, which are modelled in relief and applied to the surface of the vase, an undoubted reminiscence of the western Parthenon pediment. There are also vases from Athens, Kertch, the Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy,[1524] in which the figures are either partially or wholly modelled in relief, like the vase of Xenophantos or a fine lekythos in the British Museum (G 23) representing the rape of Kassandra by Ajax. Another fine specimen, found at Cumae and now at Petersburg, has a group of Eleusinian deities in relief on the shoulder.[1525] Yet another example, recently found at Lampsakos, has the Calydonian boar-hunt as its subject; the figures are in relief on a gilded ground.[1526]
A new way of decorating vases, which first appeared towards the end of the fifth century, is through appliqué reliefs. This is likely influenced by sculpture, particularly the bronze reliefs that were becoming popular on vases and mirror-cases. The influence of sculpture is evident in the great Kertch vase depicting the contest between Athena and Poseidon (Plate L.), where the two central figures, modeled in relief and attached to the vase's surface, clearly remind us of the western Parthenon pediment. There are also vases from Athens, Kertch, the Cyrenaica, and Southern Italy,[1524] where the figures are either partially or completely modeled in relief, like the vase of Xenophantos or a beautiful lekythos in the British Museum (G 23) illustrating the abduction of Kassandra by Ajax. Another fine example, found at Cumae and now in Petersburg, features a group of Eleusinian deities in relief on the shoulder.[1525] Yet another piece, recently discovered at Lampsakos, depicts the Calydonian boar-hunt; the figures are in relief against a gilded background.[1526]
The imitation of metal technique[1527] is even more marked in the vases of Southern Italy than in those from other parts. At Capua, Cumae, and Metapontum amphorae, hydriae, and oinochoae are found, covered with a very brilliant black varnish, but without any painted decoration; the only ornament is in the form of gilded wreaths and other simple patterns, or designs in relief. The British Museum has a fine series from Capua with garlands of foliage and ornaments in the form of festoons and pendants, the whole forming, as M. Collignon says, “a brilliant and luxurious system of decoration which contrasts with the sober taste of the Attic potters.” Some of the hydriae are clearly of local fabric, imitations of the Campanian hydriae of bronze.[1528] The forms are often very elaborate, with ornamental handles, ribbed bodies, and moulded stems. An oinochoë has been found with an inscription which gives the names of leῖa for smooth-surfaced vases, ῥαβδωτά for those ribbed or fluted. Heavy imitations of the gilt and relief wares have often been found at Alexandria,[1529] and isolated specimens occur in Attica, Rhodes, and the Cyrenaica.
The imitation of metal technique[1527] is even more prominent in the vases from Southern Italy than in those from other regions. At Capua, Cumae, and Metapontum, amphorae, hydriae, and oinochoae are discovered, covered with a very shiny black varnish, but without any painted decoration; the only decoration consists of gilded wreaths and other simple patterns, or designs in relief. The British Museum has an impressive collection from Capua featuring garlands of foliage and ornaments in the form of festoons and pendants, creating, as M. Collignon notes, “a bright and luxurious decoration system that contrasts with the more reserved taste of the Attic potters.” Some of the hydriae are clearly locally made, imitations of the bronze Campanian hydriae.[1528] The shapes are often quite elaborate, with decorative handles, ribbed bodies, and molded stems. An oinochoë has been discovered with an inscription that mentions leῖa for smooth-surfaced vases and striped for those that are ribbed or fluted. Heavy imitations of the gilded and relief wares have often been found in Alexandria,[1529] and solitary examples appear in Attica, Rhodes, and Cyrenaica.
The growing fashion of using only vases of chased gold and silver in preference to painted pottery made itself more and more felt both in Greece and Italy during the Alexandrine period. The same tendency which we have already noted, to reproduce as far as possible the characteristics and appearance of metal, may be observed in all the pottery of this period. Not only do the subjects moulded in relief reproduce the appearance of the chased and repoussé designs, but the shapes are those of the metal vases, and even in the black glaze there are attempts to produce a metallic effect. It is clear that the pottery of this period presents throughout the effect of a striving after outward show on the part of those who were unable to afford the more precious metal for their household utensils, and were forced to be content with imitating it to the best of their ability in the humbler material.
The increasing trend of using only gold and silver vases instead of painted pottery became more and more noticeable in both Greece and Italy during the Alexandrine period. The same tendency we've already observed, to replicate the characteristics and appearance of metal as closely as possible, can be seen in all the pottery from this time. Not only do the relief designs mimic the look of chased and repoussé patterns, but the shapes are also reminiscent of metal vases. Even in the black glaze, there are efforts to achieve a metallic effect. It's clear that the pottery from this period reflects a desire for showiness among those who couldn't afford the more expensive metal for their household items and were left to imitate it as best as they could with more modest materials.
The other name, Homeric, has been applied to them by Professor Robert with reference to the well-known passage of Suetonius, which describes Nero as using bowls (scyphi) called Homeric because they were chased with subjects from Homer’s poems.[1535] Our clay examples would then be reproductions of the chased metal vases, used by those who could not afford originals, and corresponding in some degree to modern plaster casts. It is true that only five of the examples we possess have subjects from Homer; but most of the others may be so called as belonging to the Epic cycle. They thus differ from most relief-vases of the period, in that the designs are not purely decorative or repetitions of simple motives, but are, so to speak, “illustrations of the classics.”
The other name, Homeric, was given to them by Professor Robert, referring to the famous passage by Suetonius that describes Nero using bowls (scyphi) called Homeric because they were decorated with scenes from Homer’s poems.[1535] Our clay examples would then be replicas of the chased metal vases used by those who couldn’t afford the originals, somewhat like modern plaster casts. It’s true that only five of the examples we have feature subjects from Homer; however, most of the others can be classified as part of the Epic cycle. They thus differ from most relief vases of the period, in that the designs are not just decorative or simple repetitions, but are, in a sense, “illustrations of the classics.”
Professor Robert distinguishes two classes: (1) those with figures made from separate stamps, attached to the vase after it was made, and often repeated; (2) vases made wholly, figures and all, in a mould, like the Arretine wares.[1536] In the latter case they were doubtless made from the same moulds as the metal vases, and of this we have an undoubted example, not indeed among the “Megarian” bowls, but in analogous specimens from Italy. It has already been noted (p. 134) that in the British Museum there are two examples of a silver bowl with repoussé designs, representing round the interior four deities in chariots, which form part of a silver treasure found at Èze in the south of France; and that in the same collection there is also a clay bowl (Cat. G 118 = Plate XLVIII., fig. 5) which exactly reproduces the silver vase in shape, size, and decoration.
Professor Robert distinguishes two classes: (1) those with figures made from separate stamps that are attached to the vase after it has been created, and often repeated; (2) vases made entirely, including the figures, in a mold, like the Arretine wares.[1536] In the latter case, they were likely made from the same molds as the metal vases, and we have a clear example of this, not from the “Megarian” bowls, but from similar pieces from Italy. It has already been noted (p. 134) that in the British Museum there are two examples of a silver bowl with repoussé designs, depicting four deities in chariots around the interior, which are part of a silver treasure found at Èze in the south of France; and that the same collection also includes a clay bowl (Cat. G 118 = Plate XLVIII, fig. 5) that exactly mimics the shape, size, and decoration of the silver vase.
Among the subjects we have the rape of Persephone[1537]; the sacrifice of Iphigeneia; Achilles and Priam[1538]; the flight to the ships (from the Iliad), the sack of Troy and the sacrifice of Polyxena; the destruction of the suitors (from the Odyssey). From the Theban legend we have the stories of Oedipus’s childhood and the Seven against Thebes[1539]; other vases give the labours of Herakles or his rape of Auge (Plate XLVIII., fig. 2)[1540]; and a jug made by Dionysios has the interesting subject of Autolykos and Sisyphos.[1541] The British Museum possesses a very interesting bowl with scenes taken directly from the Phoenissae of Euripides,[1542] and other comparisons with that author may be made in the case of the bowls with Iphigeneia and Polyxena. Sometimes the scenes are inscribed with verses from the poems or plays illustrated, or with a prose description of the scene,[1543] or merely with the names of the figures. The letters in all cases are raised. It is clear that all these bowls belong to the same period and fabric, and many small details point to the third century as their date. We may bear in mind that this was the time of the great revival of Homeric study at Alexandria.
Among the topics we have the abduction of Persephone[1537]; the sacrifice of Iphigeneia; Achilles and Priam[1538]; the retreat to the ships (from the Iliad), the fall of Troy and the sacrifice of Polyxena; the downfall of the suitors (from the Odyssey). From the Theban legend, we see the stories of Oedipus’s early life and the Seven against Thebes[1539]; other vases depict the labors of Herakles or his assault on Auge (Plate XLVIII, fig. 2)[1540]; and a jug made by Dionysios features the intriguing story of Autolykos and Sisyphos.[1541] The British Museum has a very interesting bowl with scenes directly taken from the Phoenissae of Euripides,[1542] and other comparisons with that author can be made in the case of the bowls depicting Iphigeneia and Polyxena. Sometimes the scenes are inscribed with lines from the poems or plays illustrated, or with a prose description of the scene,[1543] or simply with the names of the characters. The letters in all cases are raised. It is clear that all these bowls belong to the same time period and style, and many small details indicate they date back to the third century. It’s worth noting that this was the era of the significant revival of Homeric study at Alexandria.

Greek Vases of Hellenistic Period: Black Ware with Reliefs (British Museum).
Greek Vases from the Hellenistic Period: Black Ware with Reliefs (British Museum).
In Italy the introduction of relief wares became general as painting was abandoned, but did so gradually, not suddenly. In the third century both existed side by side. The principle of a purely mechanical process in pottery, which now first appears in the manufacture from a mould, was not, strictly speaking, a new one in Italy, nor yet in Greece. It is first seen in the early Etruscan and Rhodian vases (see p. 496) with stamped and rolled-out designs repeated in long friezes. And we shall see later how for several centuries moulded vases, in the form of bucchero ware, formed the national pottery of Etruria. There was always in Etruscan, as also in Greek pottery,[1544] a tendency towards the imitation of metal, and this tendency about the fourth century seems to have spread over the rest of Italy, even to the Iapygian Peninsula. Thus it is that the vases of Gnatia (p. 488) are largely metallic in form and treatment, with their ribbed bodies and other details. To the same cause is mainly due the series of Capua and Cumae vases which has already been discussed, with its brilliant varnish and gilding. Signor Gamurrini actually gave to the Italian black glaze wares the name of “Etrusco-Campanian.”[1545] After the disappearance of bucchero ware similar vases came to be made at Cervetri, Chiusi, Corneto, and Bolsena, the principal art centres of Etruria. At Bolsena in particular they have been found in considerable numbers; and as this city (Volsinium novum) was only founded in 264 B.C., a terminus post quem for their date is afforded.
In Italy, the use of relief pottery became widespread as painting was gradually phased out, not abruptly. In the third century, both styles coexisted. The principle of making pottery using a purely mechanical process, which first appears in molded production, wasn’t exactly new in Italy or Greece. It can be seen in the early Etruscan and Rhodian vases (see p. 496) with stamped and rolled designs featured in long friezes. Later, we will observe how for several centuries, molded vases, specifically bucchero ware, became the national pottery of Etruria. Etruscan pottery, like Greek pottery,[1544] consistently showed a tendency to imitate metal, a trend that around the fourth century spread across the rest of Italy, including the Iapygian Peninsula. This is why the vases from Gnatia (p. 488) are often metallic in shape and design, showcasing ribbed bodies and other features. The same cause also accounts for the series of Capua and Cumae vases previously discussed, known for their brilliant glaze and gilding. Signor Gamurrini actually referred to the Italian black glaze wares as “Etrusco-Campanian.”[1545] After bucchero ware disappeared, similar vases began to be produced in Cervetri, Chiusi, Corneto, and Bolsena, the main art centers of Etruria. There have been significant finds at Bolsena; since this city (Volsinium novo) was founded in 264 BCE, this gives a post-termination for their dating.
A group of vases found chiefly at the last-named place[1546] does not appear to have been covered with black varnish, but with a metallic preparation of gold or silver, which has now mostly disappeared, and they are left with the plain glazed clay. Some of these are not without merit. In the general arrangement of the designs, usually in friezes round the shoulder, there is obviously a reminiscence of bucchero ware. The metallic preparation with which they were covered may have been something of the kind which Athenaeus[1547] describes in speaking of certain drinking-cups made at Naukratis, which “were dipped [in some preparation] so as to appear silver.”
A group of vases mainly discovered at the aforementioned location[1546] doesn't seem to have been coated with black varnish, but rather a metallic finish of gold or silver that has largely worn off, leaving them with just the plain glazed clay. Some of these pieces have their own charm. In the overall design arrangement, typically in friezes around the shoulder, there is clearly an influence from bucchero ware. The metallic finish they once had may have been similar to what Athenaeus[1547] describes when discussing certain drinking cups made at Naukratis, which “were dipped [in some finish] to look silver."
In Italy the manufacture of vases of black ware with reliefs appears to have centred at Cales in Campania during the third century.[1548] The principal type is that of a bowl, not of the hemispherical form, but shallow, with the designs in the interior, either in the form of a frieze or of a central medallion. These are usually called Calene phialae, but it is not certain whether the majority were really made at Cales. At all events, it is, like “Megarian bowl,” a convenient name for the class. The British Museum bowl G 118, with the frieze of chariots (see above), is a good example of the frieze type of design. The subject, which is treated in a very spirited manner, is the apotheosis of Herakles, who is conducted by Athena, Ares, and Artemis to Olympos, accompanied by Victories. There is also a good specimen in Berlin (Cat. 3882) with Odysseus and the Sirens. Another with decorative patterns only, bears the signature of the potter, L. Canoleios of Cales, in Latin letters.[1549] Examples are also given in Plate XLVIII., figs. 3, 5, 6.
In Italy, the production of black pottery vases with relief designs seems to have been centered in Cales, Campania, during the third century.[1548] The main style is a shallow bowl, not hemispherical, with designs on the interior, either as a frieze or a central medallion. These are usually referred to as Calene phialae, though it’s uncertain if most were actually made in Cales. Regardless, it serves as a convenient label for this type. The British Museum bowl G 118, featuring a frieze of chariots (see above), is a good example of this frieze design style. The scene, depicted in a lively way, shows the apotheosis of Herakles, who is led by Athena, Ares, and Artemis to Olympus, accompanied by Victories. There’s also a notable piece in Berlin (Cat. 3882) depicting Odysseus and the Sirens. Another vase, which only has decorative patterns, bears the signature of the potter, L. Canoleios of Cales, in Latin letters.[1549] Examples are also shown in Plate XLVIII., figs. 3, 5, 6.
Of the type with central medallions comparatively few complete examples exist, but the British Museum possesses a series of fragments on which the medallions have been preserved.[1550] The subjects are usually those characteristic of the Alexandrine period: Aphrodite, Adonis, and Erotes; Herakles and Hylas, and others familiar from Theocritus; or Trojan scenes, such as Thetis with the arms of Achilles or Paris attacked by Deiphobos. A unique instance is that of Romulus and Remus suckled by the wolf (G 125). Two names of potters occur—K. Atilius and G. Gabinius. The date of these phialae is probably that of the Second Punic War (about 230–200 B.C.). The designs, being taken from moulds[1551] and inserted separately, are frequently repeated. The fashion—obviously another instance of imitation of metal[1552]—of adorning bowls with central designs also takes other forms at this period. Simple heads of deities or Satyrs are found, and there are also instances of facsimiles of Syracusan coins. Two bowls in the British Museum (G 121–22) have in the centre copies of a decadrachm with the head of Persephone (Plate XLVIII., fig. 4: cf. p. 210).[1553]
Of the type with central medallions, there are relatively few complete examples, but the British Museum has a collection of fragments where the medallions are intact.[1550] The subjects typically represent those from the Alexandrine period: Aphrodite, Adonis, and Erotes; Herakles and Hylas, along with others known from Theocritus; or Trojan scenes, like Thetis with the arms of Achilles or Paris being attacked by Deiphobos. A unique example depicts Romulus and Remus being suckled by the wolf (G 125). Two potters' names appear—K. Atilius and G. Gabinius. These phialae likely date back to the Second Punic War (around 230–200 BCE). The designs, taken from molds[1551] and applied separately, are often repeated. This style—clearly anotherinstance of metal imitation[1552]—of decorating bowls with central designs also appears in other forms during this time. Simple heads of deities or Satyrs are found, as well as examples resembling Syracusan coins. Two bowls in the British Museum (G 121–22) feature in the center copies of a decadrachm with the head of Persephone (Plate XLVIII., fig. 4: cf. p. 210).[1553]
Analogous to these in character and technique are the series of small lamp-feeders or gutti, a variation of the askos form, which are found chiefly in Southern Italy, but also in North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean.[1554] In the latter case they are usually distinguished by having an arched handle over the back instead of the usual ring-handle at the side, and the body is flatter. The Italian type has a deep ribbed body, with a flat circular space on the top containing a design in relief, made separately and inserted in the vase (Plate XLVIII., fig. 1). The range of subjects is wide, but the majority are mythological: heads or masks of a Dionysiac character or of Medusa form a large proportion of the whole.
Similar in character and technique are the small lamp-feeders or gutti, a variation of the askos form, primarily found in Southern Italy, but also in North Africa and the Eastern Mediterranean.[1554] In those regions, they usually have an arched handle on the back instead of the typical ring-handle on the side, and the body is flatter. The Italian type features a deep ribbed body with a flat circular area on top that includes a relief design, which is made separately and then inserted into the vase (Plate XLVIII., fig. 1). The range of subjects is broad, but most are mythological: heads or masks of a Dionysian theme or Medusa represent a significant portion of the collection.
Larger vases of black ware with reliefs inserted or attached are sometimes found, but are not common. The British Museum possesses two good specimens—a krater (G 29) with panels inserted bearing mythological designs,[1555] and a large covered jar (G 28) with the inscription BASSVS in Roman letters, presumably the potter’s name. The subjects, in two friezes, represent Erotes and festoons of vine-leaves, and Poseidon and Victory, five times repeated.
Larger black vases with reliefs that are either inserted or attached are occasionally found, but they're not very common. The British Museum has two excellent examples—a krater (G 29) with panels showcasing mythological designs,[1555] and a large covered jar (G 28) that features the inscription BASSVS in Roman letters, which is likely the name of the potter. The designs on the two friezes depict Erotes and garlands of vine leaves, along with Poseidon and Victory, repeated five times.
The series of vases which we have been discussing are clearly paving the way for the new development of pottery which prevailed throughout the Roman period—that of the ware formerly known as Samian, but now usually spoken of as Arretine or (a more comprehensive term) Terra sigillata. This will of course be more appropriately dealt with in a subsequent chapter under the heading of Roman Pottery. In the course of the second century the Roman dominion spread over most of the Greek lands, and Greek art as an independent entity almost ceased to exist. It is, however, not a little remarkable at what a late date some forms of distinctively Greek pottery lingered on in Hellenic regions, such as Attica, Egypt, and Southern Russia. The subject has hitherto received but little attention, and the materials have hardly been collected with sufficient completeness to admit of adequate discussion and classification.[1556]
The series of vases we've been discussing is clearly paving the way for the new wave of pottery that dominated the Roman period—what was once known as Samian, but is now usually referred to as Arretine or (a more inclusive term) Terra sigillata. This will be more appropriately covered in a later chapter called Roman Pottery. In the second century, Roman control expanded over most Greek territories, and Greek art as an independent force nearly vanished. It’s quite notable, though, that some types of distinctly Greek pottery continued to exist in Hellenic regions like Attica, Egypt, and Southern Russia for a surprisingly long time. This topic has received very little attention so far, and the materials have hardly been gathered thoroughly enough for a proper discussion and classification. [1556]
1409. See Hesych. s.v. πινάκιον; Athenag. Leg. pro Christo, 17, p. 293; also p. 316.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hesych. s.v. πινάκιον; Athenag. Leg. for Christ, 17, p. 293; also p. 316.
1410. See Loeschcke in Ath. Mitth. 1879, p. 289 ff. The revision of chronology since his article was written has only served to give additional support to his view, bringing the white vases nearer in date to the painted stelae.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Loeschcke in Ath. Mitth. 1879, p. 289 ff. The updates in chronology since his article was published have only strengthened his perspective, placing the white vases closer in date to the painted stelae.
1411. Brut. xviii. 70: see also Plut. de defect. orac. 47, 436 C; Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 50.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Brut. xviii. 70: see also Plut. de defect. orac. 47, 436 C; Pliny, H.N. xxxv. 50.
1412. See B.M. Cat. of Vases, ii. B 613 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. Cat. of Vases, ii. B 613 ff.
1413. Winter in Arch. Zeit. 1885, p. 195 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Winter in Arch. Zeit. 1885, p. 195 ff.
1414. Ibid. p. 187 ff.: cf. also Hartwig in Jahrbuch, 1899, p. 160.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Same source. p. 187 and following: see also Hartwig in Yearbook, 1899, p. 160.
1415. Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 12. Cf. B.M. D 22, 32; Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 11; Rayet and Collignon, pl. 10, 1. The severe type of face should be compared with Attic coins of the fifth century.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arch. Zeit. 1885, pl. 12. Cf. B.M. D 22, 32; Dumont-Pottier, i. pl. 11; Rayet and Collignon, pl. 10, 1. The harsh-looking face should be compared to Attic coins from the fifth century.
1416. Cf. Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 35.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Arch. Zeit. 1881, p. 35.
1418. E.g. B.M. D 21, 33.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. D 21, 33.
1419. As on the Anesidora cup in the British Museum (D 4) and the Euphronios cup in Berlin (2282).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Like the Anesidora cup in the British Museum (D 4) and the Euphronios cup in Berlin (2282).
1420. Mon. dell’ Inst. x. 37 a; Annali, 1877, p. 287.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. of the Inst. x. 37 a; Annals, 1877, p. 287.
1422. Rayet and Collignon, p. 223: see Anzeiger, 1891, p. 69, where it is attributed to Sotades.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Rayet and Collignon, p. 223: see Anzeiger, 1891, p. 69, where it's credited to Sotades.
1424. Also attributed by Furtwaengler to Sotades (Anzeiger, loc. cit.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Also credited by Furtwaengler to Sotades (Anzeiger, loc. cit.).
1426. A complete list of white-ground cups is given by Hartwig, Meistersch. p. 499. Among signed examples are the Euphronios cup in Berlin (2282); those by Sotades and Hegesiboulos (p. 445), and also Mon. dell’ Inst. x. 37a (—νις ἔποιησεν).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A complete list of white-ground cups is provided by Hartwig, Master's. p. 499. Among the signed examples are the Euphronios cup in Berlin (2282); those by Sotades and Hegesiboulos (p. 445), as well as Mon. dell' Inst. x. 37a (—he has made).
1427. White Athenian Vases, p. 5.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. White Athenian Vases, p. 5.
1428. See generally Pottier, Les Lécythes Blancs.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See generally Pottier, Les Lécythes Blancs.
1429. In the B.M. collection, D 52 is from Locri, D 28, 47, 63, 87 from Gela.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.In the B.M. collection, D 52 is from Locri, and D 28, 47, 63, 87 are from Gela.
1430. E.g. B.M. D 33, 54–7, 62; Athens 1625 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, B.M. D 33, 54–7, 62; Athens 1625 onward.
1431. See Dumont-Pottier, ii. pp. 50, 53.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dumont-Pottier, ii. pp. 50, 53.
1432. Notably Athens 688 = Reinach, i. p. 164 (Mon. dell’ Inst. viii. pl. 4).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Notably Athens 688 = Reinach, i. p. 164 (Mon. dell’ Inst. viii. pl. 4).
1434. x. 28, 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. x. 28, 1.
1435. On the forms of the stele see Brueckner, Ornament und Form der attischen Grabstelen.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For information on the styles of the stele, refer to Brueckner, Ornament and Form of Attic Grave Stele.
1436. As for instance Naples 1755 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1848, fig. 1939. See also Roscher, iii. p. 967; B.M. F 57.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, Naples 1755 = Baumeister, iii. p. 1848, fig. 1939. Also check Roscher, iii. p. 967; B.M. F 57.
1437. Cf. also B.M. D 54; Pottier, pls. 2, 4; and see Chapter XIII.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also B.M. D 54; Pottier, pls. 2, 4; and check Chapter XIII.
1438. We may recall the dictum of Aristotle (Poet. 2) that Polygnotos painted men better (or more beautiful) than reality.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.We might remember Aristotle's saying (Poet. 2) that Polygnotos painted men in a way that was more beautiful than they actually were.
1439. E.g. B.M. D 54, D 56; and another with horsemen unpublished.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example. B.M. D 54, D 56; and another with horsemen that hasn't been published.
1440. It may be noted conversely that Attic tombstones were often in the form of lekythi (e.g. B.M. Cat. of Sculpt. i. Nos. 681–82, 687 ff.).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.It’s worth mentioning that Attic tombstones often took the shape of lekythi (for example, B.M. Cat. of Sculpt. i. Nos. 681–82, 687 ff.).
1441. See the list of non-funerary subjects given by Pottier, op. cit. p. 5. Cf. also B.M. D 21, 51, 57, D 19 and 24 (Nike), 31 (Iris), and 23 (priestess of Athena).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out the list of non-funerary topics provided by Pottier, op. cit. p. 5. Also, see B.M. D 21, 51, 57, D 19 and 24 (Nike), 31 (Iris), and 23 (priestess of Athena).
1442. Lécythes Blancs, p. 103.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Lécythes Blancs, p. 103.
1443. Examples are: Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb. pls. 26, 33.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Examples include: Benndorf, Gr. u. Sic. Vasenb. pls. 26, 33.
1444. E.g. Athens 1626; Benndorf, pl. 18, fig. 2, pl. 20, fig. 2.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, Athens 1626; Benndorf, pl. 18, fig. 2, pl. 20, fig. 2.
1445. E.g. Benndorf, pl. 24, figs. 1, 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example: Benndorf, p. 24, figs. 1, 3.
1446. Jahrbuch, ix. (1894), p. 57 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Yearbook, ix. (1894), p. 57 ff.
1447. Milchhoefer attributes this to Hiero’s victory in 474; but the date seems too early compared with other evidence.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Milchhoefer connects this to Hiero’s victory in 474; however, that date appears to be too early based on other evidence.
1448. The latest R.F. vase from Kameiros is the polychrome “pelike” E 424 in the British Museum. Furtwaengler (Gr. Vasenmalerei, p. 205) gives reasons for dating it in the third century; but the circumstances of its discovery at Kameiros render so late a date improbable, apart from considerations of style.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.The newest R.F. vase from Kameiros is the colorful “pelike” E 424 in the British Museum. Furtwaengler (Vase Painting, p. 205) explains why it’s dated to the third century; however, the way it was found at Kameiros makes such a late date unlikely, aside from style considerations.
1449. Hartwig in Mélanges d’Arch. 1894, p. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Hartwig in Mélanges d’Arch. 1894, p. 11.
1450. See above, p. 60, for the sites on which they have been found; also the plates of the Atlas to Stephani’s Compte-Rendu and of the Ant. du Bosph. Cimmérien.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See above, p. 60, for the locations where they have been discovered; also refer to the plates of the Atlas in Stephani’s Report and in the Ant. du Bosph. Cimmerian.
1452. E.g. B.M. F 4–7, 23, 27–9.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ex. B.M. F 4–7, 23, 27–9.
1453. See on this group of vases some very illuminating remarks by Furtwaengler in his Meisterwerke, p. 149.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Check out some insightful comments by Furtwaengler on this group of vases in his Masterpieces, p. 149.
1455. See his Ceramica Antica, passim.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See his Ceramica Antica, various places.
1457. Cf. B.M. F 193, F 210, F 542.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. F 193, F 210, F 542.
1459. The subject has been fully treated by Vogel, Scenen Eurip. Tragödien; Huddilston, Gk. Tragedy in Vase-paintings; and Engelmann, Arch. Studien zu den Tragikern: see also B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 10.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.This topic has been thoroughly covered by Vogel, Euripides' Tragedies; Huddilston, Gk. Tragedy in Vase-paintings; and Engelmann, Arch. Studies on the Tragedians: also check B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv. p. 10.
1460. See J.H.S. xi. p. 228.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See J.H.S. vol. xi, p. 228.
1461. See Körte in Jahrbuch, viii. (1893), p. 61 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Körte in Yearbook, viii. (1893), p. 61 ff.
1462. Dio Cassius, frag. 39, ed. Bekker.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Dio Cassius, frag. 39, ed. Bekker.
1463. Helbig, ii. p.314, No. 121 = Schreiber-Anderson, Atlas, pl. 5, fig. 8: see also B.M. F 150.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Helbig, ii. p.314, No. 121 = Schreiber-Anderson, Atlas, pl. 5, fig. 8: see also B.M. F 150.
1466. Cf. a tomb with paintings at Tritaea in Achaia described by Pausanias, vii. 22, 4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See a tomb with paintings at Tritaea in Achaia mentioned by Pausanias, vii. 22, 4.
1467. Cf. Roscher, Lexikon, i. p. 2441 ff. (s.v. Heros); J.H.S. v. p. 105 ff.; Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpt. i. p. 293 ff.; Furtwaengler, Coll. Sabouroff, i. p. 17 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Roscher, Lexicon, i. p. 2441 and following pages. (sub verbo Heros); J.H.S. v. p. 105 and following pages; Brit. Mus. Cat. of Sculpt. i. p. 293 and following pages; Furtwaengler, Coll. Sabouroff, i. p. 17 and following pages.
1468. Possibly a mistake for, or variation of, the name Dasimos, which occurs on a fourth-century bronze votive helmet from Southern Italy in the British Museum (Cat. 317).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Maybe a mistake for, or a variation of, the name Dasimos, which appears on a fourth-century bronze votive helmet from Southern Italy in the British Museum (Cat. 317).
1469. E.g. B.M. F 150–6; Naples 1778, 1779, 1782, 1787, 3248; and others given by Patroni, Ceramica Antica, p. 77. A vase published by Inghirami (Vasi Fitt. 1–3) is thought by Engelmann to be the work of Python (Ann. dell’ Inst. 1874, p. 35). But this hardly seems likely. The B.M. vase F 155 is much more after his style.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example B.M. F 150–6; Naples 1778, 1779, 1782, 1787, 3248; and others listed by Patroni, Antique Ceramics, p. 77. A vase published by Inghirami (Vasi Fitt. 1–3) is believed by Engelmann to be the work of Python (Ann. dell’ Inst. 1874, p. 35). But this seems unlikely. The B.M. vase F 155 aligns much better with his style.
1470. Two of these vases in the British Museum (F 150–51) are in the style of Assteas. Furtwaengler assigns all, including that signed by A., to Campania. It is, however, more likely that they were mostly made at Paestum. The one in Rome with Zeus and Alkmena (see p. 473) may be by Python.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Two of these vases in the British Museum (F 150–51) are in the style of Assteas. Furtwaengler attributes all of them, including the one signed by A., to Campania. However, it’s more likely that they were mostly produced in Paestum. The one in Rome depicting Zeus and Alkmena (see p. 473) might be by Python.
1471. Mon. dell’ Inst. viii. pl. 21.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Mon. dell’ Inst. vol. 8, plate 21.
1472. See note above and Patroni, p. 71.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See note above and Patroni, p. 71.
1473. E.g. B.M. B 159, 160, 174.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. B 159, 160, 174.
1478. Mon. dell’ Inst. viii. pl. 21 and Annali, 1865, p. 262 ff.: cf. Virg. Aen. vii. 785; ix. 365. See also B.M. Cat. of Vases, p. 20.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Mon. dell' Inst. viii. pl. 21 and Annals, 1865, p. 262 ff.: cf. Virg. Aen. vii. 785; ix. 365. See also B.M. Cat. of Vases, p. 20.
1479. Naples 856; B.M. F 213 (?).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Naples 856; B.M. F 213 (?).
1480. Naples 2293 and R.C. 141 = Reinach, i. 387; Berlin 3023.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Naples 2293 and R.C. 141 = Reinach, i. 387; Berlin 3023.
1481. B.M. F 191 ff.; Naples 871, 2855, 3368.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. F 191 ff.; Naples 871, 2855, 3368.
1482. Patroni thinks that such vases as Jatta 1498 (= Reinach, i. 110, 4) have formed the model for these Saticula vases.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Patroni believes that vases like Jatta 1498 (= Reinach, i. 110, 4) have served as the inspiration for these Saticula vases.
1483. E.g. Naples 2852.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. e.g. Naples 2852.
1484. E.g. B.M. F 143–148; Naples 3093, 3129: see Arch. Anzeiger, 1893, p. 93.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example: B.M. F 143–148; Naples 3093, 3129: see Arch. Anzeiger, 1893, p. 93.
1485. B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv., F 523 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. Cat. of Vases, iv., F 523 ff.
1487. Röm. Mitth. 1887, pl. 10, p. 231.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Röm. Mitth. 1887, pl. 10, p. 231.
1488. E.g. Reinach, i. 448 = Arch. Zeit. 1883, pl. 7; Dubois Maisonneuve, Introd. pl. 69; Naples 3241 = Reinach, i. 384, 1–3; Naples 2416, 2418, 2894, 2918, 3247; see Patroni, Ceram. Antica, p. 33, and Furtwaengler, Meisterwerke, p. 149.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example: Reinach, i. 448 = Arch. Zeit. 1883, pl. 7; Dubois Maisonneuve, Introd. pl. 69; Naples 3241 = Reinach, i. 384, 1–3; Naples 2416, 2418, 2894, 2918, 3247; see Patroni, Ceramic. Antique, p. 33, and Furtwaengler, Masterpieces, p. 149.
1489. E.g. B.M. F 237, 238 (wrongly attributed to Campania in Catalogue).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For example, B.M. F 237, 238 (incorrectly credited to Campania in the Catalogue).
1490. See B.M. F 297, 301, and Ann. dell’ Inst. 1852, pls. M, N, P, p. 316 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. F 297, 301, and Ann. dell’ Inst. 1852, pls. M, N, P, p. 316 ff.
1494. Lenormant, however, states that they have been found at Tarentum, as also in the neighbourhood of Lecce and Bari (Gaz. Arch. 1881–82, p. 103).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Lenormant, however, mentions that they have been discovered at Tarentum, as well as in the areas around Lecce and Bari (Gas Archives 1881–82, p. 103).
1495. Rayet and Collignon, pl. 13, p. 330.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Rayet and Collignon, pl. 13, p. 330.
1496. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 77, fig. 140.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Excavations in Cyprus, p. 77, fig. 140.
1497. See also B.M. F 553; Ath. Mitth. 1901, pls. 3, 4, p. 70 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 276.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also B.M. F 553; Ath. Mitth. 1901, pl. 3, 4, p. 70 ff.; Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 276.
1498. See Ann. dell’ Inst. 1884, p. 5 ff.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 332. Fourteen or fifteen examples are known.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Ann. dell’ Inst. 1884, p. 5 ff.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 332. Fourteen or fifteen examples are known.
1499. One was found by Lord Savile at Civita Lavinia (Lanuvium) in recent years (Notizie degli Scavi, 1895, p. 45). They have also been found on the Esquiline (see Röm. Mitth. 1887, p. 233).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.One was discovered by Lord Savile at Civita Lavinia (Lanuvium) in recent years (Excavation News, 1895, p. 45). They have also been located on the Esquiline (see Röm. Mitth. 1887, p. 233).
1500. Excavations in Cyprus, pl. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Excavations in Cyprus, fig. 3.
1501. For terracotta examples painted in tempera see B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, B 281–91; and compare B 286 with an example from Cyprus, Perrot, Hist. de l’Art, iii. p. 697. See also Berlin 1292 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For terracotta examples painted in tempera, see B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, B 281–91; and compare B 286 with an example from Cyprus, Perrot, Art History, iii. p. 697. See also Berlin 1292 ff.
1502. See for a terracotta example B 460 in B.M.; also B 203–4 from Rhodes. Cf. Dumont-Pottier, i. chap. xiii.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See a terracotta example B 460 in the British Museum; also B 203–4 from Rhodes. Cf. Dumont-Pottier, i. chap. xiii.
1503. Röm. Mitth. v. (1890), pl. 11, p. 313 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Röm. Mitth. v. (1890), pl. 11, p. 313 ff.
1504. Cat. 2190: cf. Röm. Mitth. 1890, p. 316.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 2190: cf. Röm. Mitth. 1890, p. 316.
1505. Klein, Meistersig.2 p. 216; Berlin 2202. A vase in the Louvre with the καλός-name Epilykos is probably by Prokles (see Monuments Piot, ix. p. 142).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Klein, Meistersig.2 p. 216; Berlin 2202. A vase in the Louvre with the good-name Epilykos is likely made by Prokles (see Monuments Piot, ix. p. 142).
1506. See Rayet and Collignon, p. 261: for other examples, B.M. E 786, 792, 793; Berlin 4044 = Coll. Sabouroff, pl. 69; Mus. Greg. ii. 89, 1; and the Kleomenes vase in the Louvre (if genuine). See on this vase Mon. Grecs, 1897, pls. 16–7, p. 53; Furtwaengler, Neuere Falschungen, p. 21; Rev. Arch. xxxvii. (1900), p. 181; Monuments Piot, ix. p. 138.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Rayet and Collignon, p. 261: for other examples, B.M. E 786, 792, 793; Berlin 4044 = Coll. Sabouroff, pl. 69; Mus. Greg. ii. 89, 1; and the Kleomenes vase in the Louvre (if genuine). See information on this vase in Mon. Greeks, 1897, pls. 16–7, p. 53; Furtwaengler, Recent Counterfeits, p. 21; Rev. Arch. xxxvii. (1900), p. 181; Monuments Piot, ix. p. 138.
1507. See Hartwig in Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1894, pl. 6, p. 121.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Hartwig in __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ 1894, pl. 6, p. 121.
1508. Stephani, Compte-Rendu, 1870–71, pl. 1; Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1853, pls. 1–2 (with Eros, dove, and swan): cf. the B.M. terracottas, D 89–91.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Stephani, Report, 1870–71, pl. 1; Ber. d. sächs. Gesellsch. 1853, pls. 1–2 (with Eros, dove, and swan): cf. the B.M. terracottas, D 89–91.
1509. See Rayet and Collignon, p. 275, and for other examples Stackelberg, Gräber der Hell. pls. 49–52; Treu, Gr. Thongef. pl. 1; Cab. Pourtalès, pl. 28.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Rayet and Collignon, p. 275, and for other examples Stackelberg, Graves of Hell. pls. 49–52; Treu, Gr. Thongef. pl. 1; Cab. Pourtalès, pl. 28.
1510. Cf. the Proto-Attic vases, Athens 468 and 657, with the B.M. bronze vase-handles, Nos. 258, 383.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the Proto-Attic vases, Athens 468 and 657, with the British Museum bronze vase-handles, Nos. 258, 383.
1511. Cf. the Aegina jug mentioned above, B.M. A 1369 and the vase given in Rayet and Collignon, p. 68; also the Tanagra tripod, Berlin No. 1727, and Louvre A 396 from Rhodes.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See the Aegina jug referenced earlier, B.M. A 1369, and the vase noted in Rayet and Collignon, p. 68; also the Tanagra tripod, Berlin No. 1727, and Louvre A 396 from Rhodes.
1512. See B.M. B 295, 296, 382.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See B.M. B 295, 296, 382.
1514. Cf. Coll. Sabouroff, pl. 74, 3: see also Ath. Mitth. 1880, pl. 10; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1885, pl. 9, 11; B.M. G 22–3; Berlin 2704, 2884; Raoul-Rochette, Mon. Inéd. pl. 49, 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Coll. Sabouroff, plate 74, 3; also check Ath. Mitth. 1880, plate 10; Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1885, plates 9, 11; B.M. G 22–3; Berlin 2704, 2884; Raoul-Rochette, Mon. Inéd. plate 49, 3.
1515. Cf. Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 253 ff.; Mon. Grecs, 1885–88, p. 43 ff.; Rayet and Collignon, p. 341; Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 491.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 253 and following; Greeks, 1885–88, p. 43 and following; Rayet and Collignon, p. 341; Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 491.
1516. Cf. Dumont-Pottier, i. p. 186 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Dumont-Pottier, vol. i, p. 186 and following.
1517. See Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 491 (Pottier).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 491 (Pottier).
1518. Ibid. p. 497; also Mon. Grecs, 1885–88, pl. 8, p. 44: cf. the Etruscan bucchero vases, e.g. Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 316 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Ibid. p. 497; also Mon. Greeks, 1885–88, pl. 8, p. 44: see the Etruscan bucchero vases, e.g. Pottier, Louvre Cat. ii. p. 316 ff.
1519. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1898, pp. 439, 497.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1898, pp. 439, 497.
1520. De Ridder, De ectypis aeneis, passim.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. De Ridder, De ectypis aeneis, throughout.
1521. Bull. de Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 500; Ath. Mitth. 1886, pl. 4 (Crete).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Bull. of Corr. Hell. 1888, p. 500;
1522. E.g. B.M. A 587, 597 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. B.M. A 587, 597 ff.
1523. For a complete list of early vases with reliefs see Mon. Grecs, 1885–88, p. 54 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For a full list of early vases with reliefs, see Greek Mondays, 1885–88, p. 54 ff.
1524. For examples see Rayet and Collignon, p. 266; Jahrbuch 1894, p. 62.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For examples, see Rayet and Collignon, p. 266; Yearbook 1894, p. 62.
1525. Cat. 525 = Reinach, i. 11.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Cat. 525 = Reinach, vol. 1, p. 11.
1526. Monuments Piot, x. pls. 6–7.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Monuments Piot, x. pls. 6–7.
1527. On the later development of imitation of metal in vases see Rizzo in Röm. Mitth. xii. (1897), p. 253 ff.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For more on the later development of metal imitation in vases, see Rizzo in Röm. Mitth. xii. (1897), p. 253 ff.
1528. See also on these vases Gaz. Arch. 1879, pl. 6, p. 38 ff., and Martha, L'Art Étrusque, p. 488. They are styled by Gamurrini “Etrusco-Campanian.”
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See also on these vases Gaz. Arch. 1879, pl. 6, p. 38 ff., and Martha, Etruscan Art, p. 488. They are referred to by Gamurrini as "Etrusco-Campanian."
1529. Amer. Journ. of Arch. 1885, pl. 1.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.American Journal of Architecture 1885, plate 1.
1531. Céramiques, i. p. 393.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ceramics, i. p. 393.
1532. Gr. u. sic. Vasenb. p. 117.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Gr. u. sic. Vasenb. p. 117.
1533. Homerische Becher, in 50tes Winckelmannsfestprogr. (1890).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Homeric Cups, in 50th Winckelmann Festival Program (1890).
1534. G 104 in B.M. and the jug by Dionysios (Robert, op. cit. p. 90).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.G 104 in B.M. and the jug by Dionysios (Robert, op. cit. p. 90).
1535. Op. cit. p. 1 ff.: cf. Suet. Ner. 47.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Op. cit. p. 1 ff.: cf. Suet. Ner. 47.
1536. Clay moulds for these bowls have been found at Athens, suggesting that there was a fabric there. But they were probably not confined to one centre. See Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 67, note.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Clay molds for these bowls have been discovered in Athens, indicating that there was a production site there. However, they likely weren't limited to just one location. See Ath. Mitth. 1901, p. 67, note.
1537. J.H.S. xxii. p. 3.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. J.H.S. 22, p. 3.
1538. Arch. Anzeiger, 1904, p. 191 (in Oxford).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Arch. Anzeiger, 1904, p. 191 (in Oxford).
1539. Cf. Mon. Grecs, 1885–88, p. 48.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Mon. Grecs, 1885–88, p. 48.
1540. Berlin 2891, from Crete.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Berlin 2891, from Crete.
1541. See Robert, op. cit. p. 90. In the same work will be found full descriptions of most of the other bowls.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Robert, op. cit. p. 90. You can find detailed descriptions of most of the other bowls in the same work.
1542. See Class. Review, 1894, p. 325.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Class. Review, 1894, p. 325.
1543. E.g. G 105, in B.M.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. For example. G 105, in B.M.
1546. B.M. G 179 ff.: see Ann. dell’ Inst. 1871, p. 5 ff.; Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 260; Notizie degli Scavi, 1897, p. 390.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.B.M. G 179 ff.: see Ann. dell’ Inst. 1871, p. 5 ff.; Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 260; Excavation News, 1897, p. 390.
1548. Gaz. Arch. 1879, p. 43. Recent writers have maintained that “Calene” ware is Greek in origin, and not confined to this site. See Dragendorff in Bonner Jahrbücher, xcvi. p. 25, and Rizzo in Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 259: cf. Berlin 3882.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.Gaz. Arch. 1879, p. 43. Recent writers have argued that “Calene” ware is of Greek origin and not limited to this site. See Dragendorff in Bonner Yearbooks, xcvi. p. 25, and Rizzo in Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 259: cf. Berlin 3882.
1549. Benndorf, Gr. u. sic. Vasenb. pl. 56.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Benndorf, Gr. u. sic. Vasenb. pl. 56.
1550. Ibid. pls. 57–8.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. Ibid. pp. 57–8.
1551. For instances of moulds for these medallions see B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 72–4.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.For examples of molds for these medallions, see B.M. Cat. of Terracottas, E 72–4.
1552. See Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 260.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__. See Röm. Mitth. 1897, p. 260.
1553. See Evans, Syracusan Medallions, in Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319; also Rev. Arch. xxiv. (1894). p. 173.
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.See Evans, Syracusan Medallions, in Num. Chron. 3rd Ser. xi. p. 319; also Rev. Arch. xxiv. (1894). p. 173.
1555. A similar example is in the Athens Museum, from Crete (Invent. No. 2141).
__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__.A similar example is in the Athens Museum, from Crete (Invent. No. 2141).
Berenson, Bernhard. The Drawings of the Florentine Painters. Classified, Criticised, and Studied as Documents in the History and Appreciation of Tuscan Art. With a Copious Catalogue Raisonné, and 180 Facsimile Illustrations. 2 Vols. Folio. £21 net.
Berenson, Bernhard. The Drawings of the Florentine Artists. Classified, Critiqued, and Examined as Documents in the History and Appreciation of Tuscan Art. With a Detailed Catalogue Raisonné, and 180 Reproduced Illustrations. 2 Vols. Folio. £21 net.
Borgia, Lucretia, The Life of. According to Original Documents and Correspondence of her Day. By Ferdinand Gregorovius. Translated by John Leslie Garner. With Illustrations. Large Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Borgia, Lucretia, Life of. Based on Original Documents and Correspondence from Her Time. By Ferdinand Gregorovius. Translated by John Leslie Garner. With Illustrations. Large Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Brown, Prof. G. Baldwin. The Fine Arts. The Origin, Aims, and Conditions of Artistic Work as applied to Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture. New and Enlarged Edition. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s. net.
Brown, Prof. G. Baldwin. The Arts. The Origin, Aims, and Conditions of Artistic Work in Painting, Sculpture, and Architecture. New and Enlarged Edition. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s. net.
—— The Arts in Early England. With Illustrations. 3 Vols. Royal 8vo. 16s. net. each.
—— The Arts in Early England. With Illustrations. 3 Vols. Royal 8vo. £0.80 net each.
Vol. I. The Life of Saxon England in its Relation to the Arts.
Vol. I. The Life of Saxon England and Its Connection to the Arts.
Vol. II. Ecclesiastical Architecture in England from the Conversion of the Saxons to the Norman Conquest.
Vol. II. Church Architecture in England from the Saxons' Conversion to the Norman Conquest.
Vol. III. The Decorative Arts of the Anglo-Saxon Period.
Vol. III. The Decorative Arts of the Anglo-Saxon Era.
Brugsch, Professor. Egypt under the Pharaohs. History derived entirely from the Monuments. Third Edition. Revised by M. Brodrick. Maps, Plans, and Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 18s.
Brugsch, Professor. Egypt during the Pharaohs. History based exclusively on the Monuments. Third Edition. Updated by M. Brodrick. Maps, Plans, and Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 18s.
Burton-Brown, E. Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum, 1898–1905. A Handbook. Illustrations and Plans. Fcap 8vo. 2s. net.
Burton-Brown, E. Recent Excavations in the Roman Forum, 1898–1905. A Handbook. Illustrations and Plans. Fcap 8vo. 2s. net.
Cartwright, Julia (Mrs. Ady). The Painters of Florence. From the 13th to the 16th Centuries. Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 6s. net.
Cartwright, Julia (Mrs. Ady). Florence's Painters. From the 13th to the 16th Centuries. Illustrations. Crown 8vo. £6 net.
Cripps, Wilfrid. Old English Plate: Ecclesiastical, Decorative, and Domestic: Its Makers and Marks. Eighth Edition. Revised and Enlarged. With 123 Illustrations and 2,600 Facsimile Plate Marks. 8vo. 21s. net.
Cripps, Wilfrid. Vintage Plate: Ecclesiastical, Decorative, and Domestic: Its Makers and Marks. Eighth Edition. Revised and Enlarged. With 123 Illustrations and 2,600 Facsimile Plate Marks. 8vo. 21shillings. net.
⁂ Tables of the Date-Letters and Marks sold separately. 5s.
⁂ Tables of the Date-Letters and Marks sold separately. 5s.
—— Old French Plate: Its Makers and Marks. With Tables of Makers’ Marks, in addition to the Plate Marks. 8vo. 10s. 6d.
—— Vintage French Plate: Its Makers and Marks. With Tables of Makers’ Marks, in addition to the Plate Marks. 8vo. 10s. 6d.
Crowe, Sir J. A., and Cavalcaselle, G. B. A History of Painting in Italy, Umbria, Florence, and Siena, from the 2nd to the 16th Century. A New Edition, with Editorial Notes by Langton Douglas, with upwards of 200 Illustrations. Large Demy 8vo. 6 Vols. 21s. net each.
Crowe, Sir J. A., and Cavalcaselle, G. B. A History of Art in Italy, Umbria, Florence, and Siena, from the 2nd to the 16th Century. A New Edition, with Editorial Notes by Langton Douglas, with over 200 Illustrations. Large Demy 8vo. 6 Vols. 21s. net each.
Vol. I. Early Christian Art.
Vol. I. Early Christian Art.
Vol. II. Giotto and the Giottesques.
Vol. II. Giotto and the Giottesques.
—— —— Raphael: His Life and Works. Demy 8vo. Vol. I., 15s.
—— —— Raphael: His Life and Works. Demy 8vo. Vol. I., 15s.
Cust, Lionel. Notes on the Authentic Portraits of Mary Queen of Scots. Based on the Researches of the late Sir George Scharf, Director of the National Portrait Gallery—Re-written in the light of new information. With many Illustrations. Small 4to. £3 3s. net.
Cust, Lionel. Notes on the Genuine Portraits of Mary Queen of Scots. Based on the Research of the late Sir George Scharf, Director of the National Portrait Gallery—Revised with new information. Featuring many illustrations. Small 4to. £3 3s. net.
Douglas, Langton. Siena, her History and Art. With Maps and numerous Illustrations. Medium 8vo. 25s. net.
Douglas, Langton. Siena: Its History and Art. With maps and many illustrations. Medium 8vo. 25s. net.
Fanshawe, H. C. Delhi: Past and Present. With Maps and Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 15s. net.
Fanshawe, H. C. Delhi: Then and Now. With Maps and Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 15shillings. net.
Fergusson, James. History of Architecture in all Countries from the Earliest Times. With 1,700 Illustrations. 5 Vols. Medium 8vo. £6 6s.
Fergusson, James. History of Architecture in All Countries from Ancient Times. With 1,700 Illustrations. 5 Vols. Medium 8vo. £6 6s.
Vols. I. and II. Ancient and Mediæval. 63s.
Vols. I and II. Ancient and Medieval times. 63s.
Vol. III. Indian and Eastern. 31s. 6d.
Vol. III. Indian and Eastern. 31s. 6d.
Vols. IV. and V. Modern. 31s. 6d.
Vols. IV and V. Modern. 31s. 6d.
Hodgson, J. E., and Eaton, F. A. The Royal Academy and its Members. A History from 1768 to 1830. With Portraits. Large Demy 8vo. 21s. net.
Hodgson, J. E., and Eaton, F. A. The Royal Academy and its Members. A History from 1768 to 1830. Featuring Portraits. Large Demy 8vo. 21s. net.
Hogarth, D. G., Edited by. Authority and Archæology, Sacred and Profane. Essays on the Relation of Monuments to Biblical and Classical Literature. By Various Writers. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 16s.
Hogarth, D. G., Edited by. Authority and Archaeology, Sacred and Profane. Essays on the Relationship of Monuments to Biblical and Classical Literature. By Various Authors. Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 16s.
Jameson, Mrs. Lives of the Early Italian Painters—and the Progress of Painting in Italy—Cimabue to Bassano. With 50 Portraits. Post 8vo. 12s.
Jameson, Mrs. Lives of the Early Italian Painters—and the Development of Painting in Italy—from Cimabue to Bassano. With 50 Portraits. Post 8vo. 12s.
Kugler’s Handbook of Painting. The Italian Schools of Painting. Sixth Edition, revised. By Sir Henry Layard, G.C.B. With nearly 250 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. 30s.
Kugler’s Painting Handbook. The Italian Schools of Painting. Sixth Edition, revised. By Sir Henry Layard, G.C.B. With nearly 250 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. 30s.
—— The German, Flemish, and Dutch Schools. Third Edition, revised. By Sir J. A. Crowe. With 60 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 24s.
—— The German, Flemish, and Dutch Schools. Third Edition, revised. By Sir J.A. Crowe. With 60 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 24s.
Layard, Sir A. Henry. Nineveh and its Remains. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Layard, Sir A. Henry. Nineveh and Its Ruins. With Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
—— Nineveh and Babylon. Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
—— Nineveh and Babylon. Illustrations. Crown 8vo. £7.30.
—— Early Adventures in Persia, Babylonia, and Susiana. Portrait, Illustrations, and Maps. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 24s. Popular Edition in 1 Vol. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
—— Early Adventures in Persia, Babylonia, and Susiana. Portrait, Illustrations, and Maps. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 24sh. Popular Edition in 1 Vol. Crown 8vo. 7sh. 6d.
—— Autobiography and Letters, from his Childhood until his Appointment as H.M. Ambassador at Madrid. With an additional Chapter on his Parliamentary Career by the Right Hon. Sir Arthur Otway. Edited by the Hon. William Napier Bruce. With Portraits and Illustrations. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. 25s. net.
—— Memoir and Letters, from his Childhood to his Appointment as H.M. Ambassador in Madrid. Includes an extra chapter on his Parliamentary Career by the Right Hon. Sir Arthur Otway. Edited by the Hon. William Napier Bruce. With portraits and illustrations. 2 Vols. Demy 8vo. 25s. net.
Mariette, Auguste. Outlines of Ancient Egyptian History. Second Edition. Edited, with Notes, by Mary Brodrick. Crown 8vo. With Map. 5s.
Mariette, Auguste. Ancient Egyptian History Overview. Second Edition. Edited, with Notes, by Mary Brodrick. Crown 8vo. With Map. 5s.
Marillier, H. C. The Liverpool School of Painters. An Account of the Liverpool Academy, from 1810 to 1867. With Memoirs of the Leading Artists. With Illustrations. Square Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Marillier, H. C. The Liverpool Painters School. A History of the Liverpool Academy, from 1810 to 1867. Featuring Biographies of the Prominent Artists. With Illustrations. Square Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Maudslay, A. P. and A. C. A Glimpse at Guatemala. Some Notes on the Ancient Monuments of Central America. With Maps, Plans, 74 Photogravures, and other Illustrations. 4to. £4 4s. net.
Maudslay, A. P. and A. C. A Look at Guatemala. Some Notes on the Ancient Monuments of Central America. With Maps, Plans, 74 Photogravures, and other Illustrations. 4to. £4 4s. net.
Morelli, Giovanni. Italian Painters. Critical Studies of their Works. With an Introductory Notice by Sir Henry Layard, G.C.B. With numerous Illustrations. Demy 8vo. 2 Vols. 15s. each.
Morelli, Giovanni. Italian Artists. Critical Studies of their Works. With an Introductory Notice by Sir Henry Layard, G.C.B. With many illustrations. Demy 8vo. 2 Vols. 15s. each.
Vol. I. The Borghese and Doria Pamphili Galleries in Rome.
Vol. I. The Borghese and Doria Pamphili Galleries in Rome.
Vol. II. The Galleries of Munich and Dresden.
Vol. II. The Galleries in Munich and Dresden.
Murray, A. S. A History of Greek Sculpture from the Earliest Times. With 130 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. 36s.
Murray, A. S. A History of Greek Sculpture from the Earliest Times. With 130 Illustrations. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. 36s.
—— Handbook of Greek Archæology. Sculpture, Vases, Bronzes, Gems, Terra-cottas, Architecture, Mural Paintings, etc. Many Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 18s.
—— Greek Archaeology Handbook. Sculpture, Vases, Bronzes, Gems, Earthenware, Architecture, Wall Paintings, etc. Many Illustrations. Crown 8vo. 18s.
—— The Sculptures of the Parthenon. With Illustrations of the whole Remains. Medium 8vo. 21s. net.
—— The Parthenon Sculptures. With Illustrations of the entire Remains. Medium 8vo. 21s. net.
Okakura, Kakuzo. The Ideals of the East, with special reference to the Art of Japan. Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
Okakura, Kakuzo. The Eastern Ideals, focusing on the Art of Japan. Crown 8vo. 5s. net.
Phillipps, Evelyn March. The Frescoes in the Sixtine Chapel in Rome. With 24 Illustrations and a Photogravure Frontispiece. Crown 8vo. 6s. net.
Phillipps, Evelyn March. The frescoes in the Sistine Chapel in Rome. With 24 Illustrations and a Photogravure Frontispiece. Crown 8vo. 6s. net.
Smith, Sir Wm., Dictionaries:—
Smith, Sir Wm., Dictionaries:—
Dictionary of the Bible; Comprising its Antiquities, Biography, Geography, and Natural History. By Various Writers. With Illustrations. 3 Vols. Enlarged and Revised Edition. Medium 8vo. £4 4s.
Bible Dictionary; Covering its History, People, Places, and Natural Sciences. By Various Authors. With Illustrations. 3 Vols. Enlarged and Updated Edition. Medium 8vo. £4 4s.
Concise Dictionary of the Bible. Medium 8vo. 21s.
Bible Abbreviated Dictionary. Medium 8vo. £21.
Smaller Dictionary of the Bible. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Compact Bible Dictionary. Crown 8vo. 7shillings. 6pence.
Dictionary of Christian Antiquities. The History, Institutions, and Antiquities of the Christian Church. Edited by Sir W. Smith, D.C.L., and Archdeacon Cheetham, D.D. With Illustrations. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. £3 13s. 6d. each.
Dictionary of Christian History. The History, Institutions, and Antiquities of the Christian Church. Edited by Sir Will Smith, D.C.L., and Archdeacon Cheetham, D.D. With Illustrations. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. £3 13s. 6d. each.
Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines. Edited by Sir Wm. Smith, D.C.L., and Henry Wace, D.D. 4 Vols. Medium 8vo. £6 16s. 6d.
Dictionary of Christian Biography, Literature, Sects, and Doctrines. Edited by Sir Will Smith, D.C.L., and Henry Wace, D.D. 4 Vols. Medium 8vo. £6 16s. 6d.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Including the Laws, Institutions, Domestic Usages, Painting, Sculpture, Music, the Drama,τύμπανα etc. Edited by Sir Wm. Smith, William Wayte, M.A., G. E. Marindin, M.A. Third Revised and Enlarged Edition. With 900 Illustrations, 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. 31s. 6d. each.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Covering the Laws, Institutions, Domestic Practices, Painting, Sculpture, Music, Theater, τύμπανα, etc. Edited by Sir William Smith, William Wayte, M.A., G. E. Marindin, M.A. Third Revised and Enlarged Edition. With 900 Illustrations, 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. 31s. 6d. each.
Concise Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Edited by F. Warre Cornish, M.A. With over 1,100 Illustrations taken from the best examples of Ancient Art. Medium 8vo. 21s.
Concise Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. Edited by F. Warre Cornish, M.A. With over 1,100 illustrations sourced from the finest examples of ancient art. Medium 8vo. 21s.
Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. With 200 Woodcuts. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Smaller Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities. With 200 Illustrations. Crown 8vo. £7.30.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. Illustrated by 564 Engravings on Wood. In 3 Vols. Medium 8vo. £4 4s.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology. Illustrated with 564 Wood Engravings. In 3 Volumes. Medium 8vo. £4 4s.
Classical Dictionary of Biography, Mythology, and Geography. Thoroughly Revised Edition. By G. E. Marindin, M.A. With over 800 Woodcuts. 8vo. 18s.
Classical Dictionary of Biography, Mythology, and Geography. Thoroughly Revised Edition. By G.E. Marindin, M.A. With over 800 illustrations. 8vo. 18s.
Smaller Classical Dictionary of Biography, Mythology, and Geography. With 200 Woodcuts. In great part re-written by G. E. Marindin, M. A. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Smaller Classical Dictionary of Biography, Mythology, and Geography. With 200 illustrations. Largely rewritten by G.E. Marindin, M.A. Crown 8vo. 7s. 6d.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. Illustrated by 534 Engravings on Wood. 2 Vols. Medium 8vo. 56s.
Dictionary of Greek and Roman Geography. Illustrated with 534 Wood Engravings. 2 Volumes. Medium 8vo. 56s.
Complete Latin-English Dictionary. With Tables of the Roman Calendar, Measures, Weights, Money, and a Dictionary of Proper Names. Medium 8vo. 16s.
Complete Latin-English Dictionary. With Tables of the Roman Calendar, Measures, Weights, Money, and a Dictionary of Proper Names. Medium 8vo. £16.
Smaller Latin-English Dictionary. By Sir Wm. Smith and T. D. Hall, M.A. Square 12mo. 7s. 6d.
Compact Latin-English Dictionary. By Sir William Smith and T.D. Hall, M.A. Square 12mo. 7shillings 6pence
Copious and Critical English-Latin Dictionary. By Sir Wm. Smith, D.C.L., and T. D. Hall, M.A. Medium 8vo. 16s.
Extensive and Essential English-Latin Dictionary. By Sir William Smith, D.C.L., and T.D. Hall, M.A. Medium 8vo. 16s.
Smaller English-Latin Dictionary. By Sir Wm. Smith and T. D. Hall, M.A. Square 12mo. 7s. 6d.
Compact English-Latin Dictionary. By Sir William Smith and T.D. Hall, M.A. Square 12mo. 7shillings 6pence
Van Millingen, A. The Walls of Constantinople. Studies of the Topography of the Byzantine City and adjacent objects of interest. Plans and Illustrations. 4to. 21s. net.
Van Millingen, A. The Walls of Istanbul. Studies of the Layout of the Byzantine City and nearby points of interest. Maps and Illustrations. 4to. 21s. net.
Wakeman’s Handbook of Irish Antiquities. Edited by John Cooke, M.A. With numerous Illustrations. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Wakeman’s Irish Antiquities Handbook. Edited by John Cook, M.A. Featuring many illustrations. Third Edition. Crown 8vo. 10£. 6d. net.
Ward, John. The Sacred Beetle. Egyptian Scarabs in Art and History. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
Ward, John. The Holy Beetle. Egyptian Scarabs in Art and History. Illustrated. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d. net.
—— Greek Coins and their Parent Cities. With 22 Autotype Plates and upwards of 500 Illustrations. Crown 4to. 25s. net.
—— Greek Coins and Their City-States. With 22 Autotype Plates and over 500 Illustrations. Crown 4to. 25s. net.
—— Our Soudan: Its Pyramids and Its Progress. Dedicated by request to Lord Kitchener of Khartoum. Crown 4to. 400 Pages, 720 Illustrations. 21s. net. Including Maps and many Portraits.
—— Our Sudan: Its Pyramids and Its Development. Dedicated by request to Lord Kitchener of Khartoum. Crown 4to. 400 pages, 720 illustrations. £21 net. Includes maps and many portraits.
Watt, Sir George. Indian Art at Delhi, 1903. Being the Official Catalogue of the Delhi Exhibition, 1902–3. The Illustrative part by Percy Brown, A.R.C.A., Assistant-Director. Medium 8vo. 12s. net.
Watt, Sir George. Indian Art in Delhi, 1903. This is the Official Catalogue of the Delhi Exhibition, 1902–3. The Illustrative section was created by Percy Brown, A.R.C.A., Assistant-Director. Medium 8vo. 12s. net.
Welbeck Catalogue. A Catalogue of Letters and other Historical Documents in the Library at Welbeck. Compiled by S. Arthur Strong. With Portraits and numerous Facsimiles of Manuscripts in the possession of the Duke of Portland. 4to. £2 2s. net.
Welbeck Catalogue. A Catalog of Letters and Other Historical Documents in the Library at Welbeck. Compiled by S. Arthur Strong. With Portraits and many Facsimiles of Manuscripts owned by the Duke of Portland. 4to. £2 2s. net.
Wilkinson, Sir J. G. The Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians. With numerous Illustrations. 3 Vols. Demy 8vo. £4 4s.
Wilkinson, Sir J. G. The Customs and Social Practices of the Ancient Egyptians. With many Illustrations. 3 Vols. Demy 8vo. £4 4s.
—— Popular Account of the Ancient Egyptians. Abridged from the above work. With 500 Woodcuts. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 12s.
—— A Popular Overview of the Ancient Egyptians. Abridged from the above work. With 500 illustrations. 2 Vols. Crown 8vo. 12s.
Transcriber’s Note:
Errors which can be attributed to printer’s mistakes have been corrected, as noted below. Lapses in punctuation are corrected with no further mention.
Errors that are due to printing mistakes have been corrected, as noted below. Punctuation mistakes have been fixed without further mention.
Inscriptions using archaic Greek characters which do not exist in the unicode character set are provided as inline images, and as such are not searchable. For instance, the character for pi (Π) resembles the modern gamma (Γ). The character upsilon (Υ) frequently appears as a modern Roman V. On occasion, sigma appears in the form of a modern C (the lunate sigma Ϲ).
Inscriptions in old Greek characters that aren’t part of the Unicode character set are shown as inline images and can’t be searched. For example, the character for pi (Π) looks like the modern gamma (Γ). The character upsilon (Υ) often resembles the modern Roman V. Sometimes, sigma appears as a modern C (the lunate sigma Ϲ).
Footnotes, which were numbered sequentially on each page, have been resequenced to be unique across the text. Cross-references to those numbers in the text have been changed to reflect this. The notes themselves have been moved to the end of each chapter.
Footnotes, which were numbered in order on each page, have been renumbered to be unique throughout the text. Cross-references to those numbers in the text have been updated accordingly. The notes themselves have been relocated to the end of each chapter.
Internal links have been provided for ease of reference.
Internal links have been added for your convenience.
Each plate was followed by a blank page on its verso, which have been removed here. The position of each plate, as well as that of all other figures, has been adjusted slightly to avoid falling in mid-paragraph. The pages devoted to plates were not counted in pagination.
Each plate was followed by a blank page on its back, which has been removed here. The placement of each plate, along with all other figures, has been adjusted slightly to prevent them from appearing mid-paragraph. The pages dedicated to plates were not included in the page numbering.
The following anomalies regarding footnotes were observed:
The following issues with footnotes were noticed:
On p. 153, the reference to the third footnote (521), referring the reader to “Pottier Louvre Cat., p. 381 ff.” does not appear in the text. The section discusses “Les vases à reliefs de style archaique en Italie et en Sicile”. The reference has been added following the paragraph ending with “designs of Oriental character”.
On p. 153, the mention of the third footnote (521), directing the reader to “Pottier Louvre Cat., p. 381 ff.” is missing from the text. The section talks about "Relief vases in archaic style from Italy and Sicily". The reference has been included after the paragraph that ends with “designs of Oriental character”.
On p. 214, the reference to the first footnote (775), referring the reader to Alexandre Brongniart’s Traité des arts céramiques: ou des poteries, i., p 552, does not appear in the text. The passage discusses the analysis of the glaze, and it seems appropriate to add the reference at the end of the paragraph beginning “This lustrous glaze...”.
On p. 214, the reference to the first footnote (775), which directs the reader to Alexandre Brongniart’s Treatise on Ceramic Arts: or Pottery, i., p 552, is missing from the text. The section talks about the analysis of the glaze, and it seems fitting to include the reference at the end of the paragraph starting with “This lustrous glaze...”.
The following table contains those textual issues which are readily attributed to printer’s errors:
The following table includes the textual issues that can easily be linked to printer's mistakes:
p. 96 | which[,] were so light | Removed |
p. 204 | It has been noted by J[o/a]hn | Corrected. |
Download ePUB
If you like this ebook, consider a donation!