This is a modern-English version of Chronicles of England, Scotland and Ireland (2 of 6): England (12 of 12): Richard the Second, the Second Sonne to Edward Prince of Wales, originally written by Holinshed, Raphael. It has been thoroughly updated, including changes to sentence structure, words, spelling, and grammar—to ensure clarity for contemporary readers, while preserving the original spirit and nuance. If you click on a paragraph, you will see the original text that we modified, and you can toggle between the two versions.

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Holinshed’s Chron­i­cles of Eng­land, Scot­land, and Ire­land; by Raph­ael Hol­in­shed and oth­ers; 1807 ed­i­tion; Vol­ume II of VI, Part 12 of 12;
RICH­ARD II.

|711|
RICHARD THE SECOND,
the second sonne to Edward prince of Wales.

An. Reg. 1.

1377.

Fabian.

Fabian.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The Londoners sent to K. Richard, commending themselues to his fauour before ye death of K. Edward.

The Londoners sent to King Richard, praising themselves to win his favor before the death of King Edward.

RICHARD, the second of that name, and sonne to prince Edward, called the blacke prince, the sonne of king Edward the third, a child of the age of eleuen yeares, began to reign ouer the realme of England the two and twentith daie of Iune, in the yeare of the world 5344, of our Lord 1377, after the conquest 310, about the two and thirtith yeare of the emperour Charles the fourth, and in the fouretéenth yeare of Charles the fift king of France, and about the seuenth yeare of the reigne of Robert the |712| second king of Scotland: he was named Richard of Burdeaux, bicause he was borne at Burdeaux in Gascoigne, whilest his father ruled there. The day before it was vnderstood, that his grandfather king Edward was departed this life, being the one and twentith of Iune (on which daie neuerthelesse he deceassed) the citizens of London hauing certeine knowledge that he could not escape his sicknesse, sent certeine aldermen vnto Kingston, where the prince with his mother the princesse then laie, to declare vnto the said prince their readie good wils, to accept him for their lawfull king and gouernour, immediatlie after it should please God to call to his mercie his grandfather, being now past hope of recouerie of health. Wherefore they besought him, to haue their citie recommended vnto his good grace, and that it would please him to visit the same with his presence, sith they were readie in all sorts to honour and obeie him, and to spend both liues and goods in his cause, if need required.

RICHARD, the second of that name and the son of Prince Edward, known as the Black Prince, who was the son of King Edward the Third, began his reign over the realm of England on June 22nd, in the year 1377, when he was just eleven years old. This was in the year 5344 of the world, about the 310th year after the conquest, during the 32nd year of Emperor Charles the Fourth's reign, the 14th year of King Charles the Fifth of France, and around the 7th year of Robert the Second's reign as King of Scotland. He was called Richard of Bordeaux because he was born in Bordeaux, Gascony, while his father was governing there. The day before, it became known that his grandfather, King Edward, had passed away on June 21st. The citizens of London, realizing he could not recover from his illness, sent some aldermen to Kingston, where the prince was staying with his mother, the princess. They wanted to express their readiness to accept him as their lawful king and ruler as soon as God called his grandfather to his mercy, which seemed inevitable. They urged him to take their city into consideration and requested that he visit them, assuring him they were ready in all ways to honor and obey him and would dedicate their lives and resources to his cause if necessary.

Iohn Philpot.

John Philpot.

The duke of Lancaster & the Lōdoners submit their quarels to the kings order.

The Duke of Lancaster and the Londoners submit their disputes to the king's order.

Moreouer, they besought him, that it might please his grace to make an end of the discord betwixt the citizens, and the duke of Lancaster, which through the malice of some had béene raised, to the commoditie of none, but to the discommoditie of diuerse. When Iohn Philpot, one of the foresaid aldermen, that had the words in all their names, had ended his oration, he was answered by the prince and his councell, that he would indeuour himselfe in all things to satisfie their requests, and so were they sent home to bring a ioifull answer of their messege to the citie. The morrow after, there were sent to London from the king, the lord Latimer, sir Nicholas Bond, sir Simon Burlie, & sir Richard Adderburie, knights; to bring them sorowfull newes of the assured death of king Edward, who (as we haue said) deceassed the day before; but comfortable newes againe, of the great towardlinesse and good meaning of the yoong king, who promised to loue them and their citie, and to come to the same citie, as they had desired him to doo. And further, that he had spoken to the duke of Lancaster in their behalfe, and that the duke had submitted himselfe to him in all things touching the cause; wherevpon the kings pleasure was, that they should likewise submit themselues, and he would doo his indeuor, that an agreement might be had to the honor of the citizens, and profit of the citie.

Moreover, they asked him if he would please put an end to the conflict between the citizens and the Duke of Lancaster, which had been caused by the malice of some and only benefited a few while harming many. When John Philpot, one of the aforementioned aldermen who spoke on their behalf, finished his speech, the prince and his council responded that he would do everything he could to meet their requests, and they were sent home with a hopeful answer for the city. The next day, the king sent Lord Latimer, Sir Nicholas Bond, Sir Simon Burley, and Sir Richard Adderburie, knights, to London to bring them the sorrowful news of King Edward's assured death, who, as we mentioned, passed away the day before. They also brought comforting news about the young king’s willingness and good intentions, promising to love them and their city and to visit, just as they had requested. Furthermore, he had spoken to the Duke of Lancaster on their behalf, and the duke had agreed to submit to him in all matters related to the issue; as a result, the king wanted them to do the same, and he would make every effort to ensure an agreement that honored the citizens and benefited the city.

The citizens liked not of this forme of procéeding in the dukes matter, bicause the king was yoong, and could not giue order therein, but by substitutes: yet at length with much adoo, they were contented to submit themselues, as the duke had doone before, though not, till that the knights had vndertaken vpon their oth of fidelitie and knighthood, that their submission should not redound to the temporall or bodilie harme of any of them, consenting to the kings will in this point. And so with this caution they tooke their iournie towards Sheene, where they found the new K. with his mother, the duke of Lancaster & his brethren, vncles to the king, and diuerse bishops, about the bodie of the deceassed king. When it was knowen that the Londoners were come, they were called before the king, by whom the matter was so handled, that the duke and they were made fréends. After this, when the king should ride through the citie towards the coronation, the said duke and the lord Percie riding on great horses before him, as by vertue of their offices appointed to make way before, vsed themselues so courteouslie, modestlie, and pleasantlie, that where before they two were greatlie suspected of the common people, by reason of their great puissance in the realme, and huge rout of reteiners, they ordered the matter so, that neither this day, nor the morrow after, being the day of the kings coronation, they offended any maner of person, but rather by gentle and swéet demeanour they reclaimed the harts of manie, of whome before they were greatlie had in suspicion, and thought euill of.  ¶ But now, sith we are entred into the matter of this kings coronation, we haue thought good breefelie to touch some particular point thereof (as in Thomas Walsingham we find it) though nothing so largelie here, as the author himselfe setteth it foorth, bicause the purpose of this worke will not so permit. |713|

The citizens were not happy with this way of handling the duke's situation because the king was young and could only make decisions through others. However, after much effort, they eventually agreed to submit themselves, just as the duke had done earlier, but only after the knights promised, under their oath of loyalty and knighthood, that their submission wouldn’t lead to any harm for any of them, agreeing to the king's will on this matter. So, with this assurance, they set off for Sheene, where they found the new king with his mother, the Duke of Lancaster, his brothers, uncles to the king, and several bishops around the body of the deceased king. When it was announced that the Londoners had arrived, they were called before the king, who handled the situation in such a way that the duke and the citizens became friends. Later, when the king was set to ride through the city for the coronation, the duke and Lord Percy, riding on large horses ahead of him, conducted themselves so courteously, modestly, and pleasantly that, although they had previously been greatly suspected by the common people due to their significant power in the realm and large entourage, they managed to avoid offending anyone on that day or the following day, the day of the king’s coronation. Instead, with their gentle and sweet demeanor, they won back the hearts of many who had harbored distrust towards them before. But now, since we have entered into the topic of this king's coronation, we thought it would be good to briefly touch on some specific points about it (as found in Thomas Walsingham), although not as extensively as the author himself presents it, because the purpose of this work does not allow for that. |713|

The maner & order of the kings coronation.

The manner and order of the king's coronation.

The king, in riding thorough the citie towards Westminster, on the 15 daie of Iulie being wednesdaie, was accompanied with such a traine of the nobilitie and others, as in such case was requisite. Sir Simon Burlie bare the sword before him, and sir Nicholas Bond lead the kings horsse by the bridle on foot. The noise of trumpets and other instruments was maruellous, so that this seemed a day of ioy and mirth, a day that had béene long looked for, bicause it was hoped, that now the quiet orders and good lawes of the land, which thorough the slouthfulnesse of the aged king deceassed, and couetousnesse of those that ruled about him, had béene long banished, should now be renewed and brought againe in vse. The citie was adorned in all sorts most richlie. The water conduits ran with wine for the space of thrée houres togither. In the vpper end of Cheape, was a certeine castell made with foure towers, out of the which castell, on two sides of it, there ran foorth wine abundantlie. In the towers were placed foure beautifull virgins, of stature and age like to the king, apparelled in white vestures, in euerie tower one, the which blew in the kings face, at his approching néere to them, leaues of gold; and as he approched also, they threw on him and his horsse florens of gold counterfeit.

The king, riding through the city towards Westminster on Wednesday, July 15, was accompanied by a train of nobles and others as was fitting for the occasion. Sir Simon Burley carried the sword in front of him, while Sir Nicholas Bond led the king's horse by the bridle on foot. The sound of trumpets and other instruments was incredible, making it feel like a day of joy and celebration—a day that had been eagerly anticipated, as there was hope that the peaceful order and good laws of the land, which had been neglected during the reign of the late, slothful king and the greed of those surrounding him, would now be restored and put back into practice. The city was richly decorated in every possible way. For three hours, the water conduits flowed with wine. At the upper end of Cheapside, there was a castle with four towers, from which wine flowed abundantly on two sides. In each tower stood four beautiful maidens, of a similar age and stature to the king, dressed in white garments. As the king approached, they blew gold leaves in his face, and as he got closer, they showered him and his horse with counterfeit gold coins.

When he was come before the castell, they tooke cups of gold, and filling them with wine at the spouts of the castell, presented the same to the king and to his nobles. On the top of the castell, betwixt the foure towers, stood a golden angell, holding a crowne in his hands, which was so contriued, that when the king came, he bowed downe & offered to him the crowne. But to speake of all the pageants and shewes which the citizens had caused to be made, and set foorth in honour of their new king, it were superfluous; euerie one in their quarters striuing to surmount other, and so with great triumphing of citizens, and ioy of the lords and noble men, he was conueied vnto his palace at Westminster, where he rested for that night. The morrow after being thursdaie, and the 16 day of Iulie, he was fetcht to the church with procession of the bishops and monks, and comming before the high altar, where the pauement was couered with rich clothes of tapistrie, he there kneeled downe and made his praiers, whilest two bishops soong the Letanie, which being finished, the king was brought to his seat, the quéere singing an antheme, beginning, Fermetur manus tua.

When he arrived at the castle, they took gold cups, filled them with wine from the castle's fountains, and presented them to the king and his nobles. At the top of the castle, between the four towers, stood a golden angel holding a crown in his hands. This was designed so that when the king approached, the angel bowed down and offered him the crown. To describe all the pageants and displays that the citizens had set up in honor of their new king would be excessive; each neighborhood was competing to outdo the others. Amidst the great celebrations from the citizens and the joy of the lords and nobles, he was escorted to his palace at Westminster, where he rested for the night. The next day, Thursday, July 16, he was taken to the church with a procession of bishops and monks. When he arrived at the high altar, which was covered with luxurious tapestries, he knelt down and prayed while two bishops sang the Litanies. Once that was finished, the king was brought to his seat as the choir sang an anthem, starting with "Fermetur manus tua."

That doone, there was a sermon preached by a bishop touching the dutie of a king, how he ought to behaue himselfe towards the people, and how the people ought to be obedient vnto him. The sermon being ended, the king receiued his oth before the archbishop and nobles: which doone, the archbishop hauing the lord Henrie Percie lord marshall going before him, turned him to euerie quarter of the church, declaring to the people the kings oth, and demanding of them, if they would submit themselues vnto such a prince & gouernor, and obeie his commandements: and when the people with a lowd voice had answered that they would obeie him, the archbishop vsing certeine praiers, blessed the king; which ended, the archbishop came vnto him, and tearing his garments from the highest part to the lowest, stripped him to his shirt. Then was brought by earles, a certeine couerture of cloth of gold, vnder the which he remained, whilest he was annointed.

That done, a bishop gave a sermon about the responsibilities of a king, discussing how he should behave towards his people and how the people should be obedient to him. When the sermon ended, the king took his oath before the archbishop and the nobles. After that, the archbishop, with Lord Henry Percy, the lord marshal, leading the way, turned to every corner of the church, explaining the king's oath to the people and asking if they would submit to such a prince and ruler and obey his commands. When the people loudly affirmed that they would obey him, the archbishop said certain prayers and blessed the king. Once this was over, the archbishop approached him and tore his garments from the top to the bottom, stripping him down to his shirt. Then, certain earls brought a cover made of gold cloth, under which he remained while he was anointed.

The archbishop (as we haue said), hauing stripped him, first annointed his hands, then his head, brest, shoulders, and the ioints of his armes with the sacred oile, saieng certeine praiers, and in the meane time did the quéere sing the antheme, beginning, Vnxerunt regem Salomonem, &c. And the archbishop added another praier, Deus Dei filius, &c. Which ended, he and the other bishops soong the hymne, Veni creator spiritus, the king knéeling in a long vesture, & the archbishop with his suffraganes about him. When the hymne was ended, he was lift vp by the archbishop, and clad first with the coate of saint Edward, and after with his mantell, a stoale being cast about his necke, the archbishop in the meane time saieng certeine praiers appointed for the purpose. After this, the archbishop and bishops deliuered to him the sword, saieng, Accipe gladium, &c. |714|

The archbishop, as we mentioned, stripped him down and first anointed his hands, then his head, chest, shoulders, and the joints of his arms with the sacred oil, saying certain prayers. Meanwhile, the choir sang the anthem, starting with "Vnxerunt regem Salomonem," etc. The archbishop added another prayer, "Deus Dei filius," etc. Once that was done, he and the other bishops sang the hymn "Veni creator spiritus," with the king kneeling in a long robe and the archbishop surrounded by his suffragans. After the hymn ended, the archbishop lifted him up and dressed him first in the coat of Saint Edward, and then with his mantle, while a stole was draped around his neck, with the archbishop saying certain prayers designated for this purpose. Following this, the archbishop and bishops handed him the sword, saying, "Accipe gladium," etc. |714|

When that praier was ended, two earles girded him with the sword, which doone, the archbishop gaue to him bracelets, saieng, Accipe armillas, &c. After this, the archbishop did put vpon him an vppermost vesture, called a pall, saieng, Accipe pallium, &c. In the meane time, whilest the archbishop blessed the kings crowne, he to whose office it apperteined, did put spurs on his héeles. After the crowne was blessed, the archbishop set it on his head, saieng, Coronet te Deus, &c. Then did the archbishop deliuer to him a ring, with these words, Accipe annulum, &c. Immediatlie herewith came the lord Furniuall by vertue of his office, offering to him a red gloue, which the archbishop blessed, and putting it on his hand, gaue to him the scepter, with these words, Accipe sceptrum, &c. Then did the archbishop deliuer to him in his other hand a rod, in the top whereof stood a doue, with these words, Accipe virgam virtutis, &c. After this the archbishop blessed the king, saieng, Benedicat de Deus, &c.

When the prayer was finished, two earls put a sword around him. After that, the archbishop gave him bracelets, saying, "Receive the bracelets," etc. Then, the archbishop put a special garment called a pall on him, saying, "Receive the pall," etc. Meanwhile, while the archbishop blessed the king's crown, the one responsible for this duty put spurs on his heels. After the crown was blessed, the archbishop placed it on his head, saying, "May God crown you," etc. Then the archbishop gave him a ring with the words, "Receive the ring," etc. Immediately afterward, Lord Furnival came forward in his official capacity, offering him a red glove, which the archbishop blessed, and putting it on his hand, handed him the scepter, saying, "Receive the scepter," etc. The archbishop then gave him a rod in the other hand, topped with a dove, with the words, "Receive the rod of virtue," etc. After this, the archbishop blessed the king, saying, "May God bless you," etc.

These things doone, the king kissed the bishops and abbats, by whome he was lead afterwards vnto his seat, the bishops beginning to sing (Te Deum) which ended, the archbishop said to him, Sta & retine amodo locum, &c. When these things were finished, they began masse, the bishop of Worcester read the epistle, and the bishop of Elie the gospell. At the offertorie, the king rose from his seat, and was brought to offer. He therfore offered first his sword, and after so much gold as he would, but no lesse than a marke, by reason of the custome; for more he might offer to God and S. Peter, but lesse he could not. After this, he offered bread and wine, with which he and the archbishop did after communicate. This doone, the earle, to whome it apperteined to beare the sword before the king, redéemed the sword which the king had offered with monie, and receiuing the same, bare it afore the king. When masse should be soong, the king was brought againe to the altar, & there knéeling downe, and saieng Confiteor to the archbishop, did communicate, and so was brought backe to his seat. The wardens of the cinque ports by their office, as well in time of the procession, as when he was annointed also at masse time, and as he returned from the church to the palace to dinner, held ouer him a large canopie of blew veluet, fastened vnto foure staues at the foure corners.

Once all this was done, the king kissed the bishops and abbots, who then led him to his seat. The bishops started singing (Te Deum) and when it finished, the archbishop said to him, "Stand and keep your place from now on," etc. After these events, they began the mass. The bishop of Worcester read the epistle, and the bishop of Ely read the gospel. During the offertory, the king stood up from his seat to make an offering. He first offered his sword, and then as much gold as he desired, but no less than a mark, due to tradition; he could offer more to God and St. Peter, but not less. Following that, he offered bread and wine, with which he and the archbishop later communicated. After this, the earl, who was responsible for bearing the sword before the king, redeemed the sword that the king had offered with money, and taking it, carried it before the king. When it was time for the mass to be sung, the king was brought back to the altar, and there, kneeling down and saying Confiteor to the archbishop, he communicated, and then was taken back to his seat. The wardens of the cinque ports, by their duty, held a large canopy of blue velvet over him during the procession, while he was anointed, and as he returned from the church to the palace for dinner, with it fastened to four staves at each corner.

In the meane time, sir Iohn Dimmocke that claimed to be the kings champion, had béen at the kings armorie and stable, where he had chosen according to his tenure, the best armour saue one, and the best stéed saue one: albeit, sir Baldwine Freuill claimed the same office, but could not obteine it; so that the said sir Iohn Dimmocke hauing armed himselfe, and being mounted on horssebacke, came to the abbeie gates, with two riding before him, the one carrieng his speare, and the other his shield, staieng there till masse should be ended. But the lord Henrie Percie lord marshall, appointed to make waie before the king with the duke of Lancaster lord Steward, the lord Thomas of Woodstoke lord constable, and the lord marshals brother sir Thomas Percie, being all mounted on great horsses, came to the knight, and told him, that he ought not to come at that time, but when the king was at dinner, and therefore it should be good for him to vnarme himselfe for a while, and take his ease and rest, till the appointed time were come.

In the meantime, Sir John Dimmock, who claimed to be the king's champion, had been at the king's armory and stables, where he selected the best armor except for one piece, and the best horse except for one. Although Sir Baldwin Freville claimed the same position, he was unable to secure it. So, Sir John Dimmock, having put on his armor and mounted his horse, arrived at the abbey gates with two attendants—one carrying his spear and the other his shield—waiting there until mass was over. But Lord Henry Percy, the Lord Marshal, along with the Duke of Lancaster, the Lord Steward, Lord Thomas of Woodstock, the Lord Constable, and the Lord Marshal's brother, Sir Thomas Percy, all mounted on powerful horses, approached the knight and told him he should not come at that time, but instead wait until the king was having dinner. They advised him to take off his armor for a bit and relax until it was time for him to appear.

The knight did as the lord marshall willed him, and so after his departure, the king hauing those lords riding afore him, was borne on knights shoulders vnto his palace, and so had to his chamber, where he rested a while, being somewhat faint with trauell, and tooke a small refection. After this, comming into the hall, he created foure new earles, before he sat downe to meat; to wit, his vncle the lord Thomas de Wodstoke earle of Buckingham, to whome he gaue a thousand marks a yeare out of his treasurie, till he prouided him of lands to the like value. The lord Guishard de Engolesme, that had béene his tutor, was created earle of Huntington, to whome he gaue likewise a thousand marks annuitie, till he were prouided of lands of like value. The lord Mowbraie was created earle of Nottingham, and the lord Henrie Percie earle of North­um­ber­land. He made also nine knights the same daie.

The knight did what the lord marshal asked him, and after he left, the king, with those lords riding ahead of him, was carried on knights' shoulders to his palace. He was taken to his chamber, where he rested for a while, feeling a bit exhausted from his travels, and had a light meal. After that, he came into the hall and appointed four new earls before sitting down to eat. His uncle, Lord Thomas de Woodstock, Earl of Buckingham, received a thousand marks a year from his treasury until he could provide him with land of similar value. Lord Guishard de Engolesmes, who had been his tutor, was made Earl of Huntington, and he also received a thousand marks annually until he was provided with lands of equal value. Lord Mowbray became Earl of Nottingham, and Lord Henry Percy became Earl of Northumberland. He also made nine knights that same day.

To shew what roiall seruice was at this feast, it passeth our vnderstanding to describe: |715| but to conclude, the fare was excéeding sumptuous, and the furniture princelie in all things, that if the same should be rehearsed, the reader would perhaps doubt of the truth therof.  ¶ In the midst of the kings palace was a marble pillar raised hollow vpon steps, on the top whereof was a great gilt eagle placed, vnder whose feet in the chapiter of the pillar, diuers kinds of wine came gushing foorth at foure seuerall places all the daie long, neither was anie forbidden to receiue the same, were he neuer so poor or abiect. On the morrow after the coronation, there was a generall procession of the archbishop, bishop, and abbats then present, with the lords, and a great multitude of people, to praie for the king and the peace of the kingdome.

To show what royal service was at this feast is beyond our understanding to describe: |715| but to sum it up, the food was incredibly lavish, and the decorations were regal in every way, so much so that if it were recounted, the reader might doubt its truth. On the center of the king's palace stood a hollow marble pillar raised on steps, topped with a large gilt eagle. Beneath the eagle's feet, various types of wine poured out from four different places all day long, and anyone was free to take some, no matter how poor or lowly they were. The day after the coronation, there was a grand procession with the archbishop, bishop, and abbots present, accompanied by the lords and a large crowd of people, to pray for the king and the peace of the kingdom.

At the going foorth of this procession, the bishop of Rochester preached, exhorting them, that the dissentions and discords which had long continued betwixt the people and their superiours, might be appeased and forgotten, proouing by manie arguments, that the same highlie displeased God. He admonished the lords, not to be so extreme and hard towards the people. On the other part, he exhorted the people in necessarie causes, for the aid of the king and realme, chéerefullie, and without grudging, to put to their helping hands, according to their bounden duties. He further exhorted those in generall that were appointed to be about the king, that they should forsake vice, and studie to liue in cleanesse of life and vertue. For if by their example the king were trained to goodnesse, all should be well; but if he declined through their sufferance from the right waie, the people and kingdome were like to fall in danger to perish. After the sermon and procession were ended, the lords and prelats went to their lodgings.

At the start of this procession, the bishop of Rochester preached, urging them to settle and forget the long-standing disagreements and conflicts between the people and their superiors, arguing that these issues greatly angered God. He warned the lords not to be so harsh and unyielding towards the people. Conversely, he encouraged the people to willingly and cheerfully assist the king and the realm in necessary matters, without resentment, fulfilling their duties. He also urged those who were around the king to abandon vice and strive to live lives of purity and virtue. If the king was guided towards goodness by their example, everything would be alright; but if he strayed from the right path because of their neglect, both the people and the kingdom would be at risk of destruction. Once the sermon and procession concluded, the lords and prelates returned to their quarters.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Rie burnt by ye Frenchmen.

Rie burned by the Frenchmen.

Tho. Wals.

Tho. Wals.

The Frenchmen spoile the Ile of Wight. Sir Hugh Tirrell.

The Frenchmen are raiding the Isle of Wight. Sir Hugh Tirrell.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Tho. Walsi.

Tho. Walsi.

Portsmouth, Dartmouth, & Plimmouth, burnt by the French.

Portsmouth, Dartmouth, & Plimmouth, burned by the French.

But now, bicause the Englishmen should haue their ioies mingled with some sorrowes, it chanced that the Frenchmen (which about the same time that the kings grandfather departed this life, were wafting on the seas) within six or seauen daies after his deceasse, burnt the towne of Rie. Wherevpon, immediatlie after the coronation, the earles of Cambridge and Buckingham were sent with a power vnto Douer, and the earle of Salisburie vnto Southampton: but in the meane time, to wit, the one and twentith of August, the Frenchmen entring the Ile of Wight, burnt diuerse townes in the same. And though they were repelled from the castell, by the valiant manhood of sir Hugh Tirrell capteine thereof, who laid no small number of them on the ground; yet they constreined the men of the Ile to giue them a thousand marks of siluer to saue the residue of their houses and goods, and so they departed from thence, sailing still along the costs, and where they saw aduantage, set on land, burning sundrie towns néere to the shore, as Portesmouth, Dartmouth, and Plimmouth.

But now, because the English needed to mix their joys with some sorrows, it happened that the French, who were sailing at the same time the king's grandfather passed away, burned the town of Rye just six or seven days after his death. Following this, immediately after the coronation, the earls of Cambridge and Buckingham were sent with an army to Dover, and the earl of Salisbury to Southampton. Meanwhile, on August 21st, the French entered the Isle of Wight and burned several towns there. Although they were driven away from the castle by the brave Sir Hugh Tirrell, its captain, who took down quite a few of them, they forced the islanders to pay them a thousand marks in silver to save the rest of their houses and belongings. They then left, continuing along the coast, landing where they saw fit, and burning several towns near the shore, such as Portsmouth, Dartmouth, and Plymouth.

Hastings burnt.

Hastings is burnt.

An ouerthrow giuen by the Frēch to the Englishmen.

An overthrow given by the French to the English.

They made countenance also to haue set on Southampton, if sir Iohn Arundell, brother to the earle of Arundell had not beene readie there with a number of men of armes and archers, by whome the towne was defended, and the enimies chased to their ships. From thence the Frenchmen departed, and sailing towards Douer, burnt Hastings; but Winchelsie they could not win, being valiantlie defended by the abbat of Battell, and others. After this, they landed one day not far from the abbeie of Lewes, at a place called Rottington, where the prior of Lewes, and two knights, the one named sir Thomas Cheinie, and the other sir Iohn Falleslie, hauing assembled a number of the countrie people, incountred the Frenchmen, but were ouerthrowen; so that there were slaine about an hundred Englishmen; and the prior, with the two knights, and an esquier called Iohn Brokas, were taken prisoners, but yet the Frenchmen lost a great number of their owne men at this conflict, and so with their prisoners retired to their ships and gallies, and after returned into France.

They also planned to attack Southampton, but Sir John Arundell, brother of the Earl of Arundel, was ready there with a group of knights and archers, who defended the town and chased the enemies back to their ships. After that, the French left and, sailing towards Dover, burned Hastings; however, they were unable to take Winchelsea, which was bravely defended by the Abbot of Battle and others. Later, they landed one day not far from the Abbey of Lewes, at a place called Rottington, where the Prior of Lewes and two knights, one named Sir Thomas Cheynie and the other Sir John Falleslie, gathered a number of local people to confront the French. Unfortunately, they were defeated, resulting in about a hundred Englishmen killed; the Prior, the two knights, and a squire named John Brokas were captured. Still, the French lost a significant number of their own men in this battle, and they withdrew to their ships and galleys before returning to France.

Polydor.

Polydor.

The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Cambridge appointed protectors.

The Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Cambridge appointed protectors.

In Angl. præl.

In Angl. præl.

But now touching the dooings about the new K. You shall vnderstand, that by reason of his yoong yeares, as yet he was not able to gouerne himselfe, and therefore Iohn duke of Lancaster, and Edmund earle of Cambridge, with other péeres of the realme, were appointed to haue the ad­min­is­tra­tion. He was of good disposition and towardnesse, but his age being readie to incline which way soeuer a man should bend it, those that were |716| appointed to haue the gouernement of his person, did what laie in them now at the first, to keepe him from all maner of light demeanor. But afterwards, when euerie one began to studie more for his owne priuate commoditie, than for the aduancement of the commonwealth, they set open the gates to other, which being readie to corrupt his good nature, by little and little grew familiar with him, and dimming the brightnesse of true honour, with the counterfeit shine of the contrarie, so maskered his vnderstanding, that in the end they brought him to tract the steps of lewd demeanour, and so were causers both of his and their owne destruction. This séemeth to be touched by C. Okland, who speaking of the death of the old king and the erection of the new, saith of him according to our annales, as followeth:

But now regarding the actions surrounding the new King, you should know that due to his young age, he was not yet capable of governing himself. Therefore, John Duke of Lancaster and Edmund Earl of Cambridge, along with other peers of the realm, were assigned to administer on his behalf. He had a good nature and potential, but his youth made him easily influenced by those around him. The individuals tasked with overseeing him initially did their best to keep him away from any kind of reckless behavior. However, as time went on, everyone began to prioritize their own interests over the well-being of the kingdom. They opened the gates to others who were ready to corrupt his good nature, and gradually became more familiar with him. This tainted his understanding, and eventually led him down a path of immoral behavior, causing both his downfall and theirs. This seems to be reflected by C. Okland, who, speaking of the old king’s death and the rise of the new king, mentions him according to our records, as follows:

Vndecimum puer hic nondum transegerat annum,

Vndecimum puer hic nondum transegerat annum,

Cùm iuuenile caput gessit diademate cinctum.

Cùm iuuenile caput gessit diademate cinctum.

Qui postquam princeps iustis adoleuerat annis,

Qui postquam princeps iustis adoleuerat annis,

Dicere non facile est quantum distaret auitis

Dicere non facile est quantum distaret auitis

Moribus atque animo, fuit hic quàm disparemente,

Moribus atque animo, fui aquí tan disparadamente,

Dissimili ingenio claræ matríque patríque.

Different genius from mother and father.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Berwicke castell woone by the Scots.

Berwick Castle lived in by the Scots.

Berwike castell recouered by the Englishmen.

Berwick Castle recovered by the English.

The Frenchmen not ignorant of such mischéefes as were like to grow in England, suffered no time to passe, but tooke occasions of aduantage when they were offered.  ¶ Among other enterprises I find, that shortlie after the deceasse of king Edward, the duke of Burgognie wan Arde, and two or three other fortresses in those marches. The Scots this yeare also wan the castell of Berwike by stealth one morning, but shortlie vpon knowledge had, the earles of North­um­ber­land and Notingham, the lords Neuill, Lucie, Graistoke, & Stafford, with other lords, knights, and esquiers, came with their powers in all hast thither, and entring the towne, besieged the castell, and finallie, assaulting them that kept it, wan it of them by force, and slue all those Scotishmen which they found within it, except Alexander Ramsie their capteine. When the Englishmen had thus recouered the castell, they entred into Scotland, in hope to find the Scots, and to fight with them whom they knew to be assembled.

The French, aware of the troubles likely to arise in England, wasted no time and seized every opportunity that came their way. Among other actions, I found that shortly after King Edward's death, the Duke of Burgundy captured Arde and a couple of other fortresses in that region. That year, the Scots also stealthily took the castle of Berwick one morning, but as soon as it was discovered, the Earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, along with Lords Nevill, Lucie, Graistoke, and Stafford, and other lords, knights, and squires, rushed there with their forces. They entered the town, laid siege to the castle, and ultimately attacked those defending it, capturing it by force and killing all the Scots they found inside, except for their captain, Alexander Ramsie. After reclaiming the castle, the Englishmen entered Scotland, hoping to find the Scots and engage them in battle, knowing they were gathered together.

An ouerthrow giuen by the Scots to the Englishmen.

An overthrow dealt by the Scots to the Englishmen.

The siege of Mortaigne raised.

The siege of Mortaigne increased.

The English host was thrée thousand men of armes, & seuen thousand archers, but they sent foorth sir Thomas Musgraue with thrée hundred speares, and thrée hundred archers, to Meuros, to trie if he might vnderstand any thing of the Scots in those parts, with whom the earle Dowglas, hauing with him seuen hundred speares, and two thousand of other called yomen with glaiues and other weapons, incountered by chance and distressed him & his companie. Sir Thomas Musgraue himselfe, and six score other, were taken prisoners, besides those that were slaine, the residue escaped by flight, making the best shift they could for themselues. The lord Neuill, sir Thomas Triuet, sir William Scrope, and diuerse other valiant capteins of England, were sent into Gascoigne this yeare, which first landed at Burdeaux, on the euen of the Natiuitie of our ladie, where after they had rested them a while, they went and raised the siege, which the Frenchmen had held before Mortaigne in Poictou a long time before.

The English army had three thousand knights and seven thousand archers, but they sent out Sir Thomas Musgrave with three hundred lancers and three hundred archers to Meuros to see if he could gather any information about the Scots in those areas. The Earl Douglas, leading seven hundred lancers and two thousand other men armed with swords and other weapons, encountered him by chance and overwhelmed him and his troops. Sir Thomas Musgrave and sixty others were captured, in addition to those who were killed; the rest escaped by fleeing, doing their best to save themselves. This year, Lord Nevill, Sir Thomas Trivet, Sir William Scrope, and several other brave commanders from England were sent to Gascony, landing at Bordeaux on the eve of the Nativity of Our Lady. After resting for a while, they went and lifted the siege that the French had maintained near Mortaigne in Poitou for a long time.

Gouernour of this siege at the first, was Yuan or Owen of Wales, but he was murthered one morning as he sat alone viewing the castell, and combing his head, by one of his owne countriemen, which vnder colour to serue him, was become with him verie familiar. This Owen or Yuan whether ye will (for all is one) was sonne to a noble man of Wales, whom K. Edward had put to death for some offense by him committed, where this Yuan got him into France, being as then verie yoong, and was brought vp in the French court, and prooued an expert man of warre, so that great lamentation was made for his death by the Frenchmen. But the Englishmen, although they misliked the maner of his death, yet they were not greatlie sorrowfull for the chance, sith they were rid thereby of an extreame enimie.

The governor of this siege at first was Yuan or Owen of Wales, but he was murdered one morning while sitting alone and combing his hair, by one of his own countrymen, who, under the pretense of serving him, had become very familiar with him. This Owen or Yuan, whichever you prefer (since they're the same), was the son of a nobleman from Wales, whom King Edward had executed for some offense he committed. After that, Yuan went to France, being very young at the time, and was raised in the French court, proving to be an expert at war, so the French made a great lament for his death. However, the English, although they disapproved of how he died, were not very sorrowful about it since they were rid of a fierce enemy.

A parlement. Thom. Wals.

A parliament. Thom. Wals.

After that the Englishmen had raised the Frenchmen from the siege of Mortaigne, they returned to Burdeaux, and after recouered sundrie castels and fortresses in the marches of |717| Burdelois, and about Baionne. Also they aided the king of Nauarre, against the king of Castile, and made a road into the confines of Castile. But shortlie after, a peace was concluded betwixt those two kings, so that the lord Charles of Nauarre should marrie the daughter of the king of Castile vpon certeine conditions: and so the Englishmen had their wages trulie paid them to their full contentation, and therevpon returned. About Michaelmasse began a parlement that was summoned at Westminster, which continued till the feast of saint Andrew. In this parlement the foresaid sir Peter de la Mere and other the knights that had beene so earnest against dame Alice Peres in the last parlement holden by king Edward the third, so prosecuted the same cause now in this parlement, that the said dame Alice Peres was banished the realme, and all hir goods mooueable and vnmooueable forfeited to the king, bicause contrarie to that she had promised by oth in the said last parlement, she had presumed to come within the court, and to obteine of the king what soeuer was to hir liking.

After the English troops lifted the siege of Mortaigne from the French, they returned to Bordeaux and regained several castles and fortresses in the Bordeaux region and around Bayonne. They also assisted the King of Navarre against the King of Castile and advanced into the territory of Castile. Shortly after, a peace agreement was reached between the two kings, which included the marriage of Lord Charles of Navarre to the daughter of the King of Castile under certain conditions. As a result, the English soldiers received their payments in full and returned home. Around Michaelmas, a parliament was summoned at Westminster, which lasted until the Feast of Saint Andrew. In this parliament, Sir Peter de la Mere and other knights who had previously opposed Dame Alice Peres during the last parliament held by King Edward III pressed the same case again. Consequently, Dame Alice Peres was banished from the kingdom, and all her movable and immovable goods were forfeited to the king because she had breached her oath from the last parliament by presuming to enter the court and seeking favors from the king.

Two citizens of London appointed to kéepe the subsidie granted by parlement.

Two citizens of London were appointed to manage the subsidy granted by Parliament.

Sir Hugh Caluerlie a valiant capteine.

Sir Hugh Caluerlie a brave captain.

There were two tenths granted by the clergie to the king in this parlement, and two fiftéenes of the temporaltie, to be paid the same yeare; and two citizens of London, William Walworth, and Iohn Philpot were appointed to haue the kéeping of that monie, to the end it might be imploied to the kings necessarie vses, for the defense of the realme. Sir Hugh Caluerlie being deputie of Calis, comming one morning to Bullongne, burnt certeine ships which laie there in the hauen, to the number of six and twentie, besides two proper barkes, being vessels of no small accompt: and hauing spoiled and burnt the most part of the base towne, he returned to Calis with a great rich bootie of goods and cattell.

There were two tenths given by the clergy to the king in this parliament, along with two fifteens of the temporal funds, to be paid the same year. Two citizens of London, William Walworth and John Philpot, were appointed to manage that money so it could be used for the king's necessary purposes, for the defense of the realm. Sir Hugh Calverlie, the deputy of Calais, came to Boulogne one morning and burned certain ships that were lying in the harbor, totaling twenty-six ships, in addition to two sizable vessels that were quite significant. After burning and plundering most of the lower town, he returned to Calais with a great amount of valuable goods and livestock.

Marke castell recouered by sir Hugh Caluerlie, the same daie it was lost.

Marke Castle was recovered by Sir Hugh Caluerlie on the same day it was lost.

Also, where the castell of Marke, in the absence of the capteine sir Robert de Salle, that was gone ouer into England, was lost through negligence of them that were left in charge within it; the same sir Hugh Caluerlie made such spéed in the matter, that he recouered it againe the same daie it was lost, by force of assault, taking the Frenchmen prisoners that were gotten into it, and hanging certeine Picards stipendarie soldiers in the said castell, vnder the said sir Robert de Salle, for that whilest the Englishmen were gone foorth, to see the shooting of a match which they had made amongst themselues, a little off from the castell, those Picards being left within, shut the gates against them, and receiued in the Frenchmen, with whome they had practised in treason, kéeping the Englishmen foorth, to whom the safe kéeping of that castell was committed.

Also, when the castle of Marke was lost due to the negligence of those left in charge while Captain Sir Robert de Salle was away in England, Sir Hugh Caluerlie acted quickly and managed to reclaim it on the same day it was lost. He launched an assault, capturing the French soldiers who had entered the castle and executing certain Picard mercenaries under Sir Robert de Salle's command. These Picards had shut the gates against the Englishmen while they were outside watching a match they had arranged among themselves, allowing the French in and keeping the Englishmen out, even though the safe keeping of the castle was entrusted to them.

1378.

Iohn Wickliffe.

John Wycliffe.

Hen. de Knighton canon abbat. Leicest. in annalib. de Rich. secundo.

Hen. de Knighton canon abbat. Leicest. in annals of Richard the Second.

This yeare was a bull sent from the pope vnto the vniuersitie of Oxenford, to apprehend Iohn Wickliffe, parson of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, within the diocesse of Lincolne. Also, there were other bulles to the same effect, sent vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London. Likewise to the king were letters directed from the pope, to require his fauour against the said Wickliffe, so greeuouslie was the pope incensed against him, and not without cause, for if his conclusions in doctrine tooke effect, he well perceiued his papisticall authoritie would shortlie decaie. As for the popish cleargie, to them not onelie the sect but also the name of Wickliffe was so odious, that in recording his opinions and sectaries, they excéed the bounds of all modestie, aggrauating such reports as they infer concerning him or his with more than hyperbolicall lies: as appeereth by that long and tedious discourse which he wrote, that compiling certeine annales intituled De euentibus Angliæ, prefixeth this verse in the front of his volume, in letters of red vermilon, as desiring to haue his name notoriouslie knowne to the world;

This year, a bull was sent from the pope to the University of Oxford to capture John Wycliffe, the parish priest of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, located within the diocese of Lincoln. Additionally, there were other bulls sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London for the same purpose. The pope also sent letters to the king requesting his support against Wycliffe, as the pope was extremely angry with him, and with good reason, since he realized that if Wycliffe's doctrines gained traction, his papal authority would quickly decline. For the papal clergy, not only was the sect but also the name of Wycliffe so detestable that when recording his beliefs and followers, they exceeded all bounds of decency, exaggerating their claims with outright lies. This is evident from the long and tedious writing he produced, compiling certain annals titled De eventibus Angliæ, which opens with this verse in bright red letters, seemingly to make his name widely known to the world;

Autoris nomen capitales litteræ pandunt:

Autoris names in capital letters:

He (I say) in that copious treatise hauing spoken as maliciouslie & viperouslie as he might both of Wickliffes life, which he concludeth to be lewd; of his opinions, which he auoucheth to be hereticall; and of his fauourers and followers, to whom (at his pleasure) he giueth vnreuerent epithets (all which to prosecute at length, as by him they are in ample sort laid downe, would but detect the mans malignitie, and procure an ouerthrow of credit to be attributed vnto his declarations) he maketh vp his mouth with a tristichon |718| of poeticall imitation, to bring Wickliffe and his adherents into perpetuall obloquie and defamation, saieng as followeth in verse and prose;

He (I say) in that lengthy treatise has spoken as maliciously and venomously as he could about Wickliffe's life, which he concludes is immoral; about his ideas, which he claims are heretical; and about his supporters and followers, to whom he (at his discretion) gives disrespectful labels (discussing all these points in detail, as he has laid them out extensively, would only reveal the man's spiteful nature and undermine the credibility of his statements). He wraps up with a trio of lines in poetic imitation to cast Wickliffe and his followers into lasting disgrace and slander, saying the following in verse and prose;

Si totum membrana solum, calamus nemus omne,

Si totum membrana solum, calamus nemus omne,

Et Thetis encaustum, scriptor & omnis homo,

Et Thetis encaustum, scriptor & omnis homo,

Istorum facinus scribere non poterunt.

They will not be able to write about that crime.

Maledictus conuentus eorum, quoniam pertinax, propterea Deus destruat eos, in finem euellat, & emigrare faciat de tabernaculis fidelium suorum, & radicem eorum de terra regni; & hoc videant iusti, & lætentur; vt dicere possint; Ecce populus qui se exaltauit super electos doctores Domini, & sperauit in multitudine vanitatis suæ: confundantur & pereant cum doctrina eorum in æternum, &c.

Cursed be their gathering, for it is persistent; may God destroy them, uproot them completely, and make them flee from the dwellings of His faithful, and remove their roots from the land of the kingdom. Let the righteous see this and rejoice, so they can say: Look at the people who exalted themselves over the chosen teachers of the Lord and hoped in their multitude of worthless beliefs: may they be confounded and perish forever with their teachings, etc.

The nauie setteth foorth, and is beaten backe by tempest.

The ship sets out but is pushed back by a storm.

Exploits doone by sir Hugh Caluerlie.

Exploits done by Sir Hugh Caluerlie.

But of Wickliffes life and doctrine to read at large, I remit the reader to the acts and monuments of the church, published by maister Iohn Fox: and now will we returne to matters of state and policie. There went foorth this yeare a verie great nauie of ships to the sea, vnder the guiding of the earle of Buckingham, the duke of Britaine, the lord Latimer, the lord Fitz Walter, sir Robert Knolles, and other valiant capteins, meaning to haue intercepted the Spanish fléet that was gone to Sluse in Flanders, but thorough rage of tempest, and contrarie winds, they were driuen home, although twise they attempted their fortune: but sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputie of Calis, slept not his businesse, dooing still what displeasures he could to the Frenchmen. Shortlie after Christmasse, he spoiled the towne of Estaples the same daie the faire was kept there, to which a great number of merchants of Bullongne were come to make their markets, but the sellers had quicke vtterance, for that that might easilie be caried awaie, the Englishmen laid hands on, and caused the owners to redéeme the residue with great sums of monie, which they vndertooke to paie; or else sir Hugh threatned to haue burnt all that was left, togither with the houses.

But for a detailed account of Wickliffe's life and teachings, I direct the reader to the "Acts and Monuments of the Church" published by Master John Fox. Now, let’s return to matters of state and politics. This year, a large fleet of ships set out to sea under the leadership of the Earl of Buckingham, the Duke of Brittany, Lord Latimer, Lord Fitz Walter, Sir Robert Knolles, and other brave captains, with the intention of intercepting the Spanish fleet that had gone to Sluis in Flanders. However, due to the fury of the storm and unfavorable winds, they were forced to return home, even though they tried their luck twice. Meanwhile, Sir Hugh Calverley, the deputy of Calais, didn’t waste any time and did everything he could to trouble the French. Shortly after Christmas, he raided the town of Étaples on the same day that the fair was being held there, attracting many merchants from Boulogne to do their trading. The sellers quickly moved their goods, as the English seized anything that could be easily carried away and made the owners pay large sums of money to recover what was left; otherwise, Sir Hugh threatened to burn everything that remained, along with the houses.

The duke of Lancaster misliking the manners of the court, getteth himselfe home to ye castell of Killingworth.

The Duke of Lancaster, disapproving of the court's behavior, heads back home to the castle of Killingworth.

Yée haue heard, how at the first the duke of Lancaster was one of the chéefe about the yoong king in gouernement of his person and realme, who prudentlie considering, that sith there must néeds be an alteration in the state, & doubting least if any thing chanced otherwise than well, the fault and blame might be chéefelie imputed to him, and thanks (howsoeuer things went) he looked for none, he gaue therefore the slip, obteining licence of the king to depart, and so got him home to his castell of Killingworth, permitting other to haue the whole swaie: for before his departure from the court, there were with his consent ordeined such as should be attending on the kings person, and haue the rule and ordering of matters perteining to the state, as William Courtnie, then bishop of London (though shortlie after remooued to the archbishops see of Canturburie) Edmund Mortimer earle of March, & diuerse other, of whome the people had conceiued a good opinion: but yet bicause the bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Latimer were admitted amongst the residue, the commons murmured greatlie against them.

You have heard how initially the Duke of Lancaster was one of the key figures in the young king's governance, concerning both his person and the realm. Understanding that there would inevitably be a change in the state and worrying that if anything went wrong, the blame would fall mainly on him—while he expected no thanks, regardless of how things turned out—he decided to step back. He received permission from the king to leave and returned to his castle at Killingworth, allowing others to take control. Before he left court, he agreed to have certain individuals appointed to attend to the king and manage state affairs, including William Courtenay, who was then the Bishop of London (though he was shortly thereafter moved to the Archdiocese of Canterbury), Edmund Mortimer, the Earl of March, and several others, whom the people held in high regard. However, because the Bishop of Salisbury and Lord Latimer were included among them, the commoners complained significantly about it.

The earle of North­um­ber­land resigned his office of lord marshall, in whose place succeeded sir Iohn Arundell, brother vnto the earle of Arundell.  ¶ The duke of Lancaster, although retired from the court, yet desirous to haue the monie in his hands that was granted the last parlement, at length obteined it, vpon promise to defend the realme from inuasion of all enimies for one yeares space: he therefore prouided a great nauie to go to the sea, hiring nine ships of Baionne, to assist his enterprise herein, the which in making saile hitherwards, incountred with the Spanish fléet, and tooke fouretéene vessels laden with wines and other merchandize. But in the meane time, one Mercer a Scotishman, with certeine saile of Scots, Frenchmen, and Spaniards, came to Scarburgh, and there tooke certeine ships, and led them awaie to the sea, as it were in reuenge of his fathers imprisonment, named Iohn Mercer, who before being caught by certeine ships of the north parts, and deliuered to the earle of North­um­ber­land, was committed to prison within the castell of Scarburgh.

The Earl of Northumberland resigned his position as Lord Marshal, and Sir John Arundell, brother of the Earl of Arundell, took over. The Duke of Lancaster, although he had stepped back from court, still wanted to get the money approved in the last parliament into his hands. Eventually, he secured it on the condition that he would defend the kingdom from invasion by all enemies for one year. He then organized a large fleet to go to sea, hiring nine ships from Bayonne to assist with his mission. As they set sail toward this region, they encountered the Spanish fleet and captured fourteen vessels loaded with wine and other goods. Meanwhile, a Scottish man named Mercer, along with a group of Scots, French, and Spaniards, arrived at Scarborough and took several ships, sailing them away as revenge for his father’s imprisonment. His father, also named John Mercer, had been captured by some ships from the northern regions and handed over to the Earl of Northumberland, ending up imprisoned in Scarborough Castle.

Iohn Philpot Alderman of London setteth foorth a fléet at his own charges, to recouer certeine English ships taken by the Scots.

Iohn Philpot, an Alderman of London, is funding a fleet himself to recover certain English ships taken by the Scots.

Iohn Philpot that worshipfull citizen of London, lamenting the negligence of them that should haue prouided against such in­con­uen­i­ences, made foorth a fléet at his owne charges, |719| stronglie furnished with men of warre and munition necessarie: the men of warre méeting with the same Mercer, accompanied with his owne ships, and fiftéene other Spaniards that were newlie ioined with him, set vpon them, and so valiantlie behaued themselues, that they tooke the said Mercer with all them that were then in his companie, so recouering againe the ships that were taken from Scarburgh, besides great riches which were found aboord, as well in the fiftéene Spanish ships, as the other that were of the old retinue, belonging to the same Mercer. Iohn Philpot was afterwards blamed of the lords, for presuming thus far, as to set foorth a nauie of men of warre, without the aduise of the kings councell: but he made his answer in such wise vnto the earle of Stafford, and others that laid the fault to his charge, that he was permitted to depart, without further trouble for that matter.

John Philpot, a respected citizen of London, regretting the negligence of those who were supposed to prevent such inconveniences, funded a fleet at his own expense, strongly equipped with soldiers and necessary ammunition. The warships encountered the same merchant, joined by his own ships and fifteen other Spaniards who had recently allied with him. They attacked with such bravery that they captured the merchant along with everyone in his company, recovering the ships that had been taken from Scarborough, as well as large amounts of wealth found on board, both in the fifteen Spanish ships and in the other ones that belonged to the merchant's original crew. Later, John Philpot was criticized by the lords for taking the initiative to assemble a naval fleet without the advice of the king's council. However, he replied to the Earl of Stafford and others who blamed him in such a way that he was allowed to leave without any further consequences regarding the matter.

Chierburg deliuered to the Englishmen.

Chierburg delivered to the English.

Additions to Adam Merimuth.

Additions to Adam Merimuth.

Before all such prouision as the duke of Lancaster prepared for his iournie to the sea could be readie, the earles of Salisburie and Arundell sailed ouer into Normandie, where, by such composition as was taken betwixt the king of England and the king of Nauarre, who of new was become enimie to the French king, the towne of Chierburg was deliuered vnto the said earles, who sending knowledge thereof backe into England, there were sent ouer such as should haue in charge the kéeping of that towne; and so the two earles returned.  ¶ We find, that the king of Nauarre, hauing beene heere in England with the king and his councell, had agréed with the king for a certeine yearelie rent, to demise vnto him the said fortresse of Chierburg, whereby the Englishmen might haue frée entrie into Normandie, when they would, as well to aid the king of Nauarre in his necessitie, as to worke anie enterprise that should be thought expedient to the aduantage of the king of England as occasion serued. But the obteining of possession of Chierburg brought not so much ioy to the English nation, as the mishap that happened at the going foorth of the said earles did cause lamentation and heauinesse.

Before all the preparations that the Duke of Lancaster made for his journey to the sea were ready, the Earls of Salisbury and Arundel sailed over to Normandy. There, by the agreement made between the King of England and the King of Navarre, who had recently become an enemy of the French king, the town of Cherbourg was given to the said earls. They sent word back to England, and those responsible for keeping the town were sent over; then the two earls returned. We find that the King of Navarre, having been here in England with the king and his council, had negotiated with the king for a certain annual rent to lease the fortress of Cherbourg to him, allowing the English to have free access into Normandy whenever they wished, both to assist the King of Navarre in his time of need and to carry out any ventures deemed beneficial for the King of England as the opportunity arose. However, the acquisition of Cherbourg did not bring as much joy to the English people as the misfortune that occurred during the departure of the said earls caused sorrow and grief.

The English nauie is ouermatched and ouercome by the Spanish fléet.

The English navy is outmatched and defeated by the Spanish fleet.

For vpon the first entring into the sea, it fortuned that sir Philip, and sir Peter Courtenie, discouered a certeine number of ships that were enimies, and vndiscréetlie entered amongst them, there suddenlie came vpon them the Spanish fléet, so that the English ships that were in companie with the said Philip and sir Peter, were not able to make their partie good, in somuch that finallie after that sir Philip had lost diuerse of his men that were there slaine, he got awaie by flight himselfe, though gréeuouslie wounded, but sir Peter was taken prisoner with a few other knights that were with him; and the most part of all the valiant esquiers of Summersetshire & Deuonshire, being there abroad with him, were slaine and drowned, which was estéemed no small losse to the whole com­mon-wealth.

As they first entered the sea, Sir Philip and Sir Peter Courtenie came across a number of enemy ships and carelessly ventured among them. Suddenly, the Spanish fleet appeared, leaving the English ships with Sir Philip and Sir Peter unable to fight back. Eventually, after Sir Philip lost several men who were killed, he managed to escape by fleeing, even though he was badly wounded. However, Sir Peter was captured along with a few other knights who were with him, and most of the brave squires from Somerset and Devon, who were out with him, were killed or drowned, which was considered a significant loss to the entire commonwealth.

Rokesburgh burnt by the Scots.

Rokesburgh burned by the Scots.

Thus were the Englishmen occupied in this first yeare of king Richard with troubles of warre, and not onelie against the Frenchmen, but also against the Scots. For euen in the beginning of the same yeare, the Scots burnt Rokesburgh, in reuenge whereof the new earle of North­um­ber­land entered Scotland with ten thousand men, and sore spoiled the lands of the earle of March for the space of thrée daies togither; bicause the said earle of March was the chéefe author and procurer of the burning of Rokesburgh, & so for that time th’ Englishmen were well reuenged of those enimies. But at an other time, when the Northerne men would néeds make a rode into Scotland, entring by the west borders, they were incountered by the Scots and put to flight, so that manie of them being slaine, the Scots tooke the more courage to inuade the borders, till at length, Edmund Mortimer earle of March came at the daie of truce, and tooke an abstinence of warre betwixt both nations for the time, though the same continued not long.

The English were busy during the first year of King Richard’s reign, facing troubles from war, not just against the French but also against the Scots. Right at the start of that year, the Scots burned down Rokesburgh. In retaliation, the new Earl of Northumberland led ten thousand men into Scotland and heavily damaged the lands of the Earl of March for three days, as the Earl of March was the main instigator behind the burning of Rokesburgh. For that time, the English felt they had successfully avenged themselves against their enemies. However, at another time, when Northern men tried to raid into Scotland through the western borders, they were met by the Scots and put to flight, with many of them killed. This gave the Scots more confidence to invade the borders. Eventually, Edmund Mortimer, the Earl of March, arrived during a truce day and called for a pause in hostility between both nations, although it didn’t last long.

An. Reg. 2.

The duke of Lācaster saileth into Britaine with a great power.

The Duke of Lancaster sails into Britain with a large force.

Additions to Adam Merimuth.

Additions to *Adam Merimuth.*

Hall & Shakerlie hath Grafton.

Hall & Shakerlie has Grafton.

Polydor.

Polydor.

Anon after Midsummer, the duke of Lancaster with a strong power tooke the sea, and landing in Britaine, besieged the towne of saint Mallo de Lisle, a fortresse of great importance. There went ouer with him the earles of Buckingham, Warwike, Stafford, and diuerse other of the English nobilitie, the which made their approches, and fiercelie assailed the towne, but it was so valiantlie defended, that in the end, the duke with his |720| armie raised from thence, and returned without atchiuing his purpose.  ¶ About the same time, there was a notable and hainous murther committed within saint Peters church at Westminster, by occasion of variance betwéene the lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferrers on the one partie, and two esquiers, the one called Robert Hall and the other Iohn Shakell on the other partie, about a prisoner which was taken at the battell of Nazers in Spaine, called the earle of Deane, who (as some write) was taken by one sir Franke de Hall at the said battell; and bicause he remained in his hands at the death of the said sir Franke, he bequeathed him vnto his sonne the said Robert Hall esquier.

Shortly after Midsummer, the Duke of Lancaster set sail with a powerful fleet and landed in Brittany, besieging the town of Saint-Malo-de-Lisle, a fortress of great significance. Accompanying him were the Earls of Buckingham, Warwick, Stafford, and several other members of the English nobility, who approached and fiercely attacked the town. However, it was defended so valiantly that in the end, the Duke lifted the siege and returned without achieving his goal. Around the same time, a notorious and heinous murder took place within Saint Peter's Church at Westminster due to a dispute between Lord Latimer and Sir Rafe Ferrers on one side, and two squires—one named Robert Hall and the other John Shakell—on the other side. The conflict was over a prisoner captured at the Battle of Nazers in Spain, known as the Earl of Deane, who, according to some accounts, was taken by Sir Frank de Hall during that battle. Because he remained in Frank's possession at the time of Frank's death, he was bequeathed to his son, the aforementioned Robert Hall, squire.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

But as other write, the said earle was taken by the said Robert Hall himselfe & Iohn Shakell iointlie, and iudged to be their lawfull prisoner, by the sentence of the prince of Wales, and sir Iohn Chandois that was master to the said esquiers. Wherevpon afterwards the said earle obteined so much fauor, that by leauing his sonne and heire in gage for his ransome, he returned into Spaine, to prouide monie to discharge it; but he was so slow in that matter, after he was at libertie, that he departed this life before he made any paiment, and so his lands fell to his sonne that remained in gage for the monie with the two esquiers. Wherevpon it happened afterwards, that the duke of Lancaster, desirous to haue the yoong earle in his hands (in hope through his meanes the better to accomplish his enterprise which he meant to take in hand against the king of Castile, for the right of that kingdome) procured his nephue king Richard to require the said earle of Deane, at the hands of the said esquiers.

But as others write, the said earl was captured by Robert Hall himself and John Shakell together, and was judged to be their lawful prisoner, by the decree of the Prince of Wales and Sir John Chandois, who was the master of the said squires. Afterwards, the earl gained enough favor that by leaving his son and heir as a pledge for his ransom, he returned to Spain to gather the money to pay it. However, he was so slow in this matter after regaining his freedom that he passed away before making any payment, and as a result, his lands went to his son, who remained as collateral for the money with the two squires. This led to the Duke of Lancaster, eager to have the young earl in his control (hoping that through him he could better accomplish his plans against the King of Castile for the claim to that kingdom), persuading his nephew King Richard to demand the said Earl of Deane from the hands of the squires.

But they refused to deliuer him, keeping their prisoner foorth of the waie, so that none wist were he was become: the esquiers therefore were committed to the tower, out of the which they escaped vnto Westminster, and there registred themselues for sanctuarie men. The duke of Lancaster was herewith sore offended, and their enimies the said lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferrers tooke counsell togither, with sir Alane Boxhull and others, how they might be reuenged of this despite. This sir Alane Boxhull was constable of the tower, and therefore it greeued him not a little, that the esquiers had broken from him and kept themselues thus at Westminster, vnder protection of that priuileged place. Herevpon it was concluded, that sir Rafe Ferrers, and the said Alane Boxhull, taking with them certeine men in armour, to the number of fiftie persons, should go and fetch them by force from Westminster, vnto the tower againe.

But they refused to hand him over, keeping their prisoner out of sight so that no one knew where he was. The knights were therefore imprisoned in the tower, from which they escaped to Westminster, where they registered themselves as sanctuary men. The Duke of Lancaster was very upset about this, and their enemies, Lord Latimer and Sir Rafe Ferrers, met to discuss how they could take revenge for this offense. Sir Alane Boxhull, the constable of the tower, was not pleased that the knights had escaped from him and were hiding at Westminster under the protection of that privileged place. It was then decided that Sir Rafe Ferrers and Sir Alane Boxhull, along with about fifty armed men, would go and forcibly retrieve them from Westminster and bring them back to the tower.

The morrow therefore after saint Laurence daie, being the eleuenth of August, these two knights accompanied with certeine of the kings seruants and other, to the number afore mentioned, came into the church at Westminster, whilest the said esquiers were there hearing of high masse, which was then in celebrating; and first laieng hands vpon Iohn Shakell, vsed the matter so with him, that they drew him foorth of the church, and led him streight to the tower. But when they came to Robert Hall, and fell in reasoning with him, he would not suffer them to come within his reach, and perceiuing they meant to take him by force, he drew out a falcheon or short sword which he had girt to him, and therewith laid so fréelie about him, trauersing twise round about the moonks quier, that till they had beset him on ech side, they could doo him no hurt.

The day after St. Laurence's Day, which is August 11th, these two knights, along with some of the king's servants and others, came into Westminster Abbey while the squires were there attending high mass. They first grabbed John Shakell and managed to pull him out of the church, leading him straight to the Tower. However, when they approached Robert Hall to confront him, he wouldn’t let them get close. Realizing they intended to force him, he drew a falchion, or short sword, that he had at his side and defended himself so well that he spun around the monks' choir twice, and as they surrounded him on all sides, they couldn’t harm him at all.

A cruell murther in Westminster church.

A cruel murder in Westminster church.

Howbeit, at length when they had got him at that aduantage, one of them cloue his head to the verie braines, and an other thrust him through the bodie behind with a sword, and so they murthered him among them. They slue also one of the moonkes that would haue had them to haue saued the esquiers life. Much adoo was about this matter, for the breaking thus of the sanctuarie, in somuch that the archbishop of Canturburie, and fiue other bishops his suffragans, openlie pronounced all them that were present at this murder accurssed, and likewise all such as aided or counselled them to it, cheeflie and namelie sir Alane Boxhull, and sir Rafe Ferrers, capteins and leaders of them. The king, the queene, and the duke of Lancaster were yet excepted by speciall names. The bishop of London a long time after, euerie sundaie, wednesdaie, and fridaie, pronounced this ex­com­mun­i­ca­tion in the church of S. Paule at London. |721|

However, eventually, when they had him at that advantage, one of them struck his head directly to the brain, and another stabbed him through the body from behind with a sword, and thus they murdered him among themselves. They also killed one of the monks who had tried to intervene to save the squire's life. There was much fuss about this matter due to the breaking of sanctuary, to the extent that the Archbishop of Canterbury, along with five other bishops under him, publicly declared all those present at this murder cursed, as well as all who aided or advised them, especially Sir Alane Boxhull and Sir Rafe Ferrers, their captains and leaders. The king, queen, and Duke of Lancaster were specifically excluded by name. The Bishop of London, for a long time afterward, pronounced this excommunication every Sunday, Wednesday, and Friday at St. Paul's Church in London. |721|

The duke of Lancaster (though excepted in the same) yet in behalfe of his fréends was not a little offended with the bishops dooings, in so much that in a councell holden at Windsore (to the which the bishop of London was called, but would not come, nor yet ceasse the pronouncing of the cursse, albeit the king had requested him by his letters) the duke said openlie, that the bishops froward dealings were not to be borne with, but (saith he) if the king would command me, I would gladlie go to London, and fetch that disobedient prelat, in dispite of those ribaulds (for so he termed them) the Londoners. These words procured the duke much euill will, as well of the Londoners, as of other: for it was commonlie said, that whatsoeuer had béene doone at Westminster, concerning the murther there committed in the church, was doone by his commandement.

The Duke of Lancaster, although excluded from the matter, was quite upset on behalf of his friends regarding the bishops' actions. During a council held at Windsor, to which the Bishop of London was summoned but refused to attend, continuing instead to pronounce the curse despite the king's request through his letters, the duke openly stated that the bishops' stubborn behavior was intolerable. He said, "If the king commanded me, I would gladly go to London and bring that disobedient prelate here, despite those rascals," referring to the Londoners. His words earned the duke a lot of resentment from both the Londoners and others, as it was often said that whatever had happened at Westminster concerning the murder committed in the church was done at his command.

A parlement at Glocester.

A meeting in Gloucester.

About the feast of S. Luke, a parlement was holden at Glocester, for the displeasure (as was thought) which some of the councell had conceiued against the Londoners, or rather (as some tooke it) for feare of them, least if any thing were doone contrarie to their minds, they should be about to hinder it, if the parlement had beene kept neere them: for manie things (as some iudged) were meant to haue beene put foorth and concluded in this parlement, albeit few in effect came to passe of those matters that were surmised, sauing that it was inacted, that the king should haue a marke of the merchants for euerie sacke of their woolles, for this present yeare; and for euerie pounds worth of wares that was brought in from beyond the seas, and here sold, six pence of the buiers.  ¶ Also, certeine priuileges were granted in this parlement to mer­chant-stran­gers, that they might buie and sell in grosse, or by retaile within this realme, as in the printed booke of statutes it appeareth.

About the feast of St. Luke, a parliament took place in Gloucester, supposedly due to the resentment that some council members felt toward the Londonders, or rather, as some believed, out of fear of them. They thought that if anything contrary to their wishes happened, the Londoners would interfere, especially if the parliament had been held closer to them. Many things were rumored to be discussed and decided during this parliament, but in reality, only a few of those matters actually went through. One decision made was that the king would receive a mark from the merchants for every sack of wool for this year, and for every pound's worth of goods brought in from abroad and sold here, the buyers would pay six pence. Additionally, certain privileges were granted in this parliament to foreign merchants, allowing them to buy and sell in bulk or retail within this realm, as stated in the printed book of statutes.

The pope sendeth to the king for aid.

The pope sends a message to the king asking for help.

Berwike castell woone by the Scots.

Berwick Castle is occupied by the Scots.

This yeare came messengers from the new elected pope Vrbane, with letters to require kings assistance and aid against such cardinals as he named schismatikes, that had elected an other pope whome they named Clement, which cardinals sent likewise their messengers with letters, to beséech the king to aid them with his fauourable assistance: but through persuasion of the archbishop of Canturburie, Vrbans request was granted, and Clements reiected. About the same time, to wit, on thursdaie before the feast of S. Andrew th’ apostle, the Scots by stelth entred by night into the castell of Berwike, and slue sir Robert Bointon, a right valiant knight, that was constable thereof, permitting his wife, children, and seruants to depart, with condition, that within three weeks next insuing, they should either paie them thrée thousand marks, or else yeeld their bodies againe to prison.

This year, messengers from the newly elected Pope Urban came with letters asking for the king's help against certain cardinals he called schismatics, who had elected another pope named Clement. Those cardinals sent their own messengers with letters, asking the king for his support as well. However, upon the persuasion of the Archbishop of Canterbury, the king approved Urban's request and rejected Clement's. Around the same time, specifically on the Thursday before the feast of St. Andrew the Apostle, the Scots stealthily entered the castle of Berwick at night and killed Sir Robert Bointon, a very brave knight who was its constable, allowing his wife, children, and servants to leave with the condition that within three weeks, they would either pay three thousand marks or surrender themselves back to prison.

Alexander Ramsie was onlie saued as Froissard saith.

Alexander Ramsie was only saved as Froissard says.

Berwike castell recouered by the earle of North­um­ber­land.

Berwick Castle recovered by the Earl of Northumberland.

The morrow after, the same Scots fetched a great bootie of cattell out of the countries next adioining, but immediatlie after the earle of North­um­ber­land being aduertised hereof, hasted thither with foure hundred armed men, and assaulting the castell on ech side, after two houres defense, wan it, slaieng of the defendants about eight and fortie, reseruing onelie one of the whole number aliue, that he might informe the Englishmen thoroughlie of the Scotishmens purposes. At this enterprise was the earle of North­um­ber­lands eldest sonne, spreading there first his banner, and dooing so valiantlie, that he deserued singular commendation; as likewise did sir Alane de Heton, and sir Thomas de Ilderton, with those of the surname of the Herons, euerie of these hauing their quarters assigned to assault. Thus was the castell recouered the ninth daie after the Scots had entered the same, so that they enioied not long that victorious exploit.

The next day, the same Scots took a large amount of cattle from the nearby region, but soon after, the Earl of Northumberland was informed and quickly rushed there with four hundred armed men. After attacking the castle from every side and with two hours of defense, they captured it, killing about forty-eight of the defenders, leaving only one alive to inform the English about the Scots’ plans. During this mission, the Earl of Northumberland’s eldest son led the charge by displaying his banner first and fought so valiantly that he earned special praise, as did Sir Alan de Heton, Sir Thomas de Ilderton, and the Heron family members, each assigned to different parts of the assault. Thus, the castle was recaptured on the ninth day after the Scots had taken it, so they didn’t hold on to their victory for long.

Sir Robert Rous a valiāt capteine.

Sir Robert Rous a valiant captain.

1379.

And bicause this enterprise was taken in hand against the couenant of the truce, the earle of North­um­ber­land, before he attempted to recouer the castell, sent to the earle of March in Scotland, to vnderstand if he would auow that which his countrimen had doone, touching the winning of that castell, who sent him knowledge againe, that he neither vnderstood of their enterprise, nor would be partaker with them therein: but if it so pleased the earle of North­um­ber­land, he would come himselfe, and helpe to recouer it to the K. of Englands vse, out or those Scotishmens hands, which without publike authoritie had made that exploit. This yeare, sir Robert Rous, capteine of Chierburg, was called |722| home, after he had taken sir Oliuer de Clisson, and atchiued manie other worthie aduentures against the kings enimies. In his place was sent sir Iohn Herleston, to remaine vpon the gard of that castell. Also sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputie of Calis, that had so valiantlie borne himselfe against the Frenchmen, was likewise discharged; and comming home was made admerall, being ioined in commission in that office with sir Thomas Percie.

And because this venture was undertaken against the terms of the truce, the Earl of Northumberland, before he tried to reclaim the castle, sent a message to the Earl of March in Scotland to find out if he would support what his countrymen had done regarding the capturing of that castle. The Earl of March replied that he neither knew about their plan nor intended to get involved, but if it pleased the Earl of Northumberland, he would come himself and help reclaim it for the King of England from those Scottish men who had carried out the act without official permission. This year, Sir Robert Rous, captain of Chierburg, was called back home after capturing Sir Oliver de Clisson and accomplishing many other worthy feats against the king's enemies. Sir John Herleston was sent to take his place and stay on guard at that castle. Also, Sir Hugh Calverlie, the deputy of Calais, who had fought bravely against the French, was also relieved of duty; upon returning home, he was made admiral, sharing the commission in that role with Sir Thomas Percy.

Sir William Montacute earle of Salisburie was sent ouer to Calis, to be the kings lieutenant there, who shortlie after his comming thither fetcht a great bootie of cattell out of the enimies countrie adjoining, so that Calis was furnished with no small number of the same.  ¶ Sir Hugh Caluerlie, and sir Thomas Percie, going to sea, tooke seauen ships laden with merchandize, and one ship of warre.  ¶ The archbishop of Cassils in Ireland, returning from Rome, brought with him large authoritie of binding and loosing, granted to him by pope Vrbane, in fauour of whome at his comming to London, in a sermon which he preached, he declared to the people, how the French king, holding with the antipape Clement, was denounced accursed; and therefore now was the time for Englishmen to make warre in France, hauing such occasion, as greater could not be offered; speciallie, sith it was like that the excommunicated king should haue no courage to make resistance. This is I will not sale the diuinitie (for what heauenlinesse can there be in such damnable doctrine, to set people togither by the eares?) of the Romanists; so farre off are they from the studie of peace and concord betwixt man and man, that they set whole monarchies and empires vp to the mid leg in streams of bloud, imitating their great grandfather sathan, who hath béene a makebate and a murtherer from the beginning: renouncing the footsteps of Christ with open mouth, and forswering to follow him either in demeanour or doctrine, and therefore;

Sir William Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, was sent over to Calais to be the king's lieutenant. Shortly after he arrived, he took a large number of cattle from the nearby enemy territory, so Calais was stocked with a significant amount of livestock. ¶ Mr. Hugh Calverley and Sir Thomas Percy went to sea and captured seven ships loaded with merchandise, along with one warship. The Archbishop of Cashel in Ireland, returning from Rome, brought with him substantial authority to bind and loose, granted to him by Pope Urban. Upon arriving in London, he preached a sermon in which he explained to the people how the French king, siding with the anti-pope Clement, had been declared accursed. Therefore, he argued, now was the perfect time for the English to wage war in France, as there was no better opportunity, especially since it seemed unlikely that the excommunicated king would have the courage to resist. I will not sell the divinity (for what divinity can there be in such damnable doctrine that pits people against each other?) of the Romanists; they are so far from the pursuit of peace and harmony among people that they plunge entire monarchies and empires into rivers of blood, imitating their great grandfather Satan, who has been a troublemaker and a murderer from the beginning, openly renouncing the footsteps of Christ and refusing to follow him in either conduct or doctrine. Therefore;

Quis nisimentis inops, vt sanctum tale probabit?

Quis nisimentis inops, vt sanctum tale probabit?

Hæccine mens Christi? Talia nulla docet.

Hæccine mens Christi? Talia nulla docet.

The sanctuarie at Westminster confirmed by parlement.

The sanctuary at Westminster confirmed by Parliament.

A subsidie to be paid by the great men, & the commons go frée.

A subsidy to be paid by the wealthy, while the common people go free.

An. Reg. 3.

A notable exploit doone by sir Iohn Harleston.

A notable achievement by Sir John Harleston.

In a parlement holden at Westminster this yeare after Easter, it was ordeined, that the priuileges and immunities of the abbeie of Westminster should remaine whole and inuiolate; but yet there was a prouiso against those that tooke sanctuarie, with purpose to defraud their creditors, that their lands & goods shuld be answerable to the discharging of their debts. In the same parlement was granted to the king a subsidie, to be leuied of the great men of the land. To the end the commons might be spared, the dukes of Lancaster and Britaine paied twentie marks, euerie earle six marks, bishops and abbats with miters as much, and euerie moonke thrée shillings foure pence: also, euerie iustice, shiriffe, knight, esquier, parson, vicar, and chapleine, were charged after a certeine rate, but not any of the commons that were of the laitie.

At a parliament held at Westminster this year after Easter, it was decided that the privileges and immunities of the Abbey of Westminster should remain complete and untouchable; however, there was a provision against those who took sanctuary in order to cheat their creditors, stating that their lands and goods should be used to pay off their debts. In the same parliament, a subsidy was granted to the king, to be collected from the wealthy people of the land. To ensure the common people were spared, the Dukes of Lancaster and Brittany paid twenty marks each, every earl six marks, bishops and abbots with miters the same amount, and every monk three shillings and four pence. Additionally, every justice, sheriff, knight, squire, parson, vicar, and chaplain were taxed at a specific rate, but none of the common people who were laypeople were charged.

Ye haue heard how sir Iohn Harleston was sent to Chierburg as capteine of that fortresse, who issuing abroad on a day, with such power as he might take foorth, leauing the fortresse furnished, came to a place, where within a church and in a mill, the Frenchmen had laid vp, as in storehouses, a great quantitie of vittels, for prouision; which church and mill the Englishmen assaulted so valiantlie, that not­with­stand­ing there were within a good number of the enimies, that did their best to defend themselues, yet at length they were taken, and sir Iohn Harleston with his companie, returned with the vittels towards Chierburg, but by the way they were incountred by one sir William de Bourds, whome the French king had appointed to lie in Mountburg with a strong power of men of war, to countergarison Chierburg.

You’ve heard how Sir John Harleston was sent to Cherbourg as captain of that fortress. One day, he ventured out with as many men as he could gather, leaving the fortress well-equipped. He came to a place where the French had stored a large quantity of supplies in a church and a mill. The English attacked the church and mill so valiantly that, despite the good number of enemies inside doing their best to defend themselves, they were ultimately captured. Sir John Harleston and his men returned to Cherbourg with the supplies, but on the way, they were confronted by Sir William de Bourds, whom the French king had stationed in Monteburg with a strong force of soldiers to counter the garrison at Cherbourg.

Herevpon insued a sore conflict, and manie an hardie man was beaten to the ground. And although it séemed that the Englishmen were ouermatched in number, yet they stucke to it manfullie. Their capteine sir Iohn Harleston, fighting in the foremost presse, was felled, and laie on the ground at his enimies féet in great hazard of death. The Englishmen neuerthelesse continued their fight, till at length sir Geffrie Worslie, with a wing of armed footmen with axes, came to the rescue (for to that end he was left |723| behind, of purpose to come to their aid if néed required) with whose comming the Frenchmen were so hardlie handled, that to conclude, they were broken insunder, beaten downe and wholie vanquished: there were of them slaine aboue six score, and as manie taken prisoners, among which number was their chéefe capteine sir William de Bourdes taken, and brought to Chierburg with the residue, and there put in safe keeping. This exploit was atchiued by the Englishmen, on saint Martins day in winter, in this third yeare of king Richard his reigne.

Then a fierce battle ensued, and many brave men were knocked to the ground. Although it seemed that the English were outnumbered, they fought valiantly. Their captain, Sir John Harleston, fighting at the front, was struck down and lay on the ground at the feet of his enemies, in great danger of death. Nevertheless, the English continued to fight until finally, Sir Geoffrey Worslie, with a group of armed footmen wielding axes, came to their rescue (as he had been left behind on purpose to aid them if needed). With his arrival, the French were dealt such a blow that, in the end, they were broken apart, knocked down, and completely defeated: over sixty of them were killed, and just as many were taken prisoner, including their chief captain, Sir William de Bourdes, who was captured and brought to Cherbourg along with the others and kept safely there. This achievement was made by the English on Saint Martin's Day in winter during the third year of King Richard's reign.

Sir Iohn Clearke a valiant capteine.

Sir John Clarke, a brave captain.

A policie.

A policy.

But least any ioy should come to the English people in that season, without some mixture of gréefe, one sir I. Clearke a right valiant knight, & fellow in armes with sir Hugh Caluerlie, chanced this yeare to lie in garrison in a castell in Britaine, where was an hauen, & diuerse English ships lieng in the same, whereof the French gallies being aduertised, came thither, to set those ships on fire, appointing one of their gallies first to attempt the feat, and if fortune so would, to traine the Englishmen foorth, till they should fall into the laps of foure other gallies which they laid as it had béene in ambush. Now as the enimies wished so it came to passe, for the Englishmen perceiuing their vessels in danger to be burnt of the enimies, ran euerie man aboord to sane the ships and goods within them; and amongst the rest, sir Iohn Clearke their capteine, meaning to take such part as his men did, got aboord also, and streight falling in pursute of the gallie that withdrew for the purpose aforesaid, the Englishmen were shortlie inclosed with the other gallies before they were aware, not knowing what shift to make to auoid the present danger.

But just when it seemed like the English people might have some joy during that time, mixed in with some grief, a certain Sir John Clearke, a brave knight and comrade-in-arms with Sir Hugh Calverley, happened to be stationed in a castle in Brittany this year. There was a harbor there, and several English ships were docked. The French galleys, having been informed of this, arrived to set those ships on fire. They planned for one of their galleys to attempt this first, and if things went well, to lure the Englishmen out until they fell into the traps of four other galleys that were lying in ambush. Just as the enemies hoped, this unfolded as expected. The Englishmen, realizing their ships were in danger of being burned by the enemies, rushed onboard to save the vessels and their goods. Among them was Sir John Clearke, their captain, who, hoping to support his men, also boarded a ship. In doing so, he immediately pursued the galley that had retreated for that purpose. Unfortunately, the Englishmen were soon surrounded by the other galleys before they knew what to do to avoid the imminent danger.

Sir Iohn Clearke, perceiuing how the case stood, laid about him like a giant, causing his companie still to draw backe againe, whilest he resisting the enimies, did shew such proofe of his valiancie, that they were much astonished therewith. To be short, he so manfullie behaued himselfe, that the most part of his companie had time to recouer land; but when he that had thus preserued others shuld leape foorth of the ship to saue himselfe, he was striken on the thigh with an ax, that downe he fell, and so came into the enimies hands, being not able to recouer that hurt, for his thigh was almost quite cut off from the bodie, so that he died of that and other hurts presentlie, leauing a remembrance behind him of manie worthie acts through his valiancie atchiued, to his high praise and great commendation. The barke of Yorke was also lost the same time, being a proper vessell; and now taken suddenlie, sanke with all that were aboord in hir, both Englishmen, and the enimies also that were entered into hir, thinking to carrie hir awaie.

Sir John Clarke, realizing the situation, fought fiercely like a giant, encouraging his crew to retreat while he held off the enemies. He demonstrated such bravery that everyone was amazed. In short, he fought so valiantly that most of his crew had time to get to safety. However, when he, who had saved others, tried to jump out of the ship to save himself, he was struck in the thigh with an axe. He fell down and was captured by the enemies, unable to recover from his injury, as his thigh was nearly severed from his body. He died from that and other wounds, leaving behind a legacy of many heroic deeds, earning him great praise and commendation. The bark of York was also lost at that time; it was a fine vessel that sank suddenly, taking with it everyone on board, both Englishmen and the enemies who had boarded, thinking they could take it away.

The duke of Britaine restored to his dukedome.

The Duke of Brittany was restored to his dukedom.

About the same time the duke of Britaine returning into his countrie, vnder the conduct of sir Thomas Percie and sir Hugh Caluerlie, landed at a hauen not far from saint Malo, the fourth day of August, being receiued with vnspeakable ioy of the Britaines, as well lords as commons, so that the louing harts which they bare towards him, might well appeare, although the loue which he bare to the king of England had caused his subiects, in fauor of France, to kéepe him manie yeares foorth of his dukedome as a banished prince, but at length, they being ouercome with irkesomnesse of his long absence, with generall consents sent for him home, so that there were but few of the British nobilitie that withdrew their dutifull obedience from him, and those were onelie such as firmelie linked in seruice with the French king, were loth to forgo such roomes and dignities as vnder him they inioied; namelie, the constable of France, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the lord Clisson, the lord de Rohen, and the lord Rochfort, and certeine others.

Around the same time, the Duke of Brittany returned to his country, led by Sir Thomas Percy and Sir Hugh Calverlie. They landed at a port not far from Saint Malo on August 4th, where they were greeted with immense joy by the Bretons, both nobles and commoners. Their love for him was evident, even though his loyalty to the King of England had caused his subjects to keep him away from his dukedom for many years, as a sort of exiled prince in favor of France. Eventually, however, they became tired of his long absence and, with unanimous agreement, called him back home. Only a few members of the British nobility withdrew their loyalty from him, and those were mainly those firmly tied in service to the French king, reluctant to give up the positions and honors they enjoyed under him, namely the Constable of France, Sir Berthram de Cleaquin, Lord Clisson, Lord de Rohen, and Lord Rochfort, along with some others.

Sir Hugh Caluerlie.

Sir Hugh Caluerlie.

The lord de la Vall amongst other, came to him (as we find in Thomas Walsingham) offering him his seruice as well as the residue. At his landing, he was likelie to haue lost all such furniture, as well of vittels, apparell, hangings, bedding, armour, and other things, which either he or his traine had brought with them. For the French gallies espieng their time, immediatlie as he and his companie were set on land, before the ships in which the said furniture was fraught, could enter the hauen, which was somewhat |724| streight and narrow, came vpon them, and had them at such aduantage, that if sir Hugh Caluerlie with his archers had not caused the master of his ship, euen against his will to returne againe to the rescue, the gallies had taken and gone awaie with the other ships; but through the manfull prowes of sir Hugh, the gallies were repelled, & the ships saued: for according to his woonted valiancie he would not returne, till he saw all other in safetie, & then defending himselfe so well as he might, withdrew into the hauen, and landed safelie with the residue.

The Lord de la Vall, among others, came to him (as noted by Thomas Walsingham) offering his services as well as those of the remaining followers. Upon landing, he was likely to have lost all his possessions, including food, clothing, decorations, bedding, armor, and other items that he or his entourage had brought with them. The French galleys, seizing their chance, attacked them right as he and his companions set foot on land, before the ships carrying the mentioned belongings could enter the harbor, which was somewhat |724| narrow and tight. They caught them at such a disadvantage that if Sir Hugh Calverley hadn’t forced the captain of his ship, even against his will, to return for the rescue, the galleys would have seized the other ships and made off with them. However, thanks to Sir Hugh’s bravery, the galleys were driven back, and the ships were saved; true to his usual courage, he refused to leave until he saw everyone else safe. Then, while defending himself as best he could, he withdrew to the harbor and landed safely with the rest.

An hainous murther of a merchant stranger.

An atrocious murder of a merchant stranger.

Great death in the north countrie.

Great death in the northern country.

Great spoile by the Scots in the death time.

Great spoils by the Scots during the time of death.

About the same time was an hainous murther committed in London, of a merchant Genowes, whome certeine English merchants vpon spite and enuie, which they bare towards him, caused to be slaine one euening in the stréet before his own gates. The cause that mooued the merchants so to procure his death was, for that he vndertooke to furnish this land, hauing the staple allowed him at Southhampton, of all such wares as came foorth of Leuant, so plentifullie as was to be had in any place in all the west parts of christendome. In the summer of this yeare, a greeuous mortalitie afflicted the north parts of this land, so that the countrie became almost desolate. And to the increase of that miserie, the Scots thinking the time to serue their turne, inuaded the borders, and most cruellie harried, robbed, and spoiled the same, not letting passe any part, of most cruell murthering of the people that were left aliue, and not made awaie by that sore contagious sicknesse. The number of cattell was infinite which they droue out of the land with them, not sparing heards of swine which they tooke at this time, where they neuer medled with that kind of cattell before that present.

Around the same time, a dreadful murder took place in London involving a Genoese merchant. A group of English merchants, driven by spite and envy toward him, had him killed one evening right in front of his own home. The reason behind their plot to ensure his death was that he had taken it upon himself to supply this country with goods, having been granted the staple at Southampton for all kinds of wares that came from the Levant, available in greater quantities than anywhere else in the western parts of Christendom. In the summer of that year, a serious plague struck the northern regions of the country, leaving it nearly deserted. To make matters worse, the Scots saw this as an opportunity and invaded the borders, ruthlessly pillaging and looting, not sparing any area. They committed horrific murders against those who survived the dreadful sickness. They drove away an immense number of cattle from the land, even seizing herds of pigs, which they had never taken before.

Before the Scots made this iournie into England, whilest the mortalitie was most in force, they calling to certeine of the English borderers, asked of them how it came to passe, that so great a death reigned amongst them. The Englishmen, as good, plaine, and simple meaning men, told them, that trulie they knew not the cause, for Gods iudgements were hid from them in such behalfe. But one thing they knew, that all calamitie, death, and aduersitie that chanced vnto them, came by the speciall grace of God, to the end that being punished for their sinnes, they might learne to repent and amend their wicked liues. The Scots hearing this, when they should enter this land, vnderstanding lewdlie what the Englishmen had told them concerning the disease, and the grace of God, deuised a blessing forsooth to be said euerie morning, of the most ancient person in euerie familie, as; Benedicite, said he: Dominus, said the residue. Then began he againe, saieng; God and saint Mango, saint Romane and saint Andro, shield vs this daie fra Gods grace, and the fewle death that Englishmen dien vpon. Thus the senselesse men misconstruing this word the grace of God, praied for their owne destruction, which if not in this world, yet for their brutish crueltie vsed at that present, against the miserable creatures, whom the hand of God had spared in time of that gréeuous mortalitie, it is to be feared, least in another world it came to them, as the verie words of their praiers imported.

Before the Scots made their journey into England, while the mortality was at its peak, they called out to some of the English borderers and asked how it happened that such a great death was among them. The Englishmen, being straightforward and simple-minded, honestly replied that they did not know the cause, as God's judgments were hidden from them in this matter. However, they did know that all calamity, death, and adversity that befell them was by God's special grace, so that, being punished for their sins, they might learn to repent and change their wicked lives. When the Scots heard this, as they were about to enter this land, they misunderstood what the English had told them regarding the disease and God's grace, and devised a morning blessing to be said by the oldest person in each family, saying, "Benedicite," and the others responding, "Dominus." Then he began again, saying, "God and Saint Mango, Saint Romane, and Saint Andro, protect us today from God's grace and the terrible death that the Englishmen die from." Thus, the foolish men distorted the meaning of God's grace and prayed for their own destruction, which, if not in this world due to the brutal cruelty they exercised at that time against the unfortunate beings whom God's hand had spared during that terrible mortality, is to be feared, could come to them in another world, as the very words of their prayers suggested.

A notable example of a faithful prisoner.

A standout example of a loyal inmate.

About the same time, Iohn Schakell esquier was set at libertie, the king compounded with him for his prisoner, giuing fiue hundred marks in redie monie, and lands to the value of a hundred marks by yeare. When he should bring foorth his prisoner, and deliuer him to the king, this is to be noted, as a thing verie strange and woonderfull. For when he should appeare, it was knowne to be the verie groome that had serued him in all the time of his trouble, and would neuer vtter himselfe what he was before that time, hauing serued him as an hired seruant all that while in prison, and out of prison, in danger of life, when his other maister was murthered, where, if he would haue vttered himselfe, he might haue beene enterteined in such honorable state, as for a prisoner of his degrée had beene requisit, so that the faithfull loue and assured constancie in this noble gentleman was highlie commended and praised, and no lesse maruelled at of all men.

Around the same time, John Schakell, esquire, was released. The king made a deal with him for his prisoner, paying five hundred marks in cash and providing lands worth a hundred marks a year. When he was supposed to bring forth his prisoner and hand him over to the king, something very strange and wonderful happened. When he appeared, it was revealed to be the very groom who had served him throughout his troubles, and he never revealed who he was before that time. He had worked as a hired servant for him during his imprisonment, and even when he was in danger of his life after his other master was murdered. If he had chosen to reveal himself, he could have been treated with the honor appropriate for a prisoner of his status. The loyal love and steadfastness of this noble gentleman were highly praised and admired by everyone.

The English nauie scattered by a terrible tempest.

The English ship was tossed about by a fierce storm.

About the feast of S. Nicholas, in this third yeare of king Richards reigne, there went |725| to sea an armie of men, that should haue passed ouer into Britaine, to the aid of the duke there, vnder the conduct of sir Iohn Arundell, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Thomas Percie, sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morews, sir Thomas Banester, & manie other knights and esquires, too long to rehearse, a sufficient power vndoubtedlie to haue doone a great enterprise: but they were no sooner on the sea, but suddenlie there arose such an hideous tempest of wind and stormes, that they looked presentlie to be all cast awaie, they were scattered here and there, and driuen they wist not whither. The ship wherein sir Iohn Arundell was aboord, chanced to be cast on the coast of Ireland, and there driuen to forsake his ship, that was readie to be broken in péeces by rage of waues, beating it there against the rocks: he was drowned before he could win to land, in an Ile, neere to the which they had thrust in the ship.

About the feast of St. Nicholas, in the third year of King Richard's reign, an army of men set sail to cross over to Britain to assist the duke there. They were led by Sir John Arundell, Sir Hugh Calverlie, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir William Elmham, Sir Thomas Morews, Sir Thomas Banester, and many other knights and squires, too many to name. They had a strong enough force to undertake a significant mission. However, as soon as they were at sea, a terrible storm with fierce winds suddenly struck, and it seemed they would all be lost. The ships were scattered in every direction, and they had no idea where they were being driven. The ship that Sir John Arundell was on ended up being wrecked on the coast of Ireland, and he was forced to abandon his vessel, which was ready to break apart from the crashing waves against the rocks. He drowned before he could reach the shore, near an island where they had pushed the ship.

To the like end came sir Thomas Banester, sir Nicholas Trumpington, and sir Thomas Dale, impeaching each others, as they leapt foorth of the ship: also one Musard an esquire, a most séemelie personage and a bold; and an other esquier named Denioke, being almost out of danger, were fetched awaie by the surges of the sea, and so perished, with manie other. Robert Rust a cunning seaman, belonging to Blacknie in Northfolke, & maister of the ship wherein sir Iohn Arundell was imbarked, was the first that got to land, giuing example to others how to shift for themselues. But when he saw his cheefe capteine, the said sir Iohn Arundell got foorth to the sands, and as one thinking himselfe past all danger, to shake his wet garments about him; the said Rust waieng the dangerous state wherein the said sir Iohn Arundell yet stood, came downe, and raught to him his hand, inforsing himselfe to plucke him to the shore: but whilest he tooke care for an other mans safetie, and neglected his owne, he lost his life, and so they both perished togither; for through a mightie billow of the raging seas, they were both ouerthrowne, and with returning of the waues backe, drawne into the deepe, so that they could neuer recouer foot-hold againe, but were drowned.

To the same end, Sir Thomas Banester, Sir Nicholas Trumpington, and Sir Thomas Dale were accusing each other as they jumped off the ship. Also, there was an esquire named Musard, a very handsome and daring man; and another esquire named Denioke, who, while almost safe, was swept away by the waves and perished, along with many others. Robert Rust, a skilled sailor from Blacknie in Norfolk and captain of the ship that Sir John Arundell was on, was the first to reach land, showing others how to take care of themselves. But when he saw his commander, Sir John Arundell, make it to the shore and, thinking he was out of danger, start to shake the water off his clothes, Rust, aware of the peril that Sir John still faced, rushed down and reached out to him, trying to pull him to safety. However, while he was focusing on saving someone else and neglecting his own safety, he lost his life, and they both drowned together; for a massive wave from the raging sea knocked them down, and when the water receded, it drew them both into the depths, and they could never regain their footing again, leading to their drowning.

The said Rust was much lamented, bicause he was not onelie knowne to be a skilfull maister, but also counselled the said sir Iohn Arundell in no wise to go to sea, at what time he would needs set forward, forsing the said Rust and the marriners to hoist vp sailes and make awaie. They that scaped to land in that Ile, found nothing there to releeue their miseries, but bare ground, so that diuerse starved through cold, wanting fier and other succour: the residue that were lustie and wise withall, ran vp and downe, and sometime wrestling, and otherwise chafing themselues, remained there in great miserie, from the thursdaie till sundaie at noone next insuing. At what time, when the sea was appeased and waxen calme, the Irishmen that dwelled ouer against this Ile on the maine, came and fetched them thence, and reléeued them the best they could, being almost dead, through trauell, hunger, and cold.

The mentioned Rust was greatly mourned because he was not only known to be a skilled master but also advised Sir John Arundell not to go to sea when he insisted on setting out. He forced Rust and the sailors to raise the sails and leave. Those who made it to the island found nothing to alleviate their suffering, just bare ground. Many starved from the cold, lacking fire and other support. The rest, who were strong and clever, ran around, sometimes wrestling and otherwise trying to warm themselves, living in great misery from Thursday until Sunday at noon. At that time, when the sea calmed down, the Irishmen who lived across from this island came and took them away, helping them as best they could, as they were nearly dead from exhaustion, hunger, and cold.

The excesse and sumptuous apparell of sir Iohn Arundell.

The excessive and extravagant clothing of Sir John Arundell.

There were drowned aboue a thousand men in one place and other, as the additions to Ad. Merimuth doo testifie.

There were over a thousand men drowned in one place and another, as the additions to Ad. Merimuth testify.

Outragious wickednesse iustlie punished.

Outrageous wickedness justly punished.

The said sir Iohn Arundell lost not onelie his life, but all his furniture and apparell for his bodie, which was verie sumptuous, so that it was thought to surmount the apparell of any king. For he had two and fiftie new sutes of apparell of cloth of gold or tissue, as was reported, all the which, togither with his horsses & geldings, amounting to the value of ten thousand marks, was lost at the sea. And besides this, there were lost at the same time fiue and twentie ships, with men, horsses, and other riches, which attended him in that voiage. Yet sir Thomas Percie, and sir Hugh Caluerlie, with sir William Elmham, and certeine others escaped, but cruellie tormented with vnmercifull tempest: and before sir Thomas Percie could get to land, after the sea was quieted, he was assaulted by a Spaniard, against whome he so defended himselfe, that in the end he tooke the Spanish vessell, and brought hir, with all that he found aboord in hir, vnto the next shore, and sold the same for an hundred pounds, and without long delaie, tooke the sea, & passed ouer to Brest, of which fortresse he was capteine, iointlie with sir Hugh Caluerlie, and therefore doubting least some inconuenience might chance thereto now in both their absence, he made the more hast, not taking rest till he came thither, |726| not­with­stand­ing his passed painefull trauels. Sir Hugh Caluerlie was neuer in his life in more danger of death, than at that time: for all that were in his ship (as Froissard writeth) were drowned, except himselfe & seauen mariners. We find, that there were drowned in one place & other, aboue a thousand Englishmen in that most vnluckie voiage.  ¶ Some writers impute this calamitie to light on the said sir Iohn Arundell & his companie, for the lasciuious and filthie rule which they kept before their setting foorth, in places where they laie, till their prouision was readie; who not content with that which they did before they tooke ship, in rauishing men wiues, maids and daughters, they carried them aboord, that they might haue the vse of them whilest they were vpon the sea,

The said Sir John Arundell lost not only his life but all his possessions and clothing, which were very extravagant, thought to surpass the attire of any king. He had fifty-two new outfits made of cloth of gold or tissue, as reported, all of which, along with his horses and geldings, worth about ten thousand marks, were lost at sea. Additionally, at the same time, twenty-five ships were lost, along with men, horses, and other treasures that accompanied him on that voyage. However, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Hugh Calverley, Sir William Elmham, and a few others escaped, though they were cruelly battered by a merciless storm. Before Sir Thomas Percy could reach land after the sea calmed, he was attacked by a Spaniard, against whom he defended himself so well that in the end, he captured the Spanish vessel and brought it, along with everything he found on board, to the nearest shore, selling it for a hundred pounds. Without much delay, he set sail again and crossed over to Brest, of which fortress he was captain, along with Sir Hugh Calverley. Fearing that something unfortunate might happen to it during their absence, he hurried there, not pausing for rest despite his exhausting journey. Sir Hugh Calverley had never faced more danger of death in his life than at that time; for all those on his ship (as Froissart writes) drowned, except for himself and seven sailors. We find that over a thousand Englishmen drowned in various places during that most disastrous voyage. Some writers blame this disaster on Sir John Arundell and his company for the lewd behavior they engaged in before they set out, in the places they stayed until their supplies were ready; who, not satisfied with what they did before boarding by abducting men’s wives, maids, and daughters, took them aboard so they could use them while at sea.

(Sæua libido furens, quid non mortalia cogis

(Sæua libido furens, quid non mortalia cogis

Pectora? Quídue tuo non est violabile telo?)

Pectora? Why can't it be pierced by your weapon?

and yet when the tempest rose, like cruell and vnmercifull persons they threw them into the sea, either for that they would not be troubled with their lamentable noise and crieng, or for that they thought so long as they had such women aboord with them (whome they had abused so long) God would not cease the rage of the tempest. But it should appeare that this tempest was generall, for where the Spanish and French fléets were abroad at the same time, being assembled togither to annoie the coasts of this land, their ships were likewise tossed and turmoiled, so as no small number of them were lost, in so much that the damage which they susteined, was thought far to passe that which hapned to the English nauie.

and yet when the storm hit, like cruel and merciless people, they threw them into the sea, either because they didn't want to deal with their tragic cries and pleas, or because they believed that as long as they had those women on board—whom they had mistreated for so long—God would not calm the storm. However, it seems this storm was widespread, as both the Spanish and French fleets were out at the same time, gathered together to trouble the coasts of this land, their ships were also tossed and battered, resulting in a significant number of losses, to the extent that the damage they suffered was believed to far exceed that which the English navy endured.

1380.

Sir Iohn Deuereux made deputie of Calis.

Sir John Devereux made deputy of Calais.

The earle of Warwike elected protector.

The Earl of Warwick was chosen as protector.

In this yeare about Christmasse, sir William de Montacute earle of Salisburie, after he had remained twelue moneths space at Calis, the kings lieutenant there was called home, & sir Iohn Deuereux a right valiant knight, and an old man of warre, was sent thither in his place.  ¶ Also, sir Iohn Harleston was called home from Chierburg, and sir William Windeshore a noble knight was sent thither to be capteine of that fortresse.  ¶ After the Epiphanie, was a parlement called at London, which continued till the beginning of the kalendes of March.  ¶ Also wheras the yeare before there had beene certeine bishops, earles, barons, and iustices appointed, to haue the gouernement and rule about the king; now at the request of the lords and commons in this parlement assembled; the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was chosen to remaine continuallie with the king, as chéefe gouernour, both of his person, and to giue answer to all strangers that should come hither about any businesse whatsoeuer, and further to haue the rule and order of all things, in lieu of those that were chosen thereto before: it was perceiued that they had sought to inrich themselues, & had doone little to the aduancement of the kings honor, or state of the com­mon-wealth, but rather emptied the kings cofers.

During this Christmas season, Sir William de Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, who had been the king's lieutenant in Calais for twelve months, was called back home, and Sir John Devereux, a brave knight and seasoned warrior, was sent there to take his place. Also, Sir John Harleston was recalled from Cherbourg, and Sir William Windeshore, a noble knight, was sent to be the captain of that fortress. After Epiphany, a parliament was called in London, which lasted until the beginning of March. Also, whereas the year before certain bishops, earls, barons, and justices had been appointed to govern and advise the king, now, at the request of the lords and commons gathered in this parliament, Lord Thomas Beauchampe, Earl of Warwick, was chosen to remain constantly with the king as his chief governor, responsible for his safety and to address any foreign visitors regarding any matters, as well as overseeing the management of all affairs, replacing those previously chosen, whose motives appeared to have been to enrich themselves rather than to promote the king's honor or the welfare of the commonwealth, having mostly depleted the king's treasury.

The archbishop of Canterburie made lord chancellour.

The Archbishop of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor.

The kings halfe sister married the earle of saint Paule.

The king's half-sister married the Earl of Saint Paul.

In this parlement also, the lord Richard Scrope gaue ouer the office of chancellor, and Simon Sudburie archbishop of Canturburie tooke it vpon him.  ¶ In this parlement was granted a tenth by the cleargie, and a fifteenth by the laitie, with condition that from henceforth, to wit, from the kalends of March, to the feast of S. Michaell which then should be in the yeare 1381, there should be no more parlements, but this condition was not performed, as after appeared. In the octaues of Easter, the lord Valeran earle of saint Paule married the kings halfe sister, the ladie Ione de Courtnie: the solemnization of this marriage was holden at Windsore, with great triumphing.  ¶ The princesse that was mother to the bride, was greatlie against the marriage, but the bride hir selfe had such a liking to the earle, that the king was contented that they should match togither, and set him free of his ransome which he should haue paid, for that he had béene taken prisoner in the marches of Calis, and further, gaue with his sister by waie of endowment, the towneship and manour of Biefléet.

In this parliament, Lord Richard Scrope gave up the position of chancellor, and Simon Sudbury, Archbishop of Canterbury, took it on. In this parliament, a tenth was granted by the clergy, and a fifteenth by the laity, with the condition that from then on, specifically from March 1st to the Feast of St. Michael, which would be in 1381, there would be no more parliaments. However, this condition was not fulfilled, as later events showed. In the week after Easter, Lord Valeran, Earl of Saint Paul, married the king's half-sister, Lady Joan de Courtney. The wedding ceremony took place at Windsor, with great celebrations. The bride's mother was strongly opposed to the marriage, but the bride herself was so fond of the earl that the king agreed to their union and released him from the ransom he owed for being captured in the Calais border area. Additionally, he gave his sister a dowry that included the town and manor of Biefleet.

A combat betwixt sir Iohn Anneslie and Thomas Katrington.

A fight between Sir John Anneslie and Thomas Katrington.

On the seuenth of Iune, a combat was fought afore the kings palace at Westminster, on the pauement there, betwixt one sir Iohn Anneslie knight, and one Thomas Katrington |727| esquier: the occasion of which strange and notable triall rose hereof. The knight accused the esquier of treason, for that where the fortresse of saint Sauiour within the Ile of Constantine in Normandie, belonging some time to sir Iohn Chandois, had béene committed to the said Katrington, as capteine thereof, to keepe it against the enemies, he had for monie sold and deliuered it ouer to the Frenchmen, where he was sufficientlie prouided of men, munition and vittels, to haue defended it against them: and sith the inheritance of that fortresse and landes belonging thereto, had apperteined to the said Anneslie in right of his wife, as neerest cousine by affinitie vnto sir Iohn Chandois, if by the false conueiance of the said Katrington, it had not béene made awaie, and alienated into the enemies hands: he offered therefore to trie the quarrell by combat, against the said Katrington, whervpon was the same Katrington apprehended, and put in prison, but shortlie after set at libertie againe.

On June 7th, a fight took place in front of the king's palace at Westminster, on the pavement, between Sir John Anneslie, a knight, and Thomas Katrington, a squire: the reason for this strange and notable trial arose from this situation. The knight accused the squire of treason because, when the fortress of Saint Saviour on the Isle of Constantine in Normandy, which once belonged to Sir John Chandois, had been entrusted to Katrington as the captain to defend it against the enemies, he had sold it to the French for money, even though he had enough men, supplies, and provisions to defend it. Since the inheritance of that fortress and the lands belonging to it had belonged to Anneslie through his wife, as the nearest relative by marriage to Sir John Chandois, it would not have been lost and handed over to the enemy if it hadn't been for Katrington's deceit. Therefore, he offered to settle the dispute through combat against Katrington, who was then arrested and imprisoned but soon released again.

Triall by cōbat in what case lawfull.

Trial by combat in what case lawful.

Whilest the duke of Lancaster, during the time that his father king Edward laie in his last sickenesse, did in all things what liked him, & so at the contemplation of the lord Latimer (as was thought) he released Katrington for the time, so that sir Iohn Anneslie could not come to the effect of his sute in all the meane time, till now. Such as feared to be charged with the like offenses staied the matter, till at length, by the opinion of true and ancient knights it was defined, that for such a forren controuersie that had not risen within the limits of the realme, but touched possession of things on the further side the sea, it was lawfull to haue it tried by battell, if the cause were first notified to the constable and marshall of the realme, and that the combat was accepted by the parties. Herevpon was the day and place appointed, and all things prouided readie, with lists railed and made so substantiallie, as if the same should haue indured for euer. The concourse of people that came to London to sée this tried, was thought to excéed that of the kings coronation, so desirous men were to behold a sight so strange and vnaccustomed.

While the Duke of Lancaster, during the time that his father King Edward lay in his last illness, did whatever he pleased, and at the suggestion of Lord Latimer (as was believed), he temporarily released Katrington. This meant that Sir John Anneslie could not pursue the outcome of his petition until now. Those who feared being held accountable for similar offenses delayed the matter until, eventually, by the judgment of true and noble knights, it was decided that for such a foreign dispute that had not originated within the kingdom's borders but concerned possession of things across the sea, it was lawful to settle it by battle, provided the cause was first presented to the Constable and Marshall of the realm, and both parties accepted the combat. Consequently, the date and location were set, and everything was prepared as if it would last forever. The number of people who came to London to witness this event was thought to surpass that of the king's coronation, as people were eager to see such a strange and unusual spectacle.

The order of the combat.

The order of battle.

The earle of Buckingham claimeth the horsse.

The Earl of Buckingham claims the horse.

The king, his nobles, and all the people being come togither in the morning of the daie appointed, to the place where the lists were set vp, the knight being armed and mounted on a faire courser seemelie trapped, entered first as appellant, staieng till his aduersarie the defendant should come. And shortlie after was the esquier called to defend his cause in this forme: Thomas Katrington defendant, come and appeare to saue the action, for which sir Iohn Anneslie knight and appellant hath publikelie and by writing appealed thée. He being thus called thrise by an herald at armes, at the third call did come armed likewise; and riding on a courser trapped with traps imbrodered with his armes, at his approching to the lists he alighted from his horsse, lest according to the law of armes the constable should haue challenged the horsse if he had entered within the lists. But his shifting nothing auailed him, for the horsse after his maister was alighted beside him, ran vp & downe by the railes, now thrusting his head ouer, and now both head & breast, so that the earle of Buckingham, bicause he was high constable of England, claimed the horsse afterwards, swearing that he would haue so much of him as had appeared ouer the railes, and so the horsse was adiudged vnto him.

The king, his nobles, and all the people gathered together in the morning of the appointed day at the place where the lists were set up. The knight, armed and mounted on a handsome horse dressed for the occasion, entered first as the challenger, waiting for his opponent, the defendant, to arrive. Shortly after, the squire was called to defend his case in this manner: Thomas Katrington, defendant, come forward to answer the claim made against you by Sir John Anneslie, knight and challenger, who has publicly appealed to you in writing. After being called three times by a herald-at-arms, he arrived, also armed, riding a horse adorned with his own coat of arms. As he approached the lists, he got off his horse to avoid the constable challenging the horse if it had entered the lists with him. However, his efforts were in vain, as the horse, after he dismounted, ran up and down by the rails, now sticking its head over and then both its head and chest. The Earl of Buckingham, because he was the high constable of England, later claimed the horse, swearing he would take as much of it as had appeared over the rails, so the horse was awarded to him.

But now to the matter of the combat (for this challenge of the horsse was made after, as soone as the esquier was come within the lists) the indenture was brought foorth by the marshall and constable, which had béene made and sealed before them, with consent of the parties, in which were conteined the articles exhibited by the knight against the esquier, and there the same was read before all the assemblie. The esquier (whose conscience was thought not to be cleare, but rather guiltie, and therefore seemed full of troublesome and grudging passions, as an offendor alreadie conuinced, thought (as full well he might)

But now, let’s get to the fight (since the challenge was made as soon as the squire entered the lists). The agreement was brought forward by the marshal and constable, which had been created and signed earlier, with the parties’ consent. It contained the accusations made by the knight against the squire, and it was read aloud for everyone present. The squire (whose conscience was believed to be troubled, and he seemed filled with anxiety and resentment, as if he were already guilty) thought (as he very well might)

Multa miser timeo, quia feci multa proteruè)

Multa miser timeo, quia feci multa proteruè

went about to make exceptions, that his cause by some means might haue séemed the sounder. But the duke of Lancaster hearing him so staie at the matter, sware, that |728| except according to the conditions of the combat, and the law of armes, he would admit all things in the indentures comprised, that were not made without his owne consent, he should as guiltie of the treason foorthwith be had foorth to execution. The duke with those words woone great commendation, and auoided no small suspicion that had béene conceiued of him as parciall in the esquiers cause. The esquier hearing this, said, that he durst fight with the knight, not onelie in those points, but in all other in the world whatsoeuer the same might be: for he trusted more to his strength of bodie, and fauour of his freends, than to the cause which he had taken vpon him to defend. He was in déed a mightie man of stature, where the knight among those that were of a meane stature was one of the least. Freends to the esquier, in whom he had great affiance to be borne out through their assistance, were the lords Latimer and Basset, with others.

started trying to make exceptions so that his case might seem stronger. But the Duke of Lancaster, hearing him hesitate on the matter, swore that unless it was according to the terms of the combat and the law of arms, he would accept everything in the agreements that were made without his own consent. He would be immediately taken out for execution as guilty of treason. The duke earned great praise for those words and avoided any suspicion that he was biased in favor of the squire. Hearing this, the squire said he was ready to fight the knight, not only on those issues but on anything else in the world, no matter what it might be: he trusted more in his physical strength and the support of his friends than in the cause he had taken on to defend. He was indeed a powerful man of large stature, while the knight was one of the smallest among those of average height. The squire's friends, whom he relied on for support, included Lords Latimer and Basset, along with others.

The esquire is ouerthrowne.

The knight is overthrown.

Before they entered battell, they tooke an oth, as well the knight as the esquier, that the cause in which they were to fight, was true, and that they delt with no witchcraft, nor art magike, whereby they might obteine the victorie of their aduersarie, nor had about them any herbe or stone, or other kind of experiment with which magicians vse to triumph ouer their enimies. This oth receiued of either of them, and therewith hauing made their praiers deuoutlie, they began the battell, first with speares, after with swords, and lastlie with daggers. They fought long, till finallie the knight had bereft the esquier of all his weapons, and at length the esquier was manfullie ouerthrowne by the knight. But as the knight would haue fallen vpon the esquier, through sweat that ran downe by his helmet his sight was hindered, so that thinking to fall vpon the esquier, he fell downe sideling himselfe, not comming néere to the esquier, who perceiuing what had happened, although he was almost ouercome with long fighting, made to the knight, and threw himselfe vpon him, so that manie thought the knight should haue beene ouercome: other doubted not but that the knight would recouer his feet againe, and get the victorie of his aduersarie.

Before they entered battle, both the knight and the squire took an oath that the cause for which they were fighting was just, and that they were not using any witchcraft or magic to win against their opponent. They also had no herbs, stones, or any other type of trick that magicians use to defeat their enemies. After they took the oath and offered their prayers, they began the battle, first with spears, then with swords, and finally with daggers. They fought for a long time until the knight had disarmed the squire completely, and ultimately the knight knocked the squire down bravely. But just as the knight was about to attack the squire, sweat ran down under his helmet and obscured his vision. Thinking he was about to strike the squire, he instead stumbled and fell beside him, not coming close to the squire, who, realizing what had happened, despite being nearly exhausted from the long fight, charged at the knight and threw himself upon him. Many thought the knight would be overcome, while others were sure that he would manage to get back on his feet and defeat his opponent.

The king in the meane time caused it to be proclamed that they should staie, and that the knight should be raised vp from the ground, and so meant to take vp the matter betwixt them. To be short, such were sent as should take vp the esquier; but comming to the knight, he besought them, that it might please the king to permit them to lie still, for he thanked God he was well, and mistrusted not to obteine the victorie, if the esquier might be laid vpon him, in manner as he was earst. Finallie, when it would not be so granted, he was contented to be raised vp, and was no sooner set on his féet, but he cheerfullie went to the king, without anie mans helpe, where the esquier could neither stand nor go without the helpe of two men to hold him vp, and therefore was set in his chaire to take his ease, to see if he might recouer his strength.

The king, in the meantime, ordered it to be announced that they should pause, and that the knight should be helped up from the ground, intending to settle the matter between them. In brief, those sent to assist the squire approached the knight, who asked them to request the king to allow them to remain still, as he thanked God for feeling well and was confident he could secure victory if the squire could be placed back on him as he had been before. Ultimately, when this was not permitted, he agreed to be helped up and, as soon as he was back on his feet, he cheerfully walked toward the king on his own, while the squire could neither stand nor walk without the support of two men to hold him up. Therefore, he was seated in his chair to rest and see if he could regain his strength.

The esquier fainteth.

The squire faints.

The knight is iudged the vanquisher.

The knight is judged the winner.

The knight at his comming before the king, besought him & his nobles, to grant him so much, that he might be eftsoones laid on the ground as before, and the esquier to be laid aloft vpon him: for the knight perceiued that the esquire through excessiue heat, and the weight of his armor, did maruellouslie faint, so as his spirits were in manner taken from him. The king and the nobles perceiuing the knight so couragiouslie to demand to trie the battell foorth to the vttermost, offring great summes of monie, that so it might be doone, decreed that they should be restored againe to the same plight in which they laie when they were raised vp: but in the meane time the esquire fainting, and falling downe in a swoone, fell out of his chaire, as one that was like to yéeld vp his last breath presentlie among them. Those that stood about him cast wine and water vpon him, séeking so to bring him againe, but all would not serue, till they had plucked off his armor, & his whole apparell, which thing prooued the knight to be vanquisher, and the esquier to be vanquished.

The knight, upon arriving before the king, asked him and his nobles to allow him to be laid back on the ground as before, with the squire placed on top of him. The knight noticed that the squire was fainting from the intense heat and the weight of his armor, to the point that he seemed to be losing consciousness. The king and the nobles, seeing the knight bravely insisting on taking the battle to the limit and offering large sums of money to make it happen, agreed to restore them to the same position they were in when they were lifted up. However, during this time, the squire fainted and collapsed from his chair, as if he were about to take his last breath right there. Those around him splashed wine and water on him in an effort to revive him, but nothing worked until they removed his armor and all his clothing, which proved the knight to be the victor and the squire to be defeated.

After a little time the esquier began to come to himselfe, and lifting vp his eies, began to hold vp his head, and to cast a ghostlie looke on euerie one about him: which when it was reported to the knight, he commeth to him armed as he was (for he had put off no |729| péece since the beginning of the fight) and speaking to him, called him traitor, and false periured man, asking of him if he durst trie the battell with him againe: but the esquier hauing neither sense nor spirit whereby to make answer, proclamation was made that the battell was ended, and euerie one might go to his lodging. The esquier immediatlie after he was brought to his lodging, and laid in bed, began to wax raging wood, and so continuing still out of his wits, about nine of the clocke the next day he yéelded vp the ghost.  ¶ This combat was fought (as before yée haue heard) the seuenth of Iune to the great reioising of the common people, and discouragement of traitours.

After a little while, the squire began to regain his senses. He lifted his eyes, held up his head, and cast a ghostly look at everyone around him. When the knight heard this, he approached him fully armed (he hadn't taken off any gear since the fight started) and, addressing him, called him a traitor and a false perjurer, asking if he dared to try battling him again. But the squire, having neither the sense nor the spirit to respond, could only remain silent. An announcement was then made that the battle was over, and everyone could go to their lodgings. Once the squire was taken to his room and put to bed, he began to rage uncontrollably. He remained out of his mind, and around nine o'clock the next day, he passed away. This combat took place (as you have heard before) on June 7th, much to the joy of the common people and the discouragement of traitors.

The Frenchmen spoile & burne diuerse townes in the west countrie.

The Frenchmen spoil and burn various towns in the West Country.

An. Reg. 4.

Froissard. The earle of Buckingham sent into Britaine to aid the duke against the French king.

Froissard. The Earl of Buckingham sent help to Brittany to support the duke against the French king.

About the same time or rather somewhat before, the lord Oliuer de Clisson, with a number of ships and gallies of France and Spaine, tooke the sea, and comming on the coast of England, landed in diuerse places of the west countrie, and also in the south parts, and burning sundrie townes, taking such ships and vessels as they might laie hold vpon, and so continued to indamage the English people that inhabited néere to the sea side, all that summer following.  ¶ In the beginning of the fourth yeare of this king, Thomas of Woodstoke earle of Buckingham, vncle to the king, with an armie of seauen or eight thousand men of armes and archers, was sent ouer to Calis, that he might inuade France, and passe through the same to come into Britaine vnto the aid of the duke there.  ¶ You haue heard how the French king had seized into his hands the more part of the duchie of Britaine, bicause that the duke had ioined himselfe in league with the king of England: but yet there were diuerse of the good townes, and also manie of the barons and nobles of the countrie which kept themselues as neuters a long season; but at length, longing to see the returne of their naturall lord and duke, sent for him into England, requiring him to repaire home, and to see to the quieting of the troubled state of his countrie.

Around the same time, or maybe a bit earlier, Lord Oliver de Clisson, along with a fleet of ships and galleys from France and Spain, took to the sea. They landed in various locations along the coast of England, primarily in the west and south, setting several towns on fire and capturing any ships they could get their hands on. They continued to harm the English people living near the coast all summer long. In the early part of the fourth year of this king's reign, Thomas of Woodstock, Earl of Buckingham and the king's uncle, was sent over to Calais with an army of seven or eight thousand soldiers and archers. His mission was to invade France and make his way through it to Brittany to support the duke there. Below is a short piece of text (5 words or fewer). Modernize it into contemporary English if there's enough context, but do not add or omit any information. If context is insufficient, return it unchanged. Do not add commentary, and do not modify any placeholders. If you see placeholders of the form __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_x__, you must keep them exactly as-is so they can be replaced with links. ¶ You have heard how the French king had taken most of the Duchy of Brittany because the duke had allied himself with the king of England. However, there were several strong towns and many of the barons and nobles who chose to remain neutral for a long time. Eventually, they became eager to see their rightful lord and duke return, prompting them to call for him to come back to England and restore peace to their troubled land.

The duke being thus earnestlie desired to returne home, by the aduise of the king of England and his councell, granted to their request that had so instantlie required him, both by letters and sufficient messengers: wherevpon he tooke the sea, and sailing foorth, arriued in Britaine, hauing with him sir Robert Knolles, and a certeine number of Englishmen both armed men and archers (as before yee haue heard.) The king also promised to send him a new supplie verie shortlie, which was not forgotten. But fortune was so contrarie, that sir Iohn Arundell generall of those that were sent, and manie of his companie, were drowned by force of tempest, and the other driuen backe againe into England (as before ye haue heard.) In the meane time, though the duke of Britaine with aid of his subiects, did manfullie defend his townes and countrie against the Frenchmen, yet he was in doubt to be oppressed by the great puissance of the Frenchmen, if aid came not the sooner. Which being signified ouer into England, mooued the king and his councell to appoint the earle of Buckingham to take vpon him this voiage. He landed at Calis three daies before the feast of Marie Magdalene.

The duke, eager to return home, agreed to the request from the king of England and his council, who had urgently asked him through letters and reliable messengers. He set sail, arriving in Britain with Sir Robert Knolles and a number of Englishmen, including both armed soldiers and archers (as you've previously heard). The king also promised to send him more support soon, which was not forgotten. However, fortune was against them; Sir John Arundell, the leader of those sent, and many of his men drowned in a storm, while the others were forced back to England (as you've previously heard). In the meantime, although the duke of Brittany, with the help of his subjects, bravely defended his towns and country against the French, he feared he would be overwhelmed by the French's great power if help didn’t arrive quickly. This situation alerted the king and his council, prompting them to appoint the Earl of Buckingham to take on this mission. He landed in Calais three days before the feast of Mary Magdalene.

Knights made by the earle of Buckingham at his entrie into France.

Knights created by the Earl of Buckingham upon his arrival in France.

There went ouer with him in that armie, the earls of Stafford and Deuonshire, the lord Spenser constable of the host, the lord Fitz Walter marshall, the lord Basset, the lord Bourchier, the lord Ferrers, the lord Morlie, the lord Darcie, sir William Windsore, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Hugh de la Sente, sir Thomas Percie, sir Thomas Triuet, sir Hugh Tirell, sir William Farrington, sir Iohn and sir Nicholas Daubriticourt, Thomas Camois, Rafe Neuill sonne to the lord Neuill, sir Henrie bastard Ferrers, sir Hugh Broe, sir Geffrie Wourslie, sir William Clinton, sir Iuon Fitz Warren, and diuerse other. After they had rested them at Calis two daies, they remooued the third day out of the towne, and came to Marqueignes, where they remained thrée daies, till all their companie, cariages, and prouisions were come to them out of Calis: from thence they remooued and came before Arde, where the earle of Buckingham made knights these that follow: the earle of Deuonshire, the lord Morlie, the son of the lord Fitz Walter, sir Roger Strange, sir Iohn Ipre, sir Iohn Colle, sir Iames Tirell, sir Thomas Ramston, sir Iohn Neuill, and sir Thomas Ros or Roslie, as some copies haue. These persons were made |730| knights, bicause they went in the vaward, which was sent to win a strong house called Follant, which the owner had fortified against them. But though he defended himselfe manfullie for a time, yet in the end both he and all his companie were taken prisoners.

There went with him in that army, the earls of Stafford and Devonshire, Lord Spenser, the constable of the host, Lord Fitz Walter, the marshal, Lord Basset, Lord Bourchier, Lord Ferrers, Lord Morlie, Lord Darcie, Sir William Windsor, Sir Hugh Calverley, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir Hugh de la Sente, Sir Thomas Percy, Sir Thomas Trivet, Sir Hugh Tyrell, Sir William Farrington, and Sir John and Sir Nicholas Daubricourt, Thomas Camois, Rafe Nevill, son of Lord Nevill, Sir Henry Bastard Ferrers, Sir Hugh Broe, Sir Geoffrey Worsley, Sir William Clinton, Sir Ivo Fitz Warren, and various others. After they rested at Calais for two days, they moved on the third day out of the town and arrived at Marqueignes, where they stayed for three days until all their companions, supplies, and provisions arrived from Calais. From there, they moved and came before Arde, where the Earl of Buckingham knighted the following: the Earl of Devonshire, Lord Morlie, the son of Lord Fitz Walter, Sir Roger Strange, Sir John Ipre, Sir John Colle, Sir James Tyrell, Sir Thomas Ramston, Sir John Nevill, and Sir Thomas Ros or Roslie, as some copies have it. These individuals were made knights because they were in the vanguard, which was sent to capture a stronghold called Follant, which the owner had fortified against them. Although he defended himself bravely for a time, in the end, both he and all his companions were taken prisoner.

Knights againe made.

Knights made again.

The iournie of the English armie through France.

The journey of the English army through France.

After this the duke passed by saint Omers, shewing himselfe (about a mile off) with his host in order of battell aloft vpon a mounteine. Some of the Englishmen rode to the barriers, requiring that some of them within would come foorth and breake staues with them, but they could not be answered. The same day that the Englishmen thus came before S. Omers, the earle of Buckingham made againe new knights, as sir Rafe Neuill, sir Bartholomew Bourchier, sir Thomas Camois, sir Foulke Corbet, sir Thomas Danglure, sir Rafe Petipas, sir Lewes saint Albine, and sir Iohn Paulie or rather Paulet. These Englishmen rode through the countrie, demanding iusts and déeds of armes, but they could not be answered. In déed the townes of the frontiers were well replenished and stuffed with men of war, and still were the Englishmen coasted, but they kept themselues so close togither, without breaking their order, that their enimies could find them at none aduantage.

After this, the duke passed by Saint-Omer, showing himself (about a mile away) with his army in battle formation on a hill. Some of the Englishmen rode to the barriers, requesting that some of those inside would come out and joust with them, but they received no response. On the same day that the Englishmen appeared before Saint-Omer, the Earl of Buckingham made new knights, such as Sir Rafe Nevill, Sir Bartholomew Bourchier, Sir Thomas Camois, Sir Foulke Corbet, Sir Thomas Danylle, Sir Rafe Petipas, Sir Lewes Saint Albyn, and Sir John Pauley, or rather Paulet. These Englishmen rode through the countryside, looking for jousts and feats of arms, but they could not find any. In fact, the towns on the frontiers were well manned and filled with soldiers, and the Englishmen were closely watched, but they kept themselves tightly together without breaking formation, making it difficult for their enemies to find any advantage.

They passed by Tirwine and by Betwine, where they lodged one day. They made but easie iournies, and seemed to require nothing but battell. They passed by Arras, by Miramont, and so to Clerie on the water of Some, and taried there thrée daies, and in other places about in that countrie. The fourth day they dislodged, and drew towards Cambraie, and so to S. Quintines, & after vp towards Reimes. They found little riches, and small store of vittels abroad in the countrie, for the French king had abandoned all to his men of warre, who either wasted or conueied all things of any value into the fortresses and walled townes. The Englishmen therefore sent to them of Reimes, requiring to haue some vittels sent to the host, for the which they would spare the countrie from wasting: but they of Reimes would not consent herevnto. Whervpon the Englishmen began to light them such candels, as their eies within the citie aked to behold the same a far off.

They passed through Tirwine and Betwine, where they stayed for a day. They traveled slowly and seemed only interested in battle. They moved past Arras, Miramont, and then to Clerie by the Somme River, where they stayed for three days, as well as in other nearby spots. On the fourth day, they packed up and headed toward Cambraie, then to S. Quintines, and after that up toward Reims. They found little wealth and few supplies in the countryside because the French king had left everything to his soldiers, who either destroyed or took anything of value to the forts and walled towns. The English then sent a message to the people of Reims, asking for supplies to be sent to their camp, promising to spare the countryside from destruction in return. But the people of Reims refused. This prompted the English to light candles that their eyes in the city could see from afar.

The citizens of Reimes saue their corne fields from destroieng by sending vittels to the English host.

The citizens of Reims save their cornfields from destruction by sending food to the English army.

Sir Thomas Triuet created a baronet.

Sir Thomas Triuet created a baronet.

Knights created.

Knights formed.

Verne or Vernon.

Verne or Vernon.

Moreouer, the Englishmen approched so néere to the walles and diches of the citie, that they brought awaie twentie thousand head of cattell, which the citizens had gotten within the compasse of their diches; and further sent to them within, that if they would not sent bread and wine foorth to vittell the host, in that behalfe they would burne all their corne: for doubt whereof, the citizens sent foorth to the host six charets laden with as much bread and wine as they might carie. Thus was their corne saued from destruction, and the Englishmen by soft and easie iournies drew towards the citie of Trois, in the which was the duke of Burgognie, with the dukes of Burbon and Bar, the earle of Ewe, the lord Coucie, sir Iohn de Vien high admerall of France, and a great number of others of the French nobilitie. They had made a bastide without the towne able to receiue a thousand men of armes, but vpon the Englishmens approch to assault it, they did forsake that strength, and withdrew to the towne. Sir Thomas Triuet was here made a baronet. Also there were certeine new knights made, as sir Peter Berton, sir Iohn and sir Thomas Paulie or Paulet, sir Iohn Stiugulie, sir Thomas Dortingues, sir Iohn Vassecoque, sir Thomas Brasie, sir Iohn Brauin, sir Henrie Vernier, sir Iohn Coleuile, sir William Euerat, sir Nicholas Stiugulie, and sir Hugh Lunit.

Moreover, the Englishmen got so close to the walls and ditches of the city that they took away twenty thousand head of cattle, which the citizens had collected within their ditches. They also sent a message to those inside, saying that if they didn't send out bread and wine to feed the host, they would burn all their grain. Out of fear, the citizens sent out six carts loaded with as much bread and wine as they could carry. This saved their grain from destruction, and the Englishmen, making steady progress, moved towards the city of Troyes, where the Duke of Burgundy, along with the Dukes of Bourbon and Bar, the Earl of Ewe, Lord Coucie, Sir John de Vien, the High Admiral of France, and a large number of other French nobles were gathered. They had built a stronghold outside the town capable of accommodating a thousand armored men, but when the English approached to attack it, they abandoned that position and retreated to the town. Sir Thomas Triuet was made a baronet here. Also, several new knights were created, including Sir Peter Berton, Sir John and Sir Thomas Paulie or Paulet, Sir John Stiugulie, Sir Thomas Dortingues, Sir John Vassecoque, Sir Thomas Brasie, Sir John Brauin, Sir Henry Vernier, Sir John Coleuile, Sir William Euerat, Sir Nicholas Stiugulie, and Sir Hugh Lunit.

The policie of the French king.

The policy of the French king.

The English host perceiuing the Frenchmen to withdrawe into the towne, drew togither, and stood in order of battell for the space of two houres, and then returned to their lodgings. The next day they remooued to Maillerois le vicount neere vnto Sens, and there they remained two daies, and after drew into Gastinois, and so into Beause. They were coasted all the waie by a great power of men of war, as many or more in number as they were themselues. But the French king being a politike prince, wiselie considered what losses the realme of France had susteined afore time, by giuing battell to the Englishmen, and therefore was fullie resolued, that in no wise he would giue licence to his people to fight with the earle of Buckingham; but thought better (as he had learned by good |731| experience) to keepe his townes close against his enimies, and so in the end to wearie them, than by giuing battell to put things in hazard, whereas he knew they could not take from him his countries by this kind of warre, though they sore indamaged the same for a time.

The English host saw the Frenchmen retreating into the town, gathered together, and stood in battle formation for two hours before returning to their lodgings. The next day, they moved to Maillebois, near Sens, where they stayed for two days, and then advanced into Gatinois and on to Beauce. They were accompanied the whole way by a large force of soldiers, as many or more in number than themselves. However, the French king, being a shrewd ruler, wisely considered the losses France had previously suffered by engaging in battle with the English. Therefore, he was fully determined not to give his people permission to fight the Earl of Buckingham; instead, he thought it better (as he had learned from good experience) to keep his towns fortified against his enemies and ultimately wear them down rather than risk everything by giving battle, knowing they couldn’t take his territories through this kind of warfare, even though it would cause significant damage for a time.

In Angl. prælijs sub Edwardo 3.

In Angl. prælijs under Edward III.

There chanced manie small skirmishes amongst those that rode foorth to discouer the countrie, but no notable incounter at all. For the Englishmen in those daies were cats not to be catched without mittens (as Iacob Meir in one place saith) & againe the French men were as warie how they aduentured to come néere them, peraduenture for feare, as in the reigne of king Edward the 3, as C. O. noteth, saieng,

There were many small skirmishes among those who rode out to explore the country, but no significant encounters at all. The Englishmen of that time were elusive, not easily caught (as Jacob Meir points out in one instance), and the Frenchmen were just as cautious about approaching them, perhaps out of fear, similar to the situation during the reign of King Edward III, as C. O. notes, saying,

Contra aciem magnam tremebundo corde Valesus

Contra aciem magnam tremebundo corde Valesus

In campum adiunctum & vicina coëgerat arua,

In the nearby field and the neighboring lands,

Non tamen Angligenas aduersum est ausus aperto

Non tamen Angligenas aduersum est ausus aperto

Tendere Marte feris confligere fortiter armis.

Tendere Mars fights fiercely with weapons.

The death of Charles the 5 French king.

The death of Charles V, the French king.

Onelie they sought how to inclose them vp in the countrie, and to famish them, that they might then fight with them at some great aduantage; but still the English host passed forward, holding on their voiage towards Britaine by Vandosme, Pont Volaine, and so ouer the riuer of Sartre. In this meane while the French king Charles the fift was taken with a sore sicknesse, whereof he departed this life the same daie that the English armie passed ouer the riuer of Sartre, which was on the six and twentith of September, his brethren the dukes of Aniou, Berrie, Burbon, and Burgognie were at Paris with him at the houre of his death, where as a little before they had béene abroad in the countrie with their powers, to defend the cities and townes of importance against the Englishmen, and meant indeed (if they could haue espied their aduantage, and gotten licence thereto of the king) to haue giuen their enimies battell. But now they were otherwise occupied: howbeit they had left their men abroad in the countrie to coast the Englishmen as they had doone before. All the French power was assembled in the citie of Mans, vnder the leading of the duke of Bar, the lord Coucie, and others.

Only they sought how to trap them in the countryside and starve them out so they could then fight them at a great advantage. But still, the English army moved forward, continuing their journey toward Brittany by Vendôme, Pont Volaine, and then across the Sartre River. Meanwhile, King Charles the Fifth of France was taken ill, and he passed away on the same day the English army crossed the Sartre River, which was on the twenty-sixth of September. His brothers, the Dukes of Anjou, Berry, Bourbon, and Burgundy, were in Paris with him at the time of his death, even though they had previously been out in the countryside with their troops defending important cities and towns against the English, and they had planned—if they could find an advantage and get the king's permission—to confront their enemies in battle. But now they were preoccupied with other matters; nevertheless, they had left their men in the countryside to monitor the English as they had done before. All the French forces were assembled in the city of Mans, led by the Duke of Bar, Lord Coucie, and others.

Tho. Walsi.

Tho. Walsi.

The French and Spanish gallies chased from the coast of England to Kingsale in Ireland and there vanquished.

The French and Spanish galleys chased from the coast of England to Kinsale in Ireland and there defeated.

In this meane while that the earle of Buckingham was passing through the realme of France, the French and Spanish gallies did much mischéefe on the coast of England: but about the latter end of Iune, by a fléet of Englishmen of the west countries part of them were forced to retire, and take harbour in an hauen in Ireland called Kingsale, where being assailed of the Englishmen and Irishmen, they were vanquished; so that to the number of foure hundred of them were slaine, and their chéefe capteins taken, as Gonsalue de Verse, and his brother Iohn Martin de Motrigo, Turgo lord of Morants; also lord of Reith, Péers Martin of Vermew, Iohn Modit of Vermew, the seneshall of Wargarie, the seneshall of S. Andrew, Cornelis of S. Sebastiano, Paschale de Biskey, Iohn Martinis, Sopogorge of S. Sebastiano, and diuerse other.

While the Earl of Buckingham was traveling through France, French and Spanish galleys caused a lot of trouble along the coast of England. However, towards the end of June, a fleet of Englishmen from the west managed to force some of them to retreat and take shelter in a harbor in Ireland called Kinsale. There, they were attacked by the English and Irish, resulting in their defeat; about four hundred of them were killed, and their key leaders were captured, including Gonsalvo de Verse, his brother John Martin de Motrigo, Turgo lord of Morants, lord of Reith, Peers Martin of Vermew, John Modit of Vermew, the seneschal of Wargarie, the seneschal of St. Andrew, Cornelis of St. Sebastiano, Paschale de Biskey, John Martinis, Sopogorge of St. Sebastiano, and several others.

Diuerse townes on the English costs destroied and burnt.

Diverse towns on the English coast were destroyed and burned.

The abbat of Battell in rescuing Winchelsie is put to flight.

The abbot of Battell, while trying to rescue Winchelsie, is forced to flee.

Grauesend burnt.

Gravesend burned.

There were taken foure of their barges with a ballenger, and one and twentie English vessels recouered, which they had robbed and taken awaie from their owners. There scaped yet foure of their notable capteins frō the hands of our men, Martin Grantz, Iohn Peris Mantago, Iohn Husce Gitario, and one Garcias of S. Sebastiano, so that the malice of those robbers ceased not. For they with the French gallies, still lieng on the seas, when they espied anie aduantage, would land their people, and doo what mischeefe they could, in taking preies, and burning townes and villages, although now and then they came short to their vessels againe, losing sometimes an hundred, sometimes fourescore that were ouertaken by the Englishmen that came foorth against them. But among other inuasions which they made this summer on the coasts, we find that they burnt the towne of Winchelsie, & put the abbat of Battell to flight with his people, comming to succor that towne and tooke one of his moonks that was there in armor with the abbat.  ¶ Some write also, that they burnt Rie, Hastings, and Portsmouth. Finallie, their boldnesse so farre increased, that in August they entring with their gallies into the riuer of Thames, came vp to Grauesend, where they burnt the most part of the towne, and on the other |732| side of the riuer, as well in Essex as Kent, they burnt and spoiled diuerse places, and with their prisoners and booties returned without receiuing anie hurt, bringing with them to France, both rich spoiles and good prisoners.

Four of their barges were captured along with twenty-one English vessels that they had stolen from their owners. However, four of their notable captains escaped our men: Martin Grantz, John Peris Mantago, John Husce Gitario, and Garcias of St. Sebastiano, so the threat from those robbers did not end. They, along with the French galleys, continued to roam the seas, taking any opportunity to land their crew, causing havoc by seizing loot and burning towns and villages, although they occasionally returned to their vessels, losing sometimes a hundred, other times eighty, to the English who confronted them. Among the various attacks they launched this summer along the coasts, they burned the town of Winchelsea and routed the abbot of Battle and his people, who had come to assist the town, capturing one of his monks who was armored alongside the abbot. Some also report that they burned Rye, Hastings, and Portsmouth. Ultimately, their audacity grew to the point that in August, they entered the River Thames with their galleys and reached Gravesend, where they set much of the town on fire, and on the other side of the river, in both Essex and Kent, they burned and looted several places, returning without suffering any harm, bringing back to France both valuable spoils and important prisoners.

The English host entreth into Britaine.

The English host arrives in Britain.

Naunts besieged by the Englishmen.

Naunts under siege by the English.

But to returne to the earle of Buckingham where we left. The English armie drew still towards Britaine, but with so small doubt of their aduersaries, that they laie three or foure daies sometimes still in one place. At their approching to the marches of Britaine, they came to Vitrie, a towne situate at the first entring into that countrie, and from thence went to Chateau Briant, and there rested, whither came to them certeine knights sent from the duke of Britaine, which signified to the erle of Buckingham what the dukes meaning was. Indéed by the death of the French king, the dukes malice was greatlie abated towards the Frenchmen, so that he had not much passed if the Englishmen had béene at home againe. Moreouer, his townes were not determined to receiue the Englishmen, as enimies to the crown of France: so that he was in a perplexitie how to order his businesse. At length, to shew himselfe a stedfast fréend to the Englishmen, and one that was no changeling, he determined by their support, to force all those to allow the league which he had established with the Englishmen, who had denied to beare armour against the crowne of France. And first, bicause they of Naunts were the ringleaders of that rebellious demeanour, he appointed first to besiege their citie. They hauing knowledge thereof, sent into France for aid.

But to return to the Earl of Buckingham where we left off. The English army continued advancing toward Brittany, but they had so little concern about their opponents that they often stayed for three or four days in one spot. As they approached the borders of Brittany, they arrived at Vitré, a town located at the entrance of that region, and from there they went to Château-Briant, where they took a rest. Some knights sent by the Duke of Brittany came to meet them and conveyed the Duke's intentions to the Earl of Buckingham. Indeed, after the death of the French king, the Duke's hostility towards the French had significantly decreased, to the point where he would have preferred the English to return home. Moreover, his towns were not inclined to welcome the English as enemies of the French crown, putting him in a difficult position about how to handle the situation. Ultimately, to demonstrate that he was a loyal friend to the English and not one to switch allegiances, he decided, with their support, to compel all those who had rejected the alliance he had made with the English who refused to fight against the French crown to accept it. First, because the people of Nantes were the leaders of that rebellious behavior, he planned to lay siege to their city. After learning of this, they called for help from France.

The siege at Naunts broken vp.

The siege at Naunts is over.

The dukes of Aniou, Berrie, Burgognie, and Burbon, brethren to the late king, and vncle to his sonne the yoong king, hauing the gouernance of the realme vnder him, sent six hundred speares with all spéed to strengthen them of Naunts, which defended the citie in such wise from the puissance of the Englishmen, who enuironed the same with a strong siege, that in the end, bicause the duke came not to them (according to his promise) the siege was raised the morrow after New yeares daie, two moneths and foure daies after the same was first laid. The duke of Britaine would gladlie haue come to the siege of Naunts, in strengthening of the English host, but he could not persuade his lords to aid him in anie such enterprise. And therefore now that the earle of Buckingham had broken vp his siege, he caused him to be lodged in the citie of Vannes, & his men abroad in the countrie, some here, and some there, acquiting himselfe as well towards them as he might.

The dukes of Anjou, Berry, Burgundy, and Bourbon, brothers to the late king and uncle to his son the young king, having governance of the realm under him, swiftly sent six hundred spears to reinforce the defenders of Nantes, who protected the city from the strong siege laid by the English. In the end, because the duke did not come to their aid as promised, the siege was lifted the day after New Year's, two months and four days after it had first been initiated. The duke of Brittany would have liked to join the siege at Nantes to support the English forces, but he couldn’t convince his lords to help him with such an effort. Therefore, now that the Earl of Buckingham had lifted his siege, he arranged for him to be accommodated in the city of Vannes, with his men stationed throughout the countryside, some here and some there, doing his best to manage relations with them.

A peace betwixt the French king and the duke of Britaine.

A peace between the French king and the Duke of Brittany.

The articles of the peace.

The peace agreements.

But suerlie the hearts of the Britains were wonderfullie changed, and in no wise would consent to haue anie warre with the Frenchmen, if anie reasonable peace might be concluded. For manie that hated the father, bare good will and heartie loue towards the sonne, whose yoong yeares and great towardnesse allured the hearts of manie to wish him well. Hervpon was meanes made for a peace, which by the duke of Aniou his consent (who bare the greatest rule in France in that season) a finall accord was made, betwixt the yoong king and the duke of Britaine, so that the duke should come and doo his homage vnto the French king, and sweare to be true and faithfull vnto him: also that he should rid the Englishmen out of his countrie, and helpe them with ships and vessels to transport them home into England.

But surely the hearts of the Britons were wonderfully changed, and they absolutely wouldn’t agree to any war with the French if a reasonable peace could be reached. Many who hated the father had good feelings and heartfelt love towards the son, whose youth and potential won the hearts of many who wished him well. Because of this, efforts were made for peace, and with the approval of the Duke of Anjou (who held the most power in France at that time), a final agreement was reached between the young king and the Duke of Brittany. The duke would come and pay homage to the French king, swearing to be loyal and faithful to him; he would also help remove the English from his territory and assist in transporting them back to England by ship.

The earle of Buckingham returned into England.

The Earl of Buckingham returned to England.

The earle of Buckingham, when he vnderstood of this peace, was not a little displeased in his mind, considering that the duke of Britaine had delt so vniustlie with him and his nephue the king of England. But the duke still excused him by his subiects, as though if he had not thus agreed, he should haue beene in danger to haue lost his heritage of that countrie. Finallie, the earle after he had ships prouided for his passage, the eleuenth of Aprill departed out of Vannes, and came to the hauen where his ships laie, and so went aboord in like maner as other of his men did from other hauens, and shortlie after (when the wind serued) tooke the sea, and returned into England, sore displeased with the duke of Britaine for his great vntruth and dissimulation (as he tooke it) not­with­stand­ing all excuses to cloake the matter by him alledged.

The Earl of Buckingham was quite unhappy when he learned about the peace agreement, feeling that the Duke of Brittany had acted unfairly towards him and his nephew, the King of England. However, the Duke continued to justify his actions by blaming his subjects, claiming that if he hadn’t made the agreement, he would have risked losing his heritage in that country. Finally, after arranging for ships for his journey, on April 11th, he left Vannes and arrived at the harbor where his ships were docked, going aboard in the same way as his men from other ports. Shortly after, when the wind was favorable, they set sail and headed back to England, deeply upset with the Duke of Brittany for his great dishonesty and deceit, despite all the excuses the Duke had given to try to justify his actions.

The Scots inuade the English borders and spoile whole countries carrieng awaie great booties.

The Scots invade the English borders and plunder entire regions, taking away huge treasures.

Whilest the Englishmen were thus occupied in warres against the Frenchmen (as before |733| ye haue heard) the Scots could not rest in quiet, but in reuenge for a ship, which the townesmen of Newcastell and Hull had taken on the sea, knowing them to be pirates, determined to doo what mischéefe they could vnto the English borders: for the losse of that ship grieued them, bicause it was esteemed to be verie rich, the goods that were in it being valued at seuen thousand marks. Herevpon the Scots entring by the west borders, inuaded & spoiled the countries of Westmerland and Cumberland, and comming into the forrest of Inglewood, they tooke awaie with them such a number of beasts and cattell, that they were reckoned at fourtie thousand heads of one and other. Besides this, they cruellie slue all such as they could laie hands vpon, and burnt vp all the townes, and houses as they passed: and not content herewith, they stale vpon the towne of Penreth, when the faire was kept there, slaieng, taking, and chasing awaie the people, and after gathering togither all the goods and riches there found, tooke it awaie with them, whereof there was such plentie as might haue satisfied the couetous desire of a most greedie armie. They returned by Carleil, but hearing that there were gotten into it a great number of men out of the countries adioining, they durst not staie to make any attempt against that towne, but compassed their waie to escape with their booties home into their countrie, which they did, although they lost some of their companie as they passed by an ambushment of certeine archers of Westmerland and Cumberland, that were laid for them of purpose. When the earle of North­um­ber­land would haue gone foorth to reuenge those iniuries doone to the countrie by the Scots, he was written to from the king and his councell, to forbeare till the daie of truce, at what time it might be knowen what was further to be doone in the matter.

While the English were busy fighting the French, as you’ve heard before, the Scots couldn’t sit idly by. In revenge for a ship that the townspeople of Newcastle and Hull had seized at sea, knowing it was a pirate vessel, they decided to cause as much damage as possible to the English borders. They were upset about the loss of that ship because it was believed to be very valuable, with its cargo worth seven thousand marks. So, the Scots entered from the west borders, invaded and looted Westmorland and Cumberland. When they got to the Forest of Inglewood, they took so many animals and cattle that they were counted at forty thousand heads altogether. On top of that, they brutally killed everyone they could catch and burned down all the towns and houses in their path. Not satisfied with this, they ambushed the town of Penrith during a fair, killing, capturing, and driving away the people, and then they gathered all the goods and wealth they found and took it with them. There was so much of it that it could have satisfied the greedy desires of a very hungry army. They returned via Carlisle, but when they heard that many men from the surrounding areas had gathered there, they didn’t risk trying to attack the town. Instead, they found a way to escape back to their country with their loot, even though they lost some men due to an ambush set by archers from Westmorland and Cumberland who were waiting for them. When the Earl of Northumberland wanted to go out to exact revenge for the injuries done to the country by the Scots, he received a letter from the king and his council, advising him to wait until the day of truce, when it would be clearer what further actions should be taken regarding the situation.

An armie lingering in the north parts greatlie impouerisheth the countrie.

An army lingering in the northern regions greatly weakens the country.

Additions to Adam Merimuth.

Additions to *Adam Merimuth*.

About Michaelmasse the duke of Lancaster, the earles of Warwike, and Stafford, with other lords and men of honor, hauing with them a great power of souldiers and men of warre, went into the north parts, and comming to the borders, they laie there till they had consumed no small summes of monie, and indamaged the countrie as much as if the Scotish armie had inuaded the same. The good they did, was, that after long treatie with the Scotish com­mis­sion­ers, a truce was agreed vpon till Easter following, which being concluded, they returned home without any more adoo. For the space of halfe a score yeares togither now last past, the Englishmen euerie yeare had one or two such treaties with the Scots about the incursions and rodes which they yearelie made into the English borders, sore indamaging the inhabitants of those north parts of the realme, not­with­stand­ing any truce or abstinence of warre that might be concluded.

About Michaelmas, the Duke of Lancaster, the Earls of Warwick and Stafford, along with other lords and nobles, brought a large force of soldiers and warriors into the north. They stayed at the borders until they had spent a significant amount of money and had damaged the area as much as if the Scottish army had invaded. The only good that came from it was that, after lengthy discussions with the Scottish commissioners, a truce was agreed upon until Easter the following year. Once that was settled, they went home without any further fuss. For the past twenty years, the English had one or two such treaties with the Scots each year concerning the raids and incursions they made into the English borders, severely harming the residents of those northern parts of the kingdom, regardless of any truce or ceasefire that might have been agreed upon.

Treason in letters writtē by sir Rafe Ferrers to certeine French lords.

Treason in letters written by Sir Rafe Ferrers to certain French lords.

Whilest the armie (as ye haue heard) laie idle in the north parts, there were certeine letters found by a poore man about London, who deliuered them vnto the worthie citizen Iohn Philpot, who calling vnto him certeine other worshipfull citizens, opened one of them, in which was conteined matter of high treason: and perceiuing by the seale that it belonged vnto sir Rafe Ferrers knight, one of the kings priuie councell, deliuered that letter with foure other letters closed with the same seale, first to the lord chancellor, and after to the king, the which being read and the seale knowne to be the said sir Rafe Ferrers his seale, manie greatlie maruelled that so ancient a knight, and one in whom so great trust was put, should go about any such treasons.

While the army (as you have heard) lay idle in the northern parts, a poor man in London found certain letters and delivered them to the worthy citizen John Philpot. He called upon some other respected citizens and opened one of the letters, which contained information about high treason. Upon noticing the seal, he recognized that it belonged to Sir Rafe Ferrers, a knight and one of the king's privy councilors. He then handed over that letter along with four other letters sealed with the same seal, first to the Lord Chancellor and then to the king. Once read and the seal identified as belonging to Sir Rafe Ferrers, many were greatly astonished that such an esteemed knight, someone trusted so much, would be involved in any treasonous activities.

One of the letters was directed to sir Bertram de Cleaquin, an other to the lord de la Riuer the chamberlaine of France, an other to the lord Clisson, and an other to the patrone of the gallies, and to the capteine of the armie of Frenchmen and Spaniards, which at the same time wafting alongst the coasts, did much hurt in diuerse places of the land. Foorthwith the said Philpot and others were sent in post from the king to the duke of Lancaster, that for somuch as the said sir Rafe Ferrers was then in the north parts with him, intreating with the Scots, he should arrest him and put him in safe kéeping, which commandement the duke did accomplish, and committed him to be safelie kept in the castell of Duresme, but shortlie after in the next parlement he was set at libertie, foure |734| barons being bound for his foorth comming, till true that he might more euidentlie declare his innocencie.

One of the letters was addressed to Sir Bertram de Cleaquin, another to Lord de la Riuer, the Chamberlain of France, another to Lord Clisson, and another to the commander of the galleys and the captain of the French and Spanish army, which at that time was sailing along the coasts and causing significant damage in various parts of the land. Immediately, Philpot and others were sent by the king to the Duke of Lancaster, instructing him to detain Sir Rafe Ferrers, who was then in the north with him, negotiating with the Scots, and to ensure his safe custody. The duke followed this order and had him securely held in the Castle of Durham, but shortly after, in the next parliament, he was released on the condition that four barons would guarantee his appearance until he could more clearly prove his innocence.

A parlement at Northampton.

A parliament in Northampton.

Iohn Kirkbie executed for murthering a merchant stranger.

Iohn Kirkbie was executed for murdering a foreign merchant.

About the feast of S. Martine, was a parlement holden at Northampton to the more trouble of them that came to it, bicause in that season of the yeare they were constreined to come where there was no store of fewell to make them fiers: and beside that, lodgings were verie streict for so great a multitude. But the cause that mooued the councell to appoint this parlement there, was to the end that they might the more fréelie procéed to the triall of Iohn Kirkbie a citizen of London, that had murthered the Genowais (as before ye haue hard) which Kirkbie was condemned at this parlement, and drawne and hanged in the sight of the Londoners that were come thither, which execution if it should haue beene doone at London, the lords doubted least some tumult might haue béene raised by the citizens, who were reckoned in those daies verie rash and presumptuous in their dooings.

About the feast of St. Martin, there was a parliament held in Northampton, which was more troublesome for those who attended, because at that time of year they were forced to come to a place that had very little fuel for fires; and on top of that, accommodations were very limited for such a large crowd. However, the reason the council decided to hold this parliament there was to allow them to more freely proceed with the trial of John Kirkbie, a citizen of London, who had murdered the Genoese (as you've heard before). Kirkbie was condemned at this parliament and was drawn and hanged in front of the Londoners who had come there. If this execution had taken place in London, the lords feared that it might have sparked some unrest among the citizens, who were considered very rash and reckless in those days.

A gréeuous subsidie.

A generous subsidy.

Twelue pēce as some haue.

Twelve pieces as some have.

1381.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

But now to the effect of this parlement. There was a new and strange subsidie or taske granted to be leuied for the kings vse, and towards the charges of this armie that went ouer into France with the earle of Buckingham; to wit, of euerie préest secular or regular six shillings eight pence, and as much of euerie nunne, and of euerie man & woman married or not married being 16 yeares of age (beggers certenlie knowne onlie excepted) foure pence for euerie one. Great grudging & manie a bitter cursse followed about the leuieng of this monie, & much mischéefe rose thereof, as after it appeared.  ¶ In this fourth yeare of king Richards reigne, immediatlie after Christmasse, Thomas Brantingham bishop of Exeter and lord treasuror, was discharged of his office of treasurorship, and sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns was aduanced in his place, a right noble and manlie knight, but not beloued of the commons.

But now let's discuss the impact of this parliament. A new and unusual tax was approved to be collected for the king's use and to cover the expenses of the army that went to France with the Earl of Buckingham. Specifically, every secular or regular priest was taxed six shillings and eight pence, as were every nun, and every man and woman, whether married or single, who was 16 years old or older (excluding known beggars) was taxed four pence each. There was a lot of resentment and many bitter curses regarding the collection of this money, and much trouble arose from it, as became evident later. In the fourth year of King Richard's reign, right after Christmas, Thomas Brantingham, the Bishop of Exeter and Lord Treasurer, was relieved of his treasury duties, and Sir Robert Hales, Lord of St. John's, was promoted to that position. He was a noble and valiant knight, but not well-liked by the common people.

Wicliffes opinion.

Wycliffe's opinion.

The cardinall of Praxed.

The Cardinal of Praxed.

Triennals.

Triennial exhibitions.

All for monie.

All for money.

About this time did Iohn Wicliffe chieflie set foorth his opinion touching the sacrament of the altar, denieng the doctrine of tran­sub­stan­tia­tion, and that it ought not in any wise to be worshipped in such sort as the church of Rome then did teach.  ¶ There were ambassadors sent into Germanie, to treat with the emperour for a marriage to be had, betwixt the king of England, and the emperours sister. About the beginning of March they returned, bringing with them the cardinall, intituled of saint Praxed, and the duke of Tarsilia, and other nobles that came from the emperor, to treat with the king & his councell about the same marriage. This cardinall, whether he passed the bounds of his commission and authoritie to him granted by the pope (as some write) or whether he was furnished with such faculties, he was very liberall in bestowing of them abrode on all such as would come with monie. Indulgences, which the pope had vsed onelie to reserue for himselfe to bestow, this man granted the same liberallie, both biennals and triennals. He gaue also letters confessionall, to all those that would paie for them, admitting aswell beneficed men as other, to be the popes chapleins. He made notaries for monie, and denied not altars portatiue to anie that would pay for them.

Around this time, John Wycliffe primarily promoted his views on the sacrament of the altar, rejecting the doctrine of transubstantiation, and argued that it should not be worshipped in the manner that the Church of Rome was teaching at that time. There were ambassadors sent to Germany to negotiate a marriage between the King of England and the Emperor's sister. By early March, they returned, bringing with them Cardinal Saint Praxed, the Duke of Tarsilia, and other nobles from the Emperor to discuss the marriage with the King and his council. This cardinal, whether he exceeded the limits of his authority granted by the pope (as some say) or whether he had such powers, was very generous in distributing them freely to anyone willing to pay. Indulgences, which the pope had previously reserved only for himself to give out, he granted liberally, both for two-year and three-year periods. He also issued letters of confession to anyone who would pay for them, allowing both beneficed men and others to be the pope's chaplains. He created notaries for money and made altars portable available to anyone willing to pay for them.

He receiued fortie pounds, besides other gifts, of the moonks of the Cisteaux order, to grant to them a generall licence to eat flesh indifferentlie, as well abroad, as they had béene accustomed to doo at home within their monasteries. To those that were excommunicate he gaue absolution: those that had vowed to go in pilgrimage to Rome, to the holie land, or to saint Iames, he would not first release them, till he had receiued so much monie, according to the true valuation, as they should haue spent in their iornies: and to be bréefe, nothing could be asked, but for monie he was readie to grant it. And when he was requested to shew by what power he did all these things, with great indignation he answered, that he would let them vnderstand at Rome, if they would needs know the authoritie which he had. At length his males were so filled with siluer, that his seruants disdained to make them anie answer, except they brought gold, saieng; “Bring vs gold, |735| for we are full of your siluer.” But at his departure he tooke all awaie with him, both gold and siluer in such abundance as was maruellous. This hath beene the practise of the Romanists from time to time, wherevpon grew this common byword (taxing the polling and shauing shifts of that execrable see, gaping gulfe, and insatiable sea)

He received forty pounds, along with other gifts, from the monks of the Cistercian order to grant them a general license to eat meat freely, both away from home and as they had been used to doing in their monasteries. He gave absolution to those who were excommunicated; however, he would not release those who had vowed to go on pilgrimages to Rome, the Holy Land, or Saint James until he had received the equivalent amount of money they would have spent on their journeys. In short, nothing could be asked without a payment, as he was ready to grant anything for money. When he was asked to explain the authority behind his actions, he responded with great anger that he would inform them in Rome if they really wanted to know what authority he had. In the end, his bags were so filled with silver that his servants refused to respond to anyone unless they brought gold, saying, “Bring us gold, |735| for we are full of your silver.” But when he left, he took everything away with him, both gold and silver, in such great amounts that it was astonishing. This behavior has been common among the Romanists over time, leading to the popular saying (criticizing the absurd tax and payment demands of that detestable see, gaping pit, and insatiable ocean).

Curia Romana non quærit ouem sine lana.

Curia Romana doesn't seek a sheep without wool.

An armie sent into Portingale to aid the king there against the K. of Castile.

An army was sent to Portugal to help the king there against the King of Castile.

But now to returne to other matters concerning the state of the realme. After the returne of the earle of Buckingham, it was ordeined by aduise of the councell, that the duke of Lancaster should eftsoones go as ambassador from king Richard into Scotland, to see if he might renew the truce (which shortlie would haue beene expired) for three yéeres longer. Also whereas there was variance and open war mainteined, betwixt Iohn king of Castile, and king Iohn of Portingale, the earle of Cambridge, the lord William de Beauchampe, the lord Botreux, and sir Matthew Gournie, were sent into Portingale with fiue hundred armed men, and fiue hundred archers to aid the king of Portingale against the king of Castile, who was sonne to the bastard Henrie: for the duke of Lancaster reioised greatlie, that he might haue such a fréend as the king of Portingale, to ioine with him in aid against the king of Castile; meaning (as soone as opportunity would serue) to go ouer with an armie to chalenge his right, and pursue his claime to the crowne of Castile and Leon, against the vsurper, in right of his wife quéene Constance, eldest daughter to the late lawfull king Peter, whom Henrie the bastard as before (yée haue heard) did still persecute, till he had bereft from him both his life and kingdome.

But now, let's return to other matters concerning the state of the realm. After the return of the Earl of Buckingham, the council decided that the Duke of Lancaster should once again go as an ambassador for King Richard to Scotland, to see if he could renew the truce (which would soon expire) for three more years. Additionally, since there was conflict and open war between John, King of Castile, and King John of Portugal, the Earl of Cambridge, Lord William de Beauchamp, Lord Botreux, and Sir Matthew Gournie were sent to Portugal with five hundred armed men and five hundred archers to support the King of Portugal against King Castile, who was the son of the illegitimate Henry. The Duke of Lancaster was very pleased to have such a friend as the King of Portugal to ally with against King Castile, intending (as soon as the opportunity arose) to go over with an army to claim his right and pursue his claim to the crowns of Castile and Leon against the usurper, in the right of his wife, Queen Constance, the eldest daughter of the late lawful King Peter, whom Henry the bastard (as you have heard) continuously persecuted until he had taken both his life and kingdom.

The cōmons by reason of the great subsidie and other oppressions rise in diuerse parts of the realme.

The common people are rising up in various parts of the realm because of the heavy taxes and other oppressions.

Villaines.

Villains.

It was meant therefore that if the duke of Lancaster could compasse his purpose, for the which he went at that time into Scotland, to the honour of the king and realme, then should he shortlie after follow his brother of Cambridge with a great power, to trie what chance God would send to him, against his aduersarie the king of Castile.  ¶ In the meane time other incidents fell within the realme in the fourth yeare of king Richard, sore to the disquieting of the same, and vtter disappointing for that time of the duke of Lancasters intent. The commons of the realme sore repining, not onelie for the pole grotes that were demanded of them, by reason of the grant made in parlement (as yée haue heard) but also (as some write) for that they were sore oppressed (as they tooke the matter) by their land-lords, that demanded of them their ancient customes and seruices, set on by some diuelish instinct & persuasion of their owne beastlie intentions, as men not content with the state wherevnto they were called, rose in diuerse parts of this realme, and assembled togither in companies, purposing to inforce the prince to make them frée and to release them of all seruitude, whereby they stood as bondmen to their lords and superiours.

It was intended that if the Duke of Lancaster could achieve his goal, for which he traveled to Scotland at that time for the honor of the king and the realm, he would soon follow his brother of Cambridge with a large force to see what fortune God would send him against his adversary, the King of Castile. In the meantime, other events occurred within the realm in the fourth year of King Richard that greatly troubled it and completely thwarted the Duke of Lancaster's plans. The common people were very upset, not only because of the poll taxes that were imposed on them due to the grant made in Parliament (as you have heard), but also (as some have noted) because they felt heavily burdened by their landlords, who demanded from them their traditional payments and services. Driven by some wicked instinct and their own foolish desires, those unhappy with their situation rose up in various parts of the realm and gathered in groups, intending to force the prince to grant them freedom and release them from all servitude, in which they were bound to their lords and superiors.

The beginning of the rebellion at Derford in Kent.

The start of the uprising in Derford, Kent.

Where this rebellion of the commons first began, diuerse haue written diuerslie. One author writeth, that (as he learned by one that was not farre from the place at that time) the first beginning should be at Dertford in Kent: for when those pole shillings, or rather (as other haue) pole grotes, were to be collected, no small murmuring, curssing, and repining among the common people rose about the same, and the more indeed, through the lewd demenour of some vndiscréet officers, that were assigned to the gathering thereof, insomuch that one of those officers being appointed to gather vp that monie in Dertford aforesaid, came to the house of one Iohn Tiler, that had both seruants in his house, and a faire yong maid to his daughter. The officer there fore demanding monie for the said Tiler and for his wife, his seruants, and daughter, the wife being at home, and hir husband abroad at worke in the towne, made answer that hir daughter was not of age, and therefore she denied to paie for hir.

Where this rebellion of the common people first started, various people have written different accounts. One author states that, as he heard from someone who was nearby at the time, the initial spark was in Dartford, Kent. When those pole shillings, or as others call them, pole groats, were to be collected, there was quite a bit of grumbling, cursing, and resentment among the common folk. This was intensified by the inappropriate behavior of some indiscreet officers assigned to collect the money. One of those officers, who was tasked with gathering money in Dartford, went to the house of John Tiler, who had both servants and a beautiful young daughter. When the officer demanded money for Tiler, his wife, his servants, and his daughter, the wife, who was home while her husband was working in town, responded that their daughter was not of age and therefore she refused to pay for her.

Now here is to be noted, that this monie was in common speech said to be due for all those that were vndergrowne, bicause that yoong persons as well of the man as of the womankind, comming to the age of fouretéene or fifteene yeares, haue commonlie haire growing foorth about those priuie parts, which for honesties sake nature hath taught vs to couer and keepe secret. The officer therefore not satisfied with the mothers excuse, said |736| he would feele whether hir daughter were of lawfull age or not, and therewith began to misuse the maid, and search further than honestie would haue permitted. The mother streightwaies made an outcrie, so that hir husband being in the towne at worke, and hearing of this adoo at his house, came running home with his lathing staffe in his hand, and began to question with the officer, asking who made him so bold to keepe such a rule in his house: the officer being somewhat presumptuous, and highminded, would foorthwith haue flowne vpon this Tiler; but I. Tiler auoiding the officers blow, raught him such a rap on the pate, that his braines flue out, and so presentlie he died.

Now, it's important to note that this money was commonly said to be owed to all those who were underage, because young people, both boys and girls, when they reach the age of fourteen or fifteen, typically start to grow hair in their private areas, which for the sake of decency, nature has taught us to cover and keep private. The officer, not satisfied with the mother's excuse, said he would check whether her daughter was of legal age or not, and then began to improperly handle the girl, going further than what was appropriate. The mother immediately cried out, causing her husband, who was working in town, to rush home upon hearing the commotion at their house, armed with his lathe staff, and he began to question the officer, asking who gave him the right to impose such rules in his home. The officer, somewhat arrogant and haughty, was about to attack the Tiler, but I. Tiler dodged the officer's strike and gave him such a blow to the head that his brains spilled out, and he died right then and there.

Great noise rose about this matter in the stréets, and the poore folks being glad, euerie man arraied himselfe to support Iohn Tiler, & thus the commons drew togither, and went to Maidestone, and from thence to Blackheath, where their number so increased, that they were reckoned to be thirtie thousand. And the said Iohn Tiler tooke vpon him to be their cheefe capteine, naming himselfe Iacke Straw.  ¶ Others write, that one Thomas Baker of Fobbings was the first that procured the people thus to assemble togither: and that one of the kings seruants named Iohn Leg, with three of his fellowes, practised to féele yoong maids whether they were vndergrowne (as yée haue hard the officer did at Dertford) which dishonest and vnséemelie kind of dealing did set the people streight in such a rage and vprore, that they cared not what they did to be reuenged of such iniuries.

A big uproar spread through the streets about this issue, and the poor folks were happy, so everyone got ready to support John Tiler. The common people gathered together and headed to Maidstone, then to Blackheath, where their numbers grew to around thirty thousand. John Tiler took charge, calling himself Jack Straw. ¶ Others say that Thomas Baker from Fobbings was the first to bring the people together. They also mention that a servant of the king named John Leg, along with three of his friends, tried to check if young girls were underage (like you’ve heard the officer did at Dartford), which was such inappropriate and shameful behavior that it incited the people to a fury, leading them to seek revenge for these wrongs.

The commōs of Essex begin the commotiō as Wal. saith.

The commons of Essex start the commotion as Wal. says.

The armor of ye Essex rebels.

The armor of the Essex rebels.

But Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, that the first sparkes of this rebellion kindled in Essex, where the inhabitants of two townes onelie at the first, that were the authors and first stirrers of all this mischéefe, did send vnto euerie little towne about, that all manner of men, as well those that were aged, as others that were in their lustiest time and youthfull yeares, should come to them with speed, setting all excuses apart, in their best arraie and furniture for warre, threatning to such as came not, that their goods should be spoiled, their houses burnt or cast downe, and they to lose their heads when they were taken. The terror of this threatning caused the ignorant people to flocke to them by heaps, leauing all their businesse, letting plough and cart stand, forsaking wife, children, and houses, so that in a short time there were fiue thousand gotten togither of those commons and husbandmen, of which number manie were weaponed onelie with staues, some with rustie swords and billes, and other with smokie bowes, more ruddie than old yuorie, not hauing past two or thrée arrowes, and the same happilie with one feather a peece.

But Thomas Walsingham states that the first sparks of this rebellion ignited in Essex, where the residents of just two towns initially acted as the instigators of all this trouble. They sent messages to every nearby town, urging all kinds of people—both the elderly and those in the prime of youth—to come to them quickly, disregarding any excuses, and dressed in their best military gear. They threatened anyone who didn't come that their possessions would be destroyed, their homes burned or knocked down, and they would lose their heads if captured. The fear from this threat caused the uninformed people to rush to them in droves, abandoning their work, leaving plows and carts behind, and forsaking their wives, children, and homes. In a short time, around five thousand common people and farmers had gathered, many armed only with sticks, some with rusty swords and halberds, and others with smoky bows, which were more red than old ivory, having only two or three arrows each, and luck if they came with one feather apiece.

Among a thousand of those kind of persons, yée should not haue séene one well armed: and yet by reason of their multitude, when they were once got togither, they thought the whole relme had not beene able to resist them; and supposed that they could with facilitie (in respect of the aduerse part) make the states of the land stoope to them, and by their permission to reteine or compulsion to resigne their roomes of dignitie. But the fond conceited rowt considered not the euent of this insurrection, that the woorst would be their owne; for the old saieng is true, namelie,

Among a thousand of those types of people, you wouldn't have seen even one properly armed. Yet, because of their numbers, when they all came together, they believed the entire realm couldn't resist them. They thought they could easily make the leaders of the land submit to them and either let them keep their positions or force them to give them up. But the foolish group didn't consider the outcome of this uprising—the worst consequences would fall on them. For the old saying is true, namely,

Læditur a stimulo quicunq; fricatur abillo.

Læditur a stimulo quicunq; fricatur abillo.

The oth ministred by the rebels to all passengers.

The others were administered by the rebels to all passengers.

Moreouer, to make their part the stronger, these Essexmen sent ouer into Kent, aduertising the people there of their enterprise, and therefore willed them to make them readie to ioine with them for their obteining of libertie, and reforming of the euill customs of the realme. Whether the Kentishmen through persuasions of their neighbors of Essex, by occasion of that which had chanced at Dertford (as before yée haue heard) or (as it may be) the same chancing at that selfe time, they being mooued as well by the one as the other, vp they got (as yée haue heard) and gathering their power out of the next quarters adioining by the like policie which had béene practised by the Essexmen, they stirred vp the most part of the countrie to ioine with them, and foorthwith stopping the waie that led to Canturburie, and arresting all such as passed by the same, they caused them to swere that they should be true to king Richard, and to the commons, & neuer to receiue anie king that should be called Iohn. And this was for the enuie which they bare to Iohn |737| of Gant the duke of Lancaster, who in right of his wife Constance, that was daughter to king Peter of Castile, did name himselfe king of Castile.

Moreover, to make their case stronger, these people from Essex sent word to Kent, informing the locals about their plans and urging them to prepare to join forces for gaining freedom and reforming the bad customs of the realm. Whether the people of Kent were influenced by their neighbors from Essex due to what happened at Dartford (as you've already heard) or perhaps because of new events at that very moment, they were motivated by both situations. They gathered their strength from the nearby areas using a similar strategy the Essex group had used, rallying most of the countryside to join them. They quickly blocked the road to Canterbury and detained everyone passing by, forcing them to swear loyalty to King Richard and the common people, and never to accept any king named John. This was driven by their resentment towards John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster, who claimed the title of King of Castile through his wife Constance, the daughter of King Peter of Castile.

The commons of other shires hearing of the stur in Kent & Essex, rise in like maner.

The communities in other counties, hearing about the trouble in Kent and Essex, rise up in a similar way.

Lawiers, iustices & iurors brought to blockam feast by the rebels.

Lawyers, judges, and jurors brought to a blockade feast by the rebels.

Also they caused them to sweare that they should be readie to come to them whensoeuer they sent for them, and induce all their neighbours to take part with them. And further, that they should neuer yéeld to anie tax to be leuied on the realme, except a fiftéenth onelie. Thus it came to passe, that after it was spred abroad what stur these Essex and Kentishmen kept; the commons also in the counties of Sussex, Hertford, Cambridge, Suffolke, and Norffolke, and other shires about, bustled vp and ran togither on heapes, so that the number of those vnrulie people maruellouslie increased, in such wise as now they feared no resistance, and therefore began to shew proofe of those things which they had before conceiued in their minds, beheading all such men of law, iustices, and iurors, as they might catch, and laie hands vpon, without respect of pitie, or remorse of conscience, alledging that the land could neuer enioy hir natiue and true libertie, till all those sorts of people were dispatched out of the waie.

They also made them swear that they would be ready to come to them whenever they called and convince all their neighbors to join in. Furthermore, they vowed never to agree to any tax imposed on the realm, except for a single fifteenth. Consequently, once it became known how much trouble the people from Essex and Kent were causing, the common folks in the counties of Sussex, Hertford, Cambridge, Suffolk, Norfolk, and other surrounding shires rallied together in large numbers. This uprising grew remarkably, so much so that they no longer feared any opposition, and thus they began to act on their previous intentions, executing all the lawyers, justices, and jurors they could capture, without any regard for pity or remorse, claiming that the land could never achieve its true freedom until all those people were removed from the way.

The next way to extinguish right.

The next way to do what's right.

An huge number of ye rebels. Fabian. Capteins of the Essex and Kentish rebels.

An enormous number of ye rebels. Fabian. Leaders of the Essex and Kentish rebels.

The rebels send to the K. to come speak with them.

The rebels ask the K. to come talk to them.

This talke liked well the eares of the common vplandish people, and by the lesse conueieng the more, they purposed to burne and destroie all records, euidences, court-rolles, and other minuments, that the remembrance of ancient matters being remooued out of mind, their landlords might not haue whereby to chalenge anie right at their hands. Their number still increased: for all such as were in debt or danger of law for their misdemeanors and offenses, came out of all coasts vnto them, so that when the Essexmen, and other of the hither side the Thames, were passed ouer and ioined with the Kentishmen, & those that were assembled on that side the riuer vpon Blackeheath; they were estéemed to be an hundred thousand, hauing diuerse capteins besides the said Iacke Straw, as William Wraw, Wat Tiler, Iacke Shéepheard, Tom Milner, and Hob Carter. Whilest they were lodged on Blackheath, the king sent to them certeine knights, to vnderstand of them the cause of their gathering thus togither, to whom answer was made, that they were come togither to speake with the king about certeine causes and businesse, & therefore they bad the messengers returne, and declare to the king that there was no remedie but he must needs come and speake with them.

This talk really appealed to the ears of the average common people, and by minimizing the details, they planned to burn and destroy all records, evidence, court rolls, and other documents so that the memory of past matters would be erased, and their landlords wouldn’t have anything to claim their rights. Their numbers continued to grow: everyone who was in debt or in legal trouble for their wrongdoings joined them from all around, so when the people from Essex and others from this side of the Thames crossed over to join the Kentishmen and those gathered on that side of the river on Blackheath, they were estimated to be around one hundred thousand, led by various captains besides Jack Straw, including William Wraw, Wat Tyler, Jack Shepherd, Tom Milner, and Hob Carter. While they were camped on Blackheath, the king sent certain knights to find out why they had come together. They replied that they had gathered to speak with the king about certain issues and business, and therefore, they told the messengers to go back and inform the king that the only solution was for him to come and speak with them.

Ill counsell.

Sick advisor.

When this tale was told to the king, there were some that thought it best that he should go to them, and know what their meaning was: but Simon de Sudburie the archbishop of Canturburie, that was lord chancellor, and also sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns, and as then lord treasuror, spake earnestlie against that aduise, and would not by anie meanes that the king should go to such a sort of barelegged ribalds; but rather they wished that he should take some order to abate the pride of such vile rascals. After the commons vnderstood that the king would not come to them, by reason of the contrarie aduise giuen to him by those two persons, the lord chancellor and the lord treasuror, they were maruellouslie mooued against them, and sware that they would not rest till they had got them, & chopped off their heads, calling them traitors to the king and realme.

When this story was shared with the king, some thought it would be best for him to go see them and understand their intentions. However, Simon de Sudburie, the Archbishop of Canterbury, who was the Lord Chancellor, along with Sir Robert Hales, the Lord of St. John's and then Lord Treasurer, strongly opposed that idea. They insisted that the king should not visit such a group of unruly characters; instead, they advocated for him to take action to reduce the arrogance of these disgraceful individuals. Once the common people realized that the king would not meet with them due to the contrary advice given by the Chancellor and the Treasurer, they were extremely upset with them. They vowed that they wouldn't rest until they had captured them and beheaded them, labeling them as traitors to the king and the realm.

Froissard.

Froissard.

The rebels spoile Southwarke, and set all prisoners at large.

The rebels raided Southwark and released all the prisoners.

Neuerthelesse there be that write, that the king (to cut off the branches of such mischeefe now in the first budding thereof) to satisfie in part the desire of those rude people, went downe the riuer in his barge to Rethereth, and there néere the shore keeping himselfe still on the water, talked with a great number of them that came downe to the riuer side. But forsomuch as he would not come foorth of his barge to them on land, which they seemed most to desire, they were in a great rage, and so for that they could not haue him amongst them (as they wished) in furious wise they ran to the citie, and at the first approach they spoiled the burrough of Southwarke, brake vp the prisons of the Marshalsea, & the Kings bench, set the prisoners at libertie, & admitted them into their companie.

Nonetheless, there are those who write that the king, wanting to put a stop to such trouble right at its beginning, and to partly satisfy the desires of those unruly people, went down the river in his barge to Rotherhithe. There, remaining on the water near the shore, he talked with a large number of them who came down to the riverbank. However, since he wouldn’t leave his barge to meet them on land, which they seemed to want the most, they became very angry. Because they couldn't have him among them as they wished, they stormed off to the city and, upon their arrival, looted the borough of Southwark, broke open the prisons of the Marshalsea and the King's Bench, set the prisoners free, and welcomed them into their group.

The commons of London aiders of the rebels.

The common people of London support the rebels.

All rebels pretend reformation but indéed purpose destruction both of king and countrie.

All rebels pretend to reform, but in reality, they aim to destroy both the king and the country.

This was on Corpus Christi daie, as the same authors write, that the king should thus talke with them: but their first entring into Southwarke, was on Corpus Christi euen, as Thomas Walsingham saith, passing at their pleasure to and fro the bridge all that night: for although the lord maior, and other of the best citizens would gladlie haue closed the |738| gates against them, yet they durst not doo it, for feare of the commons of the citie, who seemed to fauour the cause of the rebels so apparantlie, that they threatned to kill both the lord maior, & all other that would take vpon them to shut the gates against the commons. The Londoners liked better of the commons, for that they protested the cause of their assembling togither, was not but to seeke out the traitors of the realme, and when they had found them foorth, and punished them according to that they had deserued, they ment to be quiet. And to giue the more credit to their saiengs, they suffered none of their companie to rob or spoile, but caused them to paie for that they tooke.

This was on Corpus Christi Day, as the same authors write, that the king should talk with them: but their first entry into Southwark was on Corpus Christi Eve, as Thomas Walsingham says, crossing the bridge back and forth all that night at their leisure. Although the Lord Mayor and other prominent citizens would have gladly closed the gates against them, they didn’t dare do it out of fear of the city’s common people, who clearly supported the rebels’ cause and threatened to kill both the Lord Mayor and anyone else who tried to shut the gates against them. The Londoners preferred the common people because they claimed their reason for gathering was simply to find the traitors of the realm, and once they had identified and punished them as deserved, they intended to be peaceful. To lend more credibility to their claims, they allowed no one from their group to steal or plunder, but insisted that they pay for whatever they took.

The Sauoie the duke of Lancasters house burnt by the rebels.

The Sauoie, the Duke of Lancaster's house, was burned by the rebels.

On the morrow being Corpus Christi day, on the which day it is reported that the king should talke with them at Rethereth (as before ye haue heard) after that they saw that they could not haue him to come and talke with them on land, as they wished, and that now they had filled their heads full with the fume of such wines as they dranke in euerie mans cellar that was set open for them, enter who would: they fell in talke with the Londoners of manie lewd deuises, as of the apprehending of traitors, and speciallie concerning such misliking as they had of the duke of Lancaster, whom they hated aboue all other persons. And herevpon agréeing in one mind, after diuerse other of their outragious dooings, they ran the same day to the said dukes house of the Sauoie, to the which in beautie and statelinesse of building, with all maner of princelie furniture, there was not any other in the realme comparable, which in despite of the duke, whom they called traitor, they set on fire, and by all waies and means indeuoured vtterlie to destroie it.

The next day was Corpus Christi, and it was reported that the king was supposed to talk with them at Rethereth (as you have already heard). After realizing they couldn't get him to meet with them on land as they wanted, and having filled their heads with the effects of the various wines they drank in every open cellar they could find, they started talking with the Londoners about many foolish schemes, especially regarding the capture of traitors and their strong dislike for the Duke of Lancaster, whom they hated more than anyone else. Agreeing together after discussing their various outrageous plans, they rushed that same day to the Duke’s house at Savoy, which was unmatched in beauty and grandeur of construction and royal furnishings throughout the realm. In spite of the Duke, whom they labeled a traitor, they set it on fire and did everything they could to completely destroy it.

Strange dealing of the rebels.

Weird behavior of the rebels.

The iustice of the rebels.

The justice of the rebels.

The shamefull spoile which they there made was wonderfull, and yet the zeale of iustice, truth, and vpright dealing which they would seeme to shew, was as nice and strange on the other part, speciallie in such kind of misgouerned people: for in that spoiling of the dukes house, all the iewels, plate, and other rich and sumptuous furniture which they there found in great plentie, they would not that any man should fare the better by it of a mite, but threw all into the fire, so to be consumed; and such things as the fire could not altogither destroie, as plate and iewels, they brake and crashed in péeces, throwing the same into the Thames. One of them hauing thurst a faire siluer peece into his bosome, meaning to conueie it awaie, was espied of his fellowes, who tooke him, and cast both him and the péece into the fire; saieng they might not suffer any such thing, sith they professed themselues to be zealous of truth and iustice, and not théeues nor robbers.

The shameful destruction they caused there was incredible, and yet their pretense of justice, truth, and fairness was just as bizarre, especially considering the kind of disorganized people involved. During the looting of the duke's house, they found plenty of jewels, silverware, and other valuable and luxurious items, but they refused to let anyone benefit from it even a little bit. They threw everything into the fire to be destroyed; and for items that the fire couldn't completely consume, like silverware and jewels, they smashed and shattered them, tossing the pieces into the Thames. One of them, after hiding a beautiful silver piece in his coat, intending to take it away, was spotted by his companions, who seized him and threw both him and the silver into the fire, claiming they couldn't allow such a thing since they prided themselves on being committed to truth and justice, not thieves or robbers.

The lawiers lodgings in the temple burnt by the rebels.

The lawyers' lodgings in the temple were burned by the rebels.

There were 32 of them, that being gotten into the celler of the Sauoie, where the dukes wines laie, dranke so much of such swéete wine as they found there, that they were not able to come foorth, but with stones & wood that fell downe as the house burned, they were closed in, so that out they could not get. They laie there showting & crieng seuen daies togither, and were heard of manie, but none came to helpe them, and so finallie they perished. Now after that these wicked people had thus destroied the duke of Lancasters house, and done what they could deuise to his reproch; they went to the temple, and burnt the men of lawes lodgings, with their bookes, writings, and all that they might lay hand vpon. Also the house of saint Iohns by Smithfield they set on fire, so that it burned for the space of seuen daies togither. On Friday a great number of them, estéemed to 20 thousand, went to the manor of Heiburie that belonged vnto the lord of saint Iohns, and setting fire on it, sought vtterlie to destroie the whole buildings about it.

There were 32 of them, who got into the cellar of the Savoy, where the duke's wines were stored. They drank so much of the sweet wine they found there that they couldn’t come out. They were trapped inside as stones and wood fell down when the house burned, and they weren’t able to escape. They lay there shouting and crying for seven days straight, and many heard them, but no one came to help, so they eventually perished. After these wicked people had destroyed the duke of Lancaster's house and done everything they could to disgrace him, they went to the temple and burned the lawyers' lodgings, along with their books, documents, and everything else they could find. They also set fire to St. John's house by Smithfield, which burned for seven days straight. On Friday, a large group of them, estimated to be around 20,000, went to the manor of Heibury, which belonged to the lord of St. John's, and set fire to it, trying to completely destroy all the buildings around it.

The lord chancellor and the lord treasuror drawne out of the tower and put to death by the rebels.

The Lord Chancellor and the Lord Treasurer were taken out of the tower and executed by the rebels.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

They were now diuided into thrée parts, one vnder the leading of Iacke Straw, tooke in hand to ruinate that house, and an other number of them lay on mile end greene, and the third companie kept vpon the tower hill, and would not suffer anie vittels to be conueied into the tower, where the king at that time was lodged, and was put in such feare by those rude people, that he suffered them to enter into the tower, where they sought so narowlie for the lord chancelor, that finding him in the chappell, they drew him foorth togither with the lord treasuror, and on the tower hill without reuerence of their estates and degrees, with great noise and fell cries, they stroke off their heads. There were also beheaded at the same time by those rude people, one of the kings seruants that was a sergeant at armes |739| called Iohn Leg, who had vsed himselfe somewhat extremelie in gathering vp of the pole monie, as by one writer it appeareth. Also to make vp the messe, they beheaded a Franciscane Frier, whom they had taken there at the same time, for malice of the duke of Lancaster, bicause he was verie familiar with him.  ¶ Some write that this frier was confessor, and other say that he was physician to the king; but whatsoeuer he was, the commons chopped off his head, to beare the other companie, not sparing for anie respect that might be alledged in any of their behalfes.

They were now divided into three groups: one led by Jack Straw aimed to destroy that house, another group was at Mile End Green, and the third party stayed on Tower Hill, preventing any food from being brought into the tower where the king was staying. The king was so frightened by those unruly people that he allowed them to enter the tower, where they searched for the Lord Chancellor so aggressively that, upon finding him in the chapel, they dragged him out along with the Lord Treasurer. On Tower Hill, without any respect for their ranks or positions, they loudly beheaded them. At the same time, those unruly people also executed one of the king’s servants, a Sergeant at Arms named John Leg, who had acted harshly while collecting poll tax, as noted by one writer. To top it off, they beheaded a Franciscan friar they had captured there, out of spite for the Duke of Lancaster, because he was very close to him. Some say this friar was a confessor, while others claim he was the king's physician; but whatever his role, the common people took off his head, disregarding any concerns that might have been raised on his behalf.

The raging rebels make a pastime to kill men.

The fierce rebels take pleasure in killing people.

No respect of place with the rebels.

No respect for the place with the rebels.

On the same day also they beheaded manie others, as well Englishmen as Flemings, for no cause in the world, but onelie to satisfie the crueltie of the commons, that then were in their kingdome, for it was a sport to them, when they gat any one amongst them, that was not sworne to them, and séemed to mislike of their dooings, or if they bare but neuer so little hatred to him, streightwaies to plucke of his hood, with such a yelling noise as they tooke vp amongst them, and immediatlie to come thronging into the stréets, and strike off his head. Neither had they any regard to sacred places; for breaking into the church of the Augustine friers, they drew foorth thirteene Flemings, and beheaded them in the open streets; and out of the parish churches in the citie, they tooke foorth seuentéene, and likewise stroke off their heads, without reuerence either of the church or feare of God.

On the same day, they also beheaded many others, both Englishmen and Flemings, with no reason at all, but just to satisfy the cruelty of the common people who were in their kingdom. It was a sport for them when they captured someone who wasn’t on their side and seemed to disapprove of their actions, or if they just had a little bit of hatred for him. They would immediately yank off his hood, making such a loud noise among themselves, and rush into the streets to behead him. They showed no respect for sacred places either; breaking into the church of the Augustine friars, they dragged out thirteen Flemings and beheaded them in the open streets. From the parish churches in the city, they brought out seventeen more and also struck off their heads, without any respect for the church or fear of God.

The outragious dealing of the rebels.

The outrageous actions of the rebels.

But they continuing in their mischéefous purpose, shewed their malice speciallie against strangers, so that entring into euerie stréet, lane, and place, where they might find them, they brake vp their houses, murthered them which they found within, and spoiled their goods in most outragious manner. Likewise they entered into churches (as before ye haue heard) into abbeies, monasteries, and other houses, namelie of men of law, which in semblable sort they ransacked. They also brake vp the prisons of newgate, and of both the counters, destroied the books, and set prisoners at libertie, and also the sanctuarie-men of saint Martins le grand. And so likewise did they at Westminster, where they brake open the eschequer, and destroied the ancient bookes and other records there, dooing what they could to suppresse law, and by might to beate downe equitie and right, as it is said,

But they continued with their malicious intent, showing their hatred especially towards strangers. They went into every street, alley, and place they could find them, broke into their homes, killed anyone they found inside, and looted their belongings in the most outrageous ways. They also entered churches (as you have heard before), abbeys, monasteries, and other places, particularly those of legal officials, which they ransacked in a similar way. They even broke into Newgate prison and the counters, destroyed the records, and freed the prisoners, as well as the sanctuary-seekers at St. Martin's Le Grand. They did the same at Westminster, where they broke open the Exchequer and destroyed the ancient books and other records there, doing everything they could to undermine the law and forcefully suppress justice and equity, as it is said,

Tunc ius calcatur violentia cum dominatur.

Tunc ius calcatur violentia cum dominatur.

They that entered the tower, vsed themselues most pre­sump­tuous­lie, and no lesse vnreuerentlie against the princesse of Wales, mother to the king: for thrusting into hir chamber, they offered to kisse her, and swasht downe vpon hir bed, putting hir into such feare, that she fell into a swoone, and being taken vp and recouered, was had to the water side, and put into a barge, & conueied to the place called the quéenes wardrobe, or the tower riall, where she remained all that day and the night following, as a woman halfe dead, till the king came to recomfort hir. It was strange to consider, in what feare the lords, knights & gentlemen stood of the cruell proceedings of those rude & base people. For where there were six hundred armed men, and as manie archers in the tower at that present, there was not one that durst gainesaie their dooings.

Those who entered the tower behaved very presumptuously and showed no respect towards the Princess of Wales, the king's mother: they barged into her chamber, tried to kiss her, and flopped down on her bed, frightening her so much that she fainted. Once she was taken up and revived, she was brought to the waterside, placed into a barge, and taken to a location called the queen's wardrobe, or the royal tower, where she stayed all day and the following night, nearly lifeless until the king came to comfort her. It was strange to see the fear that the lords, knights, and gentlemen felt towards the cruel actions of those rude and lowly people. Despite having six hundred armed men and as many archers in the tower at that moment, not a single one dared to oppose their actions.

The king offereth the rebels pardon.

The king offers the rebels a pardon.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Finallie, when they had eased their stomachs, with the spoiling, burning, and defacing of sundrie places, they became more quiet, and the king by the aduise of such as were then about him, vpon good deliberation of counsell, offered to them pardon, and his peace, with condition that they should cease from burning and ruinating of houses, from killing and murthering of men, and depart euerie man to his home without more adoo, and there to tarrie for the kings charters confirmatorie of the same pardon. The Essexmen were content with this offer, as they that were desirous to see their wiues and children, being waxen wearie of continuall trauell and paines which they were constreined to take. The king went foorth vnto Mile end, and there declared vnto the commons that they should haue charters made to them of his grant, to make them all free. And further that euerie shire, towne, lordship and libertie should haue banners of his armes deliuered vnto them, for a confirmation of his grant. Herevpon they séemed well appeased, and the king rode |740| to the queenes wardrobe, otherwise called the tower roiall, to visit his mother, and so did comfort hir so well as he could, and taried with hir there all night.

Finally, after they had settled their stomachs from the destruction and chaos in various places, they became more calm. The king, with advice from those around him and after careful consideration, offered them forgiveness and peace, provided they stopped burning and destroying homes, killing people, and that everyone returned home without further delay to wait for the king's official confirmation of this pardon. The people from Essex were happy with this offer, eager to see their wives and children, worn out from the constant struggles and hardships they had endured. The king then went to Mile End and announced to the crowd that they would be granted official documents to make them all free. Additionally, every county, town, lordship, and community would receive banners bearing his arms as confirmation of this grant. They seemed satisfied with this, and the king rode to the queen's wardrobe, also known as the royal tower, to visit his mother, comforting her as best as he could, and stayed with her there all night.

The Essexmen satisfied with the kings promises, immediatlie departed homeward; howbeit they appointed certeine of their companie to remaine still and tarie for the kings charters. The Kentishmen also remained, and were as busie in maner the next day being saturdaie, in all kind of mischiefous dealings, as they had béene before, to wit, in murthering of men, ouerthrowing and burning of houses. The king therefore sent vnto them such as declared in what sort their fellowes were gone home well satisfied, & from thencefoorth to liue in quiet, and the same forme of peace he was contented to grant to them, if it liked them to accept the same. Herevpon their chéefe capteine Wat Tiler, a verie craftie fellow, and indued with much wit (if he had well applied it) said, that peace indeed he wished, but yet so, as the conditions might be indited to his purpose.

The men from Essex, satisfied with the king's promises, quickly headed home; however, they assigned some of their group to stay behind and wait for the king's charters. The men from Kent also stayed and were just as busy the next day, Saturday, engaging in all kinds of mischief as they had been before, including murdering people and burning down houses. The king then sent word to them that their companions had gone home content and would now live in peace, and he was willing to offer the same peace to them if they were interested in accepting it. In response, their chief captain, Wat Tyler, a very clever guy with a lot of wit (if he had used it wisely), said that he did want peace but only if the terms could be set according to his wishes.

The wicked purpose of the rebels.

The evil intentions of the rebels.

The rebels would haue all law abolished.

The rebels want all laws to be abolished.

He was determined to driue off the king and his councell (bicause he was of greater force than they) with cauils and shifts till the next daie, that in the night following he might the more easilie haue compassed his resolution, which was, hauing all the poorer sort of the citie on his side, to haue spoiled the citie, and to set fire in foure corners of it, killing first the king and the lords that were about him: but he that resisteth the proud, and giueth his grace to the humble, would not permit the vngratious deuises of the naughtie and lewd lozzell to take place, but suddenlie disappointed his mischeefous drift. For whereas diuerse formes of charters had béene drawne according to the effect of the agréement with the Essexmen, and none of them might please this lordlie rebell, at length the king sent to him one of his knights called sir Iohn Newton, to request him to come to him, that they might talke of the articles which he stood vpon to haue inserted in the charter, of the which one was to haue had a commission to put to death all lawiers, escheaters, and other which by any office had any thing to doo with the law; for his meaning was that hauing made all those awaie that vnderstood the lawes, all things should then be ordered according to the will and disposition of the common people. It was reported in deed, that he should saie with great pride the day before these things chanced, putting his hands to his lips, that within foure daies all the lawes of England should come foorth of his mouth. The wretches had vtterlie forgotten all law, both diuine and humane; otherwise they would haue béene content to liue vnder law, and to doo vnto others as they would be doone vnto, as the verie law of nature (than which there cannot be a better guide) teacheth,

He was determined to drive off the king and his council (because he was stronger than they were) with tricks and schemes until the next day, so that during the following night he could more easily achieve his goal, which was to have the poorer people of the city on his side, loot the city, and set fire to it in four corners, killing first the king and the lords around him. But the one who opposes the proud and gives grace to the humble wouldn’t allow the ungracious plans of the wicked and lowly miscreant to succeed, and he suddenly thwarted his malicious intent. Although several drafts of charters had been created according to the agreement with the Essexmen, none of them pleased this rebellious lord. Finally, the king sent one of his knights named Sir John Newton to request him to come so they could discuss the articles he wanted included in the charter. One of these articles would have given him the authority to execute all lawyers, escheaters, and others involved with the law, as his intention was that once those who understood the laws were gone, everything could be run according to the will and wishes of the common people. It was indeed reported that he had said with great pride the day before these events, putting his hands to his lips, that within four days all the laws of England would come out of his mouth. The wretches had completely forgotten all laws, both divine and human; otherwise, they would have been content to live under the law and treat others as they would want to be treated, as the very law of nature (which cannot be a better guide) teaches.

Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac, quod non tibi, noli,

Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac, quod non tibi, noli,

Sic potes in terris viuere iure poli.

Sic potes in terris viuere iure poli.

Arrogant and proud words of a villen.

Arrogant and prideful words of a villain.

When therefore the said sir Iohn Newton called vpon him to come awaie to the king, answered as it were with indignation: “If thou (saith he) hast so much hast to returne to the king, thou maist depart, I will come at my pleasure.” When the knight therefore was come from him, he followed indéed, but somwhat slowlie. And when he was come néere to the place in Smithfield where the king then was, with certeine lords and knights, & other companie about him, the said sir Iohn Newton was sent to him againe, to vnderstand what he meant. And bicause the knight came to him on horssebacke, & did not alight from his horsse, Wat Tiler was offended, & said in his furie, “that it became him rather on foot than horssebacke to approach into his presence.” The knight not able to abide such presumptuous demeanour in that proud and arrogant person, shaped him this answer: “It is not amisse that I being on horssebacke, should come to thée sitting on horssebacke.”

When Sir John Newton called on him to come to the king, he responded almost in anger: “If you’re in such a hurry to return to the king, you can go ahead. I’ll come when I feel like it.” After the knight left, he did follow, but a bit slowly. When he got close to the place in Smithfield where the king was, along with some lords and knights and others around him, Sir John Newton was sent back to ask what he intended. Since the knight came on horseback and didn’t get down, Wat Tyler was offended and angrily said, “You should approach me on foot, not on horseback.” Unable to tolerate such arrogant behavior from that proud person, the knight replied, “It’s perfectly fine for me to come to you on horseback since you’re sitting on horseback.”

William Walworth maior of London a stout couragious man.

William Walworth, the mayor of London, was a strong and brave man.

The death of Wat Tiler capteine of the rebels.

The death of Wat Tyler, leader of the rebels.

With which words Wat Tiler taking indignation, drew out his dagger, menacing to strike the knight, calling him therewith traitor: the knight disdaining to be misvsed at the hands of such a ribald, told him that he lied falselie, and with that plucked foorth his dagger. Wat Tiler being among his men, shewed that he would not beare that iniurie, and foorthwith made towards the knight to run vpon him. The king perceiuing the knight in danger, |741| bad him alight from his horsse, and deliuer his dagger to Wat Tiler: but when that would not pacifie his proud and high mind, but that he would néeds flée vpon him, the maior of London William Walworth, and other knights and esquiers that were about the king, told him that it should be a shame for them all, if they permitted the knight in their presence before the eies of their prince so to be murthered: wherfore they gaue counsell to succor him foorthwith, and to apprehend the vile naughtie ribald. The king though he was but a child in yeares, yet taking courage to him, commanded the maior to arrest him. The maior being a man of incomparable boldnesse, foorthwith rode to him and arrested him, in reaching him such a blow on the head, that he sore astonied him therewith: and streightwaies other that were about the king, as Iohn Standish an esquier, and diuers more of the kings seruants drew their swords, and thrust him through in diuerse parts of his bodie, so that he fell presentlie from his horsse downe to the earth, and died there in the place.

With those words, Wat Tiler, filled with anger, drew his dagger, threatening to stab the knight while calling him a traitor. The knight, refusing to be insulted by such a lowlife, told him he was lying and then pulled out his own dagger. Wat Tiler, among his men, made it clear he wouldn’t tolerate that insult and charged at the knight. The king, noticing the knight in danger, ordered him to dismount and hand over his dagger to Wat Tiler. But when that didn’t calm his prideful attitude and he insisted on attacking, the Mayor of London, William Walworth, along with other knights and squires around the king, argued that it would be shameful for them to allow the knight to be murdered in front of their prince. They advised him to help the knight immediately and to capture the vile rogue. Although the king was still just a child, he gathered his courage and commanded the mayor to arrest Wat Tiler. The mayor, known for his unmatched bravery, rode up to him and arrested him, striking him a blow to the head that stunned him. Immediately, others around the king, like John Standish, a squire, and several other servants, drew their swords and stabbed him in various parts of his body, causing him to fall from his horse to the ground, where he died on the spot.

The king persuadeth the rebels.

The king persuades the rebels.

When the commons beheld this, they cried out, “Our capteine is traitorouslie slaine; let vs stand togither and die with him: let vs shoot and reuenge his death manfullie:” and so bending their bowes, made them readie to shoot. The king shewing both hardinesse and wisdome at that instant, more than his age required, set his spurs to his horsse, and rode to them, saieng: “What is the matter my men, what meane you? Will you shoot at your king? Be not troubled nor offended at the death of a traitor and ribald; I will be your king, capteine and leader, follow me into the fields, and you shall haue all things that you can desire.” This did the king, to the end he might appease them, least they should haue set fire on the houses there in Smithfield, and haue attempted some further mischéefe, in reuenge of the displeasure which they tooke for the death of their chéefe leader. They mooued with these the kings words, followed him and the knights that were with him, into the open fields, not yet resolued whether they should set vpon the king and slea him, or else be quiet, and returne home with the kings charter.

When the crowd saw this, they shouted, “Our captain has been treacherously killed; let’s stand together and die with him: let’s fight back and avenge his death like brave men.” So, they readied their bows to shoot. The king, showing both courage and wisdom beyond his years, spurred his horse and rode over to them, saying, “What’s going on, my men? What do you mean? Are you going to shoot at your king? Don’t be troubled or upset about the death of a traitor and scoundrel; I will be your king, captain, and leader. Follow me into the fields, and you’ll get everything you desire.” The king did this to calm them down, fearing they might set fire to the houses in Smithfield and cause more chaos out of anger over their chief leader's death. Moved by the king's words, they followed him and the knights with him into the open fields, still unsure whether they should attack the king and kill him, or just be peaceful and return home with the king's charter.

Vehement words of the maior of London to the citizens crieng for aid against the rebels.

Vehement words from the Mayor of London to the citizens crying for help against the rebels.

An armie without a capteine.

An army without a captain.

In the meane time, the lord maior of London was returned into the citie, with one man onelie attending vpon him, and cried to the citizens; “Oh yée good and vertuous citizens, come foorth out of hand, and helpe your king readie to be slaine, & helpe me your maior standing in the same perill; or if yée will not helpe me for some faults committed by me against you, yet forsake not your king, but helpe and succour him in this present danger.” When the worshipfull citizens and other, that in their loiall hearts loued the king, had heard these words, in­con­ti­nent­lie they put themselues in strong and sure armor, to the number of a thousand men, and gathering themselues togither into the streets, tarried but for some lord or knight that might conduct them to the king: and by chance there came vnto them sir Robert Knolles, whom all of them requested that he would be their leader, least comming out of arraie and order, they might the sooner be broken, who willinglie led one part of them, and certeine other knights led other of them, clad in faire bright armour vnto the kings presence. The king with the lords, knights and esquires, not a little reioised at the comming of those armed men, and streightwaies compassed the commons about, as they had beene a flocke of sheepe that should haue béene closed within some fold, till it pleased the sheepheard to appoint foorth, which should be thrust into pasture, and which taken to go to the shambels.

In the meantime, the Lord Mayor of London returned to the city with just one person attending him, and he shouted to the citizens, “Oh you good and virtuous citizens, come out right away and help your king who is ready to be killed, and help me, your mayor, who is in the same danger; or if you won’t help me because of some wrongs I’ve committed against you, don’t abandon your king, but assist him in this current crisis.” When the honorable citizens and others who loved the king in their loyal hearts heard these words, they quickly put on strong and secure armor, gathering together in the streets, waiting for some lord or knight to lead them to the king. By chance, Sir Robert Knolles came to them, and they all asked him to be their leader; they feared that if they came out unorganized, they might be easily defeated. He willingly led one part of them, while certain other knights led the rest, all clad in fine bright armor, towards the king’s presence. The king, along with the lords, knights, and squires, was very pleased by the arrival of these armed men, and immediately surrounded the commons, as if they were a flock of sheep about to be gathered into a fold until the shepherd chose which ones would go out to pasture and which would be taken to the pens.

The rebels quite discouraged threw downe their weapons at the comming of the Londoners in aid of the king.

The rebels, feeling quite discouraged, dropped their weapons when the Londoners arrived to help the king.

There was to be seene a maruellous change of the right hand of the lord, to behold how they throwing downe staues, bils, axes, swords, bowes and arowes, humblie began to sue for pardon, which a little before gloried to haue the life of the king and his seruants wholie and altogither in their hands, power, and disposition. The poore wretches sought to hide themselues in the corne that grew in the fields, in ditches, hedges and dennes, and wheresoeuer they might get out of the way, so to safe gard their liues. The knights that were with the king would gladlie haue beene dooing with them, and requested licence of him to strike off the heads of some one or two hundred of them, that it might be a witnesse in time to come, that the force of the order of knighthood was able |742| to doo somewhat against the carters and ploughmen: but the king would not suffer them, alledging that manie of them were come thither by compulsion, and not of their owne accord, and therefore it might come to passe that those should die for it, that had nothing offended: but he commanded that there should be proclamation made in London, that the citizens should haue no dealings with them, nor suffer anie of them to come within the citie that night, but to cause them to lie without doores.

There was an incredible change happening with the Lord’s might, as those who had just moments before boasted about having the king and his men completely at their mercy were now humbly begging for forgiveness. The poor wretches tried to hide among the corn in the fields, in ditches, hedges, and any place they could find to escape and save their lives. The knights with the king were eager to take action against them and asked for permission to execute a hundred or so of them, wanting to show that the power of knighthood could stand against the carters and plowmen. However, the king wouldn’t allow it, arguing that many had come there against their will, and thus it wouldn’t be right for those who hadn’t committed any offense to be punished. Instead, he ordered a proclamation to be made in London, instructing the citizens not to engage with them and to prevent any of them from entering the city that night, making sure they had to stay outside.

Abraham Fleming out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abraham Fleming from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

¶ In the report of this commotion chronographers doo somewhat varie, as by this present extract out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie, liuing at the time of this tumult may appeare: which Abraham Fleming hath faithfullie and trulie translated out of the annales of the said canon written in parchment in old Latine letters, as followeth. Vpon a saturdaie, these malcontents [to wit, Thomas Baker the first moouer but afterwards the principall leaders, Iacke Straw, Iacke Miler, Iacke Carter, Iacke Trewman, and their trecherous traine] met togither in Smithfield, whither also the king repaired in the morning, who although in yeares he was but yoong, yet in wisedome and discretion he was well growne. The ringleader of this tumultuous rowt, whose right name was Wat Tiler, which he had now changed into Iacke Strawe, approched neere the king, in so much that he might in a maner touch him, being the mouth of all the residue, and hauing in his hand a drawne dagger, which he tossed from hand to hand, boy-like plaieng with it, & watching due time therewith, if not to stab, yet suddenlie to smite the king, if he denied their requests. Wherevpon they that were next and about the king were greatlie affeard, least his pretended mischéefe should come to passe.

In the report of this disturbance, historians slightly differ, as shown in this excerpt from Henry Knighton, a canon of Leicester Abbey, who lived during this upheaval. Abraham Fleming has faithfully and accurately translated it from the canon's annals, written on parchment in old Latin letters, as follows. On a Saturday, these troublemakers [specifically, Thomas Baker, the initial instigator, and later the main leaders, Jack Straw, Jack Miller, Jack Carter, Jack Trewman, and their treacherous followers] gathered together in Smithfield, where the king also arrived in the morning. Although he was still young, he was notably wise and discerning for his age. The leader of this tumultuous crowd, whose real name was Wat Tyler, which he had now changed to Jack Straw, approached the king closely enough to almost touch him, being the spokesperson for the rest. He was brandishing a drawn dagger, which he switched back and forth between his hands playfully like a boy, waiting for the right moment to either stab or suddenly strike the king if his requests were denied. Those who were nearby the king were greatly alarmed, fearing that his intended mischief might come to fruition.

Now he craued of the king that all warrens, waters, parks and woods should be common, so that as well poore as rich might fréelie in any place wheresoeuer practise fishing in ponds, pooles, riuers, or any waters, and might hunt déere in forrests and parkes, and the hare in the fields, with diuerse other requests, which he would haue granted without contradiction or gainesaieng, and exercise without controlment. Now when the king in the grant hereof by deliberation vsed some delaie, Iacke Straw drew neerer vnto him, and speaking vnto him certeine thretening words, tooke hold of the horsses bridle whereon the king rode, vpon what presumptuous enterprise I wot not. Which Iohn Walworth a burgesse of London beholding, and fearing present death to hang ouer the kings head, caught a weapon in his hand, and therwith thrust Iacke Straw through the throte, which when another that was by being an esquier, name Rafe Standish did see, with his weapon also ran him through the sides; in so much that he fell flat on his backe to the ground, and beating with his hands to and fro a while, at last he gaue vp his vnhappie ghost.

Now he asked the king for all the warrens, waters, parks, and woods to be public, so that both the poor and the rich could freely fish in any ponds, pools, rivers, or other waters, and hunt deer in the forests and parks, as well as hares in the fields, along with a variety of other requests that he wanted granted without argument or refusal, and to exercise these rights without restriction. When the king hesitated to agree, Jack Straw moved closer to him and, speaking some threatening words, grabbed the reins of the horse the king was riding, although what reckless action he intended, I do not know. Seeing this, John Walworth, a citizen of London, fearing for the king's life, seized a weapon and stabbed Jack Straw in the throat. When another man nearby, a squire named Rafe Standish, witnessed this, he also struck him in the side with his weapon; so much so that Jack Straw fell flat on his back to the ground, struggling with his hands for a while, before finally giving up his unfortunate life.

Then a great clamor and lamentable outcrie was made, and heard a great while togither, saieng; Our guide is dead, our capteine is dead. And indéed so he was, being dragged by the hands and féet in a vile and contemptible sort into saint Bartholomewes church hard by. Then did manie of the vnrulie multitude withdraw themselues, and vanishing awaie betooke them to their héeles, being about the number (as it was thought) of ten thousand. Then the king minding to make amends and to requite receiued courtesie, knighted the said Iohn Walworth, & Rafe Standish, with foure burgesses more of the citie, namelie Iohn Philpot, Nicholas Brembre, Iohn Laund, and Nicholas Twifield, girding them about the wast with the girdle of knighthood, which was the maner of their graduating. Then the king hauing ordeined and made the foresaid six knights, commanded that the residue of the curssed crue should depart and get them into the field, that méeting togither in a companie, he might fall vnto a treatie of agreement with them.

Then a loud uproar and wailing broke out, with everyone saying, "Our leader is dead, our captain is dead." And indeed, he was, being dragged by the hands and feet in a disgraceful manner into St. Bartholomew's Church nearby. Many in the unruly crowd then backed away, disappearing in a hurry, numbering around ten thousand, it was believed. The king, wishing to make amends and repay the kindness shown to him, knighted John Walworth, Rafe Standish, and four other city representatives: John Philpot, Nicholas Brembre, John Laund, and Nicholas Twifield, fastening the ceremonial sword around their waists, which was the way they were honored. Then, having created these six knights, the king ordered the rest of the cursed group to leave and retreat to the fields, so that when they gathered together, he could enter into negotiations with them.

The rowt being there assembled, behold a multitude of armed men ran rusling out of the citie, sir Robert Knols being their capteine, who with these his soldiers compassed & hedged in the poore catiues distressed in the field like shéepe that haue lost their shéepheard. Then the king of his accustomed clemencie, being pricked with pitie, would not that the wretches should die, but spared them being a rash and foolish multitude, and commanded them euerie man to get him home to his owne house; howbeit manie of |743| them, at the kings going awaie suffered the danger of death. In this miserable taking were reckoned to the number of twentie thousand. Thus saith Knighton, not as an eie-witnesse, but as taught by heare-saie, whereby he compiled the greatest part of his annales, as he himselfe confesseth, seeming sorrie that he was so constreined, as by part of the octastichon at the foot of the first page, intituled Lamentum compilatoris, appeareth in maner and forme following:

The crowd gathered there saw a group of armed men rushing out of the city, led by Sir Robert Knols. He and his soldiers surrounded the poor, helpless individuals in the field like sheep that had lost their shepherd. Moved by his usual kindness and compassion, the king didn’t want the unfortunate souls to die; instead, he spared them, knowing they were a reckless and foolish crowd, and commanded each person to return to their own home. However, many of them faced the risk of death as the king left. This miserable capture was said to involve about twenty thousand people. Thus, Knighton recounts, not as an eyewitness, but as informed by hearsay, which is how he compiled most of his annals, as he admits. He seemed regretful that he was forced into this, as indicated by part of the octastichon at the bottom of the first page, titled Lamentum compilatoris, which appears in the following manner and form:

Sum cæcus factus subita caligine tactus,

Sum cæcus factus subita caligine tactus,

Nec opus inceptum iam corrigo forsan ineptum,

Nec opus inceptum iam corrigo forsan ineptum,

Me metuo dubium pro veris sæpe locutum,

Me metuo dubium pro veris sæpe locutum,

Plus audita loquor quàm mihi visa sequor, &c.

Plus audita loquor quam mihi vista sequor, &c.

All the foresaid villanies not­with­stand­ing against the king and the state, tending wholie to the subuersion of law and ciuill gouernement, albeit the wretches deserued no sparke of fauour, but extreame seueritie of iudgement to be executed vpon them; yet (as yee haue heard) besides the great clemencie of the king, exhibited vnto them in remitting their offense, and acquiting them from the rigor of the law, he granted and gaue to them the charter, which they had requested, faire written and sealed, to auoid a greater mischiefe, & commanded it for a time to be deliuered them, knowing that Essex and Kent were not so pacified, but that if they were not the sooner contented, and that partlie after their minds, they would vp againe. The tenor of the charter which was gotten thus by force of the king was as followeth.

All the aforementioned crimes against the king and the state, completely aimed at undermining the law and civil government, even though the offenders deserved no mercy and extreme punishments to be carried out against them; still (as you have heard) besides the great mercy of the king, shown to them by forgiving their offense and freeing them from the harshness of the law, he provided them with the charter they had requested, nicely written and sealed, to prevent a greater disaster, and ordered it to be delivered to them for a time, knowing that Essex and Kent were not so settled that if they were not contented soon, partly on their own terms, they would rise up again. The content of the charter obtained through the king's influence was as follows.

The forme of the kings charter of Manumission.

The like there was granted to them of other countries as well as to these of Hertfordshire in ye same forme, the names of the counties changed.

The same privilege was extended to them from other countries, just like it was for those from Hertfordshire, with the names of the counties changed.

RICHARDUS Dei gratia rex Angliæ & Franciæ, & dominus Hiberniæ: omnibus balliuis & fidelibus suis, ad quos præsentes litteræ peruenerint, salutem.   Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali manumisimus vniuersos ligeos & singulos subditos nostros & alios comitatus Hertfordiæ, & ipsos & eorum quemlibet ab omni bondagio exuimus, & quietos facimus per præsentes, ac etiam perdonamus eisdem ligeis ac subditis nostris omnimodas felonias, proditiones, transgressiones, & extortiones, per ipsos vel aliquem eorum qualitercúnque factas siue perpetratas, ac etiam vtlagariam & vtlagarias, si qua vel quæ in ipsos, vel aliquem ipsorum fuerit vel fuerint hijs occasionibus promulgata vel promulgatæ, & summam pacem nostram eis & eorum cuilibet inde concedimus.   In cuius rei testimonium, has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes.   Teste meipso apud London 15 die Iunij.   Anno regni nostri quarto.

RICHARDUS By the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland: to all bailiffs and loyal subjects receiving these letters, greetings. Know that by our special grace, we have freed all of our loyal subjects and others in Hertfordshire from all forms of bondage, declaring them free through this document. We also forgive these loyal subjects for any and all felonies, treasons, transgressions, and extortions committed by them or anyone among them in any manner, as well as any outlawry declared against them for these reasons, and we grant them our complete peace regarding this matter. In witness whereof, we have made this document public. Witness my hand at London on the 15th day of June, in the fourth year of our reign.

The townesmen of saint Albons not yet quieted.

The townspeople of St. Albans are still not calmed down.

The commons hauing obteined this charter departed home, but ceassed not from their riotous demeanour in sundrie parts of the realme, and especiallie at saint Albons, where after the townesmen were returned home, they kept such a coile against the abbat and moonks, to haue certeine ancient charters deliuered them that concerned their liberties, and to haue such new made and deliuered to them as might serue their purpose; that bicause such old charters as they requested were not to be had, the abbat and moonks looked euerie houre when their house should be set on fire and burnt ouer their heads. The prior and certeine other as well moonks as laie men that were seruants to the abbat, fled for feare of the rage of those misgouerned people, knowing that they hated them deadlie, and therefore looked for no courtesie at their hands. They had obteined the kings letters vnto the abbat, commanding him to deliuer vnto them such charters as they had giuen information to be remaining in his hands, so that vnder colour therof, they called for those writings in most importunate wise, threatning sore, if they were not brought to light, vtterlie to destroie the house by setting it on fire.

The commoners, having received this charter, went home but continued their unruly behavior in various parts of the kingdom, especially in St. Albans. After the townspeople returned home, they caused such a disturbance against the abbot and monks, demanding that certain ancient charters be handed over that related to their rights, and that new ones be created and delivered to them for their needs. Because the old charters they wanted were unavailable, the abbot and monks were constantly fearing that their house would be burned down. The prior and some other monks and laymen who worked for the abbot fled in fear of the anger of those misguided people, knowing that they hated them deeply and expected no kindness in return. They had obtained the king's letters directed to the abbot, ordering him to hand over the charters that they had claimed were in his possession. Under the pretense of this order, they aggressively demanded the documents, threatening severe consequences if they weren’t produced, intending to completely destroy the house by setting it on fire.

But to speake of all the vnrulie parts of those vnrulie people, it were too long a processe: yet at length after they vnderstood how their grand capteine and chéefe ringleader |744| Wat Tiler was slaine, they began somewhat to asswage their presumptuous attempts, the rather for that there came a knight with the kings letter of protection in behalfe of the abbat and his house, and yet they were not so calmed, but that they continued in requiring to haue charters made to them by the abbat, of the like forme and effect to that which the king had made, concerning the infranchising them from bondage, whereby they that obteined such charters tooke themselues to be discharged of all seruices and accustomed labors, so that they meant not to doo any further works, nor yeeld such customes as before time they vsuallie had béene accustomed to doo and yéeld vnto their landlords.

But to talk about all the unruly parts of those unruly people would take too long. However, once they learned that their main leader, Wat Tyler, had been killed, they started to ease up on their bold actions. This was especially true because a knight arrived with the king’s letter of protection for the abbot and his estate. Still, they weren’t completely calmed down; they kept insisting on having charters issued to them by the abbot, similar in form and effect to the ones the king had made, which granted them freedom from servitude. Those who obtained such charters believed they were released from all services and regular tasks, meaning they didn’t intend to do any more work or pay the customary dues they had previously been used to giving to their landlords.

The hurling time.

Game time.

The outragious dealings of the Suffolke rebels.

The outrageous actions of the Suffolk rebels.

Sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice beheaded.

Sir John Cauendish, the Chief Justice, was beheaded.

Neither did the townesmen of S. Albons, and the tenants of other townes and villages thereabout, that belonged to the abbeie of S. Albons, thus outragiouslie misdemeane themselues, but euerie where else the commons kept such like stur, so that it was rightlie called the hurling time, there were such hurlie burlies kept in euerie place, to the great danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of all good gouernment in this land. For euen the selfe same saturdaie after Corpus Christi day, in Suffolke there were got togither to the number of fiftie thousand men, by the setting on of Iohn Wraw, a naughtie lewd priest, that had beene first among the Essexmen at London, and was sent downe in all post hast from Wat Tiler, to stir the commons in those parts to commit the like mischéefe as he had séene begun about London. These fellowes therfore, after they were assembled togither, fell to the destroieng of the manors and houses of men of law, & such lawiers as they caught, they slue, and beheded sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice of England, and set his head vpon the pillorie in the market place in S. Edmundsburie.

The townspeople of St. Albans, along with the tenants of nearby towns and villages that belonged to the Abbey of St. Albans, behaved outrageously. Similar unrest erupted everywhere else, making it aptly known as the hurling time, with chaos erupting in so many places that it seriously threatened the stability of good governance in the land. Even on the Saturday after Corpus Christi day, about fifty thousand men gathered in Suffolk, incited by John Wraw, a wicked priest who had initially stirred up trouble among the Essex men in London. He was sent down in a hurry from Wat Tyler to encourage the people in those areas to engage in the same type of mischief he had witnessed in London. Therefore, once these individuals were gathered, they set about destroying the manors and homes of legal officials, and they killed and beheaded Sir John Ca vendish, the Lord Chief Justice of England, placing his head on a pillory in the marketplace in St. Edmundsbury.

The prior of S. Edmundsburie slaine.

The prior of St. Edmundsbury is dead.

This Edmund Brumfield was committed to prison by the K. for his presumptuous intrusion into the abbacie of Burie.

This Edmund Brumfield was sent to prison by the K. for his arrogant trespass into the abbey of Burie.

Also sir Iohn of Cambridge the prior of saint Edmundsburie, as he would haue fled from them, was taken not far from Mildenhale, and likewise beheaded, his bodie being left naked in the open field, and no man presuming to burie it, during the space of fiue daies, for feare of the cruell commons. His head was set vpon a pole, and caried before Iohn Wraw and other of those wicked people; the which comming to Burie, and entring the towne in maner of a procession, when they came into the market place where the pillorie stood, as it were in token of the old friendship betwixt the lord chiefe iustice, and the said prior, they made sport with their heads, making them sometime as it were to kisse, other whiles to sound in either others eare. After they had taken their pastime inough herewith, they set both the heads againe aloft vpon the pillorie. After this, they beheaded an other moonke called Dan Iohn de Lakinghuith, whose hed was likewise set by the other two vpon the pillorie. Moreouer, they caused the moonks to come foorth and bring vnto them all such obligations, in which the townesmen stood bound vnto the monasterie for their good abearing; likewise such charters of liberties of the towne of Burie, which king Cnute the founder of the said monasterie, and his successors had granted to the same: which writings, when they had brought foorth, and protested that they knew of no more, the commons would scarselie beleeue them, and therefore called the townesmen foorth, and bad them sée if that there were all such writings as they thought stood with their aduantage to haue brought to light. The townesmen feigned as though they had beene sorie to see such rule kept against the moonks, where in déed they had set the commons in hand with all these things. To conclude, the commons tooke this order with the moonks, that if the townesmen might not obteine their ancient liberties, by the hauing of those writings, they should declare what the same liberties were, which they were woont to inioy, and the abbat of Burie, Edmund Brumfield, being then in prison at Notingham whom they purposed to deliuer (so that he should celebrat diuine seruice in his monasterie on Midsummer daie next) within fourtie daies after his comming home, should confirme with his seale such charter as was to be deuised and made concerning the same liberties of the said townesmen, and the couent should likewise put therevnto their common seale.

Also, Sir John of Cambridge, the prior of St. Edmundsbury, was captured not far from Mildenhall as he tried to flee and was executed. His body was left exposed in the open field, and no one dared to bury it for five days out of fear of the ruthless crowd. His head was placed on a pole and carried in front of John Wraw and other wicked people. When they reached Bury and entered the town in a sort of procession, they went to the marketplace where the pillory stood. As a joke about the previous friendship between the chief justice and the prior, they played with the heads, pretending they were kissing or whispering in each other's ears. After they had entertained themselves enough, they put both heads back up on the pillory. Then, they executed another monk named Dan John de Lakinghuith, whose head was also placed next to the other two on the pillory. Furthermore, they ordered the monks to bring forth all documents that bound the townspeople to the monastery for their good behavior, as well as the charters of liberties for the town of Bury, granted by King Cnut, the founder of the monastery, and his successors. When the monks gathered these documents and claimed there were no more, the commons scarcely believed them and called the townspeople to check if there were more documents that could benefit them. The townspeople pretended to be saddened by the treatment of the monks, while in reality, they had stirred up the commons about all these issues. In conclusion, the commons decided that if the townspeople could not obtain their ancient liberties through those documents, they should explain what those liberties had been. The abbot of Bury, Edmund Brumfield, who was then in prison in Nottingham and whom they planned to release (on the condition that he would hold a divine service at his monastery on Midsummer Day), would within forty days of his return home confirm with his seal the charter that would be created regarding the liberties of the townspeople, and the convent would also place their common seal on it.

Moreouer, they constreined the moonks to deliuer vnto the townesmen, a crosse and |745| a chalice of fine gold, and other iewels that belonged to the abbeie, being in value aboue the worth of a thousand pounds in monie, the which was to remaine in the hands of the townsmen, vpon this condition, that if Edmund Brumfield being deliuered out of prison inioied the dignitie of abbat there, and with all put his seale togither with the couent seale within the time limited, vnto a writing that should conteine the liberties of the towne, that then the same crosse, chalice, and other iewels should be restored vnto the monasterie, or else the same to remaine for euer to the townesmen as forfeited. Such were the dooings of those rebels in and about the towne of Burie: and the like disorders & breach of peace followed by the commotions of the commons in Cam­bridge­shire, and in the Ile of Elie, resembling the others in slaughters of men, destroieng of houses, and all other sorts of mischéefe.

Additionally, they forced the monks to hand over to the townspeople a cross and |745| a chalice made of fine gold, along with other jewels that belonged to the abbey, valued at over a thousand pounds in money. This was to remain with the townspeople on the condition that if Edmund Brumfield was released from prison and assumed the position of abbot, and he placed his seal alongside the convent’s seal on a document containing the town's liberties within a specified time, then the cross, chalice, and other jewels would be returned to the monastery. Otherwise, these items would permanently belong to the townspeople as forfeited. Such were the actions of those rebels in and around the town of Bury, and similar chaos and breaches of peace occurred due to the unrest among the common people in Cambridgeshire and the Isle of Ely, leading to similar violence, destruction of homes, and various other forms of mischief.

Iohn Littester capteine of ye Norfolke rebels.

John Littester captain of the Norfolk rebels.

The earl of Suffolke escapeth from the rebels.

The Earl of Suffolk escapes from the rebels.

In like maner in Norffolke there was assembled an huge number of those vnrulie countrie people, which vnder the guiding of a dier of cloth, commonlie called Iohn Littester, that had dwelt in Norwich, attempted and did all such vngratious feats, as they had heard that other did in other parts of the realme, yea and greater also, putting foorth their hands vnto rapine and robberie. And whereas they were wholie conspired togither, and bent to commit all kind of mischéefe, yet estéeming their owne authoritie to be small, they purposed to haue brought William Vfford earle of Suffolke into their fellowship, that if afterwards they might happilie be impeached hereafter, for such their naughtie and most wicked dooings, they might haue had some shadow or colour, as it were through him, whie they had delt in such vnrulie sort. But the earle aduertised of their intention, suddenlie rose from supper, and got him awaie by vnknowne waies, still fleeing from the commons, till at length he got to S. Albons, and so from thence to the king.

In a similar way, a huge crowd of unruly country people gathered in Norfolk, led by a cloth dyer commonly known as John Littester, who had lived in Norwich. They attempted and committed all sorts of outrageous acts they had heard others were doing in different parts of the kingdom, and even worse, resorting to theft and robbery. Although they had all conspired together and were determined to commit various wrongdoings, they thought their own authority was small. Therefore, they planned to bring William Ufford, the Earl of Suffolk, into their group so that if they were later confronted about their wicked actions, they could use him as a cover for their unruly behavior. However, the Earl, alerted to their intentions, suddenly rose from supper and escaped by unknown routes, continuously fleeing from the commoners until he finally reached St. Albans and then made his way to the king.

The Norfolk rebels compell the noblemen & gentlemen to be sworne to them.

The Norfolk rebels force the nobles and gentlemen to swear loyalty to them.

Sir Robert Salle slaine by one of his own villains.

Sir Robert Salle was killed by one of his own villains.

The capteine of the Norfolke rebels forceth the noblemen and gentlemen to serue him at the table.

The captain of the Norfolk rebels forces the noblemen and gentlemen to serve him at the table.

The commons missing of their purpose for the hauing of him, laid hold vpon all such knights and other gentlemen as came in their waie, and were found at home in their houses, compelling them to be sworne to them, and to ride with them through the countrie, as the lord Scales, William lord Morlie, sir Iohn Brewes, sir Stephan Hales, and sir Robert Salle: which sir Robert continued not long aliue among them, for he could not dissemble as the residue, but began to reprooue openlie their naughtie dooings, for the which he had his braines dasht out by a countrie clown, one that was his bondman, and so he ended his life, who if he might haue come to haue tried his manhood and strength with them in plaine battell, had beene able to haue put a thousand of those villaines in feare, his valiancie and prowesse was such. The residue taught by his example that they must either dissemble or die for it, were glad to currie fauour, praising or dispraising all things as they saw the commons affected, and so comming into credit with their chéefteine Iohn Littester, that named himselfe king of the commons, they were preferred to serue him at the table, in taking the assaie of his meats and drinks, and dooing other seruices, with knéeling humblie before him as he sat at meat, as sir Stephan Hales who was appointed his caruer, and others had other offices assigned them.

The common people, lacking their purpose in wanting him, seized all the knights and gentlemen they encountered who were at home, forcing them to swear allegiance and ride with them throughout the country, like Lord Scales, William Lord Morlie, Sir John Brewes, Sir Stephen Hales, and Sir Robert Salle. Sir Robert didn't stay with them long because he couldn't pretend like the others; he openly criticized their wicked actions, which led to his brains being smashed in by a local peasant, someone who used to be his servant. He died this way, and if he had been able to face them in a fair battle, he could have scared off a thousand of those villains because of his bravery and skill. The others, seeing what happened to him, realized they had to either pretend or face death, so they were eager to win favor, praising or criticizing things based on what the common people wanted. By doing this, they gained the trust of their leader, John Littester, who called himself the king of the commons. They were promoted to serve him at the table, tasting his food and drinks, and performing other duties, kneeling humbly before him as he ate, like Sir Stephen Hales, who was appointed as his carver, while others had various tasks assigned to them.

A warlike bishop.

A militant bishop.

At length, when those commons began to wax wearie of taking paines in euill dooings, they tooke counsell togither, and agreed to send two knights, to wit, the lord Morlie, and sir Iohn Brewes, and three of the commons, in whom they put great confidence, vnto the king; to obteine their charter of manumission and infranchising, and to haue the same charter more large than those that were granted to other countries. They deliuered great summes of monie vnto those whome they sent, to bestow the same for the obteining of pardon, and such grants as they sued for, which monie they had got by force of the citizens of Norwich, to saue the citie from fire and sacking. These knights as they were on their iournie, at Ichingham not farre distant from Newmarket, not looking for anie such thing, met with sir Henrie Spenser bishop of Norwich, a man more fit for the field than the church, & better skilled (as may appéere) in arms than in diuinitie. This bishop had ad­uer­tise­ments at his manor of Burlie néere to Okam in the parties about Stamford, of the sturre which the commons in Norffolke kept, and therevpon resolued streightwaies to |746| see what rule there was holden. He had in his companie at that time, not passing eight lances, and a small number of archers.

Eventually, when the common people grew tired of engaging in wrongdoing, they held a meeting and decided to send two knights, namely Lord Morlie and Sir John Brewes, along with three trusted members from their ranks, to the king. Their aim was to obtain their charter of freedom and rights, and to have it more extensive than those granted to other regions. They handed over large sums of money to those they sent, with instructions to use it to secure a pardon and the privileges they were seeking, money that they had collected through the efforts of the citizens of Norwich to protect the city from destruction and looting. While the knights were on their journey, near Ichingham not far from Newmarket, unexpectedly, they encountered Sir Henry Spenser, the Bishop of Norwich, a man more suited for battle than the church, and seemingly more knowledgeable in military matters than theology. This bishop had received reports at his manor in Burley, close to Oakham in the Stamford area, about the unrest stirred up by the common people in Norfolk, and he immediately resolved to see what order was being maintained. At that time, he had no more than eight knights with him and a small number of archers.

Spenser bish. of Norwich goeth as capteine against the rebels.

Spenser, the bishop of Norwich, goes as the captain against the rebels.

The bishop méeting thus with the knights, examined them streightwaies if there were anie of the traitours there with them. The knights at the first were doubtfull to bewraie their associats: but at last imboldened by the bishops words, declared that two of the chéefe dooers in the rebellion were there present, and the third was gone to prouide for their dinner. The bishop streightwaies commanded those two to be made shorter by the head, and the third he himselfe went to seeke, as one of his shéepe that was lost; not to bring him home to the fold, but to the slaughter-house, as he had well deserued (in the bishops opinion) sith he had so mischéefouslie gone astraie, and alienated himselfe from his dutifull allegiance. These persons being executed, and their heads pight on the end of poles, and so set vp at Newmarket, the bishop with the knights tooke their waie with all spéed towards Northwalsham in Norffolke, where the commons were purposed to staie for answer from the king: and as he passed through the countrie, his number increased, for the knights and gentlemen of the countrie, hearing how their bishop had taken his speare in hand, and was come into the field armed, ioined themselues with him.

The bishop met with the knights and immediately questioned them about whether any traitors were among them. At first, the knights hesitated to betray their companions, but eventually encouraged by the bishop's words, they revealed that two of the main instigators of the rebellion were present, and the third had gone to prepare their dinner. The bishop promptly ordered that those two be executed, and he set out to find the third, viewing him as a lost sheep not to bring back to safety but to lead to slaughter, as he deserved in the bishop’s eyes for straying so dangerously and abandoning his loyal duty. After executing these individuals and displaying their heads on poles set up at Newmarket, the bishop and the knights quickly headed to Northwalsham in Norfolk, where the common people were waiting for a response from the king. As they traveled through the countryside, their numbers grew, with knights and gentlemen joining them upon hearing that their bishop was armed and had taken up his spear to join the fight.

The fortifieng of the rebels campe.

The strengthening of the rebels' camp.

The bishop is the first man that chargeth the rebels in their campe.

The bishop is the first person to confront the rebels in their camp.

The Norfolke rebels vanquished.

The Norfolk rebels were defeated.

When therefore the bishop was come into the place where the commons were incamped, he perceiued that they had fortified their campe verie stronglie with ditches, and such other stuffe as they could make shift with, as doores, windowes, boords, & tables, and behind them were all their cariages placed, so that it séemed they meant not to flie. Herewith the bishop being chafed with the presumptuous boldnesse of such a sort of disordered persons, commanded his trumpets to sound to the battell, and with his speare in the rest, he charged them with such violence, that he went ouer the ditch, and laied so about him, that through his manfull dooings, all his companie found meanes to passe the ditch likewise, and so therewith followed a verie sore and terrible fight, both parts dooing their best to vanquish the other. But finallie the commons were ouercome, and driuen to seeke their safegard by flight, which was sore hindered by their cariages that stood behind them, ouer the which they were forced to clime and leape so well as they might. Iohn Littester and other cheefe capteins were taken aliue. The bishop therefore caused the said Littester to be arreigned of high treason, and condemned, and so he was drawne, hanged, and headed according to the iudgement.

When the bishop arrived at the camp where the commoners had set up, he noticed that they had fortified their camp very strongly with trenches and whatever materials they could find, like doors, windows, boards, and tables. Their wagons were placed behind them, making it clear they weren’t planning to flee. The bishop, angered by the audacity of such disorganized people, ordered his trumpets to sound for battle, and with his spear ready, he charged at them with such force that he went over the ditch and fought fiercely, allowing all his men to also cross the ditch. This led to a very fierce and brutal fight, with both sides doing their best to defeat each other. Eventually, the commoners were defeated and tried to escape, but their retreat was severely blocked by their wagons, forcing them to climb and jump over them as best they could. John Littester and other main leaders were captured alive. The bishop had Littester tried for high treason, and he was found guilty and subsequently drawn, hanged, and beheaded according to the ruling.

An. Reg. 5.

The bishop heard his confession, and by vertue of his office absolued him: and to shew some parcell of sorrowing for the mans mischance, he went with him to the galowes. But it séemed that pitie wrought not with the bishop, to quench the zeale of iustice: for he caused not Littester onelie to be executed, but sought for all other that were the chéefe dooers in that rebellion, causing them to be put vnto death, and so by that meanes quieted the countrie.  ¶ To recite what was doone in euerie part of the realme in time of those hellish troubles, it is not possible: but this is to be considered, that the rage of the commons was vniuersallie such, as it might séeme they had generallie conspired togither, to doo what mischeefe they could deuise. As among sundrie other, what wickednesse was it, to compell teachers of children in grammer schooles to sweare neuer to instruct any in their art? Againe, could they haue a more mischeefous meaning, than to burne and destroie all old and ancient monuments, and to murther and dispatch out of the waie all such as were able to commit to memorie, either any new or old records? For it was dangerous among them to be knowne for one that was lerned, and more dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and inkhorne at his side: for such seldome or neuer escaped from them with life.

The bishop listened to his confession and, by virtue of his position, absolved him. To show some sign of sorrow for the man's misfortune, he went with him to the gallows. However, it seemed that pity did not overcome the bishop's zeal for justice, as he not only had Littester executed but also sought out all the main participants in that rebellion, ensuring they were put to death, thus restoring peace to the country. To recount everything that happened throughout the realm during those hellish troubles is impossible, but it's important to note that the people's rage was so widespread that it seemed they had universally conspired together to create as much havoc as possible. Among many other things, what kind of wickedness was it to force teachers in grammar schools to swear never to teach anyone their craft? Furthermore, could they have a more malicious intent than to burn and destroy all old and ancient records and to murder anyone capable of remembering either new or old documents? For it was dangerous among them to be known as someone educated, and even more dangerous if anyone was found with a pen and inkwell by their side; such individuals rarely escaped with their lives.

The capteine once slaine the soldiers faint.

The captain once slain, the soldiers faint.

An armie of fortie thousand horssemen.

An army of forty thousand horsemen.

The Kentishmen eftsoones rebell.

The Kentishmen rebel again.

But to returne to saie somewhat more concerning the end of their rebellious enterprises, you must vnderstand, how after that Wat Tiler was slaine at London in the presence of the king (as before ye haue heard) the hope and confidence of the rebels greatlie decaied: and yet neuerthelesse, the king and his councell being not well assured, granted to the commons (as ye haue heard) charters of manumission and infranchisement from all |747| bondage, and so sent them awaie home to their countries: and foorthwith herevpon he assembled an armie of the Londoners, and of all others in the countries abroad that bare him good will, appointing none to come, but such as were armed and had horsses, for he would haue no footmen with him. Thus it came to passe, that within thrée daies he had about him fourtie thousand horssemen, as was estéemed; so that in England had not béene heard of the like armie assembled togither at one time. And herewith was the king aduertised, that the Kentishmen began eftsoones to stir, wherewith the king and the whole armie were so grieuouslie offended, that they meant streight to haue set vpon that countrie, and to haue wholie destroied that rebellious generation. But thorough intercession made by the lords and gentlemen of that countrie, the king pacified his mood, and so resolued to procéed against them by order of law and iustice, causing iudges to sit and to make inquisition of the malefactors, and especiallie of such as were authors of the mischéefes.

But to go back and say a bit more about the end of their rebellious efforts, you need to know that after Wat Tyler was killed in London in front of the king (as you've heard before), the hope and confidence of the rebels greatly declined. Still, the king and his council, not feeling entirely secure, granted the commons (as you’ve heard) charters of freedom and enfranchisement from all bondage, and then sent them home to their regions. Immediately after this, he gathered an army of Londoners and others in the surrounding areas who supported him, specifically calling only those who were armed and had horses, as he did not want any foot soldiers with him. Within three days, he had about forty thousand horsemen around him, as was estimated; it was the largest army ever seen assembled in England at one time. At the same time, the king learned that the men from Kent were starting to stir up trouble again. This angered the king and the entire army so much that they were ready to attack that region and completely destroy those rebellious people. However, thanks to the intervention of the lords and gentlemen from that area, the king calmed down and decided to proceed against them through legal means and justice, instructing judges to sit and investigate the wrongdoers, especially those who were the instigators of the troubles.

Iack Straw and his adherents executed.

Iack Straw and his followers executed.

And about the same time did the maior of London sit in iudgement, as well vpon the offendors that were citizens, as of other that were of Kent, Essex, Southsex, Norffolke, Suffolke, and other counties, being found within the liberties of the citie; and such as were found culpable, he caused them to lose their heads, as Iacke Straw, Iohn Kirkbie, Alane Tredera, and Iohn Sterling, that gloried of himselfe, for that he was the man that had slaine the archbishop. This fellow (as it is written by some authors) streight waies after he had doone that wicked deed, fell out of his wits, and comming home into Essex where he dwelt, tied a naked sword about his necke, that hoong downe before on his brest, and likewise a dagger naked, that hanged downe behind on his backe, and so went vp and downe the lanes & stréets about home, crieng out, and protesting, that with those weapons he had dispatched the archbishop; and after he had remained a while at home, he came to London againe, for that he shuld receiue (as he said) the reward there of the act which he had committed: and so indéed, when he came thither, and boldlie confessed that he was the man that had beheaded the archbishop, he lost his head in steed of a recompense: and diuerse other both of Essex and Kent, that had laid violent hands vpon the archbishop came to the like end at London, where they did the deed, being bewraied by their owne confessions.

Around the same time, the Mayor of London held court to judge both the citizens of the city and those from Kent, Essex, Sussex, Norfolk, Suffolk, and other counties who were found within the city's jurisdiction. Those who were found guilty were executed, including Jack Straw, John Kirkbie, Alan Tredera, and John Sterling, who took pride in claiming he was the one who killed the Archbishop. This guy (as some writers report) immediately after committing that wicked act, lost his sanity. When he returned home to Essex, where he lived, he tied a naked sword around his neck which hung down in front of him, and also a dagger that dangled behind his back. He walked up and down the streets near his home, yelling out and insisting that he had used those weapons to kill the Archbishop. After staying at home for a while, he returned to London, saying he was there to receive a reward for his act. When he arrived and boldly admitted that he was the one who beheaded the Archbishop, he lost his head instead of receiving any reward. Several others from Essex and Kent who had laid violent hands on the Archbishop met the same fate in London, where they committed the crime, betrayed by their own confessions.

The maior and fiue aldermen knighted.

The mayor and five aldermen were knighted.

The armes of London augmented by additiō of the dagger.

The arms of London were enhanced by the addition of the dagger.

Here is to be remembred, that the king, after the citie of London was deliuered from the danger of the rebels (as before ye haue heard) in respect of the great manhood, and assured loialtie which had appeared in the maior, and other of the aldermen, for some part of recompense of their faithfull assistance in that dangerous season, made the said maior William Walworth knight, with fiue other aldermen his brethren, to wit, Nicholas Bramble, Iohn Philpot, Nicholas Twiford, Robert Laundre, and Robert Gaiton, also Iohn Standish, that (as ye haue heard) holpe to slaie Wat Tiler. Moreouer, the king granted, that there should be a dagger added to the armes of the citie of London, in the right quarter of the shield, for an augmentation of the same armes, and for a remembrance of this maior his valiant act, as dooth appeare vnto this daie; for till that time, the citie bare onelie the crosse, without the dagger.

It should be remembered that the king, after the city of London was saved from the threat of the rebels (as you have heard before), recognized the great bravery and loyalty shown by the mayor and some of the aldermen. As a reward for their faithful assistance during that dangerous time, he knighted the mayor, William Walworth, along with five other aldermen who were his colleagues: Nicholas Bramble, John Philpot, Nicholas Twiford, Robert Laundre, and Robert Gaiton, as well as John Standish, who, as you have heard, helped kill Wat Tyler. Furthermore, the king granted that a dagger should be added to the arms of the city of London, in the right quarter of the shield, as an enhancement of those arms and in remembrance of the brave actions of this mayor, which is still evident today; before that, the city only displayed the cross, without the dagger.

The cōmons of Essex rebell afresh.

The common people of Essex are rebelling again.

The rebels of Essex are scattered & slaine.

The rebels of Essex are scattered and slain.

Although the kings authoritie thus began to shew it selfe, to the terror of rebels; yet the commons of Essex eftsoones assembled themselues togither, not far from Hatfield Peuerell, and sent to the king to know of him if his pleasure was, that they should inioy their promised liberties: and further, that they might be as frée as their lords, and not to come to any court, except it were to the great léet, twise in the yeare. When the king heard such presumptuous requests, he was in a great chafe, & dispatched the messengers awaie, with a sore threatning answer, saieng that bondmen they were, and bondmen they should be, and that in more vile manner than before, to the terrible example of all other that should attempt any the like disorders: and foorthwith, the earle of Buckingham, and the lord Thomas Percie, brother to the earle of North­um­ber­land, were sent with an armie to represse those rebels, whome they found fortified within woods, hedges and ditches |748| verie stronglie, but with small adoo they were put to flight, & about fiue hundred of them slaine; the residue saued themselues as well as they might, by succour of the woods. There were eight hundred horsses also taken, which those rebels had there with them, to draw and carrie their baggage.

Although the king's authority started to show itself, striking fear into rebels, the common people of Essex quickly gathered not far from Hatfield Peverel and sent a message to the king to see if he intended for them to keep their promised freedoms. They also requested to be as free as their lords and asked not to be required to attend any court except for the great leet, twice a year. When the king heard such bold requests, he became very angry and sent the messengers away with a harsh reply, stating that they were bondmen, and bondmen they would remain, and in an even more degrading manner than before, as a terrible example to anyone else who might consider such disorderly behavior. Immediately, the Earl of Buckingham and Lord Thomas Percy, brother to the Earl of Northumberland, were dispatched with an army to suppress those rebels. They found the rebels well-fortified within woods, hedges, and ditches, but with little effort, they were routed, and about five hundred of them were killed; the remainder escaped as best they could into the woods. Eight hundred horses were also captured, which those rebels had with them to transport their baggage.

Those of the rebels that escaped, were not yet so tamed by that ouerthrow, but that assembling themselues togither in a rowt, they made towards Colchester: and comming thither, would haue persuaded the townesmen to haue ioined with them in a new rebellion. But when they could not bring their purpose to passe they marched towards Sudburie. The lord Fitz Walter, and sir Iohn Harleston, vnderstanding which waie they tooke, followed them with a companie of armed men, and suddenlie setting vpon them as they were making their proclamations, slue of them so manie as it liked them, and the other they saued, and suffered to depart, or else committed them to prison. After this, the king came to Hauering at the bowre, and from thence to Chelmisford, where he appointed sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement of the offendors and rebels of that countrie, wherevpon an inquest being chosen, a great number were indited, arreigned, & found giltie, so that vpon some one gallowes there were nine or ten hanged togither.

Those rebels who escaped weren't completely defeated by that setback. They gathered together and headed toward Colchester, where they tried to convince the townspeople to join them in a new rebellion. When they couldn't achieve their goal, they marched towards Sudbury. Lord Fitz Walter and Sir John Harleston, learning of their route, followed them with a group of armed men. They suddenly attacked while the rebels were making their proclamations, killing as many as they wished, while allowing some to escape or sending others to prison. After this, the king came to Havering at the Bower and then to Chelmsford, where he appointed Sir Robert Trisilian to judge the offenders and rebels in that area. An inquest was chosen, and a large number were indicted, arraigned, and found guilty, so that on one gallows, nine or ten were hanged together.

Fabian. The rebels executed in euerie lordship.

Fabian. The rebels were executed in every lordship.

The king calleth in his letters of infranchising granted to the bondmen.

The king calls in his letters of emancipation granted to the serfs.

In euerie countrie were like inquiries made, and the chéefe offendors apprehended and put to death in euerie lordship through the realme, where anie of them were detected, by ten, twelue, twentie, thirtie, yea and in some places by fortie at once; so that the whole number grew to fifteene hundred and aboue. At the first, when the kings iustices began to sit in Essex, Kent, and at London, by reason of the multitude that were to be executed, they onelie chopped off their heads, but afterwards when that kind of death seemed too close and secret for so open offenses, they proceeded according to the accustomed law of the realme, by condemning them to be drawne and hanged, and according thervnto they were executed. In the meane time, the king by the aduise of his councell, directed his letters reuocatorie into euerie countie there, to be proclaimed in euerie citie, borrow, towne, and place, as well within the liberties as without; by the which letters he reuoked, made void and frustrate his former letters of infranchising the bondmen of his realme, and commanded that such as had the same letters, should without delaie bring them in, and restore them to him and his councell to be cancelled, as they would answer vpon their faith and allegiance which they owght to him, and vpon paine of forfeiting all that they had. The date of which letters reuocatorie was at Chelmesford, the second daie of Iulie, in the fift yeare of his reigne.

In every country, similar investigations were conducted, and the main offenders were caught and executed in every lordship throughout the realm where any of them were identified, by groups of ten, twelve, twenty, thirty, and even in some places by forty at once; so that the total number exceeded fifteen hundred. Initially, when the king's justices began to hold court in Essex, Kent, and London, due to the large number of executions, they simply beheaded the offenders. However, when that method started to feel too private for such blatant crimes, they followed the usual laws of the realm, sentencing them to be drawn and hanged, and they were executed accordingly. Meanwhile, the king, with the advice of his council, sent out revocation letters to every county there, to be announced in every city, borough, town, and place, both within and outside the liberties; with these letters, he revoked, nullified, and made void his previous letters that had freed the bondmen of his realm. He commanded that anyone who had received those letters should immediately return them and hand them over to him and his council to be canceled, under the threat of losing everything they owned, as they were obligated to answer for their loyalty and allegiance to him. The date of these revocation letters was at Chelmsford, the second day of July, in the fifth year of his reign.

The king remooueth to S. Albons.

The king moved to St. Albans.

When the king had quieted the countie of Essex, and punished such as were the chéefe sturrers of that wicked commotion in those parts, he went to saint Albons, to sée iustice doone vpon such as had demeaned themselues most pre­sump­tu­ous­lie against the kings peace in that towne, namelie against the abbat and his house, who sought to defend themselues vnder a colour of fréendship, that they trusted to find in some persons about the king. But that trust deceiued them, and procured the more displeasure against them, for that they would not sue for fauour at the abbats hands in time, by submitting themselues vnto his will and pleasure. To be breefe, the king came thither with a great number of armed men and archers, and caused his iustice sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement vpon the malefactors, that were brought thither from Hertford gaile.

When the king had subdued the county of Essex and punished those who were the main instigators of that wicked uprising, he went to Saint Albans to see justice served on those who had acted most arrogantly against the king's peace in that town, particularly against the abbot and his estate, who tried to protect themselves under a false sense of friendship that they thought they could count on with some people around the king. But that trust backfired, causing them even more trouble because they failed to seek favor from the abbot in time by submitting to his will. To make a long story short, the king arrived there with a large number of armed men and archers and ordered his justice, Sir Robert Trisilian, to judge the wrongdoers who had been brought there from Hertford jail.

Iohn Ball.

John Ball.

Iohn Ball his prophesie.

John Ball's prophecy.

Thither was brought also to the king from Couentrie, Iohn Ball preest, whom the citizens of Couentrie had taken, and now here at saint Albons they presented him to the kings presence, wherevpon he was arreigned and condemned, to be drawne, hanged, and headed for such notable treasons as he was there conuicted of. He receiued iudgement vpon the saturdaie the first daie that the said sir Robert Trisilian sat in iudgement, but he was not executed till the mondaie following. This man had beene a preacher the space of twentie yeares, and bicause his doctrine was not according to the religion then by the bishops mainteined, he was first prohibited to preach in anie church or chappell; and when he ceassed not for all that, but set foorth his doctrine in the streets & fields where he might |749| haue audience, at length he was committed to prison, out of the which he prophesied that he should be deliuered with the force of twentie thousand men, and euen so it came to passe in time of the rebellion of the commons.

Also brought to the king from Coventry was John Ball, a priest, whom the citizens of Coventry had captured, and they presented him to the king at St. Albans. He was then tried and sentenced to be drawn, hanged, and beheaded for the serious treasons he was convicted of. He received his sentence on Saturday, the first day that Sir Robert Trisilian presided over the court, but he wasn’t executed until the following Monday. This man had been a preacher for twenty years, and because his teachings didn’t align with the religion supported by the bishops at the time, he was first banned from preaching in any church or chapel. When he continued to spread his teachings in the streets and fields where he could gather an audience, he was eventually imprisoned, from which he prophesied that he would be delivered by the force of twenty thousand men, and that actually happened during the time of the commons' rebellion.

Iohn Ball his sermon to the rebels.

Iohn Ball's sermon to the rebels.

When all the prisons were broken vp, and the prisoners set at libertie, he being therefore so deliuered, followed them, & at Blackeheath when the greatest multitude was there got togither (as some write) he made a sermon, taking this saieng or common prouerbe for his theame, wherevpon to intreat,

When all the prisons were broken open, and the prisoners set free, he, having been released, followed them. At Blackheath, when the largest crowd was gathered there (as some say), he gave a sermon, using this saying or common proverb as his theme, on which to speak,

When Adam delu’d, and Eue span,

When Adam worked the land, and Eve wove,

Who was then a gentleman?

Who was a gentleman back then?

and so continuing his sermon, went about to prooue by the words of that prouerbe, that from the beginning, all men by nature were created alike, and that bondage or seruitude came in by iniust oppression of naughtie men. For if God would haue had anie bondmen from the beginning, he would haue appointed who should be bond & who free. And therefore he exhorted them to consider, that now the time was come appointed to them by God, in which they might (if they would) cast off the yoke of bondage, & recouer libertie. He counselled them therefore to remember themselues, and to take good hearts vnto them, that after the manner of a good husband that tilleth his ground, and riddeth out thereof such euill wéeds as choke and destroie the good corne, they might destroie first the great lords of the realme, and after the iudges and lawiers, questmoongers, and all other whom they vndertooke to be against the commons, for so might they procure peace and suertie to themselues in time to come, if dispatching out of the waie the great men, there should be an equalitie in libertie, no difference in degrées of nobilitie, but a like dignitie and equall authoritie in all things brought in among them.

and so continuing his sermon, he went on to prove by the words of that proverb, that from the beginning, all people were created equal, and that slavery or servitude came about through the unjust oppression of wicked men. For if God intended for anyone to be a slave from the beginning, He would have designated who should be enslaved and who should be free. Therefore, he urged them to realize that now was the time appointed by God, in which they could (if they chose) throw off the yoke of slavery and regain their freedom. He advised them to reflect on themselves and to be courageous, reminding them that, like a good farmer who tends to his land and weeds out the harmful plants that choke and destroy the good crops, they should first remove the powerful lords of the realm, and then the judges, lawyers, and all others whom they deemed against the common people. This way, they could secure peace and safety for themselves in the future; by getting rid of the powerful men, there could be equality in freedom, no hierarchy of nobility, but a shared dignity and equal authority in all matters among them.

When he had preached and set foorth such kind of doctrine, and other the like fond and foolish toies vnto the people, they extolled him to the starres, affirming that he ought to be archbishop and lord chancellour, where he that then enioied that roome, meaning sir Simon de Sudburie that then was aliue, was a traitor to the king and realme, and worthie to lose his head, wheresoeuer he might be apprehended. Manie other things are reported by writers of this Iohn Ball, as the letter, which vnder a kind of darke riddle he wrote to the capteine of the Essex rebels, the copie whereof was found in one of their pursses that was executed at London.

When he preached and shared such teachings, along with other silly and foolish ideas to the people, they praised him to the skies, claiming he should be archbishop and lord chancellor, while the man currently holding that position, Sir Simon de Sudbury, who was still alive, was a traitor to the king and the realm, deserving to lose his head wherever he might be captured. Many other things are reported by writers about this John Ball, including the letter he wrote to the captain of the Essex rebels, which was crafted in a kind of dark riddle, and a copy of it was found in one of their purses that was executed in London.

The tenor of the said seditious preests letter.

IOHN Scheepe S. Marie preest of Yorke, and now of Colchester, greeteth well Iohn namelesse, and Iohn the Miller, and Iohn Carter, & biddeth them that they beware of guile in Bourrough, & stand togither in Gods name, & biddeth Piers ploughman go to his worke, and chastise well Hob the robber, & take with you Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes, and no mo.   Iohn the Miller Y ground small, small small, the kings sonne of heauen shall paie for all.   Beware or yee be wo, know your freend from your fo, haue inough and saie ho, and doo well and better, flee sinne and seeke peace, and hold you therein, and so biddeth Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes.

IOHN Sheep S. Mary, priest of York, and now of Colchester, sends greetings to John nameless, John the Miller, and John Carter, and advises them to be cautious of deceit in the Borough and to support each other in God's name. He tells Piers Plowman to get back to work, to discipline Hob the robber, and to bring John Trewman and all his friends along, but no one else. John the Miller, you grind small, small, small; the king's son of heaven will cover all expenses. Be careful or you’ll get into trouble, know your friend from your enemy, have enough and say "ho," do well and strive for better, avoid sin and seek peace, and hold onto it. This is the advice given to John Trewman and all his friends.

Iohn Ball executed at S. Albons.

Iohn Ball executed at S. Albons.

This letter he confessed himselfe to haue written, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, with manie other things which he had doone and committed, to the disquieting of the realme, for the which he was drawne, hanged, and beheaded at saint Albons, the fiftéenth of Iulie, being monday, in this fifth yeare of king Richards reigne. On the same daie, the kings iustice sir Robert Trisilian sat vpon the rebels of saint Albons, and other of the countrie of Hertford, afore whome, by such policie as he vsed, there were a great number indicted, and diuerse being arreigned, were found guiltie, as William Grindecob, William Cadindon, Iohn Barbor, and certeine others, which were hanged and drawne, to the |750| number of fifteene persons in all; diuerse chéefe men of the towne were committed to prison, as Richard Wallingford, Iohn Garleeke, William Berewill, Thomas Putor and others of the countrie about. There were committed to prison to the number of fourscore persons, the which neuerthelesse, by the kings pardon, were released and dismissed.

This letter he admitted to writing, as Thomas Walsingham states, along with many other actions he had taken that troubled the kingdom. As a result, he was drawn, hanged, and beheaded at St. Albans on July 15th, a Monday, in the fifth year of King Richard's reign. On the same day, the king's justice, Sir Robert Trisilian, dealt with the rebels of St. Albans and others from Hertfordshire, before whom, using his strategy, a large number were indicted. Several, including William Grindecob, William Cadindon, and John Barbor, were arraigned and found guilty. In total, fifteen people were drawn and hanged. Several prominent men from the town were sent to prison, including Richard Wallingford, John Garleeke, William Berewill, Thomas Putor, and others from the surrounding area. Eighty people were committed to prison, but they were later released and dismissed by the king's pardon.

The king calleth in by proclamation all such letters of manumission, as the abbat of saint Albons had granted to his bondmen.

The king calls for the collection of all letters of manumission that the abbot of Saint Albans granted to his bonded servants.

The hatred which the townesmen had conceiued against the abbat and conuent of S. Albons, was suerlie great, and manie deuises they had to haue saued those that were executed. And where as well the townesmen, as other of the abbats and conuents tenants, both of Hertfordshire, and Buck­ing­ham­shire, had gotten of the abbat and conuent letters of discharge, from dooing anie bound seruice, the king directed his letters vnto certeine com­mis­sion­ers, as to Iohn Ludowicke, Iohn Westwicombe, Iohn Kenting, Richard Perers, Walter Saunford, Richard Gifford, Thomas Eidon, and William Eccleshall, commanding them to cause proclamation to be made in all such townes and places as were thought necessarie, through the whole countries of Buckingham and Hertford, that all and euerie person and persons that ought and had beene accustomed to doo or yeeld anie manner of seruices, customes, or duties, whether they were bondmen or free, vnto the said abbat and couent of S. Albons, should doo and yéeld the same seruices, customes, and duties, in such like forme & manner, as they had beene vsed to doo, before the time of the late troubles, & not to chalenge or claime any libertie or priuilege which they inioied not before the same troubles, vpon their faith & allegiance in which they stood bound to him, and vpon paine to forfeit all that they might forfeit: and in case anie were found to doo contrarie thervnto, the same com­mis­sion­ers had authoritie, and were commanded to arrest and imprison them, till for their further punishment, order might be taken and agreed vpon in that behalfe accordinglie.

The anger the townsfolk felt towards the abbot and the community of St. Albans was definitely intense, and they had many plans to save those who were executed. Additionally, both the townspeople and other tenants of the abbey in Hertfordshire and Buckinghamshire had received letters from the abbot and the community, freeing them from any required servitude. In response, the king sent letters to certain commissioners, including John Ludowicke, John Westwicombe, John Kenting, Richard Perers, Walter Saunford, Richard Gifford, Thomas Eidon, and William Eccleshall, instructing them to make a public announcement in all towns and areas deemed necessary throughout Buckingham and Hertfordshire. This announcement stated that everyone who was required to perform any kind of service, customs, or duties—whether they were serfs or free—towards the abbot and community of St. Albans should continue to fulfill those services, customs, and duties as they had done before the recent unrest. They were also warned not to claim any rights or privileges that they did not have prior to these troubles, under penalty of losing everything they could lose. If anyone was found to go against this, the commissioners were authorized and instructed to arrest and imprison them until further punishment could be decided and executed appropriately.

The commōs of Hertfordshire sworne to the king.

The commons of Hertfordshire sworn to the king.

On saint Margarets daie, the king being readie to take his iournie to Berkhamstéed, in the great court of the abbeie of S. Albons had all the commons of the countie of Hertford before him, that had summons there to appeare, all that were betwixt fiftéene and thréescore yéeres of age, where they tooke an oth togither from thencefoorth, to be faithfull subiects vnto him, and neuer to rise or make anie commotion, to the disturbance of his peace; and rather to die, than to consent vnto anie rebellious persons, whome they should to the vttermost of their powers do their best, to apprehend and deliuer them to the kings prison, that they might be foorth comming. After they had receiued this oth, they were licenced to depart, and the king rode to Berkhamsteed, where he remained for a time, and went to Esthamstéed to recreate himselfe with hunting, where he was informed, that those which were hanged at S. Albons, were taken from the gallowes, and remooued a good waie from the same: with which presumption he was so stirred, that he sent foorthwith his letters to the bailiffes of the towne of S. Albons, commanding them vpon the sight of the same, to cause cheines to be made, and to bring the said bodies backe vnto the gallowes, and to hang them in those chaines vpon the same gallowes, there to remaine, so long as one peece might sticke to another, according to the forme of the iudgement giuen. The test of this writ thus directed to the bailiffes of saint Albons, was at Esthamstéed the third of August, in the fift yeare of this kings reigne, and in the yeare of our lord a thousand three hundred foure score and one.

On Saint Margaret's Day, the king was ready to begin his journey to Berkhamsted. In the great court of the Abbey of St. Albans, he gathered all the common people of Hertfordshire who had been summoned to appear, all those between fifteen and sixty years old. They took an oath together, pledging to be loyal subjects to him and to never rebel or cause any disturbances to his peace; they vowed to die rather than support any rebellious individuals and promised to do their utmost to capture and deliver such people to the king's prison so they could be dealt with. After taking this oath, they were allowed to leave, and the king rode to Berkhamsted, where he stayed for a while before heading to Easthampstead to enjoy some hunting. While there, he learned that the bodies of those who had been hanged at St. Albans were taken down from the gallows and moved a good distance away. This angered him so much that he immediately sent letters to the bailiffs of St. Albans, ordering them to construct chains upon seeing the letters and to bring the bodies back to the gallows and hang them in those chains, where they would remain as long as one piece was linked to another, according to the judgment rendered. This writ directed to the bailiffs of St. Albans was issued at Easthampstead on August 3rd, in the fifth year of the king's reign, and in the year of our Lord 1381.

The townesmen of S. Albons durst not disobeie the kings commandement, and so hanged vp againe in chaines the dead bodies of their neighbors, greatlie to their shame and reproch, when they could get none other for anie wages to come néere the stinking carcasses, but that they were constreined themselues to take in hand so vile an office. And such was the end of the tumults at S. Albons, where as well as in other places, the vnrulie commons had plaied their parts. To conclude and make an end of these diuelish troubles, to the end it may appeare, in what danger as well the K. as the whole state of the realme stood, by the mischéefous attempts of the vnrulie people, I haue thought good to declare the confession of Iacke Straw one of their chéefe capteins (and next in reputation |751| amongst them vnto Wat Tiler) when he came to be executed in London, according to iudiciall sentence passed against him.

The townspeople of St. Albans didn't dare disobey the king's command, so they hung the dead bodies of their neighbors back up in chains, greatly ashamed and humiliated, as they couldn't find anyone willing to come near the rotting carcasses, and they were forced to take on such a disgusting task themselves. This was the end of the riots in St. Albans, where, like in other places, the unruly commoners had made their presence felt. To wrap up and put an end to these wicked troubles, showing just how much danger both the king and the whole realm faced from the destructive actions of the unruly people, I felt it was important to share the confession of Jack Straw, one of their main leaders (next in rank only to Wat Tyler), when he was executed in London, in accordance with the judicial sentence passed against him.

The confession of Iacke Straw at the time of his death.

The confession of Jack Straw at the time of his death.

¶ “At the same time (said he) that we were assembled vpon Blackeheath, and had sent to the king to come vnto vs, our purpose was to haue slaine all such knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, as should haue giuen their attendance thither vpon him: and as for the king, we would haue kept him amongst vs, to the end that the people might more boldlie haue repaired to vs, sith they should haue thought, that whatsoeuer we did, the same had béene doone by his authoritie. Finally, when we had gotten power inough, that we needed not to feare anie force that might be made against vs, we would haue slaine all such noble men, as might either haue giuen counsell, or made anie resistance against vs, speciallie the knights of the Rhodes; and lastlie we would haue killed the king and all men of possessions, with bishops, moonks, chanons, and parsons of churches, onelie friers Mendicants we would haue spared, that might haue sufficed for ministration of the sacraments. And when we had made a riddance of all those, we would haue deuised lawes, according to the which the subiects of this realme should haue liued, for we would haue created kings, as Wat Tiler in Kent, and other in other countries. But bicause this our purpose was disappointed by the archbishop of Canturburie, that would not permit the king to come to vs, we sought by all meanes to dispatch him out of the waie, as at length we did. Morouer, the same euening that Wat Tiler was killed, we were determined, hauing the greatest part of the commons of the citie bent to ioine with vs, to haue set fire in foure corners of the citie, and so to haue diuided amongst vs the spoile of the cheefest riches that might haue beene found at our pleasure. And this (said he) was our purpose, as God may helpe me now at my last end.”

At the same time (he said) that we were gathered on Blackheath and had sent for the king to join us, our plan was to kill all the knights, squires, and gentlemen who would have attended him there. As for the king, we intended to keep him with us so that people would feel bolder about approaching us, thinking that whatever we did was done by his authority. Ultimately, once we had enough power and no longer feared any opposition, we would have killed all the nobles who might give advice or resist us, especially the knights of Rhodes. Lastly, we would have killed the king and all wealthy men, along with bishops, monks, canons, and parish priests; we would have spared only the mendicant friars, so there would still be someone to administer the sacraments. After dealing with all those, we would have created laws for how the subjects of this kingdom should live, as we intended to establish kings just like Wat Tyler in Kent and others in different regions. But because our plan was thwarted by the Archbishop of Canterbury, who wouldn’t allow the king to come to us, we sought every means to remove him from our path, which we eventually did. Moreover, that same evening when Wat Tyler was killed, we planned, with the majority of the common people of the city ready to join us, to set fire to four corners of the city and then divide among us the spoils of the richest treasures we could find at our convenience. And this (he said) was our purpose, as God may help me now at my end.”

Thus you may see, after what sort they were conspired to the destruction of the realme, and to haue aduanced and inriched themselues; not considering or foreséeing the euill successe of their tumultuous broile, and that it would tend but little to their profit in the end, by a common spoile to amend their state, and to become mightie and rich with goods euill gotten, which though for a time (if lucke had serued them to haue possessed) they had enioied, yet could they not long prosper nor bring good vnto the possessors: for

Thus you can see, after the kind of people they conspired with to destroy the kingdom, and to advance and enrich themselves; not considering or foreseeing the bad outcome of their chaotic uprising, and that it would do little for their benefit in the end. They thought that by collectively plundering, they could improve their situation and become powerful and wealthy with ill-gotten gains, which although they may have enjoyed for a time (if luck had favored them enough to hold onto it), they could not long prosper or bring good to the possessors: for

Non habet euentus sordida præda bonos.

Non habet euentus sordida præda bonos.

The cause of the late tumults.

The reason for the recent disturbances.

A truce with Scotland. Tho. Walsi. Froissard.

A truce with Scotland. Tho. Walsi. Froissard.

And lest this one mans confession might séeme insufficient, diuerse other of them confessed the same, or much what the like in effect, when they saw no remedie but present death before their eies. To declare the occasion whie such mischeefes happened thus in the realme, we leaue to the iudgement of those that may coniecture a truth thereof, by conferring the manners of that age & behauiour of all states then, sith they that wrote in those daies, may happilie in that behalfe misse the trueth, in construing things according to their affections. But truelie it is to be thought, that the faults, as well in one degrée as an other, speciallie the sinnes of the whole nation, procured such vengeance to rise, whereby they might be warned of their euill dooings, and séeke to reforme the same in time conuenient. But as it commeth still to passe, when the danger is once ouershot, repentance likewise is put ouer, and is no more regarded, till an other scourge commeth eftsoones to put men in remembrance of their duetie; so in like manner (as séemeth) it chanced in this kings daies, as by that which followeth may more plainelie appeare.

And since one man's confession might seem insufficient, several others admitted to the same or similar offenses when they faced nothing but certain death. To explain why such troubles occurred in the realm, we leave it to the judgment of those who can speculate the truth about it by comparing the behaviors of that time and the actions of all social classes back then. Those who wrote about it in those days may have missed the truth, interpreting things according to their personal biases. However, it should be considered that the faults—whether minor or severe, particularly the sins of the entire nation—led to such punishment, serving as a warning for them to acknowledge their wrongdoings and seek to correct them in a timely manner. But as often happens, when the danger has passed, repentance is also pushed aside and forgotten until another calamity strikes to remind people of their responsibilities. This seems to have occurred during this king's reign, as will become clearer in the following sections.

The capteine of Berwike will not suffer the duke of Lancaster to enter into the towne.

The captain of Berwick won't let the Duke of Lancaster enter the town.

It this meane time that these troubles were at the hottest in England, the duke of Lancaster being in Scotland, so behaued himselfe (in the treatie which he had in hand with the Scots) dissembling the matter so, as if he had not vnderstood of any trouble in England at all, that finallie before the Scots had knowledge thereof, a truce was concluded to indure for two yeares, or (as other haue) for three yeares. When he had made an end there, and that all things were agréed vpon and passed, for the confirmation of that accord, he returned to Berwike, but at his comming thither, the capteine sir Matthew Redman would not suffer him to enter the towne, bicause of a commandement giuen to him |752| from the earle of North­um­ber­land, lord warden of the marches: wherefore the duke was glad to returne into Scotland againe, obteining licence of the Scots to remaine amongst them, till the realme of England was reduced to better quiet. Hervpon, the commons in England that fauored him not, tooke occasion to report the worst of him that might be deuised, calling him now in time of their rebellious commotions, a traitor to the realme, declaring that he had ioined himselfe to the Scots, and meant to take part with them against his owne natiue countrie.

While the troubles in England were at their peak, the Duke of Lancaster was in Scotland, managing negotiations with the Scots. He handled the situation in such a way that it seemed he had no idea there were any issues in England at all. Eventually, before the Scots were even aware, a truce was agreed upon that was supposed to last for two years, or as some say, three years. Once he had finalized everything and all agreements were settled, he returned to Berwick. However, upon his arrival, Captain Sir Matthew Redman didn't allow him to enter the town due to an order from the Earl of Northumberland, the lord warden of the marches. Therefore, the duke was forced to go back to Scotland, having received permission from the Scots to stay with them until England was more peaceful. As a result, the common people in England who were against him took the opportunity to spread the worst rumors about him, labeling him a traitor to the realm during their time of rebellion, claiming he had allied himself with the Scots and intended to side with them against his own country.

The king indéed had sent commandement, during the time of the rebellious troubles, vnto the earle of North­um­ber­land, that he should haue good regard to the safe keeping of all the townes & castels vnder his rule, & not to suffer any person to enter the same, hauing forgotten to except the duke of Lancaster being then in Scotland: whervpon the duke tooke no small displeasure with the earle of North­um­ber­land, as after he well shewed at his comming home. But before he returned foorth of Scotland, he wrote to the king to vnderstand his plesure, in what sort he should returne, humbling himselfe in such wise, as he made offer to come with one knight, one esquier, and a groome, if it should please the king so to appoint him; or if it so were that by his presence it was thought the realme was like to fall in any trouble, he was readie to depart into exile, neuer to returne into his countrie againe, if so be that through his absence the king and realme might inioy peace and quietnesse.

The king had indeed sent a command, during the time of the rebellious troubles, to the Earl of Northumberland, instructing him to carefully safeguard all the towns and castles under his control and not to allow anyone to enter them, having forgotten to make an exception for the Duke of Lancaster, who was then in Scotland. Because of this, the Duke became quite displeased with the Earl of Northumberland, as he later made clear upon his return. However, before he left Scotland, he wrote to the king to find out his wishes regarding how he should return, humbling himself by offering to come back with just one knight, one squire, and a servant, if that’s what the king preferred. If his presence was believed to cause trouble for the realm, he was prepared to go into exile, never to return to his country again, if his absence would ensure peace and quiet for the king and the realm.

The duke of Lancaster chargeth the earle of North­um­ber­land with sundrie crimes.

The Duke of Lancaster accuses the Earl of Northumberland of various crimes.

The king hearing such offers, wrote to him, that his pleasure was to haue him to returne home, with all his whole traine; and if the same were not thought sufficient to gard him, he should take of euerie towne by the which he passed, a certeine number of men to attend him vnto the next towne for his safegard, and so it was doone, the king sending him commission to that effect, and thus comming to the court, he was of the king right honorablie receiued. Within few daies after his comming, he exhibited a grieuous complaint against the earle of North­um­ber­land, for abusing him in diuerse sorts, in time of the late troubles, so as his honour was greatlie thereby touched, for which the earle was sent for, and commanded to come vnto Berkhamstéed, where all the lords in maner of the land were assembled in councell.

The king, upon hearing such offers, wrote to him that he wanted him to return home with all his entourage. If that was not considered enough for his protection, he should take a certain number of men from every town he passed through to accompany him to the next town for his safety. This was done, with the king sending him the necessary commission, and when he arrived at the court, he was received honorably by the king. A few days after his arrival, he filed a serious complaint against the Earl of Northumberland for mistreating him in various ways during the recent troubles, which had greatly affected his honor. As a result, the earl was summoned and ordered to come to Berkhamsted, where nearly all the lords of the land had gathered in council.

The duke of Lancaster & the earle of North­um­ber­land come to the parlement with great troops of armed men.

The Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Northumberland arrive at the parliament with large groups of armed soldiers.

The Londoners, fréends to the earle of North­um­ber­land.

The Londoners, friends of the Earl of Northumberland.

Here, after the duke had laid diuerse things to the earles charge, for his disobedience, vnfaithfulnesse, and ingratitude; the earle after the manner of his countrie, not able to forbeare, breake out into reprochfull words against the duke, although he was commanded by the king to cease, where the duke kept silence in humble maner, at the first word, when the K. commanded him to hold his peace, so that by reason of the earles disobedience in that behalfe, he was arrested. But yet the earls of Warwike and Suffolke vndertaking for his appearance at the next parlement, he was suffered to depart, and so the councell brake vp. About the feast of All saints the parlement began, to the which the duke of Lancaster came bringing with him an excéeding number of armed men, and likewise the earle of North­um­ber­land with no lesse companie came likewise to London, & was lodged within the citie, hauing great friendship shewed towards him of the citizens, who promised to assist him at all times, when necessitie required, so that his part séemed to be ouerstrong for the duke, if they should haue come to anie trial of their forces at that time.

Here, after the duke accused the earl of various offenses, including disobedience, unfaithfulness, and ingratitude, the earl, unable to hold back, retaliated with harsh words against the duke, even though the king had ordered him to stop. The duke remained silent and humble after the first word, following the king's command to be quiet, which led to the earl's arrest due to his defiance. However, the earls of Warwick and Suffolk guaranteed his appearance at the next parliament, allowing him to leave, and the council then adjourned. Around the feast of All Saints, the parliament convened, with the duke of Lancaster arriving with a large number of armed men, and the earl of Northumberland also coming to London with an equally impressive entourage. He was well-received by the city's citizens, who promised to support him whenever he needed it, making his position appear quite strong against the duke, should they have had to test their strength at that time.

The lords sit in armour in the parlement house.

The lords sit in armor in the parliament house.

The K. maketh an agréemēt betwéen the duke of Lancaster & the earle of North­um­ber­land.

The K. makes an agreement between the Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Northumberland.

The Duke laie with his people in the suburbs, and euerie daie when they went to the parlement house at Westminster, both parts went thither in armour, to the great terror of those that were wise and graue personages, fearing some mischiefe to fall foorth of that vnaccustomed manner of their going armed to the parlement house, contrarie to the ancient vsage of the realme. At length, to quiet the parties and to auoid such in­con­uen­i­en­ces, as might haue growen of their dissention, the king tooke the matter into his hands, and so they were made fréends, to the end that some good might be doone in that parlement, for reformation of things touching the state of the realme, for which cause it was especiallie called: but now after it had continued a long time, and few things at all |753| concluded, newes came that the ladie Anne sister to the emperour Wenslaus, & affianced wife to the king of England, was come to Calis, whervpon the parliament was proroged till after Christmas, that in the meane time the marriage might be solemnized, which was appointed after the Epiphanie: and foorthwith great preparation was made to receiue the bride, that she might be conueied with all honor vnto the kings presence.

The Duke lived with his people in the suburbs, and every day when they went to the parliament house at Westminster, both sides went there in armor, which greatly worried the wise and serious people, fearing some trouble might arise from this unusual way of going armed to the parliament house, contrary to the ancient customs of the realm. Eventually, to calm the parties and avoid any issues that could arise from their disagreement, the king took charge of the situation, and they became friends so that some good could be done in that parliament for reforming matters concerning the state's affairs, which was the main reason it was called. However, after it had gone on for a long time with very few conclusions reached, news arrived that Lady Anne, sister to Emperor Wenceslaus and betrothed to the King of England, had arrived in Calais. This led to the parliament being postponed until after Christmas so that in the meantime the marriage could be celebrated, which was scheduled for after Epiphany. Immediately, great preparations were made to welcome the bride, ensuring she would be escorted with all honor to the king's presence.

The emperours sister affianced to K. Richard, is receiued at Douer.

The emperor's sister, engaged to King Richard, has arrived in Dover.

A watershake.

A water shake.

1382.

The kings marriage with the emperors sister.

The king's marriage to the emperor's sister.

Such as should receiue hir at Douer repaired thither, where at hir landing, a maruellous and right strange woonder happened; for she was no sooner out of hir ship, and got to land in safetie with all hir companie, but that foorthwith the water was so troubled and shaken, as the like thing had not to any mans remembrance euer béene heard of: so that the ship in which the appointed queene came ouer, was terriblie rent in péeces, and the residue so beaten one against an other, that they were scattered here and there after a woonderful manner. Before hir comming to the citie of London, she was met on Blackheath by the maior and citizens of London in most honorable wise, and so with great triumph conueied to Westminster, where (at the time appointed) all the nobilitie of the realme being assembled, she was ioined in marriage to the king, and crowned quéene by the archbishop of Canturburie, with all the glorie and honor that might be deuised. There were also holden for the more honour of the said marriage, solemne iustes for certeine daies togither, in which, as well the Englishmen as the new quéenes countriemen shewed proofe of their manhood and valiancie, whereby praise & commendation of knightlie prowesse was atchiued, not without damage of both the parties.

Those who were meant to receive her at Dover made their way there, and upon her arrival, an incredible and very strange event occurred; as soon as she stepped out of her ship and safely reached the shore with her company, the water became so disturbed and agitated that no one could remember anything like it ever happening before. The ship that brought the appointed queen was terribly ripped apart, while the remaining vessels crashed against each other, scattering in a miraculous way. Before she arrived in the city of London, she was warmly welcomed on Blackheath by the mayor and citizens of London, and was then triumphantly escorted to Westminster. There, at the appointed time, all the nobility of the realm gathered, and she was married to the king and crowned queen by the Archbishop of Canterbury, with all the glory and honor that could be imagined. Additionally, to further honor the marriage, grand jousts were held for several days, during which both the Englishmen and the new queen’s countrymen demonstrated their bravery and valor, resulting in praise and commendation for knightly prowess, not without some losses for both sides.

After that the solemnitie of the marriage was finished, the parlement eftsoones began, in the which many things were inacted, for the behoofe of the commonwealth. And amongst other things it was ordeined, that all maner manumissions, obligations, releasses, and other bonds made by compulsion, dures, and menace, in time of this last tumult and riot against the lawes of the land, and good faith, should be vtterlie void and adnihilated. And further, that if the kings faithful liege people did perceiue any gathering of the cōmons in suspected wise, to the number of six or seuen, holding conuenticles togither, they should not staie for the kings writ in that behalfe for their warrant, but foorthwith it should be lawfull for them to apprehend such people, assembling togither, and to laie them in prison, till they might answer their dooings. These and manie other things were established in this parlement, of the which, the most part were set foorth in the printed booke of statutes, where ye may read the same more at large.

After the wedding ceremony was completed, the parliament quickly started up again, during which many things were enacted for the benefit of the community. Among other things, it was decided that all manner of manumissions, obligations, releases, and other bonds made under force, duress, or threats during the recent unrest against the laws of the land and good faith should be completely null and void. Additionally, if the king's loyal subjects noticed any gatherings of the common people that seemed suspicious, specifically six or seven individuals meeting together, they should not wait for the king's writ as permission to act. Instead, it would be immediately lawful for them to arrest such individuals assembling and to put them in prison until they could respond to their actions. These and many other matters were established in this parliament, most of which are detailed in the printed book of statutes, where you can read more about them.

The sudden death of the earle of Suffolke.

The sudden death of the Earl of Suffolk.

In time of this parlement William Vfford the earle of Suffolke, being chosen by the knights of the shires, to pronounce in behalfe of the commonwealth, certeine matters concerning the same: the verie daie and houre in which he should haue serued that turne, as he went vp the staires, towards the vpper house, he suddenlie fell downe and died in the hands of his seruants, busie about to take him vp, whereas he felt no gréefe of sickenesse when he came into Westminster, being then and before merrie and pleasant inough, to all mens sights. Of his sudden death, manie were greatlie abashed, for that in his life time, he had shewed himselfe courteous and amiable to all men.  ¶ The parlement shortlie therevpon tooke end, after that the merchants had granted to the king for a subsidie certeine customes of their wooles, which they bought and sold, called a maletot, to endure for foure yeares.  ¶ The lord Richard Scroope was made lord chancellor, & the lord Hugh Segraue lord treasuror.

During this parliament, William Vfford, the Earl of Suffolk, was elected by the knights of the shires to speak on behalf of the commonwealth about certain matters. On the very day and hour he was supposed to fulfill that duty, as he was going up the stairs to the upper house, he suddenly collapsed and died in the arms of his servants, who were trying to lift him up. He had felt no signs of illness when he arrived in Westminster and had been cheerful and pleasant in everyone’s eyes. Many were greatly shocked by his sudden death because he had always been courteous and friendly to everyone during his life. The parliament quickly came to an end after the merchants granted the king a subsidy of certain customs on their wool, known as maletot, to last for four years. The Lord Richard Scroope was appointed Lord Chancellor, and Lord Hugh Segraue became Lord Treasurer.

The earle of March his good seruice whilest he was deputie in Ireland.

The Earl of March's good service while he was deputy in Ireland.

Wicliffes doctrine.

Wycliffe's doctrine.

Iohn Wraie.

John Wraie.

About the same time, the lord Edmund Mortimer earle of March, the kings lieutenant in Ireland, departed this life, after he had brought in manner all that land to peace and quiet, by his noble and prudent gouernement. In this season, Wicliffe set forth diuerse articles and conclusions of his doctrine, which the new archbishop of Canturburie, William Courtneie, latelie remooued from the sée of London, vnto the higher dignitie, did what he could by all shifts to suppresse, and to force such as were the setters foorth and mainteiners thereof, to recant, and vtterlie to renounce. What he brought to passe, in the booke of acts and monuments set foorth by maister I. Fox, ye may find at large. |754| The tuesday next after the feast of saint Iohn Port latine, an other parlement began, in which at the earnest sute and request of the knights of the shires, Iohn Wraie priest that was the chiefe dooer among the commons in Suffolke, at Burie, and Mildenhall, was adiudged to be drawen, and hanged, although manie beleeued, that his life should haue béene redeemed for some great portion of monie.

Around the same time, Lord Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March and the king's lieutenant in Ireland, passed away after he had mostly brought peace and stability to that land through his noble and wise leadership. During this time, Wycliffe put forward various articles and principles of his teachings, which the new Archbishop of Canterbury, William Courtenay, recently moved from the see of London to a higher position, did everything he could to suppress. He pressured those who promoted and supported Wycliffe’s ideas to retract and completely renounce them. You can find the details of what he accomplished in the book "Acts and Monuments" by Master J. Fox. |754| The Tuesday after the Feast of St. John Port Latin, another parliament commenced, in which, at the strong request of the knights of the shires, John Wraie, a priest who was a key figure among the commoners in Suffolk, at Bury and Mildenhall, was sentenced to be drawn and hanged, although many believed that his life could have been saved for a large sum of money.

A coleprophet serued aright.

A cole prophet served right.

A lewd fellow that tooke vpon him to be skilfull in physicke and astronomie, caused it to be published thorough the citie of London, that vpon the Ascension euen, there would rise such a pestilent planet, that all those which came abroad foorth of their chambers, before they had said fiue times the Lords praier, then commonlie called the Pater noster, and did not eate somewhat that morning, before their going foorth, should be taken with sicknesse, & suddenlie die thereof. Many fooles beléeued him, and obserued his order; but the next day, when his presumptuous lieng could be no longer faced out, he was set on horssebacke, with his face towards the taile, which he was compelled to hold in his hand in stéed of a bridle, and so was led about the citie, with two iorden pots about his necke, and a whetstone, in token that he had well deserued it, for the notable lie which he had made.

A lewd guy who claimed to be skilled in medicine and astronomy spread the word all through London that on Ascension Eve, a terrible planet would rise, and anyone who stepped out of their homes before saying the Lord's Prayer five times—commonly called the Pater Noster—and ate something that morning would get sick and die suddenly. Many fools believed him and followed his advice; but the next day, when he could no longer keep up the lie, he was put on a horse facing backward, forced to hold the tail instead of a bridle, and was led around the city with two pots around his neck and a whetstone, as a sign that he had earned this punishment for his outrageous lie.

Ships of Rie win a good price.

Ships of Rie sell for a good price.

Iohn de Northampton maior of London, a streict punisher of adulterie in his time.

Iohn de Northampton, the Mayor of London, was a strict enforcer of adultery laws during his time.

About the same time, certeine English ships of Rie, and other places, went to the sea, and meeting pirats, fought with them, and ouercame them, taking seuen ships, with thrée hundred men in them. One of those ships had béene taken from the Englishmen afore time, and was called the falcon, belonging to the lord William Latimer. They were all richlie laden with wine, wax, and other good merchandize. This yeare the maior of London Iohn de Northampton, otherwise called Iohn de Comberton, did punish such as were taken in adulterie, verie extremelie: for first he put them in the prison, called the tunne, that then stood in Cornehill, and after caused the women to haue their haire cut, as théeues in those daies were serued that were appeachers of others, and so were they led about the stréets with trumpets & pipes going before them. Neither were the men spared more than the women, being put to manie open shames and reproches. But bicause the punishment of such offenses was thought rather to apperteine vnto the spirituall iurisdiction, than to the temporall, the bishop of London, and other of the cleargie, tooke it in verie euill part: but the maior being a stout man, would not forbeare, but vsed his authoritie héerein to the vttermost.

Around the same time, certain English ships from Rye and other places went out to sea. They encountered pirates, fought them, and defeated them, capturing seven ships with three hundred men on board. One of those ships had previously been taken from the English and was called the Falcon, owned by Lord William Latimer. All the ships were richly loaded with wine, wax, and other valuable merchandise. This year, the Mayor of London, John de Northampton, also known as John de Comberton, punished those caught in adultery very harshly. He first imprisoned them in a jail called the Tun, which was located on Cornhill, and then ordered that the women's hair be cut, similar to the treatment of thieves at that time. They were paraded through the streets with trumpets and pipes leading the way. The men faced similar treatment to the women, subjected to many public humiliations and insults. However, since the punishment for such offenses was believed to fall more under spiritual jurisdiction than temporal, the Bishop of London and other clergy took great offense. But the Mayor, being a resolute man, did not back down and enforced his authority to the fullest.

The Londoners fauorers of Wicliffes doctrine.

The Londoners supporters of Wycliffe's teachings.

The fishmoongers sore troubled by the maior.

The fishmongers were really troubled by the mayor.

About the same time also, when the archbishop of Canturburie sate in iudgement vpon a processe that was framed against one Iohn Aston, a maister of art, that was an earnest follower of Wicliffes doctrine, the Londoners brake open the doores, where the archbishop with his diuines sate, and caused them to giue ouer, so that they durst procéed no further in that matter. The same yéere were the fishmoongers of London sore disquieted by the foresaid maior, who sought to infringe their liberties, granting licence to forreners to come and sell all manner of fish, as fréelie and more fréelie than any of the companie of fishmongers: for they might not buie it at the forreners hands to sell it againe by any meanes, and so that companie which before had beene accompted one of the chiefest in the citie, was now so brought downe, as it séemed to be one of the meanest, being compelled to confesse, that their occupation was no craft, nor worthie so to be accompted amongst other the crafts of the citie.

Around the same time, when the Archbishop of Canterbury was judging a case against John Aston, a master of arts and a devoted follower of Wycliffe’s teachings, the people of London broke down the doors where the archbishop and his scholars were gathered, forcing them to stop, leaving them too afraid to continue with the proceedings. That same year, the fishmongers of London faced significant trouble from the aforementioned mayor, who wanted to undermine their rights by allowing foreigners to come and sell all kinds of fish as freely, if not more freely, than the members of the fishmongers’ company. They were not allowed to buy fish from the foreigners to resell it, which led to a situation where a company that had once been regarded as one of the most important in the city was now diminished to a status that seemed the lowest, forced to admit that their trade was not a craft nor deserving to be considered among the other crafts of the city.

A great earthquake.

A massive earthquake.

Churches ouerthrowne by the earthquake.

Churches toppled by the earthquake.

A waterquake.

A water earthquake.

In this yeare, the one and twentith of Maie being wednesdaie, a great earthquake chanced about one of the clocke in the after noone; it was so vehement, and namelie in Kent, that the churches were shaken therewith in such wise, that some of them were ouerthrowen to the ground. On the saturdaie after, being the foure and twentith day of Maie, earelie in the morning, chanced an other earthquake, or (as some write) a watershake, being of so vehement & violent a motion, that it made the ships in the hauens to beat one against the other, by reason whereof they were sore brused by such knocking togither, to the great woonder of the people, who being amazed at such strange tokens, stood a long time after in more awe of Gods wrath and displeasure than before, for these |755| so strange and dreadfull woonders thus shewed amongst them: howbeit when these terrors were forgotten, they followed their former dissolutenes, from the which for a time they were withdrawne through feare of Gods heuie hand hanging ouer their heads; but afterward like swine they wallowed afresh in their puddels of pollusions, & as dogs licked vp their filthie vomit of corruption and naughtinesse, for

On May 21st, a Wednesday, a major earthquake struck around 1 PM. It was so powerful, especially in Kent, that many churches were shaken, with some collapsing to the ground. The following Saturday, May 24th, early in the morning, another earthquake occurred, or as some called it, a water shake. It was so strong and violent that it caused ships in the harbors to collide with each other, resulting in significant damage and leaving people in shock at such unusual signs. They stood in awe of God's anger and discontent for a long time due to these strange and terrifying events. However, once the fears faded, they returned to their previous reckless behavior, temporarily scared by the threat of God's heavy hand hanging over them, but later, like pigs, they wallowed back into their dirty habits, and like dogs, they licked up their filthy vomit of corruption and wickedness.

Sordida natura semper sequitur sua iura.

Sordid nature always follows its own rules.

An. Reg. 6.

The bishop of Londō made lord chancellor in the lord Scroope his roome.

The bishop of London made Lord Chancellor in Lord Scroope's place.

About this season, the lord Richard Scroope lord chancellor was deposed from that roome, and the king receiuing the great seale at his hands, kept it a certeine time, and sealed therewith such grants and writings as it pleased him: at length, it was deliuered to Robert Braibrooke bishop of London, who was made lord chancellor. The cause why the lord Scroope was remooued from that dignitie, was this. When the king vpon certeine respects had granted certeine gentlemen the lands and possessions that belonged to the late earle of March, and other that were deceassed (which he, during the time of their heires minorities, ought to inioy by the lawes of the realme) the said lord chancellor refused to seale such grants, alledging that the king being greatlie in debt, which he was to discharge, stood in need of such profits himselfe, and therefore (as he said) he tooke not them for faithfull seruants, nor dutifull subiects to his grace, that respecting their owne priuat commoditie more than his or the realmes, did sue for such grants at his hands, aduising them to hold themselues contented with such other things, as it had pleased or might please the king to bestow vpon them: for suerlie he would not consent, that they should inioy such gifts as those were. They that were thus reiected, made their complaint in such sort to the king, that he taking displeasure with the said lord Scroope, deposed him from his office, to the great offense both of the nobles and commons, by whose consent he was preferred vnto that dignitie.

During this season, Lord Richard Scroope, the Lord Chancellor, was removed from his position. The king took the Great Seal from him and held onto it for a while, using it to seal various grants and documents as he pleased. Eventually, it was given to Robert Braibrooke, the Bishop of London, who became the new Lord Chancellor. Lord Scroope was removed from this role for a specific reason. When the king had, for certain reasons, granted various gentlemen the lands and possessions belonging to the late Earl of March and others who had passed away—lands that he was supposed to manage during the minority of their heirs—Lord Chancellor Scroope refused to seal these grants. He argued that the king, being heavily in debt and needing to pay it off, should keep those profits for himself. He claimed that those seeking such grants were not faithful servants or loyal subjects of the king, as they prioritized their own interests over his or the realm's. He advised them to be satisfied with whatever else the king chose to give them, firmly stating that he would not agree to let them enjoy these gifts. Those who were rejected complained to the king in such a way that he became displeased with Lord Scroope, leading to his dismissal from office, which greatly offended both the nobles and common people who had supported his rise to that position.

A new rebellion intended in Norffolke is bewraied by one of the conspiracie before it burst out.

A new rebellion planned in Norfolk is revealed by one of the conspirators before it breaks out.

About Michaelmasse this yeare, certeine naughtie disposed persons in Norffolke, not warned by the successe of the late rebellion, went about a new commotion, intending to murther the bishop of Norwich, and all the nobles and gentlemen of that countrie. And to bring their wicked purpose the better to passe, they determined to haue assembled togither at S. Faithes faire, and to haue compelled all those that should haue béene present at the same faire, to haue taken part with them, or else to haue lost their liues: and this being doone, they would haue taken S. Benets abbeie at Holme, which they would haue kept for a fortresse, to haue withdrawne into vpon anie force that had beene against them. But yer they could bring their purpose to passe, one of the conspiracie bewraieng the matter, they were taken, & lost their heads at Norwich, for their malicious deuises.

Around Michaelmas this year, certain ill-intentioned individuals in Norfolk, not learning from the outcome of the recent rebellion, attempted to instigate a new uprising, planning to murder the Bishop of Norwich and all the nobles and gentlemen of that area. To carry out their wicked plan more effectively, they decided to gather at St. Faith's Fair and to force everyone present at the fair to join them or face death. Once this was accomplished, they intended to seize St. Benedict's Abbey at Holme, which they would have used as a fortress to retreat into if anyone opposed them. However, before they could execute their plan, one of the conspirators revealed the plot, and they were captured and executed in Norwich for their malicious schemes.

The cōmissioners of Flanders reiected for want of sufficient authoritie.

The commissioners of Flanders were rejected due to lack of sufficient authority.

An act against the fishmongers within the citie of London.

An act against the fishmongers in the city of London.

Remission of sins granted to as manie as would fight against Clement the antipape.

Remission of sins given to as many as would fight against Clement, the anti-pope.

About the same time a parlement was called, to the which certeine com­mis­sion­ers from the countrie of Flanders came, to treat of certeine agréements betwixt the king and realme, and the states of their countrie: but bicause those that came ouer at this time, seemed not sufficient to conclude such treatie as then was in hand, they were sent backe to fetch other more sufficient, as from euerie towne in Flanders some such as might haue full authoritie to go through, and confirme the agréements then in hand. In this parlement, the maior of London, with a great part of the commoners of the citie, vpon suggestion by them made against the fishmongers, for vsing great deceit in vttering of their fishes, obteined to haue it inacted, that from thencefoorth, none of that companie, nor anie of the vinteners, butchers, grossers, or other that sold anie prouision of vittels, should be admitted maior of the citie; and so by this shift they sought to cut off all meanes from the fishmongers to recouer againe their old former degrée. And bicause it was knowne well inough of what authoritie sir Iohn Philpot knight was within the citie, and that he fauoured those whome the lord maior the said Iohn de Northampton fauoured not, he was put off from the bench, and might not sit with them that were of the secret councell in the cities affaires, whereas neuerthelesse he had trauelled more for the preseruation of the cities liberties than all the residue. Sir Henrie Spenser bishop of Norwich, receiued |756| buls a little before this present from pope Vrbane, to signe all such with the crosse, that would take vpon them to go ouer the seas with him, to warre against those that held with the antipape Clement, that tooke himselfe for pope, and to such as would receiue the crosse in that quarrell, such like beneficiall pardons were granted by pope Vrbane, as were accustomablie granted vnto such as went to fight against the Infidels, Turkes, and Saracens, to wit free remission of sinnes, and manie other graces. The bishop of Norwich that had the disposing of the benefits granted by those buls, to all such as either would go themselues in person, or else giue anie thing toward the furtherance of that voiage, & maintenance of them that went in the same, shewed those buls in open parlement, & caused copies to be written forth, & sent into euerie quarter, that his authoritie & power legantine might be notified to all men, for the better bringing to passe of that he had in charge. And truelie it should appeare, there wanted no diligence in the man to accomplish the popes purpose: and on the other part yée must note, that the priuileges which he had from the pope, were passing large, so that as the matter was handled, there were diuerse lords, knights, esquires, and other men of warre in good numbers, that offered themselues to go in that voiage, and to follow the standards of the church with the bishop, and no small summes of monie were leuied and gathered amongst the people, for the furnishing foorth of that armie, as after yée shall heare.

Around the same time, a parliament was called, to which certain commissioners from Flanders came to discuss agreements between the king and the realm and the states of their country. However, because those who arrived at that time didn’t seem sufficient to conclude the ongoing negotiations, they were sent back to fetch more capable representatives, specifically from each town in Flanders, with the full authority to finalize the agreements. During this parliament, the mayor of London and many commoners from the city, based on their complaints against the fishmongers for cheating in the sale of their fish, managed to have it enacted that from then on, no one from that group, nor any vintners, butchers, grocers, or others selling provisions, would be allowed to be mayor of the city. This was a tactic to prevent the fishmongers from regaining their former status. It was well known that Sir John Philpot, a knight, had significant influence within the city and supported those whom Lord Mayor John de Northampton did not favor. As a result, he was removed from the council and could not sit with the other members of the secret council involved in city affairs, even though he had worked harder than anyone else to preserve the city's liberties. Sir Henry Spenser, bishop of Norwich, received bulls shortly before this from Pope Urban, allowing anyone willing to join him on a crusade against those loyal to anti-Pope Clement—who considered himself pope—to receive the cross. Those willing to take up the cross for this cause were granted similar beneficial pardons from Pope Urban as usually provided to those fighting against the Infidels, Turks, and Saracens, such as complete remission of sins and various other favors. The Bishop of Norwich, who was in charge of distributing these benefits to those who would either join the fight personally or contribute to the campaign, displayed these bulls in open parliament, ordered copies to be distributed everywhere, so that his authority and legatine power would be known to all, helping him fulfill his mandate. Truly, he showed great diligence in carrying out the pope’s wishes. On the other hand, it’s important to note that the privileges he had from the pope were quite extensive, and as the matter was handled, various lords, knights, squires, and a considerable number of other warriors offered to join this venture, following the bishop’s banner. A significant amount of money was also raised and collected among the people to support and equip that army, as you will hear later.

The earle of Cambridge returneth out of Portingale.

The Earl of Cambridge is returning from Portugal.

The earle of Cambridge his son affianced to the king of Portingals daughter.

The Earl of Cambridge's son is engaged to the King of Portugal's daughter.

In this meane time the earle of Cambridge returned home from Portingale, whither (as yee haue heard) he was sent the last yeare, and promise made, that the duke of Lancaster should haue followed him; but by reason of the late rebellion, and also for other con­si­der­a­tions, as the warres in Flanders betwixt the erle and them of Gaunt, it was not thought conuenient that anie men of warre should go foorth of the realme: and so the king of Portingale not able of himselfe to go through with his enterprise against the king of Spaine, after some small exploits atchiued by the Englishmen, and other of the earle of Cambridge his companie, as the winning of certeine fortresses belonging to the king of Castile, and that the two kings had laine in field, the one against the other by the space of fifteene daies without battell, the matter was taken vp, and a peace concluded betwixt them, sore against the mind of the earle of Cambridge, who did what in him laie, to haue brought them to a set field: but when there was no remedie, he bare it so patientlie as he might, and returned home with his people, sore offended (though he said little) against the king of Portingale, for that he dealt otherwise in this matter than was looked for. He had affianced his sonne, which he had by the daughter of Peter, sometime king of Castile, vnto the king of Portingales daughter, now in the time of his being there: but although he was earnestlie requested of the said king, he would not leaue his sonne behind him, but brought him backe with him againe into England (togither with his mother) doubting the slipperie faith of those people.

In the meantime, the Earl of Cambridge returned home from Portugal, where he had been sent last year, with a promise that the Duke of Lancaster would follow him. However, due to the recent rebellion and other factors, like the ongoing war in Flanders between the Earl and the people of Ghent, it was deemed unwise for any troops to leave the realm. Consequently, the King of Portugal was unable to carry out his plans against the King of Spain. After a few minor successes achieved by the English and others in the Earl of Cambridge's company, such as capturing certain fortresses belonging to the King of Castile, and a standoff between the two kings that lasted fifteen days without a battle, the situation was resolved, and peace was agreed upon. This was deeply disappointing to the Earl of Cambridge, who did everything he could to push for a decisive engagement. But when there was no alternative, he accepted the outcome as best as he could and returned home with his men, feeling quite upset (even though he said little) at the King of Portugal for handling the situation differently than expected. He had arranged for his son, born to the daughter of Peter, a former King of Castile, to marry the King of Portugal's daughter while he was there. Despite being strongly urged by the king, he refused to leave his son behind and brought him back to England (along with his mother) due to his doubts about the trustworthiness of those people.

1383.

Clementines.

Clemintines.

Vrbanists.

Urban planners.

In the Lent season of this sixt yeare of king Richards reigne, an other parlement was called at London, in the which there was hard hold about the buls sent to the bishop of Norwich from pope Vrbane, concerning his iournie that he should take in hand against the Clementines (as we may call them, for that they held with pope Clement) whome the Vrbanists (that is, such as held with pope Vrbane) tooke for schismatikes. Diuerse there were, that thought it not good that such summes of monie shuld be leuied of the kings subiects, and the same togither with an armie of men to be committed vnto the guiding of a prelat vnskilfull in warlike affaires. Other there were that would needs haue him to go, that the enimies of the church (as they tooke them) might be subdued.

During Lent in the sixth year of King Richard's reign, another parliament was called in London, where there was a heated debate about the letters sent to the Bishop of Norwich from Pope Urban regarding his planned campaign against the Clementines (as we call them, since they support Pope Clement), whom the Urbanists (those who support Pope Urban) considered to be schismatics. Some believed it was unwise to raise such large sums of money from the king's subjects and to place an army of men under the command of a church leader inexperienced in military matters. Others insisted that he should go, so that their perceived enemies of the church could be defeated.

And although the more part of the lords of the vpper house, and likewise the knights and burgesses of the lower house were earnestlie bent against this iournie; yet at length those that were of the contrarie mind, preuailed; & so it was decreed, that it should forward, and that the said bishop of Norwich should haue the fiftéenth granted to the king in the last parlement, to paie the wages of such men of warre as should go ouer with him; for soldiers without monie passed not much of par dons, nonot in those daies, except at |757| the verie point of death, if they were not assured how to be answered of their wages, or of some other con­si­der­a­tion wherby they might gaine.  ¶ The tenth that was granted afore by the bishops at Oxford, was now in this same parlement appointed to remaine to the king for the kéeping of the seas, whilest the bishop should be foorth of the realme in following those wars.

And even though most of the lords in the upper house, along with the knights and representatives in the lower house, were strongly opposed to this campaign; in the end, those who had a different opinion won out; and it was decided that the bishop of Norwich would receive the fifteenth granted to the king in the last parliament, to pay the wages of the soldiers who would accompany him; because soldiers without money didn’t care much for promises, not back then, unless they were at the very point of death, and even then only if they were certain about how they would be compensated for their service, or had some other assurance of gain. The tenth that had been granted before by the bishops at Oxford was now designated in this same parliament to remain with the king for maintaining the navy while the bishop was out of the country participating in those wars.

The crossed souldiers.

The crossed soldiers.

These things being thus appointed, the bishop sent foorth his letters firmed with his seale into euerie prouince and countrie of this land, giuing to all parsons, vicars, and curats, through this realme, power and authoritie to heare the confessions of their parishioners, and to grant vnto those that would bestow any parcell of their goods, which God had lent them towards the aduancing of the iournie to be made by the crossed souldiers against pope Vrbans enimies, the absolution and remission of all their sinnes by the popes authoritie, according to the forme of the bull before mentioned. The people vnderstanding of so great and gratious a benefit (as they tooke it) thus offered to the English nation, at home in their owne houses, were desirous to be partakers thereof, and those that were warlike men, prepared themselues to go foorth in that iournie with all spéed possible. The residue that were not fit to be warriors, according to that they were exhorted by their confessors, bestowed liberallie of their goods to the furtherance of those that went: and so, few there were within the whole kingdome, but that either they went, or gaue somewhat to the aduancing foorth of the bishop of Norwich his voiage.

With everything settled, the bishop sent out his letters sealed with his stamp to every province and county in the land, giving all priests, vicars, and curates throughout the realm the power and authority to hear the confessions of their parishioners and to grant those who wanted to contribute any part of their possessions, which God had lent them, toward supporting the journey of the crusading soldiers against Pope Urban's enemies, the absolution and forgiveness of all their sins by the pope’s authority, according to the format of the previously mentioned bull. The people, realizing the great and gracious benefit (as they saw it) offered to the English nation in their own homes, were eager to partake. Those who were warriors prepared themselves to join that journey as quickly as possible. The rest, who were not suited to be fighters, generously gave of their resources to support those who were going: and so, there were few in the entire kingdom who either didn’t go or didn’t contribute in some way to advancing the bishop of Norwich's expedition.

The capteins that wēt with the bishop of Norwich against the antipape.

The captains who went with the bishop of Norwich against the antipope.

Froissard.

Froissard.

This bishop chose diuerse to be associat with him, as capteins that were expert in warlike enterprises. The first and principall was sir Hugh Caluerlie an old man of warre, and one that in all places had borne himselfe both valiantlie and politikelie; next vnto him was sir William Farington, who stoutlie spake in the bishops cause, when the matter came in question in the parlement house, touching his going ouer with his croisie. Besides these, there went diuerse noble men and knights of high renowme, as the lord Henrie Beaumount, sir William Elmham, and sir Thomas Triuet, sir Iohn Ferrers, sir Hugh Spenser the bishops nephue by his brother, sir Matthew Redman capteine of Berwike, sir Nicholas Tarenson or Traicton, sir William Farington, and manie other of the English nation: & of Gascogne there went le sire de Chasteauneuf, and his brother sir Iohn de Chasteauneuf, Raimund de Marsen, Guillonet de Paux, Gariot Vighier, Iohn de Cachitan, and diuerse other. Sir Iohn Beauchampe was appointed marshall of the field, but bicause he was at that present in the marches of the realme towards Scotland, he was not readie to passe ouer when the bishop did. The duke of Lancaster liked not well of the bishops iournie, for that he saw how his voiage that he meant to make into Spaine was hereby for the time disappointed, and he could haue béene better contented (as appeareth by writers) to haue had the monie imploied vpon the warres against the king of Castile that was a Clementine, than to haue it bestowed vpon this voiage, which the bishop was to take in hand against the French king, and other in these néerer parts. Herevpon there were not manie of the nobilitie that offered to go with the bishop.

This bishop chose several people to join him, including captains experienced in military campaigns. The main one was Sir Hugh Calverley, an old soldier who had always behaved both bravely and wisely. Next to him was Sir William Farington, who spoke strongly in the bishop's favor when the issue arose in the parliament about his journey with his cross. In addition to these, many noblemen and renowned knights accompanied them, including Lord Henry Beaumont, Sir William Elmham, Sir Thomas Trivet, Sir John Ferrers, Sir Hugh Spencer, the bishop's nephew through his brother, Sir Matthew Redman, captain of Berwick, Sir Nicholas Tarenson or Traicton, Sir William Farington, and many others from England. From Gascony, there were Sir de Chasteauneuf and his brother Sir John de Chasteauneuf, Raimund de Marsen, Guillonet de Paux, Gariot Vighier, and John de Cachitan, among others. Sir John Beauchampe was appointed as field marshal, but since he was currently in the marches of the realm toward Scotland, he wasn't ready to leave when the bishop did. The Duke of Lancaster disapproved of the bishop's journey because he realized that it would disrupt his plans to travel to Spain, and he would have preferred, as noted by writers, to have the money spent on wars against the King of Castile, who was a Clementine, rather than on this campaign the bishop was about to undertake against the French king and others in the nearby areas. As a result, not many nobles offered to join the bishop.

The statute against fishmongers repealed, they are restored to their liberties.

The law against fishmongers has been repealed, so they have their freedoms back.

But to saie somewhat of other things that were concluded in this last parlement, we find, that the fishmongers, which through meanes of the late lord maior Iohn of Northampton and his complices were put from their ancient customes and liberties, which they inioied aforetime within the citie, were now restored to the same againe, sauing that they might not kéepe courts among themselues, as in times past they vsed, but that after the maner of other crafts and companies, all transgressions, offenses, and breaches of lawes and customes by them committed, should be heard, tried, and reformed in the maiors court.  ¶ All this winter the matter touching the gathering of monie towards the croisie, was earnestlie applied, so that there was leuied what of the disme, and by the deuotion of the people for obteining of the pardon, so much as drew to the summe of fiue and twentie thousand franks.

But to mention some other things that were decided in this last parliament, we find that the fishmongers, who had been stripped of their ancient customs and freedoms through the recent Lord Mayor John of Northampton and his associates, were now restored to those rights. However, they were not allowed to hold courts among themselves as they had in the past. Instead, like other trades and companies, any violations, offenses, or breaches of laws and customs committed by them would be addressed, judged, and corrected in the mayor's court. All winter, there was a strong focus on gathering funds for the crusade, resulting in the collection of a portion of the tithe, along with the devotion of the people seeking forgiveness, which amounted to a total of twenty-five thousand francs.

The bishop of Norwich setteth forward with his armie.

The bishop of Norwich sets out with his army.

Polydor.

Polydor.

Froissard.

Froissard.

500 speares, & 115 other.

500 spears and 115 others.

When the bishop therefore had set things in good forwardnesse for his iournie, he drew towards the sea side, and was so desirous to passe ouer, and to inuade his aduersaries, |758| that although the king sent to him an expresse commandement by letters to returne to the court, that he might conferre with him before he tooke the seas; yet excusing himselfe, that the time would not then permit him to staie longer, he passed ouer to Calis, where he landed the 23 of Aprill, in this sixt yeare of king Richards reigne. The armie to attend him in this iournie, rose to the number of two thousand horssemen, and fifteene thousand footmen (as some write) though other speake of a far lesser number. But it should seeme that they went not ouer all at one time, but by parts, as some before the bishop, some with him, and some after him.

When the bishop had everything prepared for his journey, he headed toward the seaside, eager to cross over and confront his enemies, |758| so much so that even though the king sent him a direct order in a letter to return to the court for a discussion before he set sail, he made excuses, saying that he couldn’t stay any longer. He crossed over to Calais, landing on April 23rd in the sixth year of King Richard's reign. The army accompanying him on this journey grew to about two thousand horsemen and fifteen thousand foot soldiers (according to some accounts), though others mention a significantly smaller number. It appears they didn’t all cross at once but rather in groups, with some going ahead of the bishop, some with him, and some following behind.

The bishop of Norwich inuadeth Flanders.

The bishop of Norwich invades Flanders.

Ia. Meir. Dunkirke woon & sacked by the Englishmen.

Ia. Meir. Dunkirk was taken and looted by the English.

The earle of Flāders sendeth to the bishop of Norwich to know the cause of his inuasion of Flanders.

The Earl of Flanders sends a message to the Bishop of Norwich to find out the reason for his invasion of Flanders.

Now when he and the capteins before named, were come ouer to Calis, they tooke counsell togither into what place they should make their first inuasion; and bicause their commission was to make warre onelie against those that held with pope Clement, the more part were of this mind, that it should be most expedient for them to enter into France, and to make warre against the Frenchmen, whom all men knew to be chiefe mainteiners of the said Clement. But the bishop of Norwich was of this opinion, that they could not doo better than to inuade the countrie of Flanders, bicause that a litle before, earle Lewes hauing intelligence that king Richard had made a confederacie with them of Gaunt, had on the other part expelled all Englishmen out of his dominions and countries, so that the merchants which had their goods at Bruges, and other places in Flanders, susteined great losses. Howbeit there were that replied against the bishops purpose herein, as sir Hugh Caluerlie and others; yet at length they yeelded thereto, and so by his commandement they went streight to Grauelin, the 21 day of Maie, and immediatlie wan it by assault. Wherevpon Bruckburge was yeelded vnto them, the liues and goods of them within saued. Then went they to Dunkirke, & without any great resistance entred the towne, and wan there excéeding much by the spoile, for it was full of riches, which the Englishmen pilfered at their pleasure. The earle of Flanders lieng at Lisle was aduertised how the Englishmen were thus entered his countrie, wherevpon he sent ambassadors vnto the English host, to vnderstand why they made him warre that was a right Vrbanist.

Now when he and the captains mentioned earlier arrived in Calais, they discussed together where they should launch their first attack. Since their orders were to wage war only against those loyal to Pope Clement, most of them believed it would be best to enter France and fight the French, who everyone knew were the main supporters of Clement. However, the Bishop of Norwich thought they should invade Flanders instead. He pointed out that not long before, Earl Lewis, having learned that King Richard had formed an alliance with the people of Ghent, had expelled all Englishmen from his lands, which caused significant losses for merchants with goods in Bruges and other Flanders locations. Even though some, like Sir Hugh Calverley and others, disagreed with the bishop's idea, they eventually accepted it. So, under his orders, they went straight to Gravelin on May 21st and immediately took it by assault. Consequently, Bruckburg surrendered to them, with the lives and property of those inside spared. They then moved on to Dunkirk and, encountering little resistance, entered the town, gaining a massive amount from the spoils, as it was filled with riches that the English plundered at will. The Earl of Flanders, who was in Lille, was informed about the English entering his country, so he sent ambassadors to the English camp to find out why they were waging war against him, a true Urbanist.

The bishop of Norwich for answer, declared to them that were sent, that he tooke the countrie to apperteine to the French king, as he that had of late conquered it, whom all the whole world knew to be a Clementine, or at the least he was assured that the countrie thereabouts was of the inheritance of the ladie of Bar, which likewise was a Clementine: and therefore, except the people of that countrie would come and ioine with him to go against such as were knowne to be enimies to pope Vrbane, he would suerlie séeke to destroie them. And whereas the earls ambassadors required safe conduct to go into England by Calis, to vnderstand the kings pleasure in this mater, the bishop would grant them none at all; wherefore they went backe againe to the earle their maister with that answer.

The bishop of Norwich responded to those who had been sent, stating that he considered the land to belong to the French king, who had recently conquered it and was widely recognized as a Clementine. At the very least, he believed that the area was part of the inheritance of the lady of Bar, who was also a Clementine. Therefore, unless the people of that region agreed to join him in fighting against those known to be enemies of Pope Urban, he would certainly seek to destroy them. When the earl's ambassadors requested safe passage to enter England through Calais to learn the king's wishes on this matter, the bishop refused to grant it. Consequently, they returned to the earl with that response.

The herald of armes sent to ye Flemings by the bishop of Norwich is slaine.

The messenger sent to the Flemings by the bishop of Norwich is killed.

The Englishmen after the taking and spoiling of Dunkirke, returned to Grauelin and Bruckburge, which places they fortified, and then leauing garrisons in them, they went to Mardike, and tooke it, for it was not closed. In the meane time, the countriemen of west Flanders rose in armour, and came, to Dunkirke, meaning to resist the Englishmen: whereof when the bishop was certified, with all speed he marched thither, and comming to the place where the Flemings, to the number of more than twelue thousand were ranged without the towne, he sent an herald vnto them to know the truth, of whether pope they held; but the rude people, not vnderstanding what apperteined to the law of armes, ran vpon the herald at his approching to them, and slue him before he could begin to tell his tale.

The Englishmen, after taking and plundering Dunkirk, returned to Gravelines and Bruckburg, fortified those places, and then, leaving garrisons there, went to Mardike and took it since it was unguarded. In the meantime, the locals from West Flanders armed themselves and came to Dunkirk, intending to resist the English. When the bishop was informed, he quickly marched there, and arriving at the spot where the Flemish, numbering over twelve thousand, were gathered outside the town, he sent a herald to ask which pope they supported. However, the rough crowd, not understanding the rules of warfare, charged at the herald as he approached and killed him before he could deliver his message.

Thom. Wals. The order of the bishop of Norwich his battell against the Flemings.

Thom. Wals. The order of the Bishop of Norwich for his battle against the Flemings.

The Englishmen herewith inflamed, determined either to reuenge the death of their herald, or to die for it, and therewith ordered their battels readie to fight, and being not aboue five thousand fighting men in all, the bishop placed himselfe amongst the horssemen, and set the footmen in a battell marshalled wedgewise, broad behind and sharpe before, hauing with them a banner wherein the crosse was beaten. The archers were |759| ranged on either side: the standard of the church went before, the field gules, and two keies siluer, signifieng that they were souldiors of pope Vrbane. Moreouer, the bishop had his penon there siluer and azure quarterlie, a freat gold on the azure, a bend gules on the siluer; and bicause he was yoongest of the Spensers, he bare a border gules for a difference. At the approching of the battels togither the trumpets blew vp, and the archers began to shoot against the battell of the Flemings, the which valiantlie defended themselues, & fought egerlie a long time, but at length they were so galled with arrowes which the archers shot at them a flanke, that they were not able to indure, but were compelled to giue backe.

The Englishmen, fueled by anger, decided to either avenge their herald's death or die trying. They prepared their battle formations, and with only around five thousand fighting men in total, the bishop positioned himself among the cavalry and arranged the infantry in a wedge formation, broad in the back and sharp in the front, carrying a banner with a cross on it. The archers were placed on either side: the church's standard led the way, featuring a red field and two silver keys, indicating they were soldiers of Pope Urban. Additionally, the bishop displayed his banner of silver and blue quarters, with a gold fret on the blue and a red bend on the silver; since he was the youngest of the Spensers, he added a red border for distinction. As the two armies approached each other, the trumpets sounded, and the archers began firing at the Flemish troops, who valiantly defended themselves and fought fiercely for a long time. However, they were eventually overwhelmed by the arrows raining down from the archers' flanks and were forced to retreat.

The Flemings discomfited by ye Englishmen.

The Flemings unsettled by the English.

Iac. Meir.

Iac. Meir.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Tho. Walsi. Préests and religious men hardy soldiers.

Tho. Walsi. Priests and religious men are brave soldiers.

They were diuided into two battels, a vaward, and a rereward. When the vaward began to shrinke, the rereward also brake order, and fled, but the Englishmen pursued them so fast, that they could not escape, but were ouertaken and slaine in great numbers. Some saie, there died of them in the battell and chase fiue thousand, some six thousand; and others write, that there were nine thousand of them slaine: and Thomas Walsingham affirmeth twelue thousand. Manie of them fled into the towne of Dunkirke for succour, but the Englishmen pursued them so egerlie, that they entered the towne with them, and slue them downe in the streets. The Flemings in diuerse places gathered themselues togither againe as they fled, and shewed countenance of defense, but still they were driuen out of order, and brought to confusion. The préests and religious men that were with the bishop fought most egerlie, some one of them slaieng sixtéene of the enimies.

They were divided into two groups, a vanguard and a rearguard. When the vanguard started to falter, the rearguard also lost its formation and ran away, but the Englishmen chased them so quickly that they couldn't escape and were caught and killed in large numbers. Some say that five thousand died in the battle and pursuit, others claim six thousand; some reports state that nine thousand were killed, while Thomas Walsingham asserts that it was twelve thousand. Many of them fled into the town of Dunkirk for safety, but the Englishmen pursued them so relentlessly that they entered the town with them and killed them in the streets. The Flemings regrouped in different places as they fled and tried to put up a defense, but they were continuously driven out of formation and thrown into chaos. The priests and religious men who were with the bishop fought fiercely, with some of them killing sixteen of the enemy.

Iacob. Meir.

Iacob. Meir.

The Englishmē subdue diuerse towns in Flanders, and spoile the countrie.

The English subdued various towns in Flanders and plundered the countryside.

There died of Englishmen at this battell about foure hundred. The Flemings had no horssemen amongst them, nor anie number of gentlemen, for they stood in such dread of English bowes, that they durst not come to anie battell with them, but kéeping themselues out of danger, set the commons of the countrie in hand to trie what they against the Englishmen were able to doo without them. This battell was fought vpon a mondaie being the fifteenth of Maie. The countrie was put in a woonderfull feare by this ouerthrow, so that the townes and fortresses were in great doubt, and some yeelded themselues to the Englishmen, as Berghen and others; some were woone by force, as the castell of Drinchan, and the towne of S. Venant. To be short, the Englishmen became maisters of all the countrie alongst the sea side, euen from Grauelin to Sluis, and got such riches by pillage and spoile, as they could not wish for greater. They preuailed so much, that they wan in maner all the close towns within the bailiffeweekes of Cassell, of Popering, Messines, and Furneis, with the townes of Newport, Blankberke, and diuerse other.

About four hundred Englishmen died in this battle. The Flemish had no cavalry or gentlemen among them; they were so afraid of the English longbows that they didn’t dare to engage in battle, instead keeping their distance and sending the local commoners to see what they could do against the English without them. This battle took place on a Monday, the fifteenth of May. The region was thrown into a state of great fear due to this defeat, so towns and fortresses were in a lot of uncertainty, and some surrendered to the English, like Berghen and others. Some were captured by force, like the castle of Drinchan and the town of St. Venant. In short, the English became masters of all the coastal territory, from Gravelines to Sluis, and gained such riches from looting and plundering that they couldn’t have wished for more. They were so successful that they nearly captured all the small towns within the bailiwicks of Cassel, Poperinge, Messines, and Furnes, including the towns of Newport, Blankenberge, and several others.

The towne of Ypres besiged.

The town of Ypres besieged.

The maner of fortifieing townes in old time.

The way of fortifying towns in ancient times.

Also entring into the woods Nepse and Rutholt, they found a great bootie of sheepe and beasts, and tooke a great sort of prisoners of the countrie people, which were fled into those woods for feare of the enemies: but the Englishmen, plaieng the part of good bloudhounds, found them out, & sent all their booties and preie vnto Grauelin and Bruckburge. On the eight daie of Iune they came before the towne of Ypres, and laid siege thereto, whereat they continued the space of nine wéekes. Thither came to their aid twentie thousand Gauntiners vnder the leading of Francis Akreman, Peter Wood, and Peter Winter: so that they within Ypres were streictlie besieged, but there were within it in garrison diuerse valiant knights & capteins, which defended the towne right manfullie: it was fensed with a mightie rampire, and a thicke hedge, trimlie plashed and woond with thornes, as the manner of fortifieng townes was in ancient time amongst them in that countrie (as Strabo witnesseth.)

Also entering the woods, Nepse and Rutholt discovered a huge stash of sheep and livestock, and captured a lot of local people who had fled into those woods to escape their enemies. But the Englishmen, acting like skilled bloodhounds, found them and sent all their loot and spoils to Gravelin and Bruckburge. On June 8th, they arrived before the town of Ypres and laid siege to it, continuing for nine weeks. During this time, twenty thousand men from Ghent arrived to assist them, led by Francis Akreman, Peter Wood, and Peter Winter. This made the situation quite tough for those inside Ypres, who were strictly besieged, but there were several brave knights and captains in the garrison who defended the town valiantly. It was fortified with a massive rampart and a thick hedge, neatly woven with thorns, as was the traditional method of fortifying towns in ancient times among them in that country (as Strabo testifies).

Hope of gaine incourageth the soldier.

Hope for gain encourages the soldier.

During the time that the siege laie before Ypres, the Englishmen swarmed abroad in the countrie, for when it was once knowne what good successe the first companie that went ouer had found, there came dailie foorth of England great numbers to be partakers of the gaine. Sir Iohn Philpot that fauoured the bishops iournie, prouided them of vessels for their passage, till the bishop vnderstanding that the more part of those that came thus ouer were vnarmed, and brought nothing with them from home, but onelie swords, bowes |760| and arrowes, did write vnto the said sir Iohn Philpot, that he should suffer none to passe the seas, but such as were men able and likelie to doo seruice: where a great number of those that were come to him, were fit for nothing but to consume vittels, much like the popish shauelings and the Romish rascalitie, of whome the like is spoken thus:

During the time the siege was happening at Ypres, Englishmen flooded into the country because once word got out about the success of the first group that went over, many more came from England daily to share in the gains. Sir John Philpot, who supported the bishop's journey, arranged for ships for their passage. However, the bishop realized that most of those coming were unarmed and brought nothing from home except swords, bows, and arrows. He then wrote to Sir John Philpot, advising him to allow only those who were capable and likely to be of service to cross the seas, since a large number of those who had arrived were only fit to eat supplies, much like the popish clerics and the Roman scoundrels, of whom similar things are said:

Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati.

Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati.

Ia. Meir.

Ia. Meir.

An. Reg. 7.

The multitude of Englishmen and Gauntiners at this siege was great, so that diuerse skirmishes chanced betwixt them, and such as were appointed by the earle to lie in garrisons against them: but still the victorie abode on the English side. Also there was an English préest, one sir Iohn Boring that went to Gaunt with fiue hundred English archers, by whose aid Arnold Hans one of the capteins of Gaunt ouercame his enimies in battell, which were laid in a castell neere to the hauen of Allost, and stopped that no vittels might safelie come out of Holland or Zeland to be conueied to Gaunt. The earle of Flanders was not well contented in his mind, that the Englishmen were thus entred into his countrie, and therefore earnestlie laboured to the duke of Burgognie (that had married his daughter, and should be heire of all his dominions and seigniories after his deceasse) to find some remedie in the matter.

The large number of Englishmen and people from Ghent at this siege was significant, resulting in several skirmishes between them and those who were stationed by the earl to defend against them. However, the victory consistently favored the English. There was also an English priest, Sir John Boring, who went to Ghent with five hundred English archers. With their help, Arnold Hans, one of the leaders of Ghent, defeated his enemies in battle, which were positioned in a castle near the port of Aalst, preventing supplies from safely coming out of Holland or Zealand to be sent to Ghent. The earl of Flanders was not happy that the English had entered his territory, so he earnestly sought a solution from the Duke of Burgundy (who had married his daughter and was set to inherit all his lands and lordships after his death).

The siege at Ypres broken vp.

The siege at Ypres is over.

Newport sacked and burnt by the Englishmen and Gauntiners.

Newport was attacked and burned by the English and Gauntiners.

The duke, whome the matter touched so néere, did so much with his nephew the French king, that eftsoones he raised his whole puissance, and came downe into Flanders, so that the Englishmen perceiuing themselues not of power to incounter with this huge and mightie armie, were constreined after a great assault, which they gaue the eight of August, to raise their siege from Ypres the mondaie after, being S. Laurence daie, and to withdraw into Bruckburge, Berghen, Dixmew, Newport, Cassell, Dunkirke, Grauelin, and other places which they had woon. But at Newport the townesmen set vp the earles banner, and assailing those that were come into the towne, slue diuerse of them. The Englishmen being sore offended therewith, came running thither with certeine Gauntiners, and made great slaughter of them that had so murthered their fellowes. The towne was sacked, and all the goods aswell church iewels as other were sent awaie, partlie by sea into England, and partlie by waggons vnto Berge. After this, they set fire in more than thirtie places of the towne, so that there remained nothing vnburnt. The Englishmen & Gauntiners that were withdrawne into Berge, got togither all the waggons in the countrie about, placing the same vpon the diches and rampiers, to fortifie the same against their enemies.

The duke, who was closely involved in the matter, persuaded his nephew, the French king, to raise his entire army and come down to Flanders. The English, realizing they couldn't match this massive and powerful force, were forced to lift their siege of Ypres on Monday, August 10th, St. Laurence's Day, after a fierce assault. They retreated to Bruckburge, Berghen, Dixmew, Newport, Cassell, Dunkirk, Gravelin, and other places they had taken. However, in Newport, the townspeople raised the earl's banner and attacked those who had entered the town, killing several of them. The English, enraged by this, rushed over with some men from Ghent and slaughtered those who had killed their comrades. The town was looted, and all valuables, including church jewels and other goods, were sent away—some by sea to England and others by wagon to Berges. Afterward, they set fire to more than thirty locations in the town, leaving nothing untouched by flames. The English and Ghentians, having retreated to Berges, gathered all the wagons from the surrounding countryside and placed them on the ditches and ramps to fortify against their enemies.

Thom. Wals. A couragious & warlike bishop.

Thom. Wals. A brave and battle-ready bishop.

Some write, that after the breaking of the siege at Ypres, the bishop of Norwich would gladlie haue persuaded the lords and knights that were there with him, to haue entred into Picardie, and there to haue offered the French king battell, before his whole puissance had beene assembled: but sir Thomas Triuet and sir William Elmham with other, would in no wise consent therevnto, so that the bishop taking with him sir Hugh Caluerlie, that did neuer forsake him, bad the other farewell; and first making a road into Picardie, he after withdrew into Grauelin, whiles the other went to Bruckburge. But by Froissard, and other writers it appeareth, that sir Hugh was certeinlie at Berge, with other that were retired thither, in purpose to defend it against the French king, who still followed them, and recouered diuerse places out of their hands by force, as Mont Cassell, the castell of Crincham, and other. Also at his comming to Berghen, the said sir Hugh Caluerlie, and other that were within it, perceiuing that they were not able to defend it against such a puissance as the French king had there with him, being greater than euer sir Hugh Caluerlie that ancient capteine wold haue thought that France had béene able to haue set foorth, departed, and left the towne to be spoiled of the Britons, and other French souldiers, which executed there all kinds of crueltie. The more part of the Englishmen went to Bruckburge, but sir Hugh Caluerlie went to Grauelin, and so to Calis, as one sore displeased in his mind, for that his counsell could not be regarded in all this voiage, which if it had béene followed, would haue brought it to a better issue than now it was, as was supposed. |761|

Some say that after the siege of Ypres ended, the bishop of Norwich wanted to persuade the lords and knights with him to march into Picardy and confront the French king in battle before his full forces had gathered. However, Sir Thomas Triuet, Sir William Elmham, and others strongly disagreed. The bishop, taking Sir Hugh Caluerlie with him, who never abandoned him, said goodbye to the others. He first made a path into Picardy and then retreated to Grauelin while the others went to Bruckburge. According to Froissart and other writers, Sir Hugh was definitely at Berge with others who had retreated there, intending to defend it against the French king, who continued to pursue them and forcibly recovered several places from their control, such as Mont Cassell, the castle of Crincham, and others. When he arrived at Berghen, Sir Hugh Caluerlie and those inside realized they couldn’t defend it against the mighty forces the French king had with him, which were larger than Sir Hugh, the seasoned captain, could have ever imagined France could muster. They left the town to be plundered by the Britons and other French soldiers, who committed all sorts of atrocities. Most of the Englishmen went to Bruckburge, but Sir Hugh Caluerlie went to Grauelin and then to Calais, feeling very displeased that his advice had not been heeded during this campaign, which, if it had been followed, would have led to a better outcome than what occurred, as was believed. |761|

The French king with his huge armie driueth the Englishmen out of Flanders. Bruckburge yéelded to the French.

The French king, with his large army, drives the English out of Flanders. Bruckburg surrendered to the French.

The duke of Britaine a friend to the Englishmen.

The Duke of Brittany, a friend to the English.

The French king following the tract of good fortune, that guided his sterne, marched foorth to Bruckburge, so that the vaward of his armie came before that towne on Holie rood daie in September, vnder the leading of the earle of Flanders, the duke of Britaine, the lord Oliuer de Clisson high constable of France, and the lord Valeran earle of S. Paule, the which demeaned themselues in such sort, that although the Englishmen within valiantlie defended the Frenchmens assault; yet the third daie after the Frenchmens comming thither, the Englishmen by composition that they might depart with bag and bagage, yeelded vp the towne, which on the ninetenth of September being saturdaie, as that yeare came about, was abandoned to the French souldiers, to rifle and spoile at their pleasure, in the which feat the Britons bare the bell awaie, dooing more mischeefe vnto the poore inhabitants, than with toong can be recited. The duke of Britaine holpe greatlie to make the composition, that the Englishmen might depart in safetie: for the which dooing he was in great hatred and obloquie of the souldiers, who affirmed that he was not onelie a friend to the Englishmen, but an enimie to his countrie, and a traitour to the com­mon-wealth.

The French king, following the path of good luck that guided his star, marched toward Bruckburge, so that the front of his army arrived at that town on Holy Rood Day in September, led by the Earl of Flanders, the Duke of Brittany, Lord Olivier de Clisson, the High Constable of France, and Lord Valeran, the Earl of St. Paul. They acted in such a way that although the Englishmen inside bravely defended against the French assault, on the third day after the French arrived, the Englishmen agreed to leave with their belongings and surrendered the town. On Saturday, September 19th, that year, it was given over to the French soldiers to loot and plunder as they pleased, and in this act, the Britons caused more damage to the poor inhabitants than words can express. The Duke of Brittany played a significant role in arranging the terms of the surrender so that the Englishmen could leave safely. Because of this, he faced a lot of hate and scorn from the soldiers, who claimed that he was not only a friend to the English but also an enemy of his own country and a traitor to the common good.

Grauelin fortified by the Frenchmen for a countergarison to Calis. Thom. Wals.

Grauelin was fortified by the French for a counter-garrison against Calais. Thom. Wals.

The Englishmen comming to Grauelin, set it on fire, and departed streight to Calis, leauing the countrie of Flanders to the Frenchmen, and so returned into England, where they were not greatlie commended for their seruice, but were put so farre in blame, that sir Thomas Triuet, & sir William Elmham were committed to prison within the tower of London, as men suspected of euill dealing in the deliuerie of Bruckburge and Grauelin to the Frenchmens hands: for immediatlie after that they had left Grauelin, the Frenchmen came thither, and fortified it for a countergarison to Calis.  ¶ There be that write how the French king offered to giue the bishop of Norwich fiftéene thousand marks to race the towne of Grauelin, and so to leaue it vnto him, the bishop hauing libertie with all his people and goods to depart in safetie. The bishop required to haue libertie for certeine daies, to make herevnto a full and deliberate answer; which was granted, and in the meane time he sent into England to aduertise the king in what state he stood, and how the French king laie before him with a mightie armie: and therefore if he meant euer to trie battell with the Frenchmen, now was the time.

The Englishmen arrived at Grauelin, set it on fire, and immediately headed to Calais, leaving the land of Flanders to the French. They returned to England, where they faced criticism for their actions, so much so that Sir Thomas Triuet and Sir William Elmham were imprisoned in the Tower of London, suspected of wrongdoing in handing over Bruckburge and Grauelin to the French. Right after they left Grauelin, the French arrived and fortified it as a counter garrison to Calais. There are those who write that the French king offered to give the Bishop of Norwich fifteen thousand marks to demolish the town of Grauelin and hand it over to him, with the bishop and his people allowed to leave safely with their belongings. The bishop asked for some days to give a final and thoughtful response, which was granted. In the meantime, he sent word to England to inform the king of his situation and that the French king lay before him with a massive army. Therefore, if he intended to fight the French, now was the time.

The king & quéene in progresse.

The king and queen on tour.

A great head soone cooled.

A great head soon cooled.

In the same summer, the king with the queene went abroad in progresse, visiting in their waie the rich abbeis of the realme, as Burie, Thetford, Norwich, & other; going about a great part of the realme. And when these newes came to him from the bishop of Norwich, he was at Dauentrie in North­amp­ton­shire, and being the same time at supper, he put the table from him, and rising with all hast, got him to horsbacke, and rode in post that night, changing horsse diuerse times, with such spéed that he came to S. Albons about midnight, and making no staie there longer than he had borowed the abbats gelding, hasted foorth till he came to Westminster: so that it appeared he would neuer haue rested till he had passed the sea, and giuen battell to the Frenchmen. But after his comming to Westminster, wearied with that hastie iournie, he got him to bed, and liked so well of ease, that he thought good to send a lieutenant in his stead to passe the seas, to deliuer the bishop from danger of his enemies.

That summer, the king and queen traveled around, visiting the wealthy abbeys of the realm, like Bury, Thetford, Norwich, and others, covering a large part of the kingdom. When news reached him from the bishop of Norwich, he was in Daventry, Northamptonshire, having supper at the time. He quickly set aside the table, rose in haste, mounted his horse, and rode through the night, changing horses several times with such speed that he arrived at St. Albans around midnight. Without lingering, he borrowed the abbot's horse and hurried on to Westminster, showing he wouldn’t rest until he crossed the sea and engaged the French in battle. However, after arriving at Westminster, exhausted from the hurried journey, he went to bed. He enjoyed the rest so much that he decided to send a lieutenant in his place to cross the seas and rescue the bishop from his enemies.

The bishop of Norwich returned into England out of Flanders.

The bishop of Norwich returned to England from Flanders.

Herevpon was the duke of Lancaster sent for, that he might with such power as was readie to passe the seas, go ouer with the same, and giue battell to the French king: but he protracted time, till the respit granted to the bishop to make answer was expired, and so the bishop when he saw no succour come foorth of England, raced the towne as the couenant was: but monie he would not or did not receiue, bicause he thought in so dooing he should offend the councell. At his comming backe into England, he found the duke of Lancaster at the sea side with a great power of men readie to haue come ouer: although some thought that he deferred time of purpose, for that he misliked of the bishops whole enterprise; and now bicause it had thus quailed, he blamed the bishop for his euill gouernement therein: but sir Hugh Caluerlie he reteined with him a time, dooing |762| him all honour, by reason of the old approoued valiancie, that had béene euer found in him. And this was the end of the bishop of Norwich his iournie.

Then the Duke of Lancaster was called upon so he could lead the available forces across the sea and challenge the French king. However, he delayed until the time granted to the bishop to respond had passed. When the bishop saw no help coming from England, he burned the town as agreed. But he did not accept any money because he thought it would upset the council. Upon returning to England, he found the Duke of Lancaster at the seaside with a large army ready to go over. Some believed he was intentionally stalling because he disapproved of the bishop's entire plan. Now that it had failed, he criticized the bishop for his poor leadership. However, Sir Hugh Calverley stayed with him for a while, honoring him for his longstanding bravery. And that was the end of the Bishop of Norwich's journey.

Warke castell burnt by the Scots.

Warke Castle was burned by the Scots.

Diuerse French ships taken by the Englishmen.

Diverse French ships taken by the English.

The Scots in the meane while sate not still, but made roades into England, tooke and burnt the castell of Warke. Moreouer, whilest the siege laie before Ypres, the Frenchmen armed certeine vessels, and sent them to the sea, namelie fiue balengers, as well to intercept such as should passe betwéene England and Flanders, as also to stop such as were appointed to go ouer into Gascoine, that were soldiers also of the croisie, appointed thither vnder the leading of the lord Britrigale de la Bret, and certeine others. When they of Portesmouth vnderstood that these fiue ships were abroad, they made foorth to the sea, and meeting with their aduersaries, fought with them a sore & cruell battell, and in the end slue all the enemies, nine excepted, and tooke all their vessels. An other fleet of Englishmen tooke eight French ships, which had aboord 1500 tuns of good wines, that comforted the Englishmen greatlie.

The Scots, meanwhile, weren't idle; they made raids into England and captured and burned the castle of Warke. Additionally, while the siege was ongoing at Ypres, the French armed several ships and sent them to sea, specifically five balingers, to intercept those traveling between England and Flanders, as well as to stop soldiers heading to Gascony under the command of Lord Britrigale de la Bret and others. When the people of Portsmouth learned that these five ships were at sea, they set out and encountered their enemies, engaging in a fierce and brutal battle. In the end, they killed all but nine of their foes and captured all their ships. Another group of Englishmen seized eight French vessels carrying 1,500 tons of fine wine, which greatly boosted the morale of the English.

A parlement at London.

A parliament in London.

The temporalties of the bishoprike of Norwich seized into the kings hands for the bishops disobedience.

The properties of the bishopric of Norwich were taken over by the king due to the bishop's disobedience.

About the feast of All saints was a parlement holden at London, in which was granted to the king one moitie of a fifteenth by the laitie, and shortlie after a moitie of a tenth by the cleargie. Moreouer, the king tooke into his hands the temporalties that belonged to the bishop of Norwich, bicause he obeied not the kings commandement when he was sent for at the time when he tooke the seas to passe into Flanders. The knights also that had not shewed such obedience to the bishop as was requisit in that iornie, were committed to prison; but shortlie after they were set at libertie vpon suerties that vndertooke for them.  ¶ It was also decréed in this parlement, that the erle of Buckingham the kings vncle should go to the borders against Scotland, with a thousand lances, and two thousand archers, to represse the presumptuous attempts of the Scots, who aduertised thereof, sent ambassadors to treat of peace; but they were dispatched home againe, without obteining that which they came to sue for.

About the feast of All Saints, a parliament was held in London, where the king was granted half of a fifteenth from the common people and shortly afterward half of a tenth from the clergy. Moreover, the king took control of the properties belonging to the Bishop of Norwich because he did not obey the king's command when summoned while preparing to go to Flanders. The knights who had also failed to show proper obedience to the bishop during that campaign were imprisoned, but they were soon released on bail provided by their guarantors. It was also decided in this parliament that the Earl of Buckingham, the king's uncle, should lead an army of a thousand knights and two thousand archers to the Scottish borders to respond to the aggressive actions of the Scots, who, upon hearing this, sent ambassadors to negotiate peace; however, the ambassadors were sent back home without achieving their goals.

A treatie of peace betwéen England and France.

A treaty of peace between England and France.

A truce taken betwéene England and France.

A truce reached between England and France.

At the motion and instance of the duke of Britaine, immediatlie vpon the returne of the English armie out of Flanders, there was a méeting of certeine com­mis­sion­ers in the marches of Calis, at a place called Lelleghen, for the treatie of a peace to be concluded betwixt the two realmes of England and France. There appeared for king Richard, the duke of Lancaster, and his brother the erle of Buckingham, sir Iohn Holland brother to the king, sir Thomas Percie, and a bishop. For the French king, thither came the dukes of Berrie and Burgognie, the bishop of Laon, and the chancellor of France. There were also the duke of Britaine, and the earle of Flanders. Also there came a bishop with other com­mis­sion­ers from the king of Spaine; for the Frenchmen would doo nothing, except the king of Spaine might be also comprised in the treatie and conclusion. They were thrée wéekes in commoning of an agreement: but when nothing else could be brought to passe, they concluded a truce to indure till the feast of S. Michaell, which should be in the yeare 1384.

At the request of the Duke of Brittany, immediately after the English army returned from Flanders, a meeting was held with certain commissioners in the Calais area, at a place called Lelleghen, to negotiate a peace between England and France. Representing King Richard were the Duke of Lancaster, his brother the Earl of Buckingham, Sir John Holland, the king's brother, Sir Thomas Percy, and a bishop. For the French king, the Dukes of Berry and Burgundy, the Bishop of Laon, and the Chancellor of France attended. The Duke of Brittany and the Earl of Flanders were also present. Additionally, a bishop and other commissioners from the King of Spain arrived, as the French would not proceed without including the King of Spain in the treaty. They spent three weeks discussing an agreement, but when no other resolution could be reached, they agreed on a truce that would last until the feast of St. Michael, which would be in the year 1384.

Tho. Walsin.

Tho. Walsin.

Great contention about the election of the maior of London.

Great debate about the election of the mayor of London.

Sir Robert Knolles.

Sir Robert Knolles.

The earle of Flanders was iudged most in blame, for that no peace could be accorded, bicause he would not that the Gauntiners should be comprised therin, but the Englishmen would not agree either to truce or peace, except regard might be had of the Gauntiners, as their fréends and alies. The kings of Spaine and Scotland were comprised in this truce as confederats to the Frenchmen, which should haue signified the same into Scotland, but did not, till great harme followed through negligence vsed in that matter, as after yée shall perceiue.  ¶ The same yeare in the night of the feast of the Purification of our ladie, great lightenings and thunders chanced, which put manie in no small feare, so huge and hideous was that tempest. Shortlie after, there rose no small adoo in the citie of London about the election of their maior: for such as fauoured the late maior Iohn de Northampton, otherwise called Iohn de Comberton, stood against sir Nicholas Brambre knight that was chosen to succéed the said Iohn de Northampton, insomuch that a shoomaker who was one of the same Iohn de Northamptons partakers, presumed through a number of voices that were readie to fauour him, to take vpon him as maior: |763| but through the counsell of sir Robert Knolles knight, he was suddenlie apprehended, drawne, and beheaded, as a rebell and troubler of the kings peace.

The Earl of Flanders was blamed the most because no peace could be reached since he didn’t want the Gauntiners included in it, but the English wouldn’t agree to a truce or peace unless the Gauntiners were recognized as their friends and allies. The kings of Spain and Scotland were included in this truce as allies of the French, which was supposed to be communicated in Scotland, but it wasn’t, leading to significant harm due to negligence in that matter, as you will see later. The same year, on the night of the Feast of the Purification of Our Lady, there were severe lightning and thunder that scared many people; such was the severity of that storm. Shortly after, there was quite a stir in the city of London regarding the election of their mayor: those who supported the former mayor John de Northampton, also known as John de Comberton, opposed Sir Nicholas Brambre, the knight chosen to succeed John de Northampton. In fact, a shoemaker who was among John de Northampton's supporters, believing he had enough backing, attempted to act as mayor; however, following the advice of Sir Robert Knolles, the knight was quickly arrested, dragged away, and beheaded as a rebel and a disruptor of the king’s peace.

The duke of Lancaster inuadeth Scotland with an armie.

The Duke of Lancaster invades Scotland with an army.

Edenburgh left desolate.

Edinburgh left desolate.

Great death of horsses and men in the English host, by reason of extreme cold.

Great loss of horses and men in the English army, due to extreme cold.

In the lent season, the duke of Lancaster with his brother the earle of Buckingham went towards the borders, hauing with him a mightie power of knights, esquiers, and archers, and after he had remained a certeine time vpon the borders, about Easter he entered Scotland, and comming within thrée miles of Edenburgh, he staied there three daies, in which meane time the Scots conueied all their goods out of the towne ouer the water of Firth: so that when the armie came thither, they found nothing but bare walles, which gréeued the soldiers not a little. The Scots would not come foorth to giue anie battell to the Englishmen, but got them into woods and mounteines, or else passed ouer the riuer of Firth, suffering the Englishmen to fight with the vehement cold wether that then sore annoied those parts, in so much that on Easter daie at night, through snow that fell, and such extreame cold and boisterous stormes, as sore afflicted the armie, being incamped within the compasse of a marish ground for their more suertie: there died aboue fiue hundred horsses, to let passe the losse of men that perished at the same time, of whom we make no mention. To conclude, after the duke and his brother the earle had remained a time thus in Scotland, and burned certeine townes, they returned into England.

During Lent, the Duke of Lancaster and his brother, the Earl of Buckingham, headed to the borders with a large force of knights, squires, and archers. After staying on the borders for a while, they entered Scotland around Easter. When they got within three miles of Edinburgh, they stayed there for three days, during which time the Scots moved all their goods out of the town over the Firth river. So, when the army arrived, they found nothing but empty walls, which was quite frustrating for the soldiers. The Scots refused to come out and engage the English in battle, instead hiding in the woods and mountains or crossing over the Firth, leaving the English to contend with the harsh cold weather that severely affected the area. On Easter night, heavy snowfall and extreme cold, along with fierce storms, caused significant suffering for the army, which was camped on marshy ground for safety. Over five hundred horses died, not to mention the many men who perished at the same time, about whom we will say nothing. In conclusion, after the Duke and his brother, the Earl, spent some time in Scotland and burned several towns, they returned to England.

A parlement at Salisburie.

A parliament at Salisbury.

An Irish frier appeacheth the duke of Lācaster of treason.

An Irish fryer accuses the Duke of Lancaster of treason.

About the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Easter, a parlement of the nobles was holden at Salisburie, during the which an Irish frier of the order of the Carmelits, being a bacheler in diuinitie, exhibited to the king a bill against the duke of Lancaster, charging him with heinous treasons: as that he meant vpon a sudden to destroie the king, and to vsurpe the crowne, shewing the time, the place, and circumstances of the whole contriued matter. The king being yoong both in yeares and discretion, when he had heard the friers information, called two of his chapleins vnto him, one sir Nicholas Slake, and an other, and asked their aduise what they thought good to be doone in such a weightie cause. Now as they were busie in talke about the same, the duke of Lancaster came into the kings chamber after his woonted manner, not vnderstanding anie thing of the matter whereof they were in talke. The king with a sterne countenance beheld the duke, not dooing him the honor that he was accustomed. The duke suspecting that the king had somewhat in his head that touched his person, withdrew. In the meane time those two that were thus in counsell with the king, fearing happilie the dukes power, or else vpon good will they bare towards him, persuaded the king that in anie wise he should call him, to see and heare what was laid to his charge.

Around the same time, specifically during the week after Easter, a meeting of the nobles was held in Salisbury. During this meeting, an Irish friar from the Carmelite order, who was a bachelor in theology, presented a document to the king accusing the Duke of Lancaster of serious treason. He claimed that the duke intended to suddenly kill the king and seize the crown, detailing the time, place, and circumstances of the entire plot. The king, being young and inexperienced, after hearing the friar's information, summoned two of his chaplains, Sir Nicholas Slake and another, and asked for their advice on what to do in such a serious matter. While they were discussing this, the Duke of Lancaster entered the king's chamber as he usually did, unaware of the conversation happening. The king looked at the duke sternly, without extending the usual courtesy. The duke, sensing that the king had something troubling on his mind regarding him, left the room. Meanwhile, the two advisors with the king, possibly fearing the duke's influence or out of goodwill toward him, urged the king to summon the duke to hear the charges against him.

A miserable & cruell torture.

A horrible and cruel torture.

The duke, after he had read the bill of his accusation, made such answer, and so excused himselfe in declaring his innocencie, that the king gaue credit to his words, and receiued his excuse. Herewith the duke besought the king, that the frier might be kept in safe gard, till the time came that he might purge himselfe of that he had charged him with; and that the lord Iohn Holland the kings halfe brother might haue the custodie of him, till the day appointed that the duke should come to his full triall. The night before which day, the said lord Holland, and sir Henrie Greene knight, came to this frier, and putting a cord about his necke, tied the other end about his priuie members, & after hanging him vp from the ground, laid a stone vpon his bellie, with the weight whereof, and peise of his bodie withall, he was strangled and tormented, so as his verie backe bone burst in sunder therewith, besides the straining of his priuie members: thus with thrée kind of tormentings he ended his wretched life. On the morow after, they caused his dead corps to be drawne about the towne, to the end it might appeare he had suffered worthilie for his great falshood & treason. Which extreame punishment and exquisite kind of execution, had it not béene meritoriouslie inflicted vpon so impudent an offender, had deserued perpetuall record of vnaccustomed crueltie, with this vehement exclamation, |764|

The duke, after reading the charges against him, responded in a way that defended his innocence so effectively that the king believed him and accepted his explanation. With that, the duke asked the king to keep the friar in protective custody until he could clear himself of the accusations made against him. He requested that Lord John Holland, the king's half-brother, be responsible for the friar until the scheduled day of the duke's trial. The night before this day, Lord Holland and Sir Henry Greene visited the friar, put a cord around his neck, tied the other end to his private parts, and hung him up off the ground. They placed a heavy stone on his belly, which, combined with the weight of his body, strangled and tortured him to the point that his spine broke, not to mention the damage done to his private parts. Thus, he ended his miserable life after suffering three types of torment. The following morning, they had his dead body dragged through the town to demonstrate that he had deserved such punishment for his great deceit and treason. This extreme punishment and horrific execution, had it not been justly meted out to such a shameless offender, would have warranted a lasting record of unusual cruelty, accompanied by this passionate outcry, |764|

O fera barbaries æuo non nota priori,

O fera barbaries æuo non nota priori,

Sed nec apud sæuos inuenienda Scythas.

Sed nec apud sæuos inuenienda Scythas.

A rode into Scotland.

A rode into Scotland.

One mischief asketh another.

One mischief leads to another.

But now to the parlement. At length, when the K. had obteined of the laitie a grant of an halfe fiftéenth the same parlement was dissolued. In the summer following the borderers of England and Scotland made rodes ech into others countries, to the great disquieting of both the realmes. Among other rodes that the Englishmen made, shortlie after Easter (as Froissard saith) the earles of North­um­ber­land and Nottingham, raising an armie of 2000 speares, and six thousand archers, entered Scotland by Rockesburgh, burnt the countrie euen to Edenburgh, and so returned without damage. In the meane time came messengers from the French king, to aduertise the Scots of the conclusion of the truce. But the Scots prouoked with this last inuasion made by the Englishmen into their countrie, would not heare of any truce, till they had in part reuenged their displesure vpon the Englishmen: and so with certeine men of armes of France, that latelie before were come thither, not yet vnderstanding of any truce, they roded into North­um­ber­land, doing what mischiefe they might: so that for the summer season of this yeare, either part sought to indamage other (as Walsingham saith) though Froissard writeth, that through the earnest trauell of the messengers that came to intimate the abstinence of war taken, the parties now that their stomachs were well eased with the interchange of indamaging either others confins, agréed to be quiet, and so the truce was proclamed in both realmes, and accordinglie obserued.

But now to the parliament. Finally, when the King obtained a grant of a half-fifteenth from the common people, the parliament was dissolved. In the following summer, the people living along the borders of England and Scotland made raids into each other’s territories, causing great unrest in both kingdoms. Among other raids made by the English, shortly after Easter (as Froissart mentions), the earls of Northumberland and Nottingham, raising an army of 2,000 cavalry and 6,000 archers, entered Scotland by Roxburgh, burned the countryside all the way to Edinburgh, and returned without taking any damage. Meanwhile, messengers from the French king arrived to inform the Scots about the truce agreement. However, the Scots, angered by this latest invasion by the English, refused to consider any truce until they had partially avenged their grievances against the English. So, with some knights from France who had recently arrived there, still unaware of any truce, they raided into Northumberland, causing as much damage as they could. For the summer of that year, both sides sought to harm each other (as Walsingham states), although Froissart writes that through the diligent efforts of the messengers who came to announce the cessation of hostilities, the parties, having eased their anger through mutual damage to each other's borders, agreed to be peaceful, and thus the truce was proclaimed in both kingdoms and correspondingly observed.

An. Reg. 8.

The duke of Lācaster sent into France to treat of a peace.

The Duke of Lancaster sent messengers to France to negotiate a peace agreement.

Iohn de Northampton late maior of London cōdemned to perpetuall prison and all his goods confiscated.

Iohn de Northampton, the former mayor of London, was sentenced to life in prison, and all his possessions were seized.

About the beginning of August in the eighth yéere of this kings reigne, the duke of Lancaster went ouer againe into France, to treat of peace; but after he had remained there a long time, & spent no small store of treasure, he returned with a truce, to indure onelie till the first of Maie then next insuing. While the duke of Lancaster was foorth of the relme, Iohn de Northampton, that had borne such rule in the citie of London, whilest he was maior, and also after (as partlie ye haue heard) was accused by a chapleine (that he had in his house) of seditious sturs, which he went about, so that being arreigned thereof, he was in the end condemned to perpetuall prison, and the same not to be within the space of one hundred miles at the least of the citie of London. All his goods were confiscated, and so he was sent to the castell of Tintagill in Cornewall, and the kings officers seized vpon his goods & cattels.  ¶ About the feast of saint Martine, a parlement was called at London, in which, monie was demanded of the cleargie and temporaltie, towards the maintenance of the kings wars.

About the start of August in the eighth year of this king's reign, the Duke of Lancaster went back to France to negotiate peace. However, after spending a lot of time and a significant amount of money there, he returned with a truce that would last only until the first of May of the following year. While the Duke of Lancaster was out of the kingdom, John de Northampton, who had held considerable power in the city of London while he was mayor and afterward (as you may have heard), was accused by a chaplain (who lived in his house) of stirring up trouble. After being charged with this, he was ultimately sentenced to life in prison, and he was to serve it no less than one hundred miles away from the city of London. All his possessions were seized, and he was sent to the castle of Tintagel in Cornwall, with the king's officers taking his goods and livestock. Around the feast of Saint Martin, a parliament was called in London, in which money was requested from the clergy and nobility to support the king's wars.

A combat.

A battle.

The appellan being vanquished, is adiudged to be hanged.

The appellant, having been defeated, is sentenced to be hanged.

Abraham Fleming out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abraham Fleming from Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbey.

During this parlement also, a combat was fought within lists betwixt an English esquier, named Iohn Walsh, and an esquier of Nauarre that accused the said Walsh of treason, though not iustlie, but mooued through displeasure, conceiued of an iniurie doone to him by the same Walsh, whilest he was vnder capteine or vicedeputie (as we may call him) of Chierburgh, in abusing the Nauarrois wife. Wherevpon when the Nauarrois was vanquished and confessed the truth, he was adiudged by the king to be drawne vnto the place of execution and hanged, not­with­stand­ing that the queene and diuerse other made sute for him.  ¶ Henrie Knighton maketh report hereof in somewhat a differing maner: but the issue of his tale falleth out to be like to the other. On a wednesdaie (saith he) at S. Andrews tide, Iohn Wallise of Grimsbie fought in lists with Martilet of Nauarre esquier, at Westminster, in presence of K. Richard & of Iohn the good duke of Lancaster: in so much that the said Iohn Wallise slue his aduersarie, whervpon at the kings cōmandement being made knight, he was inriched with manie gifts, as well of the kings and the dukes bestowing, as also of other great men and peeres of the realme. As for Martilet, after he was slaine, he was presentlie drawne, hanged, and headed.

During this meeting, a duel took place between an English squire named John Walsh and a squire from Navarre, who accused Walsh of treason, though unfairly. The accusation stemmed from a personal grievance after Walsh had wronged him while he was serving as captain or deputy of Cherbourg, by disrespecting the Navarrese's wife. When the Navarrese was defeated and admitted the truth, the king ordered him to be taken to the execution site and hanged, despite requests for mercy from the queen and several others. Henry Knighton reports this in a slightly different way, but the outcome of his story aligns with the others. He says that on a Wednesday during St. Andrew's tide, John Wallis of Grimsby fought in the lists with Martilet of Navarre at Westminster, in the presence of King Richard and John, the good Duke of Lancaster. During the duel, John Wallis killed his opponent, and at the king’s command, he was made a knight and rewarded with many gifts from the king, the duke, and other noblemen in the realm. As for Martilet, after he was killed, he was immediately drawn, hanged, and beheaded.

Berwike castell woone by the Scots.

Berwick Castle is inhabited by the Scots.

Berwike castel recouered by the earle of North­um­ber­land.

Berwick Castle reclaimed by the Earl of Northumberland.

Furthermore before the said parlement was dissolued, newes came foorth of the north parts, that the Scots had woone the castell of Berwike: for which the earle of North­um­ber­land, that was capteine thereof, was put in high blame, for that he had not committed the kéeping thereof to more circumspect persons. The duke of Lancaster, who bare no |765| good will to the said earle, was well appaid that he had so good matter to charge his aduersarie withall, so that through his meanes the earle of North­um­ber­land was sore accused, and had much adoo to escape the danger of being reputed a traitor. Wherevpon great occasion of malice and displeasure grew betwixt those two noble personages, as after it well appeared. But howsoeuer the matter was handled, the earle was licenced by the king to go into his countrie, and séeke to recouer possession of the castell thus latelie lost. Wherevpon raising an armie, & besieging the Scots that were within the castell, he so constreined them, that for the summe of 2000 marks they surrendred the fortresse into his hands, their liues and goods saued: and so the earle of North­um­ber­land recouered the castell out of the Scotishmens hands, being taught to commit it to more warie keepers than the other before.

Furthermore, before the mentioned parliament was dissolved, news came from the north that the Scots had captured the castle of Berwick. The Earl of Northumberland, who was in charge, was heavily criticized for not entrusting its defense to more careful individuals. The Duke of Lancaster, who had no fondness for the Earl, was pleased to have a strong reason to accuse his rival. As a result, through his influence, the Earl faced serious accusations and had a tough time avoiding being labeled a traitor. This led to significant animosity and tension between the two noblemen, as later became evident. However, regardless of how the situation unfolded, the Earl was granted permission by the king to return to his land and try to regain control of the recently lost castle. He raised an army and besieged the Scots inside the castle, forcing them to surrender the fortress back to him for the sum of 2,000 marks, with their lives and property spared. Thus, the Earl of Northumberland regained the castle from the Scots, having learned to trust more vigilant defenders than those before.

1385.

The duke of Lancaster getteth him to his castell of Pomfret, and fortifieth it.

The Duke of Lancaster goes to his castle at Pomfret and strengthens it.

The princesse of Wales maketh an atonement betwéene the king and the duke of Lancaster.

The Princess of Wales makes a truce between the king and the Duke of Lancaster.

The king being incensed against the duke of Lancaster, meant that he should haue béene arrested and arreigned of certeine points of treason before sir Robert Trissillian cheefe iustice (as Thomas Walsingham saith) and peraduenture there might be some such report, that such was the kings meaning: but yet how this may stand, considering he was to be tried by his peeres, in case that any the like matter had beene pretended, I sée not. But how soeuer it was, he being warned thereof by some of the councell, got him to his castell of Pomfret, which he fortified, and banded himselfe so with his fréends, that it appeared he would defend his cause with force of armes, rather than to come to his triall by order of law afore such a iudge: and by reason hereof, it was greatlie doubted, least some ciuill warre would haue broken foorth. But through the earnest labour of the kings mother, that (not­with­stand­ing hir indisposition of bodie to trauell, by reason of hir corpulencie) riding to and fro betwixt them, made an agréement betwixt the king hir sonne, and the duke, to hir great comfort and contentation of mind, and no lesse suertie of quietnesse to the whole realme.

The king, angry with the Duke of Lancaster, intended for him to be arrested and put on trial for certain charges of treason before Sir Robert Trissillian, the chief justice (as Thomas Walsingham says). There may have been some talk that this was the king's plan, but I don't see how this can make sense, considering he was supposed to be tried by his peers if such charges were ever brought up. Regardless of the situation, the duke was warned by some council members and retreated to his castle at Pomfret, which he fortified. He gathered his friends, showing that he was ready to defend himself with force rather than face trial under such a judge. Because of this, there were serious concerns that a civil war might break out. However, through the determined efforts of the king's mother, who, despite her physical difficulties due to her size, traveled back and forth between them, a settlement was reached between her son and the duke. This brought her great comfort and peace of mind, and it also ensured stability for the entire realm.

The ships of Portsmouth & Dartmouth did better seruice than the kings great nauie.

The ships of Portsmouth & Dartmouth performed better service than the king's great navy.

About the same time the French king had a great fléet of ships in Flanders, so that it was doubted least he meant some inuasion into England. Wherevpon there was sent to the sea the lord of S. Iohns, and sir Thomas Percie with a strong nauie, but they did no good, suffering the French fléet diuerse times to passe by them, and not once offering to set vpon them. But the ships of Portesmouth & Dertemouth, bestirred themselues better: for entering into the riuer of Saine, they drowned foure of their enimies ships, and tooke other foure, with a barke of the lord Clissons, one of the fairest that was to be found either in France or England. In these vessels the Englishmen had a rich preie of wines, and other merchandizes.  ¶ The king vpon some occasion tooke great displeasure against William Courtnie archbishop of Canturburie, so storming against him, as few durst speake anie thing in his excuse. The lord chancellor Michaell de la Poole seeming to fauour his cause, was likelie to haue run in high displeasure. Sir Thomas Triuet, and sir Iohn Deuereux intreating for him, were sore rebuked at his hands. Yet at length, after that the archbishop was withdrawne, and had kept him close for a time, he was thorough mediation of some fréends reconciled to the kings fauour.

Around the same time, the French king had a large fleet of ships in Flanders, raising concerns that he might be planning an invasion of England. In response, Lord St. Johns and Sir Thomas Percie were sent to the sea with a strong navy, but they didn’t achieve much, allowing the French fleet to pass by them several times without taking any action. However, the ships from Portsmouth and Dartmouth performed better: by entering the River Seine, they sank four of the enemy's ships and captured four others, including a fine vessel belonging to Lord Clisson, which was one of the best found in either France or England. In these ships, the Englishmen gained a rich bounty of wines and other merchandise. The king became very upset with William Courtnie, the Archbishop of Canterbury, so much so that few dared to speak up for him. Lord Chancellor Michael de la Poole, seeming to support Courtnie, risked incurring the king's wrath. Sir Thomas Trivet and Sir John Devereux, who sought to advocate for him, faced harsh rebukes from the king. Eventually, after the archbishop had withdrawn and stayed out of sight for a while, he was able to reconcile with the king's favor through the mediation of some friends.

Iac. Meir.

Iac. Meir.

Froissard.

Froissard.

The French king aideth Scots against Englishmen.

The French king helps the Scots against the English.

The Scots inuade the frontiers of England.

The Scots invade the borders of England.

An. Reg. 9.

The K. goeth with an armie against the Scots.

The King goes with an army against the Scots.

Variance betwéene sir Iohn Hollands seruāts and the lord Richard Stafford.

Variance between Sir John Holland's servants and Lord Richard Stafford.

About the same time the French king sent into Scotland the admerall of France, with a thousand men of armes, knights, and esquiers, besides crossebowes and other to ioine with the Scots, and to make warres in England. The Scots incouraged with this new aid, sent to them out of France, leuied a power, & so togither with the Frenchmen, entered into the English confines, and began to rob & spoile, and further tooke certeine castels and houses of defense. The king of England aduertised hereof, assembled an huge power of men of warre, and first sent before him the duke of Lancaster with part of the armie, and afterward followed himselfe, with all conuenient spéed that might be. At his comming into the parts about Yorke, he was informed that the Scots and Frenchmen were withdrawne vpon the duke Lancasters approch towards them, but the king thought to kéepe on his iournie. Whilest he was lodged in those parts, a great mischance happened, by reason of variance that fell betwixt certeine persons of the retinue of sir Iohn Holland brother vnto the earle |766| of Kent and halfe brother to the king, and other of the retinue of the lord Richard Stafford sonne to the earle of Stafford.

Around the same time, the French king sent the admiral of France to Scotland with a thousand armed men, knights, and squires, along with crossbows and other troops to join the Scots in waging war against England. The Scots, encouraged by this new support from France, gathered their forces and, together with the French, entered English territory, starting to plunder and seize various castles and fortified houses. The king of England, informed of this situation, assembled a large army and first sent the Duke of Lancaster ahead with part of the troops, while he himself followed as quickly as possible. Upon arriving in the York area, he learned that the Scots and French had retreated upon the Duke of Lancaster's approach, but the king decided to continue his journey. While he was stationed in that area, a significant mishap occurred due to a dispute between certain members of Sir John Holland's entourage, the brother of the Earl of Kent and half-brother to the king, and others from the retinue of Lord Richard Stafford, son of the Earl of Stafford.

The lord Richard Stafford slaine by sir Iohn Holland.

The lord Richard Stafford was killed by Sir John Holland.

The cause of their falling out was about a knight of Boheme, called sir Miles, that was come to see the queene. This knight kept companie most an end with the lord Richard Stafford: and chancing to be at words with two of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, there came two archers perteining to the lord Stafford, which blamed them, that were so about to misuse the stranger in words, as they tooke it: the strife hereby grew to that point in the end, that one of the archers shot at one of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, and slue him. This mishap being reported to sir Iohn Holland, set him in such a furie (by reason of the loue which he had to his seruant) that immediatlie he rushed foorth of his lodging, to reuenge his death, and through misfortune méeting with the lord Stafford, slue him, and doubting in what sort his déed might be taken, fled straight vnto Beuerlie, and there tooke sanctuarie. The earle of Stafford tooke this misaduenture right heauilie, as reason was: yet bicause he would not trouble the host, nor disappoint the iournie which they had in hand, vpon the kings promise that he would doo vpright iustice in the matter, as should be thought meet and conuenient, he bare his gréefe so patientlie as he might, so that he wan himselfe much praise for his wisedome therein shewed.

The reason for their argument was a knight from Bohemia named Sir Miles, who had come to see the queen. This knight spent most of his time with Lord Richard Stafford. When he happened to get into a dispute with two of Sir John Holland's servants, two archers belonging to Lord Stafford intervened, criticizing the servants for mistreating the stranger with their words. The argument escalated to the point where one of the archers shot and killed one of Sir John Holland's servants. When this incident was reported to Sir John Holland, he was so furious, due to his love for his servant, that he immediately rushed out of his lodgings to seek revenge for his death. Unfortunately, he encountered Lord Stafford and killed him. Fearing the consequences of his actions, he fled straight to Beverley and took sanctuary there. The Earl of Stafford took this misfortune very hard, as one would expect. However, to avoid causing trouble for their host or disrupting their planned journey, he chose to endure his grief as patiently as he could, especially since the king had promised to deliver fair justice in the matter. As a result, he gained much praise for his wisdom in handling the situation.

Hect. Boetius.

Hect. Boetius.

Edenburgh burnt by king Richard.

Edinburgh burned by King Richard.

The king aduancing forwards with his armie, came to the borders, and entring into Scotland, passed thorough Mers and Louthian, wasting and spoiling all the townes, houses and villages in his waie. The abbeies of Melros, Driburgh, and Newbottell were burnt, and those moonks and other people that were found in the same were slaine. At his comming to Edenburgh, he found all the people fled out of the towne, but the houses and buildings he consumed with fire, togither with the church of saint Giles. At the humble sute of his vncle the duke of Lancaster, Holie rood house was preserued from hurt, for that the same duke in time of the rebellion of the commons here in England, was lodged in that house, and found much gentlenesse and fréendship in the abbat and conuent; so that he could doo no lesse than requite them with kindnesse, at whose hands he found kindnesse; for we are bound in conscience to tender them by whome we haue béene benefited (vnlesse we will be counted vnciuill, according to the old adage)

The king advanced with his army, reached the borders, and entered Scotland, moving through Mers and Lothian, destroying and pillaging all the towns, houses, and villages in his path. The abbeys of Melrose, Dryburgh, and Newbattle were burned, and those monks and others found there were killed. Upon arriving in Edinburgh, he found that all the people had fled the town, but he set fire to the houses and buildings, including St. Giles' Church. At the humble request of his uncle, the Duke of Lancaster, Holyrood House was spared from damage, as the duke had stayed there during the rebellion of the commons in England and had received kindness and friendship from the abbot and the community; thus, he felt he had to return the favor to those who had shown him kindness, for we have a moral obligation to care for those who have helped us, unless we want to be seen as uncivil, as the old saying goes.

Arbor honoretur cuius nos vmbra tuetur.

Arbor is honored whose shadow protects us.

The French admerall persuadeth the Scots to fight with the English host.

The French admiral convinces the Scots to battle the English army.

Cumberland sore spoiled by the Scots.

Cumberland was badly damaged by the Scots.

Thus when the king had reuenged the displeasure afore receiued at the Scots and Frenchmens hands, (and remained in Edenburgh fiue daies) he returned without proffer of battell, or anie notable incounter. The admerall of France was earnestlie in hand with the Scotish lords to persuade them to haue giuen battell to the English armie, till he and diuerse other knights of France were brought to the top of a mounteine, from whence they might behold all the English armie, as the same passed vnderneath them by a passage that laie by the foot of that mounteine: for after that they had viewed the puissance of the Englishmen, and (as neere as they could) numbered them, they had no such eger minds to fight with them as before, for they esteemed them to be six thousand men of armes, and threescore thousand archers, and other men of warre; where the Scots and Frenchmen were not past a thousand speares, and thirtie thousand of all other sorts, and the most part of those but euill armed. Therefore they determined vpon an other point, which was to inuade England in an other quarter, whilest the Englishmen burnt vp their countrie, and so they set forward towards the west borders, and passing ouer the mounteins that diuide North­um­ber­land from Scotland, they entered into Cumberland, dooing much hurt in the lands that belonged to the lord Mowbraie, to the earles of Notingham, and Stafford, to the baron of Graistocke, and to the Musgraues.

So, after the king had avenged the grievances he received from the Scots and the French, and spent five days in Edinburgh, he returned without offering battle or any significant confrontation. The Admiral of France was actively trying to persuade the Scottish lords to engage the English army until he and several other knights of France were taken to the top of a mountain, from where they could see the entire English army as it moved below them through a pass at the foot of the mountain. After they assessed the strength of the English forces and estimated their numbers as best as they could, they were no longer eager to fight as they had been before. They believed the English had about six thousand men-at-arms and sixty thousand archers, along with other soldiers, while the Scots and French had no more than a thousand lances and thirty thousand of other types, most of whom were poorly equipped. Therefore, they decided to take another approach, planning to invade England from a different area while the English burned their land. They then moved towards the west borders, crossing the mountains that separate Northumberland from Scotland, entering Cumberland and causing a lot of damage to the lands belonging to Lord Mowbray, the Earls of Nottingham and Stafford, the Baron of Graistock, and the Musgraves.

Carleill assalted by the Scots.

Carleill attacked by the Scots.

Good counsell neglected.

Good counselor overlooked.

Lastlie, they came to Carleill, and boldlie assalted the citie: but sir Lewes Clifford, and sir Thomas Musgraue, Danie Holgraue, and diuerse other worthie capteins being within it, so defended the walles and gates, that their enimies got small aduantage: and finallie hearing that the English armie was returning homewards, the Scots and Frenchmen drew backe into Scotland, doubting to be inclosed by the Englishmen, as they had béene in deed, |767| if the duke of Lancaster and his brethren (vncles to the king) might haue béene beleeued, who counselled the king to pursue the enimies, and stop the passages through which they must needs passe in their comming backe. But the earle of Oxenford being most in fauour and credit with the king in those daies, as one that ruled all things at his pleasure, did aduise him to the contrarie, by putting him in beléefe (as was said) that his vncles went about to bring him in danger to be lost and surprised of his enimies, wherevpon he tooke the next way home, and so brake vp his iournie.

Lastly, they arrived at Carlisle and boldly attacked the city. However, Sir Lewes Clifford, Sir Thomas Musgrave, Daniel Holgrave, and several other brave captains inside the city defended the walls and gates so well that their enemies made little progress. Eventually, hearing that the English army was heading home, the Scots and French retreated into Scotland, fearing they would be surrounded by the English, just as they had been before. This was true, as the Duke of Lancaster and his brothers, who were uncles to the king, advised him to pursue the enemies and block their escape routes. However, the Earl of Oxford, who held significant influence and power with the king at that time, advised him otherwise. He convinced the king (as was reported) that his uncles were trying to put him in danger of being captured by his enemies, which led the king to take the quickest route home and abandon the campaign.

Polydor.

Polydor.

A noble reuenge.

A noble revenge.

There were 600 Englishmē who with their bowes did great seruice as by one author it appeareth.

There were 600 Englishmen who did great service with their bows, as one author shows.

The king of Portingale sendeth six gallies to K. Richards aid.

The king of Portugal sends six galleys to King Richard's aid.

When the Scots and Frenchmen were returned into Scotland, the Scotish king hauing conceiued a iust displeasure towards the French admerall, for that by his meanes the realme of Scotland had susteined such damage in that season, caused him and his Frenchmen to be despoiled of the most part of their goods, and sent them so awaie out of his countrie, that the Scots might receiue some comfort by those warres. In this yeare was the battell of Algeberota in Portingale, where king Iohn of Portingale discomfited a great host of Spaniards and Frenchmen by the helpe and policie of certeine Englishmen which he had there with him, vnder the leading of two esquiers Norberie and Hartell. There were slaine diuers earls & great lords of Spaniards, but for that our writers do not rightlie note the Spanish names, but write them corruptlie as strangers vse to doo, we here omit them. The king of Portingale (after this victorie obteined against his enimies) sent six gallies vnto the king of England to aid him against his aduersaries, the which were well receiued and highlie made of by the Londoners and other, so that the Portingales had no cause to repent of their comming hither.

When the Scots and French returned to Scotland, the Scottish king, feeling justly upset with the French admiral because his actions had caused so much damage to Scotland during that time, ordered that he and his Frenchmen be stripped of most of their belongings and sent away from his country, so that the Scots could find some relief from those wars. That year, the battle of Algeberota took place in Portugal, where King John of Portugal defeated a large force of Spaniards and French with the help and strategy of certain Englishmen who were with him, led by two squires, Norberie and Hartell. Many earls and important lords from Spain were killed, but since our writers don't correctly note the Spanish names and instead write them incorrectly as foreigners tend to do, we will leave them out. After this victory over his enemies, the king of Portugal sent six galleys to the king of England to aid him against his adversaries, which were well received and highly praised by the people of London and others, so the Portuguese had no reason to regret coming here.

A good victorie of them of Calis against the French fléet.

A significant victory for the people of Calais against the French fleet.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

The French king this yeare besieged and wan the towne of Dam, after he had béene at great charges about it. Whilest his nauie returned from Scluis, where the same had laien at anchor a long time, the ships by tempest were scattered & wether-driuen, so that in the feast daie of the exaltation of the crosse, two of their gallies, a great ship, a barge, and seuen balengers were cast on shore about Calis, & the Calisians tooke fiue hundred Frenchmen and Normans that escaped to land. An other day 72 French ships as they were comming from Scluis, to passe by Calis, were met with by them of Calis, who behaued themselues so manfullie, that they tooke 18 of those French ships, and a great barke, in which thrée score armed men were slaine before it could be taken. Within three daies after this, the Calisians met 45 other French ships, and after six houres fight obteined the victorie, taking thrée of the most principall vessels, whereof one being a hulke of Eastland was hired by the Normans, to gard the residue. The other two that were taken were of such mold, that they could not enter into the hauen at Calis, and therefore were sent to Sandwich, the one of them being a new ship, which the lord Clisson had bought at Scluis, paieng for hir 3000 franks.  ¶ Henrie Knighton saith it was prised or valued at 20000 florens, it was so tall, big, and large a vessell; and therefore of great capacitie.

The French king besieged and captured the town of Dam this year after spending a lot of resources on it. While his fleet was returning from Scluis, where it had been anchored for a long time, the ships were scattered and blown off course by a storm. On the feast day of the Exaltation of the Cross, two of their galleys, a large ship, a barge, and seven smaller boats were stranded near Calais, and the people of Calais captured five hundred Frenchmen and Normans who managed to reach the shore. A few days later, 72 French ships coming from Scluis tried to pass by Calais but were confronted by the Calais residents, who fought bravely and captured 18 of those French ships, along with a large vessel in which thirty armed men were killed before it could be taken. Within three days after this, the people of Calais encountered 45 more French ships and, after a six-hour battle, achieved victory, seizing three of the most important vessels. One was a hulke from Eastland hired by the Normans to protect the rest. The other two captured ships were of such a type that they couldn't enter the port at Calais, so they were sent to Sandwich, one of them being a new ship that Lord Clisson had bought at Scluis, paying 3,000 francs for it. Henrie Knighton states it was valued at 20,000 florins because it was such a tall, big, and large vessel, making it very capacious.

The Calisians & others make a rode into France & win great booties.

The Calisians and others ride into France and win great treasures.

Fabian.

Fabian.

Creation of dukes and earles at the parlement.

Creation of dukes and earls at the parliament.

Henrie of Bollingbrooke earle of Derbie afterwards king.

Henrie of Bollingbrooke, Earl of Derby, who later became king.

On saint Denise daie the soldiors of Calis and other English fortresses thereabouts, made a secret iournie into France, and got a bootie of foure thousand shéepe, and three hundred head of great cattell, which they droue towards their holds; and as the lord de Rambures gouernour of Bullongne would haue recouered the preie, he was vnhorssed with the rencounter of an English speare, and being relieued by his companie, and mounted againe, withdrew himselfe, not attempting to trie any further masteries, and so the Englishmen safelie passed foorth with their bootie of cattell, and aboue a hundred good prisoners which they had taken at this rode. In this 9 yeare about the feast of S. Martine, the king called his high court of parlement at Westminster, in the which amongst other things there concluded, he created two dukes, a marques, and fiue earles. First Edmund Langlie earle of Cambridge the kings vncle was created duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstoke his other vncle earle of Buckingham was created duke of Glocester, Robert Véere earle of Oxford was made marques of Deuelin, Henrie of Bollingbrooke sonne and heire to Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster was created earle of Derbie: Edward Plantagenet sonne and heire to the Duke of Yorke was made earle of Rutland, Michaell lord de la Poole |768| chancellor of England was created earle of Suffolke, & sir Thomas Moubraie earle of Notingham was made earle marshall.

On Saint Denis Day, the soldiers from Calais and other nearby English forts secretly traveled into France and seized a loot of four thousand sheep and three hundred cattle, which they drove back to their posts. As Lord de Rambures, the governor of Boulogne, tried to recover the spoil, he was unseated by an English spear. After being helped by his men and getting back on his horse, he decided to withdraw instead of pushing further. The Englishmen safely made their way back with their cattle and over a hundred valuable prisoners they had captured during this raid. In the ninth year, around the Feast of St. Martin, the king summoned his high court of parliament at Westminster, where among other matters, two dukes, a marquess, and five earls were created. First, Edmund Langley, the Earl of Cambridge and the king's uncle, was made Duke of York. Thomas of Woodstock, his other uncle and Earl of Buckingham, was created Duke of Gloucester. Robert Vere, Earl of Oxford, became Marquess of Dublin. Henry of Bolingbroke, son and heir of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, was made Earl of Derby. Edward Plantagenet, son and heir to the Duke of York, was created Earl of Rutland. Michael, Lord de la Pole, Chancellor of England, was made Earl of Suffolk, and Sir Thomas Mowbray, Earl of Nottingham, was made Earl Marshal.

The lord Mortimer erle of March proclamed heire apparent to the crowne.

The Earl of March, Lord Mortimer, was declared the heir apparent to the crown.

The earle of March slaine by the wild Irish.

The Earl of March killed by the wild Irish.

The issue of the foresaid earle of March.

The matter concerning the aforementioned Earl of March.

Also by authoritie of this parlement, Roger lord Mortimer earle of March, sonne and heire of Edmund Mortimer earle of March and of the ladie Philip eldest daughter and heire vnto Lionell duke of Clarence, third sonne to king Edward the third, was established heire apparant to the crowne of this realme, and shortlie after so proclaimed. The which earle of March, anon after the end of the same parlement, sailed into Ireland to his lordship of Vlster, whereof he was owner by right of his said mother: but whilest he remained there to pacifie the rebellions of the wild Irish, a great number of them togither assembled, came vpon him and slue him, togither with the most part of his companie. This Roger earle of March had issue Edmund, Roger, Anne, Ales, & Eleanor, which Eleanor was made a nunne. The two sonnes died without issue, and Anne the eldest of the daughters was married to Richard earle of Cambridge, sonne vnto Edmund of Langlie before remembred: the which Richard had issue by the said Anne, a son called Richard, that was after duke of Yorke, and father to king Edward the fourth; also a daughter named Isabell, afterwards married to the lord Bourcher. This Richard earle of Cambridge was put to death by Henrie the fift, as after ye shall heare.

Also by the authority of this parliament, Roger, Lord Mortimer, Earl of March, the son and heir of Edmund Mortimer, Earl of March, and Lady Philip, the eldest daughter and heir of Lionel, Duke of Clarence, the third son of King Edward III, was established as the heir apparent to the crown of this realm, and shortly after was proclaimed as such. The Earl of March soon after the end of that parliament sailed to Ireland to his lordship of Ulster, which he owned through his mother. However, while he was there trying to settle the rebellions of the wild Irish, a large group of them gathered and attacked him, killing him along with most of his company. This Roger, Earl of March, had children: Edmund, Roger, Anne, Ales, and Eleanor, with Eleanor becoming a nun. The two sons died without heirs, and Anne, the eldest daughter, married Richard, Earl of Cambridge, the son of the previously mentioned Edmund of Langley. Richard had a son named Richard with Anne, who later became Duke of York and fathered King Edward IV; he also had a daughter named Isabel, who was later married to Lord Bourcher. This Richard, Earl of Cambridge, was executed by Henry V, as you will hear later.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Moreouer, in this yeare Henrie of Bollingbrooke earle of Derbie married the daughter and heire of Humfrie Bohun earle of Hereford, in whose right he was after made duke of Hereford, and by hir he had issue Henrie that after him was king of this realme, the ladie Blanch duches of Bar, and the ladie Philip married to the king of Denmarke: also Thomas duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of Bedford, and Humfrie duke of Glocester.  ¶ The Gauntiners still mainteined warre against the earle of Flanders during his life, and after his deceasse against Philip duke of Burgogne, by such aid and comfort as they had from time to time of the king of England, till finallie this yeare about the eightenth daie of December, a peace was concluded betwixt the said duke and the towne of Gaunt: and sir Iohn Bourchier that had laine a long season there, as capteine vnder the K. of England, and Peter de Bois one of the chéefe capteins of the Gauntiners (before the concluding of this peace) was safelie conducted to Calis by vertue of the duke of Burgogne his safe conduct, and so they came ouer into England, and the king gaue vnto Peter de Bois a pension of an hundred marks sterling, yearelie to be paid to him out of the staples of the woolles in London.

Moreover, in this year, Henry of Bolingbroke, Earl of Derby, married the daughter and heiress of Humphrey Bohun, Earl of Hereford, through whose right he was later made Duke of Hereford. With her, he had children: Henry, who would later become king of this realm, Lady Blanche, Duchess of Bar, and Lady Philippa, who married the king of Denmark. He also had Thomas, Duke of Clarence, John, Duke of Bedford, and Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester. The Ghent people continued to wage war against the Earl of Flanders during his life, and after his death, against Philip, Duke of Burgundy, with support from the King of England as needed, until finally, this year, around December 18th, a peace was reached between the duke and the town of Ghent. Sir John Bourchier, who had been there for a long time as a captain under the King of England, and Peter de Bois, one of the main leaders of the Ghent people, were safely escorted to Calais under the Duke of Burgundy's protection before this peace was finalized, and they then traveled to England. The king granted Peter de Bois an annual pension of one hundred marks sterling, to be paid to him from the wool staples in London.

The king of Armenia cōmeth into England for aid against the Turks.

The king of Armenia comes to England for help against the Turks.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

This yeare king Richard holding his Christmasse at Eltham, thither came to him Leo king of Armenia, whose countrie and realme being in danger to be conquered of the Turks, he was come into those west parts of christendome for aid and succour at the hands of the christian princes here. The king honorablie receiued him, and after he had taken counsell touching his request, he gaue him great summes of monie and other rich gifts, with a stipend (as some write) of a thousand pounds yearely to be paid to him during his life. After he had remained here two moneths space, he tooke leaue of the king and departed. The chiefest point of his errand was, to haue procured a peace betwixt the two kings of England and France, but destinie would not permit so good a purpose to take effect: for the hatred which either nation bare to other, would not suffer their loftie minds to yeeld in any one point, further than seemed good in their owne opinions.

This year, King Richard held his Christmas celebration at Eltham. Leo, the King of Armenia, came to see him. His country was in danger of being conquered by the Turks, so he had traveled to these western parts of Christendom seeking help and support from the Christian princes. The king welcomed him honorably, and after discussing his request, he gave Leo large sums of money and other valuable gifts, along with a yearly stipend (according to some sources) of a thousand pounds to be paid for the rest of his life. After staying for two months, Leo took his leave and departed. His main purpose was to negotiate a peace between the two kings of England and France, but destiny would not allow such a noble aim to succeed. The animosity between the two nations prevented their proud leaders from compromising in any way that didn't align with their own views.

Thom. Wals. Froissard. Ia. Meir.

Thom. Wals. Froissard. Ia. Meir.

1386.

The duke of Lancaster goeth into Spaine with an armie.

The Duke of Lancaster goes to Spain with an army.

In this ninth yeare of king Richard (though by other writers it should séeme to be rather in the yeare following) the duke of Lancaster with a great power of men of warre went into Spaine, and lead with him thither his wife the ladie Constance, & a daughter which he had by hir named Katharine, and two other daughters which he had by his former wife. He had béene about the preparing of an armie, and all furniture necessarie for this iournie two or thrée yéeres before, and therefore hauing now seauen gallies and eightéene ships sent to him out of Portingale (which arriued at Bristow) he caused all such vessels as he had prouided to resort likewise thither, where making his generall assemblie, when all his men of warre were come togither, he bestowed them aboord, with all their |769| horsses and purueiances, and causing sailes to be hoissed vp, set forward on his long wished iournie. This was in the moneth of Maie, when the seas were calme, the aire swéet, and the winds pleasant and agréeable to his purpose. He appointed for admerall of his whole fléet sir Thomas Percie; and sir Iohn Holland that was after created earle of Huntington and had married one of his daughters was ordeined constable of the hoast; and sir Thomas Moreaux hauing married his bastard daughter was one of his marshals.

In the ninth year of King Richard's reign (though other writers suggest it was actually the following year), the Duke of Lancaster, with a large army, went to Spain, taking along his wife Lady Constance, their daughter named Katharine, and two other daughters from his previous marriage. He had been preparing an army and all necessary supplies for this journey for two or three years before, and now, with seven galleys and eighteen ships sent to him from Portugal (which arrived in Bristol), he ordered all the vessels he had provided to gather there as well. After assembling all his soldiers, he loaded them aboard, along with their horses and equipment, and, raising the sails, set off on his long-awaited journey. This was in May, when the seas were calm, the air pleasant, and the winds favorable for his plans. He appointed Sir Thomas Percie as admiral of his entire fleet, and Sir John Holland, who would later become the Earl of Huntington and had married one of his daughters, was made constable of the army. Sir Thomas Moreaux, who had married his illegitimate daughter, served as one of his marshals.

In Angl. prælij.

In Angl. prælij.

There were that attended him in this iournie manie other lords and knights of honor, as the lord Lucie, the lord Talbot, the lord Basset, the lord Willoughbie, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Poinings, the lord Bradston, the lord of Pōmiers a Gascoigne, the lord Yonne fitz Warren, Henrie lord Beaumont, William lord Beauchampe, sir Richard Burlie that was another of the marshals of the armie, sir Hugh Spenser, sir William Windsore, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir Hugh Hastings, sir William Farrington, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Mauburin de Liniers, sir Thomas Worcester, sir Iohn Sowtrie, sir Robert Clinton, sir Philip Tirrell, sir Lewes Rochester, Huguelin Caluerlie, Dauid Holgraue, Thomas Alerie, Hobequin Beaucester, and diuerse other: they were in all to the number of fifteene hundred men of armes, whereof a thousand at the least were knights and esquiers, besides foure thousand archers, and other men of warre, so perfectlie appointed and arraied, as could be thought méet and conuenient. Of this chosen companie attendant vpon the duke of Lancaster, & of this his voiage into Spaine, the said C. Okland speaketh no lesse trulie & according to the report of our annales, than honorablie:

There were many other lords and honorable knights who accompanied him on this journey, such as Lord Lucie, Lord Talbot, Lord Basset, Lord Willoughby, Lord Fitz Walter, Lord Poinings, Lord Bradston, the Lord of Pōmiers from Gascony, Lord Yonne fitz Warren, Henry Lord Beaumont, William Lord Beauchamp, Sir Richard Burlie, who was another of the army's marshals, Sir Hugh Spenser, Sir William Windsor, Sir John Daubreticourt, Sir Hugh Hastings, Sir William Farrington, Sir Thomas Tresham, Sir Mauburin de Liniers, Sir Thomas Worcester, Sir John Sowtrie, Sir Robert Clinton, Sir Philip Tirrell, Sir Lewes Rochester, Huguelin Caluerlie, David Holgraue, Thomas Alerie, Hobequin Beaucester, and several others. In total, there were about fifteen hundred men-at-arms, of which at least a thousand were knights and squires, in addition to four thousand archers and other soldiers, perfectly equipped and arranged as could be deemed suitable and appropriate. Of this chosen company that accompanied the Duke of Lancaster on his voyage to Spain, the aforementioned C. Okland speaks as truthfully and honorably as our annals report.

Ocyus instructa pro bello classe futuro,

Ocyus prepared the fleet for the upcoming war,

Milite stipatus generoso traijcit æquor

The soldier crosses the sea with bravery.

Fluctisonum, cum vxore pia natísq; duabus, &c.

Fluctisonum, with his devout wife and two children, &c.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

¶ Henrie Knighton reporteth of this voiage as followeth, in somewhat a differing sort from this alreadie laid downe. On Easter daie (saith he) Iohn the duke of Lancaster with his wife came to the king, to take their leaue; to the which duke the king gaue a crowne of gold, and the quéene likewise gaue another crowne of gold to the duchesse. Besides this, the king commanded his people that they should call him king of Spaine, and doo him honour in all things. He had with him a power of 20000 chosen men; of which number noted in the marshals bill or scrool, 2000 were men of armes, and 8000 were archers.

Henrie Knighton reports on this voyage as follows, in a somewhat different way from what has already been stated. On Easter Sunday, he says, John, the Duke of Lancaster, and his wife came to the king to say goodbye. The king gave the duke a gold crown, and the queen also gave a gold crown to the duchess. In addition, the king ordered his people to refer to him as the King of Spain and to honor him in all matters. He had with him an army of 20,000 chosen men; of that number, as noted in the marshal's bill or scroll, 2,000 were men-at-arms, and 8,000 were archers.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The duke of Lancaster landeth at Brest and winneth two bastides from the Frenchmen.

The Duke of Lancaster lands at Brest and captures two strongholds from the French.

An. Reg. 10.

The duke of Lancaster landeth at Groigne. Froissard. Le Groigne Corone.

The Duke of Lancaster lands at Groigne. Froissard. Le Groigne Corone.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

As they passed by Britaine, they landed at Brest, the capteine whereof, at that time named sir Iohn Rooche, finding himselfe greatlie annoied by the Frenchmen that were lodged in two bastides erected before the castell, declared to the duke in what state he stood. Wherevpon he caused the said bastides to be assailed, which was doone by the lord Fitz Walter, and others, who bare themselues so manfullie, that the bastides were woone, broken downe, and a great preie with prisoners obteined, although not without losse of diuerse valiant personages. Thus were they within Brest castell deliuered of their vnfreendlie neighbours by the duke of Lancaster and his people. Who hauing doone their feat tooke the seas, and sailed foorth till they came on the coasts of Gallis, where on S. Laurence eeuen, they arriued in the hauen of Groigne, otherwise called Coron, and there they vnshipped all their prouisions, determining to inuade the countrie on that side.  ¶ Héere, bicause it is not vnprofitable to know the absolute truth of things doone, by the collection of writers, I haue translated the beseeging of Brest, as the same is set downe by Henrie Knighton in his annales, in a larger and more ample sort, with a fuller certificat of circumstances than hath hitherto béene declared. At the same time (saith he) the duke of Britaine had laid siege both by sea and land, to a certeine towne in Britaine, in old time subiect to the king of England, which was called Brest, with a great multitude of Frenchmen and Britains. Now on the twelfth of the kalends of Iulie, he began to build a fort before the said towne of Brest, of a woonderful bignesse, the walles thereof being |770| ten foot thicke, and seauen towres about it. A thousand workmen did worke daie by daie vpon it, and to defend the said workemen (that they might not be hindered in their businesse by the citizens) ten thousand fighting men were appointed. So that this fort was begun and ended in ninetéene daies space, and called the Doouehouse, bicause a doouehouse stood in the same place before. Furthermore he stored this fort with all necessaries, as vittels, armour, guns, and other engins, and he placed therein as capteine of the warriors the lord Iohn Maletret with a hundred and fiftie armed men, and as manie other soldiors, the whole number being thrée hundred.

As they passed by Brittany, they landed at Brest, whose captain at the time, Sir John Rooche, was greatly annoyed by the Frenchmen who were set up in two strongholds outside the castle. He informed the duke about his situation. Consequently, he ordered an attack on the strongholds, which was carried out by Lord Fitz Walter and others, who fought so bravely that they successfully took the strongholds, destroyed them, and captured a significant booty along with prisoners, although not without the loss of several valiant individuals. This is how the duke of Lancaster and his men relieved the castle of Brest from their unfriendly neighbors. After accomplishing their mission, they went back to the sea and sailed until they reached the coasts of Gaul, where they arrived in the harbor of Groigne, also known as Coron, on St. Laurence's eve. There, they unloaded all their supplies, planning to invade the country from that side. Here, since it's useful to know the absolute truth of events through a collection of writers, I have translated the siege of Brest as described by Henry Knighton in his annals, in a more extensive and detailed way, with a fuller account of the circumstances than has been shared before. At that time, he states, the duke of Brittany had laid siege both by sea and land to a certain town in Brittany, which was previously subject to the king of England, called Brest, with a large number of Frenchmen and Bretons. On the twelfth day before the kalends of July, he began to build a fort in front of the town of Brest, which was of remarkable size, with walls ten feet thick and seven towers around it. A thousand workers labored daily on it, and to protect these workers from being hindered by the citizens, ten thousand fighting men were assigned. Thus, the fort was both started and completed in nineteen days, and it was called the Dover House because a dovecote had existed in that spot before. Furthermore, he stocked this fort with all necessary supplies, such as food, armor, cannons, and other weapons, and he appointed Lord John Maletret as captain of the warriors, along with one hundred and fifty armed men, totaling three hundred soldiers.

The good duke of Lancaster hauing knowledge hereof, directed his fléet or nauie towards the hauen of Brest, where when he had arriued, they all fled from the siege, both by sea and land, those onlie, which were in the fort, remaining behind. Now the prior of S. Iames in Calis desired the good duke that he might giue the first assault against the fort; who taking the repulse with his retinue, he ceased and gaue ouer. In like sort did manie more giue the assault to the same for the space of two daies and more: in somuch that some digging vnder the wals, and vndermining the foundations of one towre, the same fell downe vpon sir Robert Swinarton a valiant knight of Staffordshire, and manie more, among whome was Iohn de Bolton a couragious gentleman and an esquier by degree of Yorkeshire. As for those that were vpon the towre, they also came tumbling downe, and were presentlie slaine.

The good Duke of Lancaster, aware of the situation, directed his fleet to the port of Brest. When he arrived, everyone fled from the siege, both by sea and land, except for those who remained in the fort. The Prior of St. James in Calais asked the good Duke if he could lead the first assault against the fort; after being pushed back with his retinue, he stopped and gave up. Many others attempted to assault the fort over the course of two days or more. Some began digging under the walls, undermining the foundations of one tower, which then collapsed onto Sir Robert Swinarton, a brave knight from Staffordshire, and many others, including John de Bolton, a courageous gentleman and squire from Yorkshire. Those on the tower also tumbled down and were immediately killed.

Philip the duke of Lancasters daughter married to the king of Portingale.

Philip, the Duke of Lancaster's daughter, married the King of Portugal.

In the meane time the lord Maletret gardian of the fort, sent word to the duke of Lancaster, that he would yeeld and surrender the hold into his hands vpon condition, that he and all his might freelie depart with such armour, goods, chatels and victuals as they had reposed and laid vp in store for their necessarie prouision: wherevnto the good duke (as he was alwaies good) verie gentlie agréed; vpon condition also, that before their departure, they should ruinate the said fort, and laie it eeuen with the ground; and should likewise allow and paie him towards his costs and charges defraied in the siege of the same, twentie thousand scutes of gold. Then might you sée the people flocking from all parts of the countrie, some with beires, some with cabbins, some with carts, and some with crutches to fetch awaie the dead and the wounded: in so much that there was not one, either slaine outright, or deadlie maimed, for whome his freends did not mone and lament. Yea, the lord Maletret himselfe was so mangled and hurt, that he could not go on his legs, but as he leaned on mens shoulders, and was borne vp on either side. It was reported, that manie dead bodies were hidden in heaps of salt, to the end that the Englishmen should not glorie and triumph in the multitude of the slaine, of whome [in sight] the number amounted to aboue 150. Thus farre goeth Henrie Knighton, whose report giueth no small light to the matter vnder hand. After the duke had remained a moneth at Groigne, he went to Compostella, and there soiourned for a season, during the which, his constable sir Iohn Holland woone diuerse townes and fortresses which the enemies kept: diuerse yeelded to the duke with better will, for that the duchesse his wife was there with him, whom they knew to be right inheritour to the realme.  ¶ At Mouson a towne on the confines betwixt Spaine and Portingale, the king of Portingale and the duke of Lancaster met, where they communed and tooke counsell togither for the more spéedie proceeding in their enterprise against their aduersaries of Castile. Also there was a mariage concluded betwixt the said king of Portingale, and the ladie Philip daughter to the said duke, which marriage shortlie after was wholie consummated, the said ladie being first married by procuration at Compostella, and after sent into Portingale right honorablie accompanied.

In the meantime, Lord Maletret, the guardian of the fort, sent word to the Duke of Lancaster that he would surrender the stronghold into his hands on the condition that he and his men could freely leave with the armor, goods, belongings, and provisions they had stored up. The Duke, being his usual good self, kindly agreed but also insisted that before they left, they should demolish the fort and level it to the ground. He also required that they pay him twenty thousand gold scutes to cover his expenses during the siege. Then you could see people flocking from all parts of the country—some with beers, some with baskets, some with carts, and some with crutches—to carry away the dead and the wounded. There was not a single person, either slain outright or mortally wounded, for whom their friends didn’t mourn and lament. Yes, even Lord Maletret was so mangled and hurt that he couldn’t walk on his own but had to lean on men’s shoulders and was supported on either side. It was reported that many dead bodies were hidden in heaps of salt so that the English wouldn’t glory in the high number of slain, which amounted to over 150. Thus far goes Henry Knighton, whose account sheds considerable light on the matter at hand. After the Duke had stayed a month in Groigne, he went to Compostella and lingered there for a while, during which his constable, Sir John Holland, captured several towns and fortresses held by the enemies. Many surrendered to the Duke willingly, especially since the Duchess, his wife, was there with him, and they recognized her as the rightful heir to the realm. At Mouson, a town on the border between Spain and Portugal, the King of Portugal and the Duke of Lancaster met to discuss and strategize for a quicker advance in their campaign against their adversaries in Castile. Additionally, a marriage was arranged between the King of Portugal and Lady Philip, the daughter of the Duke, which was soon fully consummated, with the lady first married by proxy in Compostella and then sent to Portugal with a reputable escort.

The king of Portingale & the duke of Lancaster ioining their armies togither inuade Castile.

The king of Portugal and the duke of Lancaster joined their armies together to invade Castile.

The duke continued at Compostella all the winter season, till towards March, and then (according to appointment taken betwixt him, and the king of Portingale, at their being togither at Mouson, for their iournie to be made into Castile) the said king assembled an armie of a thousand men of armes, and ten thousand other souldiers, with the which entring the confines of Castile, he first tooke the towne of Feroule, and after |771| ioining with the duke, who had in the meane while by his marshall taken the townes of Ruelles, Ville Lopes, Pounceuoide, Dighos, Baionne in la Maroll, Ribadan, Maures, Basanses, and Orens, with others in the countrie of Gallis, they marched foorth with their whole powers both togither, and passing ouer the riuer of Dure, entered into the countrie de Campo.

The duke stayed in Compostella all winter until about March. Then, as agreed upon between him and the king of Portugal during their meeting in Mouson for their journey to Castile, the king assembled an army of a thousand knights and ten thousand other soldiers. Upon entering the borders of Castile, he first took the town of Feroule. After that, he joined forces with the duke, who had meanwhile, through his marshal, captured the towns of Ruelles, Ville Lopes, Pounceuoide, Dighos, Baionne in la Maroll, Ribadan, Maures, Basanses, and Orens, along with others in the region of Gallis. Together, they marched forward with their full forces, crossed the River Dure, and entered the countryside of Campo.

Variance amongst writers.

Variation among writers.

¶ Here the English writers make mention of a battell, which the constable of Castile should giue to the duke, and that the victorie remained on the dukes side, and the Spaniards chased out of the field. But Froissard (who liued in those daies, and learned that which he wrote of those that were with the duke in his iournie) maketh no remembrance of any such thing, but that contrarilie the king of Castile folowing the aduise of such Frenchmen as were sent into Spaine to aid him, caused all the riches of the countrie to be brought into the walled townes and fortresses, which he stuffed with men of warre, to defend them from the Englishmen and Portingales; and further to cut off their vitels, and to kéepe them from hauing forage abroad in the countrie, vnlesse such as were sent were garded with the greater troops for their suertie and defense.

Here the English writers talk about a battle where the constable of Castile was supposed to face the duke, claiming that the duke won and drove the Spaniards off the field. However, Froissart (who lived during that time and wrote about those who accompanied the duke on his journey) makes no mention of any such event. Instead, he indicates that the king of Castile, following the advice of the Frenchmen sent to Spain to help him, ordered all the wealth of the country to be moved into fortified towns and strongholds, which he filled with soldiers to protect them from the English and Portuguese. Additionally, he aimed to cut off their supplies and prevent them from foraging in the countryside, unless those sending out parties were accompanied by larger troops for their safety and protection.

Great death in the English host in Spaine by reason of the great heat of that countrie.

Great deaths in the English army in Spain due to the extreme heat in that country.

Thus bestowing the most part of all such men of warre, both Frenchmen and Spaniards, as he could make in places most conuenient for that purpose, he fullie determined not to giue battell till his enimies had wearied themselues in keeping of the fields, and that a new power was come to his aid out of France, which he dailie looked for. By which means it came to passe, that the Englishmen not vsed to such hot aire as they found in those parts in that season of the yeare (for it was about Midsummer) fell dailie into manie perillous diseases, whereof no small number died; and other became so faint, that they were not able to helpe themselues, that to consider the miserie in which they were, it would haue rued the harts of their verie foes. Herevpon was the duke constreined to fall to a com­mun­i­ca­tion for a peace, which in the end was accorded, though not at this instant.

By gathering most of the soldiers, both French and Spanish, in the most suitable locations, he was fully determined not to engage in battle until his enemies had exhausted themselves in holding the fields, and until a new force from France, which he was expecting daily, joined him. As a result, the English, unaccustomed to the hot climate they experienced during that time of year (around Midsummer), began to suffer from many serious diseases, with a significant number dying, and others becoming so weak that they could barely help themselves. Seeing the misery they were in would have saddened even their fiercest enemies. Consequently, the duke was forced to enter negotiations for peace, which was eventually agreed upon, though not at that moment.

Froissard. The lord Fitz Walter. I thinke that none of these thrée were barons but onlie the lord Poinings.

Froissard. Lord Fitz Walter. I believe that none of these three were barons except for Lord Poinings.

Howbeit a truce was granted, in such wise as it might be at the Englishmens choise to returne into their countrie, either by sea or by land, thorough France. Such as passed through Spaine to France, had safe conducts sealed and signed by the king of Spaine; but scarse the halfe of those that came out of England with the duke, returned thither againe, they died so fast, aswell after the breaking vp of their campe, as before. Amongst other, there died before the breaking vp of the campe, one of the greatest barons of all the companie, named the lord Fitz Walter; and afterwards within the towne of Ville Arpent, there died (as Froissard saith) three great barons of England, and men of great possessions: sir Richard Burlie a knight of the garter, who had béene as it were high marshall of the armie, the lord Poinings, and sir Henrie Percie cousine germane to the earle of North­um­ber­land.

However, a truce was granted, allowing the English to choose whether to return to their country by sea or overland through France. Those who went through Spain to reach France had safe conduct documents sealed and signed by the King of Spain; but hardly half of those who left England with the duke made it back, as many died quickly both after their camp was broken up and before. Among others, one of the most notable barons of the entire group, named Lord Fitz Walter, died before the camp was disbanded; and later, in the town of Ville Arpent, three prominent barons of England, who were also wealthy, died (as Froissart states): Sir Richard Burlie, a knight of the Garter, who had essentially been the high marshal of the army; Lord Poinings; and Sir Henry Percy, a cousin of the Earl of Northumberland.

The duke of Lancaster returneth out of Portingale into Gascoigne.

The Duke of Lancaster returns from Portugal to Gascony.

In the towne of Noie deceassed sir Mauburin de Liniers a Poictouin, and in the towne of Ruelles died the lord Talbot, and so here and there (saith Froissard) there died in all all twelue great lords, foure score knights, two hundred esquiers, and of the meaner sort of souldiers aboue fiue hundred. After that the armie was broken vp, the duke of Lancaster and the duchesse his wife went into Portingale, and there remained a season, and then taking the sea, sailed to Baionne in the marshes of Gascoigne, where he rested a long time after.  ¶ In this meane while, there was com­mun­i­ca­tion and offers made for a marriage to be had betwixt the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king; and the ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, and of the duchesse his wife the ladie Constance.

In the town of Noie, Sir Mauburin de Liniers from Poitou passed away, and in the town of Ruelles, Lord Talbot died as well. Froissart mentions that, altogether, twelve great lords, eighty knights, two hundred squires, and over five hundred common soldiers died here and there. After the army disbanded, the Duke of Lancaster and his wife, the Duchess, went to Portugal, where they stayed for a while. Then, they took to the sea and sailed to Bayonne in the marshes of Gascony, where he rested for a long time afterward. In the meantime, discussions and proposals were made for a marriage between the Duke of Berry, uncle to the French king, and Lady Katharine, daughter of the Duke of Lancaster and Duchess Constance.

A marriage concluded betwéene the prince of Spaine, and the duke of Lancasters daughters. Fabian.

A marriage took place between the prince of Spain and the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster. Fabian.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

In Angl. prælijs sub Rich. 2.

In Angl. prælijs under Richard II.

When the king of Spaine vnderstood of that treatie, he began to doubt, least if that marriage tooke place, it might turne to his disaduantage; and therefore to be at quietnesse with the duke of Lancaster, whose puissance he doubted, and whose wisdome he perfectlie vnderstood, by politike meanes and earnest sute, at length concluded a peace with him on this wise. That his eldest son Henrie should haue in mariage the ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, begot on his wife the duchesse Constance, and |772| be intituled price of Austurgus. In con­si­der­a­tion of which marriage to be had, and all claimes to ceasse, which the duke in right of his wife might chalenge or pretend; it was agreed, that the said duke should receiue yearelie the summe of ten thousand marks, to be paid to him, or to his assignes in the citie of Baionne in Gascoigne, during the terme of the liues of the said duke and duchesse; and further to haue in hand the summe of two hundreth thousand nobles.  ¶ Henrie Knighton in his relation of this composition betwéene these persons of great estate, dooth say, that it was told him by one of the good duke of Lancasters owne houshold, and attendant vpon him in this voiage into Spaine, that the Spanish king did send seuen and fortie mules loden with coffers full of gold for the second paiment wherevpon they were agréed. As touching the first paiment (saith Knighton) I asked no question of the partie. So that (besides the annuitie, which mine author reporteth to be 16000 thousand marks, during the parties liues iointlie, and 12000 marks, if it fortuned that the dukes daughter should suruiue and outliue hir husband) it should séeme there were other large allowances, which if they were (as it is likelie) after this rate, it was a right roiall munificence. And to this report of Knighton dooth Ch. Okland make a kind of allusion, who speking of the conditions of peace betweene the duke of Lancaster, and the king of Spaine, saith:

When the king of Spain learned about that treaty, he started to worry that if the marriage happened, it could be disadvantageous for him. So, to maintain peace with the Duke of Lancaster, whose power he feared and whose intelligence he respected, he ultimately negotiated a peace agreement. The arrangement was that his eldest son, Henry, would marry Lady Katherine, the daughter of the Duke of Lancaster, who was the child of his wife, the Duchess Constance, and be titled Prince of Asturias. In return for this marriage, all claims the Duke might have through his wife would cease; it was agreed that the Duke would receive an annual payment of ten thousand marks, which would be paid to him or his assigns in the city of Bayonne in Gascony, for the lifetimes of the Duke and Duchess. Additionally, he would receive a lump sum of two hundred thousand nobles. Knighton, in his account of this agreement between these powerful figures, mentions that one of the good Duke of Lancaster’s own household members, who was accompanying him on this journey to Spain, told him that the Spanish king sent forty-seven mules loaded with chests full of gold for the second payment they had agreed upon. Regarding the first payment, Knighton notes he didn’t inquire about that party. So, besides the annuity, which my source says was sixteen thousand marks during the lifetimes of both parties and twelve thousand marks, should the Duke's daughter outlive her husband, it seems there were other substantial allowances, which, if they were (as likely), at this rate, indicated a truly royal generosity. This report by Knighton is somewhat echoed by Ch. Okland, who, while discussing the peace conditions between the Duke of Lancaster and the king of Spain, states:

Causæ diffidens extemplò Hispanus, agebat

The Spanish were distrustful.

De pace, acceptis & conditionibus, offert

De pace, acceptis & conditionibus, offert

Argenti ac auri plaustrorum protinùs octo

Argent and gold carts immediately eight

Iustum onus, argentíque decem soluenda quotannis

Iustum onus, argentíque decem soluenda quotannis

Millia nummorum, &c.

Money matters, etc.

The aforesaid agreement and marriage was not concluded, till about the thirteenth yeare of king Richards reigne, so that in the meane while manie incidents chanced in England and in other regions, which in their time and places shall be touched, as to purpose serueth.

The agreement and marriage mentioned earlier weren't finalized until around the thirteenth year of King Richard's reign, so in the meantime, many events occurred in England and other regions that will be addressed in due course.

Iacob. Meir. Froissard.

Iacob. Meir. Froissard.

A mightie great nauie of French ships at Sluis purposing to inuade Englād.

A very large fleet of French ships at Sluis planning to invade England.

And first it is not to be forgotten, that the Frenchmen neuer shewed more vanitie than they did this yeare, since the linage of the Capetes began first to rule in France. All the ships that they could prouide from the confines of Spaine, vnto the mouth of the Rhene, all alongst the coast, they assembled at Sluis and thereabouts, and made so great preparation for the warre, that the like had not béene heard of (meaning, as they boasted, and made their vants) to passe ouer into England, and to deuoure the whole countrie, in dooing sacrifice to the soules of their elders with the bloud of the English people. Howbeit these words were wind, & to them accorded the prouerbe,

And first, it’s important to note that the French never showed more arrogance than they did this year, since the Capetian dynasty first began to rule in France. They gathered all the ships they could muster from the borders of Spain to the mouth of the Rhine along the coast, assembling in Sluis and nearby areas, and made such extensive preparations for war that it hadn’t been seen before (as they boasted and bragged) to invade England and ravage the entire country, offering blood sacrifices to the souls of their ancestors with the blood of the English people. However, these words were just empty threats, fitting the old saying,

Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus.

The mountains are in labor; a ridiculous mouse will be born.

There were numbred in the moneth of September about Sluis, Dam, and Blankberke 1287 ships, besides those which were rigged in Britaine by the constable, who had caused an inclosure of a field to be made of timber, like railes or barriers, that when they were landed in England, they might therewith inclose their field, and so lodge more at suertie, and when they remooued, it was so made with ioints, that they might take it vp in péeces and easilie conueie it with them.

In September, around Sluis, Dam, and Blankberke, there were about 1,287 ships, not including those that were rigged in Britain by the constable. He had ordered a wooden enclosure to be built, like rails or barriers, so when they landed in England, they could use it to enclose their field, allowing them to stay more securely. When they moved, it was designed with joints, enabling them to take it apart in pieces and easily transport it with them.

The description of the inclosure.

The description of the enclosure.

Thom. Wal.

Thom. Wal.

Tho. Walsi. The prouision of ye Englishmen to resist ye great power of Frenchmen.

Tho. Walsi. The preparation of the Englishmen to oppose the great strength of the Frenchmen.

This inclosure or wall of wood was twentie foot in height, and conteined in length or in compasse, when it was set vp, three thousand pases, and at the end of euerie twelue pases stood a turret able to receiue ten men, that was higher than the rest of the wall by ten foot at the least. There were appointed to haue passed ouer in those ships twentie thousand men of armes, twentie thousand crosbowes, and twentie thousand other men of warre. To haue séene the great apparell, furniture and prouision, the shipping, trussing, bearing, and carrieng to and fro of things needfull for this iournie, a man might haue maruelled; for suerlie the like hath sildome beene remembred. All that was doone there on that side of the sea by the Frenchmen, was notified into England, so that the Frenchmen were not more occupied to prepare themselues to inuade England, than the Englishmen were to make themselues readie to defend their countrie from all danger of enimies; so |773| that euerie hauen towne, especiallie alongst the west south, and east coasts, were kept and warded with notable numbers of armed men and archers.

This wooden enclosure or wall was twenty feet high and stretched three thousand paces in length when it was erected. At the end of every twelve paces, there was a turret that could hold ten men, standing at least ten feet taller than the rest of the wall. They planned to send twenty thousand soldiers, twenty thousand crossbowmen, and twenty thousand other troops across in those ships. Seeing the vast amount of equipment, supplies, and provisions, the shipping, packing, and transporting of everything necessary for this journey, one would be amazed; surely, such preparations have rarely been seen. Everything done on that side of the sea by the French was reported back to England, so the French were just as busy preparing to invade England as the English were readying themselves to defend their country from any enemy threats. Every port town, especially along the west, south, and east coasts, was guarded by significant numbers of armed men and archers.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

¶ Not­with­stand­ing the great confidence which the French king reposed in the fortification which he had imbarked, thinking thereby to haue wrought great woonders, to the discomfiture of the English: yet (contrarie to his expectation) it so fortuned, that about Michaelmas, the lord William Beauchampe capteine of Calis tooke two ships; whereof one was loden with a péece of the said inclosure or wall of wood, and in the same ship was the maister carpenter of the inclosure, being an Englishman borne, but banished his countrie before that time for some offense. He also tooke another ship, wherein were engins, guns, gunpowder & other instruments of war. Not long after this, two more ships were taken likewise, whose burthen was parcels of the foresaid frame or inclosure: so that three ships were met withall and seized vpon, each of them loden with one kind of stuffe. Whereof king Richard hearing, he caused the said inclosure to be reared and set vp about Winchelsie towne. In the meane while, namelie in September, the foresaid armie came into Flanders, and arriued at the hauen of Sluis, intending to make their progresse into England: but by prolonging of the time there, they were driuen to great distresse and want of vittels: for it was reported that a loafe of bread, sold in England for a penie, was sold there for eighteene pence, and a hens eg for a penie: so that in the end of Nouember they returned to France, missing their purpose as much as if they had neuer ment it.

Despite the strong confidence that the French king placed in the fortification he had set up, believing it would accomplish great wonders and defeat the English, it turned out (contrary to his expectations) that around Michaelmas, Lord William Beauchampe, the captain of Calais, captured two ships. One was loaded with a piece of the wooden boundary structure, and on that ship was the master carpenter of the structure, an Englishman who had been banished from his country for some offense. He also captured another ship that carried engines, guns, gunpowder, and other war equipment. Not long after, two more ships were seized, each containing parts of the aforementioned structure. Hearing of this, King Richard ordered the structure to be raised and set up around Winchelsea town. Meanwhile, in September, the aforementioned army arrived in Flanders at the port of Sluis, intending to make their way to England. However, due to delays there, they faced severe hardship and a shortage of food supplies; it was reported that a loaf of bread, which sold in England for a penny, went for eighteen pence there, and a hen's egg for a penny. In the end, by November, they returned to France, having failed in their plans as if they had never intended to go.

The Londoners speciallie afraid of the Frēch forces.

The Londoners were especially afraid of the French forces.

There were readie within the realme at that season, in one part and other 100000 archers, and ten thousand men of armes, besides those that were gone into Spaine with the duke of Lancaster. All this preparation lasted for the more part of the summer, euen till the beginning of winter: and still the French king that was come downe into Flanders, staied for the comming of his vncle the duke of Berrie: who at length in the moneth of Nouember came to Sluis, hauing protracted time, of purpose, that he might by the excuse of winter, cause this iornie to be put off till another season. Wherein he shewed more wit than all the councellors which the French king had about him: for if he had not politikelie shifted off the matter, the king had landed here in England, to the great danger of his person and losse of his people. And yet if we shall beléeue writers that liued in those daies, by reason of the brute that was spred through the realme, of that huge preparation which the French king made to inuade this land, no small feare entered into the harts of manie, namelie of the Londoners, who (as if the enimies had beene alredie landed) bestirred them, in making what prouision they might for their defense, though it séemed by their manner of dooings, they stood in doubt least the whole realme had not béene able to make sufficient resistance.

At that time, there were about 100,000 archers and 10,000 knights in the kingdom, not including those who had gone to Spain with the Duke of Lancaster. This preparation continued for most of the summer, all the way until the beginning of winter. Meanwhile, the French king, who had come down into Flanders, was waiting for his uncle, the Duke of Berry. Finally, in November, the Duke arrived in Sluis, having intentionally delayed things so that he could use the excuse of winter to postpone the campaign for another time. He showed more cleverness than all the advisors around the French king because if he hadn't strategically delayed the matter, the king would have landed in England, putting his life and his people at great risk. However, if we are to believe the writers from that time, the news spreading through the kingdom about the large preparation for the French king's invasion caused significant fear among many, especially the people of London. They acted as if the enemies were already here, doing everything they could to prepare for their defense, although it seemed by their actions that they doubted whether the entire kingdom could put up a strong enough resistance.

Dissention among the noblemen.

Disagreement among the nobles.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Tho. Walsin A parlement at London.

Tho. Walsin A meeting in London.

In déed diuerse were the more afraid, for that they percieued how the barons and great lords agreed not in manie points among themselues, and so being not of one mind, the wiser sort doubted least through their disagréeing in that troublesome time, some danger might grow to the state of the whole realme. Not­with­stand­ing, no small number of others wished nothing more, than that the French king in going forward with his purpose, might haue come ouer, not doubting but that he should haue found such a welcome, as would haue beene little to his ease. About the feast of saint Michaell, a parlement was called and holden at London, and withall great numbers of men of armes & archers were appointed to come and lie about London, that they might be readie to march foorthwith against the enimies whensoeuer it chanced them to land. Thus all the townes and villages twentie miles in compasse round about London, were full of men of armes and archers, lieing as it had beene in campe; and wanting both vittels and monie, they were driuen to spoile and to take by violence what they might get. At length, after they had laine thus to small purpose a long season, they were licenced to depart home, with commandement to be readie to returne againe vpon the first summons. Manie of them were constreined through necessitie, to sell their horsses, and armour, and some |774| to spoile and to rob as they went homewards, not sparing what they might laie their hands vpon. Although the men of warre were dismissed home, the parlement yet continued, and the lords still remained at London, hearkening still for the French kings comming.

Indeed, many were more afraid because they noticed how the barons and powerful lords couldn’t agree on many points among themselves, and with them not being on the same page, the wiser ones worried that their disagreements during such a troubled time could lead to danger for the entire realm. Nevertheless, quite a few others wished nothing more than for the French king to move forward with his plans and come over, not doubting that he would find a warm welcome that would be far from comfortable for him. Around the feast of Saint Michael, a parliament was called and held in London, and a large number of men-at-arms and archers were ordered to come and camp around London, ready to march out against the enemies whenever they landed. Thus, all the towns and villages within twenty miles of London were filled with men-at-arms and archers, lying as if they were in a camp; and lacking both supplies and money, they were driven to plunder and take by force whatever they could find. Eventually, after they had been camped there for a long time to little effect, they were given permission to go home, with a command to be ready to return at the first summons. Many were forced by necessity to sell their horses and armor, and some had to plunder and rob on their way home, taking whatever they could grab. Although the soldiers were sent home, the parliament continued, and the lords remained in London, still listening for the arrival of the French king.

Robert Véer marquesse of Dubline created duke of Ireland.

Robert Véer, Marquess of Dublin, was made Duke of Ireland.

The lord Robert Véer earle of Oxenford, whome the king in the last parlement had made marquesse of Dubline, was now in this parlement created duke of Ireland: the other lords sore enuieng so high preferment in a man that so little deserued, as they tooke it. For by reason of the kings great affection which he bare not onelie to this noble man, but also to the lord Michael de la Poole, whom he had latelie created earle of Suffolke, and after aduanced him to the office of lord chancellor (as before ye haue heard) not onelie the lords, but also the commons sore grudged at such their high preferrement, in somuch that in this present parlement, the knights & burgesses in the lower house, exhibited a bill against the lord chancellor, of diuerse crimes which they laid to his charge, and so vsed the matter, with the helpe of the lords, that in the end in some respect they had their willes against him, contrarie to the kings mind, as after may appeare.

The lord Robert Véer, Earl of Oxford, whom the king had made Marquess of Dublin in the last parliament, was now created Duke of Ireland in this parliament. The other lords were quite upset about such a high honor going to someone they believed didn't deserve it. This was due to the king's strong affection for not only this noble man, but also for Lord Michael de la Poole, who the king had recently made Earl of Suffolk and later appointed as Lord Chancellor (as you’ve heard before). Both the lords and the commons resented these high promotions so much that during this current parliament, the knights and representatives in the lower house put forward a bill against the Lord Chancellor, accusing him of various crimes. They worked the matter, with the support of the lords, to the point that in the end they managed to oppose him against the king's wishes, as will be made clear later.

And where the king had demanded a reliefe of monie towards the maintenance of his estate, and charges of the warres, it was answered, that he néeded not any tallage of his subiects, sith he might furnish himselfe with such a summe at the hands of the said earle, that was iustlie indebted vnto him therein, as they were able well to prooue. But the king was nothing herewith contented, conceiuing no small displeasure, aswell against them of the lower house, as against the lords in the vpper, for fauouring them in the lower, in matters that went so sore against his mind. Herevpon (as was said, whether trulie or otherwise, the lord knoweth) by a conspiracie begun betwixt the king & such as were most in fauour with him, it was deuised, that the duke of Glocester (as principall) and such other lords as fauored the knights and burgesses in their sute, against the earle of Suffolke, and were otherwise against the king in his demand of monie, should be willed to a supper in London, there to be murthered.

And when the king asked for a financial relief to support his estate and war expenses, it was replied that he didn't need any tax from his subjects, since he could get that amount from the earl, who owed it to him and they could clearly prove it. But the king was not satisfied with this at all, feeling very displeased with both the lower house and the lords in the upper house for supporting them in matters that deeply upset him. Following this (whether true or not, God knows), a conspiracy was formed between the king and his closest supporters, planning that the Duke of Gloucester (as the main target) and other lords who supported the knights and burgesses against the Earl of Suffolk, and who were otherwise against the king in his demand for money, should be invited to a dinner in London, where they would be murdered.

Richard Exton iustlie cōmended.

Richard Exton rightly commended.

But the duke comming by some meanes to vnderstand of this wicked practise, had no desire to take part of that supper, where such sharpe sauce was prouided, and withall gaue warning to the residue, that they likewise should not come there, but to content themselues with their owne suppers at their lodgings. It was said, that sir Nicholas Brember, who had béene maior the yeare before, had promised his assistance in the execution of this horrible fact: but thorough the commendable constancie of Richard Exton that was maior this yeare being mooued by the king for his furtherance therein, and denieng flatlie to consent to the death of such innocent persons, that heinous practise was omitted. This matter being brought to light, the hatred and malice which men bare to such councellors of the king greatlie increased, and the duke of Glocester and such as withstood the king, dailie grew more and more into the peoples fauour.

But the duke found out about this wicked plan and wanted nothing to do with that dinner, where such harsh treatment was expected. He also warned the others not to attend and suggested they stick to their own dinners at their lodgings. It was said that Sir Nicholas Brember, who had been mayor the previous year, had promised to help carry out this terrible act. However, due to the admirable resolve of Richard Exton, who was the mayor that year and was urged by the king to support this venture, he outright refused to agree to the killing of innocent people, and that heinous act was abandoned. Once this matter came to light, the hatred and malice people harbored against such advisors of the king greatly increased, and the Duke of Gloucester and others who opposed the king grew more and more popular with the people.

A subsidie granted and appointed to be spent according to ye discretion of the nobilitie.

A subsidy granted to be spent at the discretion of the nobility.

Howbeit at length, through the earnest sute of some of the great lords, there was granted to the king halfe a tenth and halfe a fiftéenth, which should not be spent at the pleasure of the prince, but by the order and appointment of the said lords, & so at length the earle of Arundell was appointed to receiue it, to furnish him with a nauie to the seas. But before this paiment might be granted, there was much adoo, & hard hold: for where the said earle of Suffolke then lord chancellor, at first had demanded of the commons in the kings name, foure fiftéens (for with lesse (said he) the king could not mainteine his estate and the warres which he had in hand) the whole bodie of the parlement made answer thereto, that without the king were present (for he was then at Eltham) they could make therein no answer at all: and herewith they tooke occasion at length to say further, that except the said earle of Suffolke were remooued from the office of chan­cel­lor­ship, they would meddle no further with any act in this parlement, were it neuer of so small importance. |775|

However, eventually, due to the persistent requests from some of the powerful lords, the king was granted half a tenth and half a fifteenth, which wouldn’t be spent at the king's discretion, but under the direction of those lords. As a result, the Earl of Arundel was assigned to collect it to equip him with a navy for the seas. Before this payment could be approved, there was a lot of fuss and strong resistance. The Earl of Suffolk, who was then the Lord Chancellor, initially requested the commons, in the king's name, for four fifteens, insisting that anything less would not allow the king to maintain his position or the ongoing wars. The entire parliament responded that they couldn’t make any decisions without the king present (as he was then at Eltham). This led them to eventually declare that unless the Earl of Suffolk was removed from the chancellorship, they would not proceed with any further business in this parliament, no matter how trivial it might be. |775|

Dissention betwéene the king and the parlement house.

Dissension between the king and the parliament house.

The duke of Glocester and the bishop of Elie sent to ye K. at Eltham frō the whole bodie of the parlement.

The Duke of Gloucester and the Bishop of Ely sent to you King at Eltham from the whole body of the parliament.

Their requests to the king.

Their asks of the king.

The king being aduertised hereof, sent againe to the commons, that they should send vnto Eltham (where he laie) fortie of the wisest and best learned of the common house, the which in the name of the whole house should declare vnto him their minds. And then the house was in no small feare, by reason of a brute that was raised, how the king sought meanes to intrap and destroie them that followed not his purpose. Herevpon aswell the lords of the vpper house as the commons of the lower assembled togither, and agréed with one consent, that the duke of Glocester, and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie, should in the name of the whole parlement be sent to the king vnto Eltham: which was doone, and the king was well contented that they should come. When they came before his presence, with humble reuerence they declared their message, which consisted in these points: That the lords and commons assembled at that present in parlement, besought him of his lawfull fauour, that they might liue in peace and tranquillitie vnder him.

The king, being informed of this, sent word back to the common people that they should send forty of the wisest and best-educated members of the house to Eltham (where he was staying) to express their thoughts on behalf of the entire house. The house was in quite a bit of fear due to rumors that the king was looking for ways to trap and destroy those who did not follow his agenda. In response, both the lords of the upper house and the commons of the lower house came together and unanimously agreed to send the Duke of Gloucester and Thomas Arundell, Bishop of Ely, to the king at Eltham on behalf of the whole parliament. This was done, and the king was pleased that they were coming. When they arrived before him, they humbly presented their message, which included these points: that the lords and commons gathered at that time in parliament requested his lawful favor so they could live in peace and tranquility under his rule.

And oftener if néed require.

And more often if needed.

The causes & conditions of a parlement.

The causes and conditions of a parliament.

They further declared, that one old statute and laudable custome was approued, which no man could denie, that the king once in the yeare might lawfullie summon his high court of parlement, and call the lords and commons therevnto, as to the highest court of his realme, in which court all right and equitie ought to shine as the sunne being at the highest, whereof poore and rich may take refreshing; where also reformation ought to be had of all oppressions, wrongs, extortions, & enormities within the realme; and there the king ought to take counsell with the wise men of his realme, for the maintenance of his estate, and conseruation of the same. And if it might be knowen that any persons within the realme or without, intended the contrarie; there must also be deuised how such euill weeds may be destroied. There must also be studied and foreséene, that if any charge doo come vpon the king and realme, how it may be honorablie borne and discharged.

They declared that an old law and respected custom was accepted, which no one could deny: that the king could lawfully summon his high court of parliament once a year and call the lords and commons to it as the highest court in his realm. In this court, justice and fairness should shine as brightly as the sun at its peak, providing refreshment for both the poor and the rich. It should also address all oppressions, wrongs, extortions, and abuses within the realm. The king should consult with the wise men of his realm to maintain and protect his state. If it is known that anyone within or outside the realm intends harm, plans must be made to eliminate such evils. Additionally, there must be careful consideration of how to honorably manage and address any burdens that may come upon the king and the realm.

Absence of the king from the parlement for the space of 40 daies.

Absence of the king from the parliament for 40 days.

The kings answer.

The king's response.

Further, they declared that till that present, his subiects (as was thought) had louinglie demeaned themselues towards him, in aiding him with their substance to the best of their powers, & that their desire was to vnderstand how those goods were spent. And further they said, they had one thing to declare vnto him, how that by an old ordinance it was enacted, that if the king should absent himselfe fourtie daies, not being sicke, and refuse to come to the parlement, without regard to the charges of his people, and their great paines, they then may lawfullie returne home to their houses: and therefore sith he had béene absent a long time, and yet refused to come among them, it was greatlie to their discomfort. To this the king (as we find) made this answer: “Well, we do perceiue that our people and commons go about to rise against vs: wherefore we thinke we cannot doo better than to aske aid of our cousine the French king, and rather submit vs vnto him than to our owne subiects.”

Moreover, they stated that until then, his subjects (as it was believed) had behaved kindly towards him, helping him with their resources to the best of their abilities, and they wanted to know how those funds were being used. Furthermore, they mentioned that they had something to inform him about: according to an old law, if the king were to be absent for forty days, without being sick, and refused to attend parliament, disregarding the expenses of his people and their great efforts, they would be allowed to return home. Therefore, since he had been absent for a long time and still refused to be with them, it was greatly upsetting to them. To this, the king (as we see) responded: “Well, we realize that our people and commons are trying to rise up against us; therefore, we think it best to ask for aid from our cousin, the French king, and submit to him rather than to our own subjects.”

Wealth of the people is the glorie of the prince and suertie of his reigne.

The wealth of the people is the glory of the prince and the security of his reign.

The lords answered, that it should not be good for him so to doo, but a waie rather to bring him into extreame danger, sith it was plaine inough, that the French king was his ancient enimie and greatest aduersarie, who if he might once set foot in the realme of England, he would rather despoile and dispossesse the king of his kingdome, than put his helping hand to relieue him. He might (they said) call to remembrance, how his noble progenitour king Edward the third, his grandfather, and prince Edward his father had trauelled in heat and cold, with great anguish and troubles incessantlie, to make a conquest of France, that rightfullie apperteined vnto them, and now to him, in which wars he might likewise remember how manie lords, noble men, and good commons of both realmes had lost their liues, and what charges both the realmes likewise bare in mainteining those warres: and now (the more pitie) greater burthens were laid vpon the necks of the English subiects for the supportation of his charges, by reason whereof, they were so low brought (said they) that they haue not to paie their rents, and so by such meanes was his power decaied, his lords brought behind hand, and all his people sore impouerished. And as that king cannot be poore that hath rich people, so cannot he be rich that hath |776| poore commons. And as he tooke hurt by such in­con­uen­i­en­ces chancing through euill councellors that were about him, so the lords and noblemen susteined no lesse hurt each one after his estate and calling. And if remedie were not in time prouided through his helping hand, the realme must needs fall in ruine, and the default should be imputed to him and to those his euill councellors.

The lords replied that it wouldn't be wise for him to do that, but rather a way to put him in serious danger, since it was clear that the French king was his longtime enemy and greatest opponent. If he were to step foot in England, he would rather plunder and take away the king's kingdom than offer any help. They reminded him how his noble ancestor King Edward III, his grandfather, and Prince Edward, his father, had endured heat and cold, facing great hardships and continuous troubles to conquer France, which rightfully belonged to them and now to him. They also pointed out how many lords, noblemen, and common people from both realms had lost their lives in those wars, and what burdens both nations endured to support those conflicts. Now, even more sadly, greater hardships were being placed on the English subjects to cover his expenses, which left them in such a dire state that they couldn’t even pay their rents. This led to the weakening of his power, the lords falling behind, and all his people becoming severely impoverished. Just as a king cannot be poor if his people are wealthy, he cannot be rich if his commons are poor. And while he suffered from the issues caused by the bad advisors surrounding him, the lords and noblemen suffered too, each in their own way. If timely help wasn’t provided, the realm would inevitably fall into ruin, and the blame would rest on him and his poor advisors.

Change of officers by the parlement.

Change of officers by the parliament.

The earle of Suffolke gréeuouslie charged by the parlement house for sundrie offenses.

The Earl of Suffolk was seriously accused by the House of Parliament for various offenses.

By these and the like persuasions the king was induced to come to the parlement, and according to his appointment he came indeed. Soone after his comming was Iohn Fortham bishop of Durham discharged of his office of lord treasuror, and in his place was appointed one Iohn Gilbert bishop of Hereford, that was a frier of the order of preachers, a man more eloquent than faithfull, as some reported of him. Also the earle of Suffolke was discharged of his office of lord chancellor, and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie placed in his roome, by whole consent of parlement. The same earle of Suffolke was charged with manie & verie great enormious crimes, frauds, falshoods, and tresons, which he had practised, to the great preiudice of the king and realme, and therevpon was committed to ward in the castell of Windsore. Not­with­stand­ing they adiudged him not to death (as some write) nor disgraded him of the honor of knighthood, but condemned him to paie a fine of twentie thousand marks, and also to forfeit one thousand pounds of yéerelie rents which he had purchased.

By this and similar persuasion, the king was convinced to attend the parliament, and according to his agreement, he actually showed up. Soon after his arrival, John Fortham, bishop of Durham, was relieved of his duties as lord treasurer, and in his place, John Gilbert, bishop of Hereford, who was a friar of the order of preachers, was appointed—a man said to be more eloquent than trustworthy, as some claimed. The Earl of Suffolk was also removed from his position as lord chancellor, with Thomas Arundell, bishop of Ely, taking his place by the full agreement of parliament. The same Earl of Suffolk faced numerous serious charges, including major crimes, fraud, deceit, and treason, which he had committed to the great detriment of the king and the realm, and he was subsequently imprisoned in Windsor Castle. However, they did not sentence him to death (as some have written) nor did they strip him of his knighthood, but instead imposed a fine of twenty thousand marks and required him to forfeit one thousand pounds in yearly rents that he had acquired.

But other write, that not­with­stand­ing the king was sore offended for the accusations brought against the said earle of Suffolke and others, whome he loued, and was loth to heare anie euill of: yet he was constreined at length, after he had shifted off the matter by sundrie deuises, to appoint certeine persons with full power and authoritie to heare, and in iudgment to determine those matters. The duke of Glocester therfore, and the earle of Arundell were appointed as iudges; which (whilest the king as yet was absent, who got him foorth of the waie of purpose, bicause he would not be present at the condemnation of those whome he most entierlie loued and fauoured) went earnestlie in hand with their businesse, and so at length (as Walsingham saith) the earle of Suffolke was conuicted, & found giltie of sundrie crimes, trespasses, and naughtie parts: for which it was thought that he deserued to lose his life & goods, but yet he was suffered (as the same Walsingham saith) to go abroad vnder suertie, certeine great men being bound for him in great sums of monie. But what order soeuer was taken for the punishment of him, sure it is he was displaced from his office of chan­cel­lor­ship, as before yée haue heard.

But others write that even though the king was very upset about the accusations against the Earl of Suffolk and others he cared about and didn’t want to hear anything bad about, he was ultimately forced to appoint certain people with full power and authority to hear and judge those matters after he had tried to avoid the issue in various ways. Therefore, the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Arundel were appointed as judges; while the king was still absent, having deliberately stayed away because he didn't want to be present at the conviction of those he loved and favored the most. They diligently took care of their business, and eventually, as Walsingham says, the Earl of Suffolk was convicted and found guilty of several crimes, offenses, and wrongdoings. It was thought that he deserved to lose his life and possessions, but he was still allowed, as Walsingham states, to go free under a guarantee, with certain powerful men being liable for him in large sums of money. Regardless of what arrangements were made for his punishment, he was certainly removed from his position as Chancellor, as you have already heard.

Thirtéene lords appointed by parlement to haue the gouernement of the realme vnder the king.

Thirteen lords appointed by parliament to govern the realm under the king.

Furthermore, the lords, and other estates in this parlement, considering that through couetousnesse of the new deposed officers, the kings treasure had béene imbezeled, lewdlie wasted, & prodigallie spent, nothing to his profit: there were in this parlement thirteene lords chosen, to haue ouersight vnder the king of the whole gouernment of the realme, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth yeare of this king it dooth in the booke of statutes at large appeare. Of those thirteene there were thrée of the new officers named, as the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and Nicholas abbat of Waltham lord keeper of the priuie seale: the other ten were these, William archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Edmund Langlie duke of Yorke, Thomas duke of Glocester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Excester, Richard earle of Arundell, Richard lord Scroope, and Iohn lord Debereux. But this participation of the gouernement fell out to be inconuenient, as by processe of the storie shall appeare, euen to those vnto whome it was allotted: so that no small a doo happened among them and their partakers: according to the old prouerbe, which saith;

Furthermore, the lords and other estates in this parliament, noting that the greed of the recently deposed officers had led to the king's treasure being misappropriated, misused, and wastefully spent with no benefit to him: there were thirteen lords chosen in this parliament to oversee the entire governance of the realm under the king, as outlined in their commission in the statutes of the tenth year of this king, which is detailed in the book of statutes at large. Among those thirteen, three were from the new officers: the Bishop of Ely, Lord Chancellor; the Bishop of Hereford, Lord Treasurer; and Nicholas, Abbot of Waltham, Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal. The other ten were: William, Archbishop of Canterbury; Alexander, Archbishop of York; Edmund Langley, Duke of York; Thomas, Duke of Gloucester; William, Bishop of Winchester; Thomas, Bishop of Exeter; Richard, Earl of Arundel; Richard, Lord Scroop; and John, Lord Devereux. However, this shared governance turned out to be problematic, as history will show, even for those who were assigned to it: leading to significant conflict among them and their supporters, according to the old proverb, which says;

Væ sibi quando canes veniunt os rodere plures.

Væ to you when dogs come to gnaw on bones in greater numbers.

The king of Armenia sueth for a safe conduct to come into England which is denied him.

The king of Armenia is asking for safe passage to come to England, but his request is denied.

Moreouer, at the kings instance and earnest sute it was granted, that Robert de Veer late marquesse of Dubline, and now newlie created duke of Ireland, should haue and receiue to his owne vse thirtie thousand marks, that the Frenchmen were to giue for the |777| heires of the lord Charles de Blois, that remained here in England, which Charles in times past chalenged as his righfull inheritance the dutchie of Britaine, against the earle of Montfort. This grant was made to the duke of Ireland, with condition, that being furnished with this monie, he should passe ouer into Ireland, before the next Easter, there to recouer such lands as the king had giuen to him. For aswell the lords as the commons were so desirous to haue him gone, that they wished the realme rather to spare so much treasure, than to haue his presence about the king, to allure him to follie. The same time the king of Armenia sued for a safe conduct to come againe ouer into this land, to speake with the king as it had been about the moouing of some peace betwixt the two realms of England and France; but sith his meaning was suspected to be to no good end, but to benefit himselfe by receiuing of some great gifts at the kings bountifull hands, his sute was not granted.

Moreover, at the king's request and urgent appeal, it was agreed that Robert de Veer, recently made Duke of Ireland and formerly Marquess of Dublin, would receive thirty thousand marks, which the French were to pay for the |777| heirs of Lord Charles de Blois, who remained in England. Charles had previously claimed the Duchy of Brittany as his rightful inheritance against the Earl of Montfort. This grant to the Duke of Ireland came with the condition that, once equipped with this money, he would travel to Ireland before the next Easter to reclaim the lands granted to him by the king. Both the lords and the commons were so eager to see him leave that they preferred the realm to forgo that amount of treasure rather than have him around the king, tempting him into foolishness. At the same time, the King of Armenia requested safe passage to return to this land to speak with the king about negotiating peace between England and France; however, since his intentions were suspected to be self-serving, aiming to gain significant gifts from the king's generosity, his request was denied.

Two of the Frēch kings ships taken with a great price in them. Guns were inuented little more than six yeares before this time, to wit, An. 1380.

Two of the French kings' ships were captured, each containing a considerable amount of treasure. Guns were invented just over six years before this time, specifically in the year 1380.

In this meane time also, whilest the French king with such a companie of dukes, earls and other lords, as had not béene heard of, still continued in Flanders, staieng as well for a conuenient wind, as for the comming of the duke of Berrie; it chanced that certeine English ships, as they wafted the seas, met with two of the French ships, that were sailing towards Sluis, and fighting with them, tooke them, and brought them both to Sandwich. There was found aboord the same ships, a maister gunner, that sometime had serued the Englishmen at Calis, when sir Hugh Caluerlie was lieutenant there; also diuerse great guns and engins to beat downe wals were found and taken in the same ships, with a great quantitie of powder that was more worth than all the rest.

In the meantime, while the French king was in Flanders with a large group of dukes, earls, and other lords—something unprecedented—waiting for a favorable wind and the arrival of the Duke of Berry, several English ships encountered two French ships sailing towards Sluis. After a battle, they captured both ships and brought them to Sandwich. On board the captured ships, they found a master gunner who had previously served the English at Calais when Sir Hugh Calverlie was the lieutenant there, along with various large cannons and siege equipment, as well as a significant amount of gunpowder that was more valuable than everything else combined.

Restitution of merchants goods taken.

Restitution of merchants' stolen goods.

About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the Englishmen also tooke certeine hulks and six cariks of the Genowais, laden with great riches: but bicause they were merchants, they found such fauor at the kings hands through means of Michaell de la Poole then lord chancellor (whome they had made their fréend) that they had their vessels and all their goods restored, and streightwaies they passed with the same vnto Sluis, where the enimies laie, to make sale of their wares there. Wherevpon much murmuring rose among the kings subiects, taking it in euill part, that they should be suffered so to go their waies to releeue the enimies of the realme, with such goods as were once brought into the Englishmens possession, and speciallie the lord chancellor was verie euill thought of, for shewing so much fauour vnto those strangers.

Around the same time, or maybe a bit earlier, the English also captured some hulks and six carracks from the Genoese, which were filled with valuable goods. However, since they were merchants, they received such favor from the king thanks to Michael de la Pole, the then lord chancellor, whom they had made their friend, that their ships and all their cargo were returned to them. They quickly made their way to Sluis, where the enemies were, to sell their goods. This caused a lot of complaints among the king’s subjects, who felt it was unfair that they were allowed to go relieve the enemies of the realm with goods that had originally come into the hands of the English. In particular, the lord chancellor was looked down upon for showing so much favor to those foreigners.

The French fléet setting forward towards England is driuen backe by contrarie winds.

The French fleet moving towards England is being pushed back by opposing winds.

The kings inordinate affection towards the duke of Ireland and the earle of Suffolke.

The king's excessive affection for the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk.

The French king still remaining in Flanders, tarieng for the comming of the duke of Berrie, and also for a conuenient wind, at length on the euen of All saints, the wind came about very fauourablie for the Frenchmens purpose: wherevpon they weied anchors, and lanched from the hauen of Sluis, but they were not past twentie miles forward on their way, when the wind suddenlie turned contrarie to their course againe, and brought them backe with such violence, that diuerse of them as they should enter the hauen, were broken and brused, and so by this occasion, and the counsell of the duke of Berrie togither, the French king brake vp his iournie for that yeare, and returned into France.  ¶ Ye haue heard what was doone by the states assembled in parlement against the earle of Suffolke, whom the most part of the realme so greatlie hated, but yet neuerthelesse, the king had such an affection towards him, that immediatlie after the parlement was dissolued, he vndid all that had béene enacted against him, receiuing him into more familiaritie than before, and caused him to continue with the duke of Ireland, and Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, which two lords trauelled most earnestlie to mooue the king against the other lords, and to disannull all that had béene doone in the last parlement.

The French king was still in Flanders, waiting for the arrival of the Duke of Berry and a suitable wind. Finally, on the evening of All Saints' Day, the wind shifted very favorably for the French. They weighed anchor and launched from the port of Sluis, but they hadn’t traveled more than twenty miles when the wind suddenly changed against them, bringing them back with such force that several ships were damaged as they tried to enter the harbor. Because of this and the advice of the Duke of Berry, the French king canceled his journey that year and returned to France. ¶ You have heard what the states assembled in parliament did against the Earl of Suffolk, whom most of the realm greatly hated. However, the king had such an affection for him that immediately after the parliament was dissolved, he reversed all that had been enacted against him, took him into greater favor than before, and allowed him to stay with the Duke of Ireland and Alexander Nevill, Archbishop of York. These two lords worked diligently to persuade the king against the other lords and to overturn everything that had been done in the last parliament.

1387.

There increased therefore in the king an inward hatred, which he conceiued against the lords, these men putting into his eare, that he was like no king but rather resembled the shadow of one; saieng, it would come to passe that he should be able to doo nothing of himselfe, if the lords might inioy the authoritie which they had taken vpon them. The king gaue credit to these tales, and therefore had the lords in great gelousie, not­with­stand­ing they were thought to be his most true and faithfull subiects, and the other craftie, |778| deceitfull, and vntrustie; but such an affection had the king to them, that no informations, nor accusations, though neuer so manifestlie prooued, could bring them out of his fauour, in so much as at the feast of Christmasse next following, he caused the earle of Suffolke to sit with him at his owne table, in robes accustomablie appointed for kings to weare, and not for meaner estates, which was much noted, and no little increased the enuie against him.

The king, therefore, developed a deep-seated resentment toward the lords, as these men whispered in his ear that he was no real king, but more like a mere shadow of one. They said that he would ultimately be powerless if the lords continued to hold the authority they had claimed. The king believed these stories and grew increasingly jealous of the lords, even though they were seen as his most loyal subjects, while others viewed them as cunning, deceitful, and untrustworthy. Despite this, the king had such a strong affection for them that no amount of evidence or accusations, no matter how clearly proven, could sway him from his favor. As a result, at the following Christmas feast, he had the Earl of Suffolk sit with him at his own table, wearing robes typically reserved for kings, not for those of lesser rank, which attracted much attention and fueled more envy against him.

The earle of Arundell goeth to the sea with 500 men of armes and a thousand archers as Froissard noteth.

The Earl of Arundel goes to the sea with 500 armed men and a thousand archers, as noted by Froissard.

A great abuse in choise souldiers.

A serious problem with choosing soldiers.

About the beginning of March in this tenth yeere, Richard earle of Arundell, being appointed lord admerall, & Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham, the earle of Deuonshire, and the bishop of Norwich (as Froissard saith) went to the sea with a warlike power of men of armes and archers, so well trimmed and appointed as was possible. For the lord admerall vnderstanding that the duke of Glocester, and manie other noblemen would sée the muster of his men, vsed all diligence, and spared for no costs, to haue the most choisest and pikedst fellowes that might be gotten, not following the euill example of others in times past, which receiued tag and rag to fill vp their numbers, whom they hired for small wages, and reserued the residue to their pursses. And when to the aduancement of the realms commoditie they should haue incountered the enimies, they shifted off all occasions thereto, and onelie prolonged time, without atchiuing any enterprise auaileable, to the end they might receiue the whole wages, and kéepe themselues from danger, which they should hardlie haue auoided, when they had not about them such able men as were like to match the enimies: but the earle of Arundell contrarilie got the ablest men he might, not sparing his owne pursse, to the end that by their seruice he might atchiue some worthie enterprise, to redound vnto the commoditie of his countrie.

Around the beginning of March in this tenth year, Richard, the Earl of Arundel, was appointed Lord Admiral, along with Thomas Mowbray, the Earl of Nottingham, the Earl of Devonshire, and the Bishop of Norwich (as Froissart says). They set out to sea with a strong force of armored men and archers, well-equipped and prepared as best as possible. The Lord Admiral, knowing that the Duke of Gloucester and many other nobles wanted to see the display of his troops, worked hard and spent whatever it took to gather the finest soldiers available, unlike others in the past who filled their ranks with any low-paid individuals just to boost numbers without care for quality. When they should have confronted the enemies for the good of the realm, they instead avoided all opportunities to engage, dragging things out without achieving any valuable endeavors, just to collect their full wages and stay safe from danger, which would have been hard to avoid if they didn’t have capable men to match the enemy. But the Earl of Arundel, on the contrary, gathered the best men he could, not hesitating to spend his own money, intending to achieve some worthy undertaking that would benefit his country.

A good policie.

A good policy.

A great victorie of the English nauie against the Flemish fléet, Ia. Meir. Tho. Walsi.

A major victory of the English navy against the Flemish fleet, Ia. Meir. Tho. Walsi.

After the duke of Glocester had beheld so faire and chosen a power of men of warre, they were streightwaies appointed to get them on shipbrood, & so being imbarked, the whole nauie passed foorth to the Thams mouth, where they staied to watch for the fléet of Flanders, that was readie to come from Rochell with wines. At length, vpon a sundaie, being the euen of the Annuntiation of our ladie, the Flemish fleet was discouered a good way off, by one that was mounted into one of the tops of a ship of the English fléet. The earle of Arundell greatlie reioising at those newes, foorthwith with his whole fléet made to the sea. When the Flemings approched neere to our nauie, they made saile, as if they would set vpon the same; and our men of purpose made countenance as if they would haue retired, as mistrusting themselues to be able to match their aduersaries, who coueting rather a safe passage than battell, passed by: but the Englishmen hauing once got the wind fit for their purpose, suddenlie set vpon the Flemish ships, and fought with them right fiercelie: at length, after a sore conflict which indured foure houres, the victorie fell to the Englishmen.

After the Duke of Gloucester saw such a fair and chosen group of soldiers, they were quickly ordered to board the ships. Once they were on board, the entire fleet moved out to the mouth of the Thames, where they waited for the Flemish fleet, which was ready to arrive from Rochelle with wines. Finally, on a Sunday evening, the day before the Annunciation of Our Lady, the Flemish fleet was spotted at a good distance by someone stationed in the crow's nest of an English ship. The Earl of Arundel was greatly pleased by this news and promptly took his entire fleet to sea. As the Flemish approached our fleet, they raised their sails as if they intended to attack; our men pretended to retreat, feeling unsure about matching their opponents, who preferred a safe passage over combat. However, once the English had the wind in their favor, they suddenly attacked the Flemish ships and fought them fiercely. After a grueling four-hour battle, victory went to the English.

Ia. Meir. Thom. Wals.

Ia. Meir. Thom. Wals.

There were taken fourescore ships, with diuerse capteins and men of armes, namelie their chiefe admerall, named Iohn Buicke, a perfect good seaman, and one that had aforetime doone much hurt to the English nation. Diuerse of their ships were bouged, and some escaped from the battell. But the earle of Arundell pursued them so egerlie for the space of two daies togither, that at length he tooke them, and brought them backe to his nauie, so that what in the battell and in the chase, there were taken of great and small, to the number of an hundred vessels, all fraught with wines, so that there was found aboord the same nine thousand tuns, or rather (as other saie) ninetéene thousand, which togither with the vessels were streight sent vnto Orwell hauen, and to other hauens abroad in the realme, beside that which fell to the kings share, as due to him by his prerogatiue. Part of the Flemish fléet escaping (as before ye haue heard) was pursued vnto the hauen of Sluis and Blankerke.

Eighty ships were captured, with various captains and armed men, especially their chief admiral, named John Buicke, a skilled sailor who had previously caused a lot of damage to the English nation. Several of their ships were damaged, and some managed to escape from the battle. However, the Earl of Arundell pursued them so relentlessly for two straight days that he eventually captured them and brought them back to his fleet. Altogether, during the battle and the chase, there were about a hundred vessels captured, large and small, all loaded with wine, amounting to either nine thousand tons or, as others say, nineteen thousand. These, along with the vessels, were quickly sent to Orwell harbor and to other ports across the kingdom, in addition to what was due to the king as per his rights. Part of the Flemish fleet that escaped (as you have heard before) was chased to the ports of Sluis and Blankerke.

The liberalitie of the earle of Arundell.

The generosity of the Earl of Arundell.

The citizens of Middleburgh came to the earle, and requested him that they might buie those wines of him, and paie for the same after the rate of an hundred shillings the tunne, alledging how they were the kings fréends, and stood in néed of wines: but the earle of Arundell, thinking it more reason that those which had borne the charges of his iournie, |779| to wit, the commons of the realme of England should haue the commoditie thereof than any other, he denied their sute. But yet to shew them some pleasure as his fréends, he gaue them twentie tuns to make merrie with. As for that which fell to the earles share, he vsed such bountifulnesse in bestowing it among his fréends, that he left not to himselfe so much as one tunne. He wan therefore no small praise, that forbearing his owne commoditie, which he might haue reaped in selling those wines to strangers, he had more regard to the profit of the commons, whereby they might vnderstand, that that which they had laid foorth towards the setting forward of his iournie, was not altogither lost nor cast awaie. By this meanes (besides the commendation which he drew to himselfe) he also wan the harts & good will of the people, whose freendship is purchased by gifts and good déeds, sith they make profit the metrod of amitie, & bound in beneuolence with receiued benefits, as the poet saith,

The citizens of Middleburgh approached the Earl and asked if they could buy some wine from him, agreeing to pay a hundred shillings per tun, claiming they were the king's friends and needed the wine. However, the Earl of Arundel believed it was only fair that those who had funded his journey, namely the common people of England, should benefit from it rather than anyone else, so he denied their request. Still, wanting to do them a favor as friends, he gave them twenty tuns to enjoy. As for the portion that belonged to the Earl, he was so generous in sharing it with his friends that he kept not even one tun for himself. For this, he earned considerable praise, as he prioritized the welfare of the common people over his own gain from selling the wines to outsiders, showing them that their investments in supporting his journey were not wasted. This approach not only brought him further recognition but also won him the hearts and goodwill of the people, whose friendship is often secured through gifts and good deeds, since they view profit as the measure of friendship and are bound by the kindness they receive, as the poet says,

Vulgus amicitias vtilitate probat.

The crowd tests friendships by usefulness.

Diuers rodes made into Flanders by the Englishmen, & great spoile doone.

Various roads created into Flanders by the English, and much destruction caused.

Wine sold for thirtéene shillings foure pence the tun.

Wine sold for thirteen shillings four pence per tun.

The earle of Aurundell saileth into Britaine with a great power.

The Earl of Arundel sails into Britain with a large force.

All the countrie of Flanders neere to the sea coasts, was in great feare: for the Englishmen landed, and euerie day went abroad into the countrie, burning diuerse townes and villages, as Mude, Osiburge, Houckam, Monachacedam, & others. And at length, after they had taken their pleasure in the countrie, for the space of ten daies togither, they hoissed vp sailes, and returned with all their preie and booties, which being sold, and vttered abroad in the realme, made wine so plentifullie here in England, that it was sold for thirtéene shillings foure pence the tun, and twentie shillings the best and choisest. The earle of Arundell not satisfied with his happie atchiued enterprise, but minding to doo more seruice to the benefit of his countrie, gathered his ships together, and hiring new souldiers to supplie the roomes of them that were hurt, maimed, or slaine, turned his sailes towards the castell of Brest, which seemed to be a keie to the lesse Britaine, and being (as yee haue heard) in the Englishmens possession, the Frenchmen were about to raise vp and build farre greater and stronger bastillions, than those were that the duke of Lancaster had taken and destroied, as he sailed forward on his iournie toward Spaine.

All the areas of Flanders near the coast were in great fear because the English had landed. Every day, they went into the countryside, burning various towns and villages like Mude, Osiburge, Houckam, Monachacedam, and others. After enjoying themselves in the countryside for ten days, they raised their sails and returned with all their loot, which, when sold in the realm, made wine so plentiful in England that it was sold for thirteen shillings and four pence per ton, and twenty shillings for the best quality. The Earl of Arundell, not satisfied with his successful mission and wanting to do more for his country, gathered his ships and hired new soldiers to replace those who were hurt, maimed, or killed. He set his sails toward the castle of Brest, which seemed to be a key to lesser Brittany. Since it was under English control, the French were planning to raise and build much greater and stronger fortifications than those that the Duke of Lancaster had taken and destroyed as he sailed onward to Spain.

Enuie ye follower of vertue & prowesse.

Enuie, follower of virtue & prowess.

One of these two new bastiles the earle of Arundell woone by force from them that kept it: and bicause it séemed necessarie to be kept for a defense to the castell, if it were in the Englishmens hands, he committed it to the custodie of certeine Englishmen. The other being not yet finished, but begun in sumptuous wise to be builded, he set on fire and burned. This doone, furnishing the garison with sufficient vittels and munition to serue them for one whole yeare, he returned home into England, with great praise and commendation of the commons for his dooings. But the duke of Ireland the earle of Suffolke, sir Simon de Burlie, and sir Richard Sturrie, that still continued about the king, séemed rather to enuie the earle of Arundels good name, than otherwise to commend him and others to the king, that had béene foorth in that iournie, in so much that when the earle of Nottingham, otherwise called earle Marshall, that had béene euer the kings plaifellow, and of equall age to him, came now to the court, hoping to be right welcome, and to receiue great thankes at the kings hands, he had no good countenance shewed vnto him, neither of the king, nor of the duke of Ireland, who disdaining once to talke with him, séemed to enuie the worthie prowesse in other, which he knew defectiue and wanting in himselfe.

One of the two new fortresses was taken by force from its keepers by the Earl of Arundel, who believed it was necessary to hold it for the defense of the castle if it fell into English hands. He entrusted it to a group of Englishmen to safeguard. The other fortress, which was not yet finished but was being built in a grand style, he set on fire and burned down. After doing this, he supplied the garrison with enough food and ammunition to last a whole year and then returned home to England, receiving great praise and commendation from the public for his actions. However, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, Sir Simon de Burley, and Sir Richard Sturrie, who remained close to the king, seemed more envious of the Earl of Arundel's good reputation than willing to commend him and others involved in that campaign. When the Earl of Nottingham, also known as the Earl Marshall, who had always been the king's companion and was of the same age, arrived at court hoping for a warm welcome and gratitude from the king, he received an unwelcoming demeanor from both the king and the Duke of Ireland. The Duke, disdainful and unwilling to speak with him, appeared to envy the noble deeds of others, which he knew he lacked himself.

The lord Percie sent to the seas.

The lord Percie sent for the seas.

Shortlie after, by the counsell of those lords and knights that remained about the king, the lord Henrie Percie, sonne to the earle of North­um­ber­land, was sent to the seas, to beate backe the attempts of the enimies, but he was slenderlie appointed to atchiue anie great enterprise. This was doone of some enuious purpose, bicause he had got a name amongest the common people, to be a verie hardie and valiant gentleman, as well among Englishmen, as Scots. But he either ignorant, or not much waieng of that which they craftilie had imagined against him, boldlie and valiantlie executed the businesse inioined him, and hauing remained abroad, during the whole time of his appointed seruice, |780| returned safelie home.  ¶ About the same time, a frier Carmelite, named Walter Disse, that had béene confessor to the duke of Lancaster, obteined in fauour of the same duke, at pope Vrbans hands, certeine faculties, to be distributed to such as would praie & paie for them. Among other of those faculties, one was, to make all those whom he thought good, the popes chapleines, according to forme of law, and the custome vsed in the court of Rome.

Shortly after, with the advice of the lords and knights still around the king, Lord Henry Percy, son of the Earl of Northumberland, was sent to sea to fend off enemy attacks, but he was poorly equipped to achieve any significant mission. This was done out of jealousy because he had gained a reputation among the common people as a very brave and valiant gentleman, both among the English and the Scots. However, either unaware or not considering what they had schemed against him, he boldly and valiantly carried out the task assigned to him, and after spending the entire duration of his service away, returned home safely. |780| Around the same time, a Carmelite friar named Walter Disse, who had been the confessor to the Duke of Lancaster, obtained certain privileges from Pope Urban on behalf of the duke, to be distributed to those who would pray and pay for them. Among these privileges was one to make anyone he deemed worthy the Pope’s chaplains, according to the law and the customs used in the court of Rome.

Frier Pateshull forsaking his profession, preacheth openlie against his owne order.

Frier Pateshull, leaving his profession, openly preaches against his own order.

Wickleuists.

Wickleuists.

Now bicause such as obteined this fauour, inioied great liberties, manie were glad to bestow largelie, to be so preferred, the frier being redie to admit those that offered most. Among other, one Peter Pateshull, a frier of the Augustines order, was made by him the popes chapleine, a man not vnlearned, and one that fauoured Wicliffes doctrine, and therevpon forsaking his priuate profession, gaue himselfe to a publike trade of life, which might séeme to him more holie, commendable, and sure. Herevpon, he tooke vpon him to preach against his owne order, namelie in a sermon which he made in saint Christophers church in London. He inueied so earnestlie against the abuses and heinous crimes which the friers, sometimes his brethren, vsed to put in practise, that it was an horror to heare. There were present an hundred at the least of Wicliffes opinion at his sermon. Now in the meane while that he so laid foorth what he knew against his late brethren, some persons there were that ran to the Augustine friers, and declared the whole matter; wherevpon a dozen of the hardiest and lustiest fellowes among them came to the church, where this Pateshull was preaching, and hearing what was said, they began to be sore mooued, insomuch that one of them more zealous in his religion than the other, stepped foorth, and gainesaid those things which the preacher proponed.

Now, because those who gained this favor enjoyed great freedoms, many were eager to give generously to be favored, with the friar ready to accept the highest offers. Among others, a man named Peter Pateshull, a friar of the Augustinian order, was appointed by him as the pope's chaplain. He was knowledgeable and supported Wycliffe's teachings, and so he left his private profession to lead a public life, which he thought was more holy, commendable, and secure. Consequently, he took it upon himself to preach against his own order, specifically in a sermon he delivered at St. Christopher's Church in London. He spoke so passionately against the abuses and serious crimes that the friars, once his brethren, practiced that it was shocking to hear. At least a hundred followers of Wycliffe were present at his sermon. Meanwhile, as he laid out his criticisms of his former brethren, some individuals ran to the Augustine friars and informed them of everything. In response, a dozen of the boldest and strongest among them came to the church where Pateshull was preaching, and upon hearing what was said, they became very agitated; one of them, more fervent in his faith than the others, stepped forward and challenged the preacher's assertions.

A libell by frier Pateshull against his brethren.

A complaint by Friar Pateshull against his fellow monks.

When the Wicleuists perceiued this, they set vpon him that so disquieted the congregation, and laieng hands on him, threw him downe, trode him vnder their féet, and lent him manie a good buffet: and chasing all the other friers awaie, they were fullie bent to haue killed them, and set their house on fier, crieng out with lowd voices; “Let vs destroie these murtherers, let vs burne these Sodomits, and hang vp such traitors of the king and realme.” And running thus with such a furious noise and outrage, they purposed verelie to haue set fire on the friers lodgings, but that through the humble praier of frier Thomas Ashborne, and one that was his fellow, being reputed for two good men, and doctors of diuinitie, they were staied. The comming also of one of the shirifes of London holpe much to appease them, so that by his persuasion, they returned home to their houses. But Peter Pateshull, being mainteened among them, was counselled, sith he was interrupted in his sermon, to set downe in writing all such matters as he was about to intreat of, & what he knew further. He therefore deuised a libell, in which he accused diuerse of his brethren, of murthering sundrie of their fellowes.

When the Wicleuists saw this, they attacked him, which disturbed the congregation. They laid hands on him, threw him down, trampled him underfoot, and gave him many hard hits. Chasing away all the other friars, they were determined to kill them and set their house on fire, shouting loudly, “Let’s destroy these murderers, let’s burn these Sodomites, and hang such traitors of the king and realm.” In their wild commotion and outrage, they really intended to set fire to the friars’ lodgings, but they were stopped by the humble prayer of friar Thomas Ashborne and another fellow who was considered a good man and a doctor of divinity. The arrival of one of the sheriffs of London also helped to calm them down, and through his persuasion, they returned home. However, Peter Pateshull, being supported among them, was advised that since he was interrupted in his sermon, he should write down everything he intended to discuss and what else he knew. He then prepared a document in which he accused several of his brethren of murdering various members of their group.

And for more proofe to be giuen to his saiengs, he told the names of them that were made awaie, and the names also of the murtherers, and shewed where those that were murthered were buried. He affirmed further, that the said friers his brethren of late, were Sodomits and traitors, both to the king and realme, and manie other things he declared (too too bad) in that his writing or libell which he fastned vpon the church doore of S. Paule in London, that the more confusion might thereby redound vnto his late brethren, the friers aforesaid. In the beginning of the same libell he protested, that he was got foorth of the diuels dungeon, and through the grace of God escaped from amongst wicked and filthie persons; by reason whereof, and for that he was an auoucher of the veritie, he said, he was sure to suffer great aduersities at the friers hands, if they might laie hold on him. But he thanked pope Vrbane, for that through his grant he had obteined such libertie, that by help of his fréends, he might lawfullie withdrawe himselfe from the hands of his enimies.

And to provide more proof of his claims, he named those who were killed and also identified the murderers, showing where the murdered were buried. He further asserted that his fellow friars had recently become corrupt and traitorous to both the king and the realm, and he revealed many other terrible things in his writing or pamphlet, which he posted on the door of St. Paul's Church in London, hoping to bring even more shame to his former brothers, the friars. At the beginning of the same pamphlet, he declared that he had escaped from the devil's dungeon and, by the grace of God, had freed himself from wicked and filthy people; because of this, and since he was a witness to the truth, he said he was sure to face significant adversities from the friars if they could catch him. But he thanked Pope Urban for granting him the freedom, with the help of his friends, to lawfully withdraw from the clutches of his enemies.

The fauourers of frier Pateshull.

The supporters of Friar Pateshull.

There were diuerse men of good worship that mainteined this Pateshull, and caused a |781| transcript of this libell to be written foorth, affirming all to be true that was therein mentioned. Amongst other that thus fauoured this cause, were diuerse knights, as sir William Neuill, Sir Lewes Clifford, sir Iohn Clanbowe, sir Richard Sturrie, and sir Thomas Latimer, and the chéefest of all was one sir Iohn Montacute, who caused all the images to be taken downe and set aside in corners, which Iohn Aubreie, and his successour sir Alane Buxhull, or any their ancestors had set vp in their chappell of Cheneleie.  ¶ About the same time, the duke of Ireland sought to be diuorsed from his lawfull wife, a trim yoong ladie, daughter to the ladie Isabell, that was one of king Edward the third his daughters; and tooke to wife one Lancegrone a Bohemer one of the quéenes maids; by reason whereof, great occasion of slander and reproch grew, and diuerse lords, speciallie the duke of Glocester, that was vncle to the ladie that was forsaken, tooke great displeasure herewith. But sith the king allowed of all the duke of Irelands dooings, the duke of Glocester dissembled such iniuries doone to his neece for the time, till opportunitie might serue to reuenge the same.

There were several respected men who supported Pateshull and had a copy of this document written out, claiming that everything mentioned in it was true. Among those who favored this cause were several knights, including Sir William Nevill, Sir Lewes Clifford, Sir John Clanbowe, Sir Richard Sturrie, and Sir Thomas Latimer. The most prominent of all was Sir John Montacute, who had all the images taken down and put aside in corners, which John Aubrey and his successor Sir Alan Buxhull, or any of their ancestors, had set up in their chapel at Cheneleie. ¶ About the same time, the Duke of Ireland sought a divorce from his lawful wife, a lovely young lady who was the daughter of Lady Isabella, one of King Edward III's daughters, and took as his wife one Lancegrone, a Bohemian who was one of the queen's maids. This led to a lot of slander and disgrace, causing several lords, especially the Duke of Gloucester, who was the uncle of the abandoned lady, to become quite upset. However, since the king approved of all the Duke of Ireland's actions, the Duke of Gloucester pretended to overlook the injustices done to his niece for the time being, waiting for the right moment to take revenge.

Dissention betwixt the king & the nobles.

Dissension between the king and the nobles.

1388.

An. Reg. 11.

The duke of Ireland vnderstood all these things, and therefore was the more circumspect for his owne safetie, and studied how by some meanes he might dispatch the duke of Glocester out of the waie, as the man whom he most feared; least his life should be his destruction, by one meanes or other. Easter was now past, the time (as ye haue heard) appointed before the which the duke of Ireland should haue transported ouer into Ireland, & yet was he not set forward. But least somewhat might be thought in the matter, and for feare of some stir to be raised by the lords of the realme, that wished him gone, according to the order prescribed at the last parlement, the king as it were to bring him to the water side, went with him into Wales, where being out of the waie, they might deuise how to dispatch the duke of Glocester, the earles of Arundell, Warwike, Derbie, and Notingham, with others of that faction. There were with the king, beside the duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice, and diuers other, which doubtfull of their owne safegards did what they could (as writers report) to mooue the king forward to the destruction of those noblemen. After the king had remained in those parties a good while, he returned, and brought the duke of Ireland backe with him againe so that it seemed his voiage into Ireland was now quite forgotten.

The Duke of Ireland understood all these things, and because of that, he was more cautious about his own safety. He looked for ways to get the Duke of Gloucester out of the way, as he saw him as the biggest threat to his life. Easter had just passed, which was the deadline for the Duke of Ireland to go to Ireland, but he still hadn't left. To avoid any suspicion and to prevent any turmoil among the lords who wanted him gone, as decided in the last parliament, the king took him to Wales. There, away from prying eyes, they could plot to eliminate the Duke of Gloucester, along with the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, Derby, Nottingham, and others in that group. With the king were the Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Poole, Earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian, the chief justice, and various others who, worried about their own safety, tried to push the king towards getting rid of those noblemen. After staying in that area for a while, the king returned, bringing the Duke of Ireland back with him, making it seem as if his trip to Ireland had been completely forgotten.

Grafton.

Grafton.

Certeine questions in law demanded of the iustices.

Certain questions in law required the justices.

A councell holden at Notingham.

A council held at Nottingham.

About the same time, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England came to Couentrie, and indicted there two thousand persons. The king and the quéene came to Grobie, and thither came by his commandement the iustices of the realme. There were also with him at the same time, Alexander archb. of Yorke, Robert Veere duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian, & his fellowes; of whom it was demanded, if by the lawes of the realme the king might reuoke the ordinances made in the last parlement, to the which he had giuen his consent in manner by constraint; and they made answer that he might. Then were the iustices commanded to come vnto Notingham, where the king appointed to meet them, and thither he came according to his appointment, and held a solemne counsell in the castell of Notingham, the morrow after S. Bartholomews day.

Around the same time, Robert Trisilian, the chief justice of England, arrived in Coventry and indicted two thousand people. The king and the queen went to Groby, and by his command, the justices of the realm came there as well. Also present at that time were Alexander, Archbishop of York, Robert Vere, Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian, and his associates. They were asked if, under the laws of the realm, the king could revoke the laws established in the last parliament, to which he had given his consent under pressure, and they responded that he could. The justices were then instructed to go to Nottingham, where the king planned to meet them, and he arrived as scheduled, holding a solemn council in the Nottingham castle the day after St. Bartholomew's Day.

Iustice Belknap cōpelled to subscribe.

Justice Belknap forced to subscribe.

Iustice Belknaps words.

Justice Belknap's words.

In this councell were the aforesaid archbishop of Yorke, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian iustice, Robert Bramble iustice, and sundrie other, all which iustices were commanded to set their hands vnto the question vnder written, that by meanes thereof, those persons that were about the king thought they might haue good occasion to put the duke of Glocester, and other lords that were his complices vnto death, which in the last parlement were ordeined to haue the gouernance of the realme, and all such as were consenting to the same. Diuerse of the iustices refused to subscribe, but yet they were constreined to doo as the rest did, among the which was Iohn Belknap, who vtterlie refused, till the duke of Ireland, and the earle of Suffolke compelled him thereto; for if he had persisted in the refusall, he had not escaped their hands, and yet when he |782| had set to his seale, he burst out into these words; “Now (said he) here lacketh nothing but a rope, that I might receiue a reward worthie for my desert, and I know, if I had not doone this, I might not haue escaped your hands, so that for your pleasures and the kings I haue doone it, and deserued thereby death at the hands of the lords.” Which indéed shortlie followed, for in the next parlement he was condemned and executed. All this remained in record.

In this council were the aforementioned Archbishop of York, the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, Justices Robert Trisilian and Robert Bramble, and several others. All these justices were ordered to sign the following question, believing it would give those close to the king a good reason to have the Duke of Gloucester and other lords who supported him executed. These lords had been appointed to govern the kingdom in the last parliament, along with anyone who agreed with them. Several justices refused to sign, but they were still forced to comply, including John Belknap, who completely refused until the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk pressured him into it; if he had continued to refuse, he wouldn't have escaped their control. Yet after he affixed his seal, he exclaimed, “Now, here all I need is a rope to receive a punishment worthy of my actions, and I know that if I hadn’t done this, I wouldn’t have escaped your grasp, so I did it for your pleasure and the king's, and I have thereby earned death at the hands of the lords.” This indeed soon followed, for in the next parliament he was condemned and executed. All this was officially recorded.

An act of councell touching this matter, in manner as followeth.

Additions to Polychron.

Updates to Polychron.

MEMORANDUM that on the fiue and twentith day of August, in the 11 yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, at the castell of Notingham aforesaid, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England, Robert Belknap lord chiefe iustice of the cōmon plees, Iohn Holt, Roger Fulthorpe, & William Borough, knights and associats of the said Robert Belknap, and Iohn Lockton one of the kings sergeants at the law, being pesonalie required in presence of the lords and other witnesses vnder written by our said souereigne lord the king, in that faith and allegiance in which to him they were bounden, that they should trulie answer to certeine questions vnderwritten, and vpon the same by their discretions, to saie the law.

MEMORANDUM that on August 25, in the 11th year of King Richard the Second’s reign, at Nottingham Castle, Robert Trisilian, Chief Justice of England, Robert Belknap, Chief Justice of the Common Pleas, John Holt, Roger Fulthorpe, William Borough, knights and associates of Robert Belknap, and John Lockton, one of the king's sergeants at law, were personally summoned in the presence of the lords and other witnesses listed below by our sovereign lord the king. They were asked, in the loyalty and allegiance they owed him, to truthfully answer certain questions outlined below, and based on that, to state the law.

Questions in law demāded of the iustices.

Legal questions posed to the justices.

1 First, it was asked of them, whether the new statute, ordinance, and commission made in the last parlement held at Westminster, be hurtfull to the kings prerogatiue. Wherevnto all of one mind answered, that they were hurtfull, and speciallie bicause they be against the kings will.

1 First, they were asked whether the new law, rule, and commission established at the last Parliament held in Westminster were detrimental to the king's authority. They all concurred and replied that they were indeed harmful, particularly because they contradicted the king's wishes.

2 Item, it was inquired of them, how they ought to be punished, that procured the said statute, ordinance, and commission to be made. Wherevnto with one assent they answered, that they deserued death, except the king of his grace would pardon them.

2 Then, they were asked how they should be punished for causing the statute, ordinance, and commission to be enacted. They unanimously stated that they deserved death unless the king chose to pardon them out of grace.

3 Item, it was inquired, how they ought to be punished, which moued the king to consent to the making of the said statute, ordinance, and commission. Wherevnto they answered, that vnlesse the king would giue them his pardon, they ought to lose their liues.

3 Next, they were asked how they should be punished, which led to the king agreeing to the creation of the aforementioned statute, ordinance, and commission. Their response was that unless the king granted them his pardon, they should forfeit their lives.

4 Item, it was inquired of them what punishment they deserued, that compelled the king to the making of that statute, ordinance and commission. Wherevnto they gaue answer, that they ought to suffer as traitors.

4 They were also asked what punishment they deserved for leading the king to create that statute, ordinance, and commission. They replied that they should be treated as traitors.

5 Item, it was demanded of them how they ought to be punished that interrupted the king so, that he might not exercise those things that apperteined to his regalitie and prerogatiue. Wherevnto answer was made, that they ought to be punished as traitors.

5 Additionally, they were asked how those who interrupted the king, thereby hindering him from performing his royal duties and privileges, should be punished. They stated that such individuals should be punished as traitors.

6 Item, it was inquired of them, whether that after the affaires of the realme, and the cause of the calling togither of the states of the parlement, were once by the kings commandement declared and opened, and other articles on the kings behalfe limited, vpon which the lords and commons of the realme ought to intreat and proceed; if the lords neuertheles would proceed vpon other articles, and not meddle with those articles which the king had limited, till time the king had answered the articles proponed by them, not­with­stand­ing the king inioined them to the contrarie: whether in this case the king might rule the parlement, and cause them to proceed vpon the articles by him limited, before they proceeded any further? To which question it was answered, that the king should haue in this part the rule, for order of all such articles to be prosecuted, vntill the end of the parlement. And if any presumed to go contrarie to this rule, he was to be punished as a traitor.

6 Furthermore, it was asked whether after the realm’s affairs and the reasons for summoning Parliament were disclosed by the king’s command, along with other items specified by the king that the lords and commons should discuss and act upon; if the lords would still proceed with other items and ignore the ones specified by the king until he addressed their proposed articles, even though the king had instructed them otherwise: could the king govern the Parliament and insist they discuss the articles he had outlined before they moved on to anything else? The response was that the king should have authority in this matter, ensuring that all such items were followed until the end of Parliament. Anyone who dared to act against this rule would face punishment as a traitor.

7 Item, it was asked, whether the king when soeuer it pleased him might not dissolue the parlement, and command the lords and commons to depart from thence or not? Wherevnto it was answered that he might. |783|

7 They were asked whether the king could, at any time, dissolve Parliament and order the lords and commons to leave or not. The answer was that he could. |783|

8 Item, it was inquired, that for somuch as it was in the king to remooue such iustices and officers as offend, and to punish them for their offenses; whether the lords commons might, without the kings will, impeach the same officers and iustices, vpon their offenses in parlement or not? To this answer was made, that they might not, and he that attempted contrarie, was to suffer as a traitor.

8 They also inquired whether the lords and commons could, without the king's consent, accuse the same officers and justices of their wrongdoings in Parliament, given that it was within the king's authority to remove or punish such offenders. The response was that they could not, and anyone attempting otherwise would be punished as a traitor.

9 Item, it was inquired, how he is to be punished, that mooued in the parlement, that the statute wherin Edward, the sonne of king Edward, great grandfather to the king that now is, was indicted in parlement, might be sent for; by inspection of which statute, the said new statute or ordinance and commission were conceiued, and deuised in the parlement?

9 Additionally, they were asked how he should be punished for introducing in Parliament the statute under which Edward, son of King Edward, the current king’s great-grandfather, was indicted. It was noted that by revisiting that statute, the new statute, ordinance, and commission were created in Parliament.

To which question, with one accord, as in all the residue they answered, that as well he that so summoned, as the other, which by force of the same motion, brought the said statute into the parlement house, be as publike offendors and traitors to be punished.

To this question, everyone agreed, similar to the previous ones, that both the person who summoned it and the one who introduced the statute into the Parliament should be treated as public offenders and traitors facing punishment.

10 Item, it was inquired of them, whether the iudgment giuen in the parlement against Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, were erronious and reuocable, or not?

10 Lastly, they were asked whether the judgment rendered in Parliament against Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, was erroneous and could be reversed or not?

To which question likewise with one assent they said, that if the same iudgement were now to be giuen, the iustices and sergeant aforesaid would not giue the same: bicause it seemed to them, that the said iudgment is reuocable and erronious in euerie part.

They all agreed that if the same judgment were handed down now, the aforementioned justices and sergeant would not issue the same ruling, as it appeared to them that the judgment was revocable and erroneous in all aspects.

In witnesse of the premisses, the iustices & sergeant aforesaid to these presents haue set their seals, these being witnesses; Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Robert archbishop of Dubline, Iohn bishop of Durham, Thomas bishop of Chester, Iohn bishop of Bangor, Robert duke of Ireland, Michaell erle of Suffolke, Iohn Ripon clearke, and Iohn Blake.

In witness of the above, the justices and sergeant mentioned have affixed their seals to this document, with the following individuals as witnesses: Alexander, Archbishop of York, Robert, Archbishop of Dublin, John, Bishop of Durham, Thomas, Bishop of Chester, John, Bishop of Bangor, Robert, Duke of Ireland, Michael, Earl of Suffolk, John Ripon, clerk, and John Blake.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The lords indicted of diuerse offenses.

The lords accused of various offenses.

Now beside these iustices and sergeant, there were called at that present vnto Notingham, all other iustices of the realme, and the shiriffes. Also, diuerse of the citie of London, which the king knew would incline to his will, the rather; for that some of them, hauing aforetime confessed treason against the king by them imagined, and obteining pardon for the same, were readie at his commandement, to recompense such fauour, in the accomplishment of whatsoeuer they knew might stand with his pleasure. Herevpon, they being impanelled to inquire of certeine treasons that were supposed to be committed by the lords, which in the last parlement had so caused things to passe, contrarie to the kings pleasure, indicted the same lords of manie crimes informed against them.  ¶ The Londoners indeed were euill reported of in those daies, by some writers, for their vnstablenesse, one while holding on the kings part, and with such as were chéefe in counsell about him; and an other while on the lords side that were of a contrarie faction: according as the streame of their affections draue them, and as they were carried awaie perforce by the floud of their variable willes, whereby they were diuided into differing passions, as they were assaulted by sundrie and vncerteine desires: which is the nature of the people, as the poet noteth, saieng:

Now, alongside these justices and the sergeant, all the other justices of the realm and the sheriffs were summoned to Nottingham. Also present were several people from the city of London, whom the king knew would be more likely to support him; this was because some of them had previously confessed to treason against the king and, having received pardons for it, were ready to repay the favor by fulfilling his wishes. Consequently, they were brought together to investigate certain treasons that were believed to have been committed by the lords, who had previously caused things to happen in the last parliament contrary to the king's wishes, and they indicted those lords on many charges brought against them. The people of London were indeed poorly regarded during those times by some writers, due to their unpredictability, sometimes siding with the king and his closest advisors, and at other times with the lords from an opposing faction. Their loyalties shifted according to their changing feelings and were influenced by the tide of their inconsistent desires, which is the nature of the people, as noted by the poet, saying:

Scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus.

Scattered, the crowd’s interests split into opposing sides.

Why the shiriffes of all shires were sent for to the court.

Why the sheriffs of all counties were summoned to the court.

Soldiers reteined on all sides by the king against the lords.

Soldiers surrounded on all sides by the king against the nobles.

But now, as concerning the cause whie the shiriffes were called hither, it was chéeflie to vnderstand what power of men they might assure the king of, to serue him against the lords and barons, whome he tooke to be his enimies: and further, that where he meant to call a parlement verie shortlie, they should so vse the matter, that no knight might be chosen, but such as the king and his councell should name. But answer was made herevnto by the shiriffes, that the lords were so highlie beloued of the commons, that it laie not in their powers to assemble any great forces against the lords; and as for choosing the knights of the shires, they said that the commons would vndoubtedlie vse their ancient liberties, and priuileges, in choosing such as they thought meetest. But yet, after that the indictments were found, according to the desire of the king and his councellors, and that those which had béene called about this matter, were licenced to depart home; the king and the duke of Ireland sent messengers into euerie part of the realme, to reteine men of warre to assist |784| them in the quarell against the lords, if néed were. Manie made answer, that sith they knew the lords to be faithfull and loiall to the king, euen from the bottome of their hearts, and were readie to studie, to deuise, and to doo all things that might tend to his honor, and wealth of the realme; they might not by anie meanes beare armour against them. But a great number of other, that tooke it that they were reteined for a good and necessarie purpose, promised to be readie, whensoeuer it should please the king to send for them.

But now, regarding the reason the sheriffs were called here, it was mainly to understand what number of men they could assure the king of to serve him against the lords and barons, whom he viewed as his enemies. Furthermore, since he intended to call a parliament very soon, they were to handle the situation so that no knight could be chosen except for those the king and his council would name. However, the sheriffs responded that the lords were so highly loved by the commons that it was beyond their power to gather any significant forces against them. As for selecting the knights of the shires, they stated that the commons would undoubtedly exercise their ancient rights and privileges in choosing those they deemed most suitable. Yet, after the indictments were made according to the wishes of the king and his counselors, and those who had been called about this matter were allowed to go home, the king and the duke of Ireland sent messengers to every part of the realm to recruit men-at-arms to help them in their conflict against the lords, if necessary. Many replied that since they knew the lords to be faithful and loyal to the king, from the bottom of their hearts, and were ready to think, plan, and do everything that could contribute to his honor and the welfare of the realm, they could in no way take up arms against them. But a large number of others, believing they were being enlisted for a good and necessary cause, promised to be ready whenever the king might call on them.

The duke of Glocesters protestation vpon his oth.

The Duke of Gloucester's protest on his oath.

The lords being in this meane while aduertised of these dooings, were striken with great heauinesse, for that not knowing themselues (as they tooke it) giltie of anie offense, the king should thus seeke their destruction. Herewith the duke of Glocester, meaning to mitigate the kings displeasure, receiued a solemne oth before the bishop of London, and diuerse other lords, protesting by the same oth, that he neuer imagined, nor went about any thing, to the kings hinderance, but to his power had alwaies doone what he might to aduance the kings honor, prosperous state and good liking, except onelie that he had giuen no good countenance to the duke of Ireland, whom the king so much loued. And suerlie for that the said duke had dishonored his kinswoman, and the kings also, he was firmelie determined to reuenge that iniurie vpon him; and herewith he besought the bishop of London to declare what his words were vnto the king.

The lords, meanwhile, were informed about these events and were filled with great sadness, as they felt that, not knowing themselves to be guilty of any offense, the king would seek their destruction. To soothe the king's anger, the Duke of Gloucester made a solemn oath before the Bishop of London and several other lords, declaring through this oath that he had never thought of or done anything to harm the king, but had always done his best to support the king's honor, prosperity, and goodwill, except that he had not shown much support for the Duke of Ireland, whom the king loved dearly. And indeed, because the Duke had dishonored his relative and the king's as well, he was firmly determined to avenge that offense against him; and with that, he asked the Bishop of London to convey his words to the king.

Stout words of the bishop of London.

Staunch words from the bishop of London.

The bishop comming to the king, made report of the duke of Glocesters protestation, confirmed with his oth, in such wise, as the king began somewhat to be persuaded that it was true. But when the earle of Suffolke perceiued that, fearing least the reconciliation of the king and the duke his vncle should turne to his vndooing, he began to speake against the duke, till the bishop bad him hold his peace; and told him, that it nothing became him to speake at all. And when the earle asked why so; “Bicause (said the bishop) thou wast in the last parlement condemned for an euill person, and one not worthie to liue, but onelie it pleaseth the king to shew thée fauour.” The king offended with the bishops presumptuous words, commanded him to depart & get him home to his church, who foorthwith departed, and declared to the duke of Glocester what he had heard and séene. Herevpon, the great misliking that had beene afore time betwixt the king and the lords, was now more vehementlie increased, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, the archbishop of Yorke, the lord chiefe iustice Robert Trisilian, and others, still procuring, stirring, and confirming the kings heauie displeasure against the lords.

The bishop approached the king and reported on the duke of Gloucester's protest, backed by his oath, in such a way that the king began to believe it might be true. But when the Earl of Suffolk noticed this, worried that the reconciliation between the king and his uncle, the duke, might lead to his own downfall, he started speaking against the duke until the bishop told him to be quiet and explained that it wasn't appropriate for him to speak at all. When the Earl asked why, the bishop said, “Because you were condemned in the last parliament as a bad person, unworthy to live, and only the king is choosing to show you favor.” The king, offended by the bishop's arrogant words, ordered him to leave and return to his church, which he did immediately, informing the duke of Gloucester about what he had seen and heard. As a result, the existing tension between the king and the lords intensified further, with the duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, the Archbishop of York, Chief Justice Robert Trisilian, and others continuing to stir up and reinforce the king's deep displeasure towards the lords.

The lords confer how to preuēt the perils pretended against them.

The lords discuss how to prevent the dangers aimed at them.

The earle of North­um­ber­land sent to apprehend the earle of Arundell.

The Earl of Northumberland sent to capture the Earl of Arundell.

The duke of Glocester considering to what conclusion these things tended, came secretlie to conference with the earles of Arundell, Warwike, and Derbie, who were in like danger, if they prouided not more spéedilie for their safetie, wherevpon he discouered to them the perill wherein they all stood in common, so that when they weied what was the most expedient meane to safe gard their liues, they gathered their power togither, determining to talke with the king with their armour vpon their backes, for their more suertie, as well concerning his pretense to bring them to their deaths, as for the fauour which he bare to those whom they reputed to be traitors, both to him, and to the whole state of the realme, whereby the same could not auoid spéedie ruine, if remedie were not the sooner prouided. The king on the other part tooke aduise, how he might apprehend these lords (whom he tooke to be plaine traitors) ech one apart, before they might gather their strengths about them; and first, he sent the earle of North­um­ber­land and others, vnto the castell of Reigate, to take the earle of Arundell, who laie there at that present. But howsoeuer it fortuned, the earle of North­um­ber­land came backe, and failed to accomplish that which he had in commandement.

The Duke of Gloucester, thinking about what these events meant, secretly met with the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, and Derby, who were in similar danger. If they didn't act quickly to ensure their safety, they would be at risk. He revealed the threat they all faced together, leading them to discuss the best way to protect their lives. They decided to gather their forces and approach the king armed, for their own safety, concerned both about his intent to harm them and his favor toward those they considered traitors, who were betraying him and the entire realm. They knew that without prompt action, they could not escape swift destruction. On the king's side, he plotted how to capture these lords, whom he viewed as outright traitors, one by one before they could organize. He first sent the Earl of Northumberland and others to the castle of Reigate to capture the Earl of Arundel, who was there at the time. However, the Earl of Northumberland returned without fulfilling his mission.

The earle of Arundell ioineth with the other lords.

The Earl of Arundel joins the other lords.

After this, a great number were sent by night, to haue laid hands on him, and to haue brought him to the kings presence; or in case he resisted, to haue slaine him, if by any meanes they might: but he being warned by a messenger, that came to him from the duke of Glocester, conueied himselfe awaie, and with such bands as he had got togither, rode all that night, so that in the morning hauing passed thirtie miles, not without great trauell, and |785| all speed possible, he was in the morning aduanced to Haringie parke, where he found the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Warwike, with a great power of men about them.  ¶ At the same time the king was about to set forward towards Canturburie, there to performe some vow of pilgrimage, which he had vndertaken to make vnto the shrine of Thomas Becket. But a brute was raised, and a slander (belike) contriued, to bring him in further hatred of his subiects, that he meant to steale ouer into France, vnto the French king, hauing promised to deliuer vp into his hands the towne of Calis, with the castell of Guines, and all the fortresses which his predecessors had possessed in those parties, either by right from their ancestors, or by warlike conquest.

After this, a large group was sent at night to capture him and bring him to the king; or if he resisted, to kill him by any means possible. However, he was warned by a messenger from the Duke of Gloucester, so he managed to escape. With the followers he had gathered, he rode all night, and by morning, after a difficult journey of thirty miles, he reached Haringey Park, where he found the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Warwick with a considerable number of men around them. At the same time, the king was preparing to head to Canterbury to fulfill a pilgrimage vow he had made to the shrine of Thomas Becket. However, rumors were spread, likely fabricated, to incite further hatred against him among his subjects, suggesting that he intended to sneak off to France to meet with the French king and had promised to hand over the town of Calais, the castle of Guînes, and all the fortresses that his predecessors had held in those regions, either by inheritance or military conquest.

Councell taken how to deale against the lords.

Counsel taken on how to deal with the lords.

Howbeit this his iournie to Canturburie was suddenlie staied, vpon knowledge had of the gathering togither of the lords in Haringie parke, wherewith the king being sore amazed, called togither such as he trusted, to vnderstand what their opinion was of the matter; and vnderstanding that the purposed intention of the lords, for which they were so assembled, was to this end (as they pretended) to bring him vnto a better trade of life, and more profitable order of gouernement, he was streight striken with no small feare, demanding of them their aduise, what was best for him to doo in such troublesome state of things. Some were of this mind, that it should be best to séeke to appease the lords with faire promises, assuring them, that they should haue their desires. Other thought it better to assemble the kings friends, and ioining them with the Londoners, to go foorth and trie the hazard of battell with the lords. Among them that were of this mind, the archbishop of Yorke was the chiefest. But other that were thought to vnderstand more of the world than he did, iudged it not wisedome so to doo, considering that if the king lost the field, then should great harme and dishonor follow; and if the victorie fell to his side, yet could he gaine naught, but lose a great number of his subiects.

However, his journey to Canterbury was suddenly put on hold when he learned about the gathering of the lords in Haringey Park. The king, feeling alarmed, called together those he trusted to understand their opinions on the matter. When he found out that the lords had assembled with the intention (as they claimed) of guiding him towards a better way of living and a more effective form of government, he was immediately filled with fear and asked for their advice on what he should do in such a troubling situation. Some believed it would be best to try to appease the lords with pleasant promises, assuring them that they would get what they wanted. Others thought it wiser to gather the king's supporters and, along with the Londoners, to go out and risk battle against the lords. Among those who supported this idea, the Archbishop of York was the most prominent. However, others who were thought to be more worldly wise believed it wasn’t smart to proceed this way, considering that if the king lost the battle, it would bring great harm and dishonor; and even if he won, he would gain nothing but lose a significant number of his subjects.

The lords send messengers to the king.

The lords send messengers to the king.

This was in Nouember, at what time the king, vpon his returning from Canturburie, meant to haue holden a parlement; but through those stirs, neither his iournie to Canturburie, nor the parlement went forward: yet he caused order to be giuen, that no citizen of London should sell to the duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell, or any other of the lords, any armour, bowes, arrowes, or other munition, or matter that might tend to the furniture of warre, vpon a great paine. But not­with­stand­ing, the lords went forward with their businesse; and before they approched the citie of London, they sent to the king the archbishop of Canturburie, the lord Iohn Louell, the lord Cobham, and the lord Iohn Deuereux, requiring to haue deliuered vnto them such as were about him, that were traitors and seducers both of him and the realme, that sought nothing else, but to trouble both poore and rich, and to sow discord and variance betwixt the king and his nobles. And further, they declared that their comming was for the honor and wealth both of the king and realme.

This was in November, when the king intended to hold a parliament upon his return from Canterbury; however, due to the unrest, neither his journey to Canterbury nor the parliament took place. Still, he ordered that no citizen of London sell any armor, bows, arrows, or other military supplies to the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Arundel, or any other lords, under serious penalties. Nevertheless, the lords continued with their plans, and before they approached the city of London, they sent Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord John Lovell, Lord Cobham, and Lord John Devereux to the king, requesting the handover of those around him who were traitors and misleaders, aiming only to create turmoil for both the poor and the rich, and to sow discord between the king and his nobles. Furthermore, they stated that their arrival was for the honor and prosperity of both the king and the realm.

A rash answer of the maior of London.

A hasty response from the mayor of London.

The Londoners refuse to fight against the lords.

The people of London refuse to fight against the nobles.

But the king being ruled altogither by the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, and two or three other, was fullie persuaded that the lords intended to bring him vnder their gouernement, and therfore he was counselled to make the French king his sure friend in all vrgent necessities. And to be assured of him, it was reported, that those councellors aduised him to render vp into the French kings hands the towne of Calis, and all that he had else in possession, on the further side of the sea. Howsoeuer this matter went, truth it is, that the king sent for the maior of London, requiring to know of him how manie able men they thought the citie could make. The maior answered, that he thought verely the citizens might make in time of need, fiftie thousand men, within an houres respit. Well said the king, then I beseech you go and prooue what will be done. But when the maior began to attempt the matter, he was answered generallie, that they would neuer fight against the kings freends, and defenders of the realme (as indeed they tooke the lords to be) but against the enimies of the king and realme they would alwaies be readie to fight, and shew what resistance they were able. This answer the maior reported to the king. |786|

But the king, completely controlled by the Duke of Ireland, the Earl of Suffolk, and a couple of others, was fully convinced that the lords wanted to take charge of him. Therefore, he was advised to make the French king his reliable ally in all urgent matters. To secure that relationship, it was suggested that his advisors recommend handing over the town of Calais and everything else he owned across the sea to the French king. However this matter unfolded, the truth is that the king summoned the mayor of London to ask how many capable men the city could muster. The mayor responded that he genuinely believed the citizens could gather fifty thousand men within an hour if needed. The king replied, "Well, then I ask you to go and see what can be done." But when the mayor began to organize this, he was generally told that they would never fight against the king's friends and protectors of the realm (as they considered the lords to be), but they would always be ready to fight against the enemies of the king and the realm, demonstrating whatever resistance they could. The mayor reported this response back to the king. |786|

The earle of North­um­ber­lands and the lord Bassets words to the king in the behalfe of the lords.

The Earl of Northumberland and Lord Basset spoke to the king on behalf of the lords.

At the same time there was about the king the lord Rafe Basset, who said thus to the king flatlie and plainelie: “Sir, I haue béene, and euer will be your true liege man, and my bodie and goods shall euer be at your graces commandement, in all iustice and trueth. But neuerthelesse, hereof I assure you, that if my hap be to come into the field, I will without faile alwaies follow the true part; and it is not I that will aduenture to haue my head broken for the duke of Irelands pleasure.” Likewise, the earle of North­um­ber­land, being at that time in the court, spake these words to the king; “Sir, there is no doubt but these lords, who now be in the field, alwaies haue beene your true and faithfull subiects, and yet are, not intending to attempt anie thing against your state, wealth, & honor. Neuerthelesse, they féele themselues sore molested and disquieted, by the wicked deuises of certeine persons about you, that seeke to oppresse them. And verilie without faile, all your realme is sore greeued therewith, both great and small, as well lords as commons; and I sée not the contrarie, but they mind to aduenture their liues with the lords that are thus in armes, speciallie in this case, which they reckon to be yours and your realmes. And sir, now yée be in the cheefe place of your realme, and in the place of your coronation, order your selfe now therefore wiselie and like a king. Send to them to come before your presence in some publike place, where they may declare vnto you the intent and purpose of their comming, accompanied with so great a number of people into these parts, and I beléeue it verelie, they will shew such reasons that you will hold them excused.”

At the same time, there was Lord Rafe Basset by the king's side, who spoke directly and plainly to the king: “Sir, I have been and will always be your loyal subject, and my body and belongings will always be at your command in all justice and truth. However, I assure you that if I find myself in the field, I will always follow the righteous side without fail; I do not intend to risk my life just for the duke of Ireland’s sake.” Similarly, the Earl of Northumberland, who was also at court, said to the king, “Sir, there's no doubt that these lords currently in the field have always been your loyal and faithful subjects and still are, with no intention of doing anything against your authority, prosperity, or honor. Nonetheless, they feel deeply troubled and disturbed by the evil schemes of certain individuals around you who seek to oppress them. Truly, your entire realm is suffering because of this, both the great and the small, lords and commoners alike; and I see no alternative but that they intend to risk their lives alongside the lords who are armed, especially in this matter, which they believe concerns you and your realm. And sir, you are now in the foremost position of your realm, and at your coronation site, so you should act wisely and like a king. Send for them to come before you in a public place where they can explain their intent and purpose for gathering such a large number of people in this area, and I genuinely believe they will present reasons that you will find justifiable.”

The lords take an oth togither, to prosecute their purposed enterprise.

The lords make an oath together to pursue their planned endeavor.

The archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord chancellor bishop of Elie, and other of the bishops also there present, affirmed the earles aduise to be good. And the king considering wiselie the case as it stood, began to be appeased, and accorded to follow their aduise, desiring the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Elie, to aduertise them of his plesure, which was, that he willed them to come to him to Westminster, on sundaie then next following; and so they repairing to the lords, made report to them of the kings mind and purpose. But the duke of Glocester, and the other lords, were so fullie bent in their opinion, that they swore all whole togither, that they would neuer giue ouer their enterprise, so long as they had a penie to spend, in maintenance of their cause: and if it chanced anie of them to depart this life, the ouerliuers should persist therein, vntill the time that they had brought their purpose to some good effect.

The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor Bishop of Ely, and other bishops present agreed that the earl's advice was sound. The king, considering the situation thoughtfully, began to calm down and decided to accept their advice. He asked the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of Ely to inform him of his wishes, which were that he wanted them to come to him at Westminster the following Sunday. They then returned to the lords and relayed the king's thoughts and intentions. However, the Duke of Gloucester and the other lords were so committed to their stance that they all swore together they would never abandon their mission as long as they had a penny to support their cause. And if any of them happened to die, the survivors would continue to persist until they achieved their goals.

The lords séeke the fauour of the Londoners.

The lords seek the favor of the Londoners.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

And bicause they doubted least the king might stirre the citie of London against them, they determined first to aduertise the maior and the citie, how their comming was onlie to reforme certeine great enormities, which they set downe in writing, & sent it to the maior and citizens, beseeching them of their fauour and counsell therin. This doone, they determined yet to kéepe their daie on the sundaie following, to appeare before the kings presence: but this was not got of them, till that the lord chancellor, with diuerse other noblemen of good credit, had vndertaken vpon their oths for the kings behalfe, that no fraud nor deceipt, no perill nor euill pretense should be put in practise against the lords, wherby they might come to losse either of life, limme, or goods, or otherwise, through the kings means; but that if he should go about anie such things, the said lord chancellor and other the mediators should forwarne the lords therof.

And because they were worried that the king might incite the city of London against them, they decided to first inform the mayor and the city that their arrival was solely to address certain serious issues, which they outlined in writing and sent to the mayor and citizens, asking for their support and advice. Having done this, they still planned to keep their appointment on the following Sunday to appear before the king. However, this was only achieved after the Lord Chancellor, along with several other noblemen of good standing, pledged on their oaths for the king’s behalf that no fraud, deceit, danger, or bad intentions would be carried out against the lords, which could put them at risk of losing their lives, limbs, or property, or any other harm through the king’s actions; but that if he attempted any such actions, the Lord Chancellor and the other mediators would warn the lords about it.

An ambush at Mewes.

An ambush at Mewes.

When therefore the lords were readie, according to couenant, to come vnto Westminster, they were secretlie aduertised, that there was an ambush laid in a place called the Mewes, and so they staied, and came not at the appointed houre. Wherevpon, when the king demanded, how it fortuned that the lords kept not promise, the bishop of Elie lord Chancellor made him this answer; “Bicause” saith he, “there is an ambush of a thousand armed men or more laid in such a place (and named it) contrarie to couenant, and therefore they neither come nor hold you for faithfull of your word.” The king hearing this, was astonied, and said with an oth, that he knew of no such thing, & withall sent to the shiriffes of London, commanding them to go to the Mewes, and (vpon search made) if they found anie force of men there assembled, to take and kill all such as they |787| could laie hands vpon. But sir Thomas Triuet, and sir Nitholas Brambre, knight, that had in déed assembled such a number of men, when they vnderstood what order the king had giuen therein, they sent their men backe to London.

When the lords were ready, as agreed, to come to Westminster, they were secretly informed that there was an ambush set up in a place called the Mews, so they hesitated and didn’t arrive at the scheduled time. When the king asked why the lords didn’t keep their promise, the Bishop of Ely, the Lord Chancellor, replied, “Because,” he said, “there is an ambush of a thousand armed men or more set up in that location” (and he named it), “contrary to our agreement, and therefore they neither came nor consider you trustworthy.” The king, upon hearing this, was shocked and swore that he knew nothing about it, and he then sent a message to the sheriffs of London, commanding them to go to the Mews and, if they found any armed men gathered there, to capture and kill all that they could. However, Sir Thomas Trivet and Sir Nicholas Brambre, knights, who had indeed gathered such a number of men, when they learned of the king's orders, sent their men back to London.

The lords come before the kings presence in Westminster hall.

The lords come before the king in Westminster Hall.

The lord chācelor speaketh for the king to the lords.

The lord chancellor speaks for the king to the lords.

The lords, after this, receiuing a safe conduct from the king, and perceiuing all to be safe and cleare, came vnto Westminster with a strong power of men about them. The king, when he heard they were come, apparelled himselfe in his kinglie robes, and with his scepter in hand came into the great hall at Westminster. The lords as soone as they had sight of him, made to him their humble obeisance, & went foorth till they came to the nether steps, going vp to the kings seat of state, where they made their second obeisance; & then the king gaue them countenance to come néerer to him, & they so did, kneeling downe before him, & foorthwith he rose from his place, and louinglie welcomming them, tooke each of them by the hand, and that doone sate him downe againe. Herewith the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, as mouth to the king, declared vnto these lords in effect as followeth. “My lords (said he) our souereigne lord the king, hearing that you were assembled in Haringie parke, in other maner than was conuenient, would not foorthwith run vpon you with force to destroie you, as he might easilie haue doone, if he had not wished your safetie; for no man doubteth, but if his pleasure had béene to gather an armie, he might haue had more people than you could haue got to haue taken part with you against him, and so happilie much bloud might haue béene spilt, which thing certeinlie our souereigne lord the king vtterlie abhorreth: and therefore vsing patience and mildnesse, he hath rather chosen to talke with you in peaceable wise, that he may vnderstand the cause whie yée haue assembled so great a number of people togither.”

The lords, after this, receiving a safe conduct from the king and seeing that everything was safe and clear, came to Westminster with a strong group of men around them. The king, when he heard they had arrived, dressed in his royal robes and, with his scepter in hand, entered the great hall at Westminster. As soon as the lords saw him, they made their humble bow and proceeded until they reached the lower steps leading up to the king's throne, where they bowed again; then the king encouraged them to come closer, and they did so, kneeling before him. He immediately rose from his seat, warmly welcomed them, took each of them by the hand, and then sat down again. At this point, the Bishop of Ely, the Lord Chancellor, speaking on behalf of the king, addressed the lords, saying: "My lords," he began, "our sovereign lord the king, upon hearing that you were gathered in Haringey Park in a manner that was not appropriate, chose not to attack you with force to destroy you, as he easily could have, because he cares for your safety. No one doubts that if he had wanted to gather an army, he could have had more people join him than you could gather against him, and a lot of blood might have been spilled, which our sovereign lord the king absolutely abhors. Therefore, exercising patience and kindness, he has chosen to speak with you peacefully, so he can understand why you have assembled such a large number of people together."

The answer of the lords & their gréefes.

The response from the lords and their grievances.

The king reprooueth the lords dooings.

The king rebukes the lords' actions.

The lords for answer héerevnto said, that “they assembled their forces togither, for the profit both of the king and realme, and speciallie to take awaie from him such traitors as remained continuallie about him; to wit, Robert de Veer duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Michaell de la Poole erle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian that false iustice, and sir Nicholas Brambre, that disloiall knight of London: for so they tearmed them all. And to prooue their accusations true, they threw downe their gloues, protesting by their oths to prosecute it by battell.” “Naie (saith the king) not so, but in the next parlement, which we doo appoint before hand to begin the morrow after the Purification of our ladie, both they and you appearing, shall receiue (according to law) all that which reason shall appoint. And now to you my lords I speake, by what meane or by what reason durst you so pre­sump­tu­ous­lie take vpon you within this my land to rise thus against me? Did you thinke to feare me with such your presumptuous boldnesse? Haue I not armed men sufficient to haue beaten you downe, compassed about like a sort of deere in a toil? If I would: trulie in this behalfe I make no more account of you, than of the vilest skullions in my kitchen.”

The lords replied, saying that “they gathered their forces together for the benefit of both the king and the kingdom, especially to remove from him those traitors who remained constantly around him; namely, Robert de Veer, Duke of Ireland, Alexander Nevill, Archbishop of York, Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Robert Trusillian, that treacherous judge, and Sir Nicholas Brambre, that disloyal knight of London: for that’s how they referred to them all. And to prove their accusations were true, they threw down their gloves, swearing to fight it out.” “No,” the king said, “not like that; rather, in the upcoming parliament, which we have scheduled to begin the day after the Purification of Our Lady, both you and they will appear and receive, according to the law, whatever is deemed fair. And now I speak to you, my lords, by what means or what reason did you dare so presumptuously rise up against me in my own land? Did you think to intimidate me with your boldness? Do I not have enough armed men to defeat you, surrounded like deer in a snare? If I wanted to: truly, in this matter I regard you no more than the lowest kitchen scullions.”

The king taketh both parties into his protection.

The king takes both parties under his protection.

Grafton.

Grafton.

When he had said these words, with much more, he lift vp the duke of Glocester that all this while knéeled afore him, and commanded the residue to rise also. After this he led them courteouslie to his chamber, where they sate and dranke togither. And finallie it was concluded, that they should all méet togither againe at the next parlement, and ech one to receiue according to iustice: and in the meane time the king tooke aswell the duke of Glocester, as the duke of Ireland into his protection, so that neither part in the meane time should hurt the other, nor presume to make any gathering of people vntill the time prefixed: and so this councell brake vp, and the lords departed. These things yet were doone in absence of the forenamed persons whom the lords accused, for they durst not appeare in presence of the lords; for if they had béene espied, they had smarted for it, as was thought, without any respect that would haue béene had of the kings presence. And now, for somuch as it should be well knowne through all the citie, that these lords had nothing offended him with their comming, the king caused a proclamation to be made, the tenour whereof was as followeth. |788|

When he finished speaking, along with much more, he lifted up the Duke of Gloucester, who had been kneeling before him, and instructed the others to stand as well. After that, he kindly led them to his chamber, where they sat and drank together. Eventually, they agreed to meet again at the next parliament, where everyone would receive what was fair. In the meantime, the king took both the Duke of Gloucester and the Duke of Ireland under his protection so that neither side would harm the other or gather people until the designated time. With that, the council disbanded and the lords went their separate ways. These matters were handled in the absence of the previously mentioned individuals whom the lords accused, as they were too fearful to appear before the lords; if they had been seen, they would have faced severe consequences, regardless of the king's presence. To ensure that it was well-known throughout the city that the lords had not offended him by their arrival, the king ordered a proclamation to be made, the contents of which were as follows. |788|

A proclamation clearing the lords of treason.

RICHARD by the grace of God, &c.   We will that it be knowne to all our liege people throughout our realme of England, that whereas Thomas duke of Glocester, Richard earle of Arundell, & Thomas earle of Warwike, haue beene defamed of treason by certeine of our councellors; we as it apperteineth diligentlie searching the ground & cause of this defamation, find no such thing in them, nor any suspicion thereof: wherfore we declare the same defamation to be false, and vntrue, and doo receiue the same duke and earles into our speciall protection.   And bicause these accusers shall be notoriouslie knowne, their names are Alexander archbishop of Yorke, sir Robert Veere duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice, and sir Nicholas Brambre of London knight, who in like case shall remaine till the next parlement and there shall stand to their answers.   But in the meane time we likewise take them into our protection, streictlie charging and commanding, that no maner of person charge any of the forenamed, either priuilie or apertlie, in word or deed, to hurt them, or or cause any hurt to be doone to them, but all quarels & demands against them to be remitted, vntill the next parlement prefixed.

RICHARD by the grace of God, etc. We want all our loyal subjects across the Kingdom of England to know that, given the accusations of treason against Thomas, Duke of Gloucester, Richard, Earl of Arundel, and Thomas, Earl of Warwick, made by some members of our council; after a thorough investigation into these accusations, we find no evidence or suspicion against them. Therefore, we declare these accusations to be false and untrue, and we place the Duke and Earls under our special protection. To ensure these accusers are clearly identified, their names are Alexander, Archbishop of York, Sir Robert Veere, Duke of Ireland, Michael de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, Robert Trisilian, Lord Chief Justice, and Sir Nicholas Brambre of London, Knight, who will remain in this situation until the next parliament and will answer to the charges there. In the meantime, we also place them under our protection, strictly ordering that no one shall accuse any of the aforementioned, either secretly or openly, harm them, or allow any harm to come to them, and that all disputes and demands against them shall be put on hold until the next scheduled parliament.

Now to haue all things in more perfect readinesse and re­mem­brance when the estates should be assembled, certeine of the lords were appointed to sit in the meane time, to deuise how they might procéed orderlie in redresse of such matters, as séemed to require some spéedie reformation: neither did they thinke it good to depart in sunder, for feare to be intrapped through the malicious practise of their aduersaries. Which doubt of theirs seemed afterwards to stand them in stéed of great wisedome. For immediatlie after, their said aduersaries came to the king, and declared how they were dailie in danger of their liues, by reason of the malice which the lords had conceiued against them onelie for the kings sake, and not for any matter of their owne. And whereas the king had promised that they should appeare at the next parlement, which was at hand, they told him plainelie that they neither durst nor would put their bodies in such manifest danger. The king considering hereof, withdrew himselfe from the companie of the lords that were assigned to sit at London, to deliberate of matters that were to be talked of and ordered in the parlement; and so that councell was deferred and laid aside: and the kings councellors that stood in danger of their liues through the malice of the lords confederated with the duke of Glocester, got them from the court, and withdrew some into this place and some into that.

Now to have everything in better readiness and memory when the estates should be assembled, certain lords were appointed to meet in the meantime to figure out how they could proceed in an orderly way to address matters that seemed to need quick reform. They also thought it wise not to separate, fearing they might be trapped by the malicious schemes of their enemies. This concern later proved to be a sign of great wisdom. For immediately afterwards, their adversaries approached the king and stated that they were in daily danger for their lives due to the hatred the lords bore them solely because of the king, and not for any reasons of their own. Although the king had promised that they would appear at the upcoming parliament, they plainly told him that they would neither dare nor want to put themselves in such obvious danger. The king, considering this, withdrew from the company of the lords assigned to meet in London to discuss matters to be talked about and organized in the parliament; thus, that council was postponed and abandoned. The king's advisors, who were in danger of their lives from the malice of the lords allied with the Duke of Gloucester, made their way from court, fleeing to various locations.

The earle of Suffolke fléeth ouer to Calis.

The Earl of Suffolk flies over to Calais.

Grafton.

Grafton.

Among other the earle of Suffolke fled ouer vnto Calis in secret wise, by the helpe of a knight called sir William Hoo, who holpe to conueie him thither. He had changed his apparell, and shauen his beard, and so disguised, counterfeited himself to be a poulter, and to sell certeine foule which he had gotten, by which means he was not knowne, till at length comming to the gates of the castell (wherof his brother sir Edmund de la Poole was capteine) he discouered to him (scarselie knowing who he was, by reason he was so disguised) the whole occasion of his repairing thither, requiring him to keepe his counsell, and that he might remaine with him in priuie maner for a time, till he might heare more how things went in England, from whence he was thus fled, to auoid the bloudie hands of his enimies, that sought his life. His brother doubting what might be laid to his charge if he shuld conceale this matter from the lord William Beauchampe lord deputie of the towne, streightwaies aduertised him thereof, who tooke order that the earle should foorthwith be sent backe againe into England to the king, who receiued him with small thanks to them that brought him ouer, so that (as some write) his brother being one, was committed to prison for disclosing him. But yet bicause it should not séeme that he |789| imprisoned him for that cause, he was shortlie after set at libertie, and returned againe to his charge at Calis. The earle was also permitted to go whither he would, although the king had vndertaken to present him and others at the next parlement to answer their offenses, as the same might be laid to their charge.

Among others, the Earl of Suffolk secretly fled to Calais with the help of a knight named Sir William Hoo, who helped him get there. He changed his clothes, shaved his beard, and disguised himself as a poulterer, claiming to sell some birds he had acquired. He went unrecognized until he reached the gates of the castle, where his brother Sir Edmund de la Poole was captain. When he revealed himself to his brother, barely recognizable due to his disguise, he explained why he was there and asked him to keep it a secret, hoping to stay with him for a while until he could learn more about what was happening in England, from which he had fled to escape the deadly hands of his enemies seeking his life. His brother, fearing the consequences of keeping this from Lord William Beauchamp, the deputy lord of the town, promptly informed him. Beauchamp arranged for the Earl to be sent back to England to the king, who received him with little gratitude toward those who had brought him back; some reports say his brother was imprisoned for revealing his whereabouts. However, to avoid the appearance of imprisoning him for that reason, he was soon released and returned to his post in Calais. The Earl was also allowed to go wherever he wanted, although the king had vowed to present him and others at the next parliament to answer for their alleged offenses.

A commission to the shiriffe of Cheshire to safe conduct the duke of Ireland to the kings presence.

A commission to the sheriff of Cheshire to safely guide the Duke of Ireland to the king's presence.

¶ But here it may be doubted by the vncertentie of writers, whether the earle of Suffolke thus fled ouer to Calis, before the iournie at Ratcote bridge, or after. But whether it chanced either after or before, it is certeine that since the time that the lords had forced the king to promise to exhibit him and others at the next parlement to abide their trials, he durst not openlie remaine in the court, but taking leaue of the king departed from him. Whervpon the king being out of quiet for the absence of him and other his best beloued councellors, whom he so much esteemed, and namelie of the duke of Ireland, and the said earle of Suffolke, he appointed one Thomas Molineux constable of the castell of Chester, a man of high valiancie, and great power in the parties of Cheshire and Lancashire to raise an armie of men, with the assistance of the shiriffe of Cheshire, to whom his commission of authoritie in that behalfe, vnder the great seale was directed, to the end that they might conueie the duke of Ireland in all safetie vnto the kings presence.

But there's some uncertainty among writers about whether the Earl of Suffolk fled to Calais before or after the journey at Ratcote Bridge. Regardless of when it happened, it’s clear that after the lords forced the king to promise to bring him and others to the next parliament for trials, he no longer felt safe staying at court and took his leave from the king. This left the king uneasy due to the absence of him and other trusted advisors he valued highly, particularly the Duke of Ireland and the Earl of Suffolk. In response, the king appointed Thomas Molineux, a brave and powerful man in the areas of Cheshire and Lancashire, as constable of the castle of Chester. He was tasked with raising an army, with the help of the sheriff of Cheshire, to ensure the safe transport of the Duke of Ireland to the king’s presence.

The lords séeke to stop the passage of the duke of Ireland.

The lords are trying to block the duke of Ireland's passage.

The shiriffe hauing receiued this commission, togither with the foresaid Thomas Molineux raised a power, and such as refused to serue, in respect of such good will as they bare to the lords, he committed to prison, commanding the gailors to kéepe them streict in irons with bread and water till his returne. Moreuer, the king sent to sir Rafe Vernon, & sir Richard Ratcliffe, willing them to assist the other. And so thus they set forward with the number of fiue thousand men. When the lords vnderstood that the duke of Ireland was marching towards London, with such a power of men, meaning to ioine with the Londoners, and so to make as it had beene an inuincible armie, they bestirred themselues, and fell in hand to arme their men, and to exhort one another, that now they should not be negligent in their owne defense, but make hast for the dispatching of those that craftilie had gone about to conspire their deaths. And so these lords, to wit, the duke of Glocester, the earles of Derbie, Arundell, Warwike, and Notingham, assembled their powers out of all quarters, to incounter with the duke of Ireland; and when they had got their companies togither, they forelaid all the waies by which he was thought to come.

The sheriff, having received this commission, along with the aforementioned Thomas Molineux, gathered a force, and those who refused to serve because of their loyalty to the lords were thrown in prison. He ordered the jailers to keep them tightly in chains with just bread and water until he returned. Additionally, the king sent word to Sir Rafe Vernon and Sir Richard Ratcliffe, asking them to support the others. So they set off with a group of five thousand men. When the lords learned that the Duke of Ireland was marching towards London with a large army intending to join forces with the Londoners, effectively creating what seemed like an invincible army, they sprang into action. They began to arm their men and encouraged one another, urging that they could no longer be negligent in their defense and needed to quickly deal with those who had been scheming against their lives. The lords, including the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Derby, Arundel, Warwick, and Nottingham, gathered their forces from all directions to confront the Duke of Ireland. Once they assembled their troops, they carefully blocked all the routes by which he was expected to arrive.

The duke of Ireland his souldiers reuolt frō him.

The Duke of Ireland's soldiers revolted against him.

The duke of Ireland flieth frō his armie.

The Duke of Ireland flees from his army.

Virg. Aeneid. 9.

Virgil's Aeneid. 9.

But the duke of Ireland hauing with him Molineux, Vernon, and Ratcliffe, rode forward in statelie and glorious araie, with an armie (as ye haue heard) of fiue thousand men, supposing that none durst come foorth to withstand him. Neuerthelesse when he came to Ratcote bridge, not past foure miles from Cheping Norton (which bridge if he could haue passed, he had béene out of the danger of all enimies) he suddenlie espied where the armie of the lords laie, not far distant from him, readie in the midst of a vallie to abide his comming. Some of the earle of Derbies companie had broken the bridge, & so stopped his passage. He therefore perceiuing his enimies intention, staied, and caused the kings banner to be spred, and began to set a good countenance of the matter, and to exhort his people to shew themselues valiant; and herewith caused the trumpets to sound. But when it appeared that as some were readie to fight in his quarell, so there were other that quite forsooke him, and said flatlie they would not fight against so manie noble men, in so vniust a cause: he being thereof aduertised, began to wax faint-harted, and to prepare himselfe to escape by flight; and declaring no lesse openlie vnto them, said: “Before we come to ioine, I will séeke to withdraw my selfe out of the waie, and saue my selfe if I can; for me they onlie seeke, against you they haue no quarell, so that I being shifted awaie, you shall easilie be preserued.” Herewith one of the knights said to him; “You haue brought vs out of our countrie, you haue procured vs to giue you our promise, you haue caused vs to take this iournie in hand: here therefore are we readie to fight & win the victorie with you, if our hap be such; or if fortune will not so fauour us, we are readie to spend our liues with you.” “No” said he, “ye shall not so doo,” and |790| forthwith striking his horsse with spurs, he fled from them for feare which had set wings on héeles, as one saith:

But the Duke of Ireland, accompanied by Molineux, Vernon, and Ratcliffe, rode ahead in a stately and glorious manner, leading an army of five thousand men, believing that no one would dare to oppose him. However, when he reached Ratcote Bridge, just four miles from Cheping Norton (if he could have crossed that bridge, he would have been safe from his enemies), he suddenly noticed the army of the lords positioned not far from him in the valley, prepared to confront him. Some of the Earl of Derby's men had destroyed the bridge, blocking his passage. Realizing his enemies' intentions, he paused and ordered the king's banner to be unfurled, trying to maintain a confident demeanor while encouraging his troops to be brave, signaling the trumpets to sound. But when it became clear that while some were ready to fight for him, others completely abandoned him, stating that they wouldn't fight against so many noblemen over such an unjust cause, he began to lose heart and prepared to flee. He openly declared, "Before we engage, I will try to withdraw and save myself if I can; they seek only me, and they have no quarrel with you, so if I make my escape, you'll be easily preserved." At this, one of the knights responded, "You brought us from our homeland, you persuaded us to pledge our support, you made us undertake this journey; we are ready to fight and claim victory with you, if destiny allows; or if fortune does not favor us, we are prepared to give our lives alongside you." "No," he replied, "you shall not do that," and immediately spurring his horse, he fled in fear, as they say, with wings on his heels.

――pedibus timor addidit alas.

Fear gave wings to my feet.

Thomas Molineux slaine.

Thomas Molineux slain.

Herevpon manie that were with him, cursing this his demeanour, prepared to yeeld themselues to the lords. But Thomas Molineux determined to fight it out, sith the lords were not yet all come togither to that place, but onelie the earle of Derbie and certeine others. Neuerthelesse, after he had fought a while, and perceiued it would not auaile him to tarie longer, as one despairing of the victorie, betooke him likewise to flight, as the duke of Ireland had led him the waie: and plunging into the riuer, which was at hand, it chanced that sir Thomas Mortimer being present amongst other at the same place, willed him to come out of the water vnto him; for if he would not, he threatened to shoot him through with arrowes in the riuer where he stood. “If I come (said Molineux) will ye saue my life?” “I will make thée no such promise (said sir Thomas Mortimer) but not­with­stand­ing, either come vp, or thou shalt presentlie die for it.” “Well then (said Molineux) if there be no other remedie, suffer me to come vp, and let me trie with hand-blowes, either with you or some other, and so die like a man.” But as he came vp, the knight caught him by the helmet, plucked it off his head, & streightwaies drawing foorth his dagger, stroke him into the braines, and so dispatched him. This was the end of sir Thomas Molineux, which through his bold and rash aduenture, in a most dangerous and desperat case, he pulled vpon himselfe; and might as well haue auoided as incurred, if the same prouident care of safetie had taken him in the head that mooued the duke of Ireland to take flight for his indemnitie: wherein he séemed to remember that there is no safe attempting of any perilous enterprise without dread of danger: for he that can tell when a thing is to be feared, can tell in like sort when it is to be vndertaken; as the wiseman verie sententiouslie saith:

Many who were with him, cursing his behavior, prepared to surrender to the lords. But Thomas Molineux decided to fight it out, since the lords had not all gathered at that place, only the Earl of Derby and a few others. However, after he had fought for a while and realized that it wouldn’t be beneficial to stay any longer, feeling desperate about victory, he also took to flight, following the lead of the Duke of Ireland. He plunged into the nearby river, and it so happened that Sir Thomas Mortimer, present among others at the same spot, called out to him to come out of the water; for if he didn’t, he threatened to shoot him with arrows where he stood in the river. “If I come,” Molineux said, “will you save my life?” “I make no such promise,” Sir Thomas Mortimer replied, “but you either come up, or you’ll die right here for it.” “Well then,” Molineux said, “if there’s no other way, let me come up, and I’ll fight you or someone else, and die like a man.” But as he came up, the knight grabbed him by the helmet, pulled it off his head, and immediately drew his dagger, stabbing him in the brain, thus killing him. This was the end of Sir Thomas Molineux, who, through his bold and reckless action in a highly dangerous and desperate situation, brought this fate upon himself; and he could have avoided this if he had applied the same caution for safety that motivated the Duke of Ireland to flee for his own protection. He seemed to remember that there’s no safe way to undertake any perilous venture without a sense of danger: for the one who knows when something is to be feared also knows when it should be attempted; as the wise man wisely stated:

Animus vereri qui scit, scit tutò aggredi.

Animus that knows how to fear also knows how to act safely.

The duke of Ireland flieth into Holland.

The Duke of Ireland flies to Holland.

In the meane time, the duke of Ireland (as ye haue heard) séeking to escape by flight, came to the riuers side; but finding the bridge broken, he galoped till he found an other bridge, where he found a number of archers readie to stop his passage. When he saw that he was thus inclosed with his enimies on the one side, and the riuer of Thames on the other, he thought to put all in aduenture; and casting awaie his gantlets, and sword (to be the more nimble) gaue his horsse the spurres, and lept into the riuer; but missing the foord, and not able to land with his horsse on the further side, he forsooke him, and swimming ouer so well as he might, got to the banke, and so escaped. It was now night, and therefore his enimies hauing no knowledge of the countrie, followed him not; but his horsse, helmet, curasses, gantlets, and sword being found, it was thought verelie that he had béene drowned. The next newes heard of him, was that he had passed the seas, and was got into Holland, where he had no great freendlie welcome, by reason that Albert duke of Bauiere, who was lord of that countrie, bare such good will to his coosins of England, the dukes of Lancaster, Yorke, and Glocester, that he commanded this duke of Ireland to depart foorth of his countrie, as immediatlie therevpon he did, from thence resorting to the bishoprike of Vtreict, and after into other countries, till finallie he ended the course of his life, as after in place conuenient shall appeare.

In the meantime, the Duke of Ireland (as you’ve heard) was trying to escape by fleeing to the riverbank; but finding the bridge broken, he galloped until he found another bridge, where a group of archers was ready to block his way. When he realized he was trapped by his enemies on one side and the River Thames on the other, he decided to take a risk. He threw away his gauntlets and sword (to be more agile), urged his horse forward, and leaped into the river. However, missing the ford and unable to reach the shore with his horse, he abandoned it and swam over as best as he could, reaching the bank and escaping. It was now night, so his enemies, unfamiliar with the area, didn’t follow him. But when they found his horse, helmet, armor, gauntlets, and sword, it was assumed that he had drowned. The next news heard about him was that he had crossed the seas and made it to Holland, where he wasn’t welcomed warmly due to Albert, Duke of Bavaria, who was the lord of that land, harboring strong feelings for his relatives in England—the Dukes of Lancaster, York, and Gloucester. He ordered the Duke of Ireland to leave his territory, which he did, then he went to the bishopric of Utrecht, and afterwards to other countries, until he eventually met his end, as will be revealed later in a suitable place.

Letters foūd in the duke of Irelands trunks.

Letters found in the Duke of Ireland's trunks.

Burford.

Burford.

But now to returne to the armies where we left them. After the duke was fled, and Thomas Molineux slaine (as before ye haue heard) the armie of the lords set vpon the people that were come with the duke of Ireland (as hath béene said) foorth of Chesshire, Lancashire, and Wales; and taking them as enimies, spoiled them of their horsse, armor, bowes and arrowes. The knights and esquiers had their armor and horsses againe to them restored, and were reteined with the lords to serue them: but the commons without either armor or weapon were sent home, and had no other harme done vnto them. The duke of Irelands cariage being taken, letters were found in his trunkes or males, which the king had written to him, exhorting him with all spéed to repaire vnto London, with |791| what power he might make, and there he should find him readie to liue and die with him. Such was the conclusion of this battell, which happened néere vnto Burford, fast by Bablake, to the great reioising of manie through the realme, for that the enimies thereof (as they tooke the matter) were thus ouerthrowne. But yet the escaping awaie of the duke of Ireland did somewhat mitigate their ioy, for what was become of him it was vncerteine. After this the duke of Glocester, and the other lords went to Oxford, being sorie that their fortune was not to haue taken the duke of Ireland.

But now, let's go back to the armies where we left them. After the duke had fled and Thomas Molineux was killed (as you’ve heard before), the lords' army attacked the people who had come with the duke of Ireland (as mentioned), from Cheshire, Lancashire, and Wales. Treating them as enemies, they took their horses, armor, bows, and arrows. The knights and squires had their armor and horses returned to them and were retained by the lords to serve them. However, the commoners, without any armor or weapons, were sent home unharmed. The duke of Ireland's baggage was seized, and letters were found in his trunks, written by the king, urging him to come to London as quickly as possible with whatever troops he could muster, promising that he would be ready to fight or die with him there. This was the outcome of the battle, which took place near Burford, close to Bablake, bringing great joy to many throughout the kingdom, as they believed the enemies had been defeated. However, the escape of the duke of Ireland dampened their happiness a bit, as it was uncertain what had happened to him. After this, the duke of Gloucester and the other lords went to Oxford, feeling sorry that they hadn’t captured the duke of Ireland.

Tho. Walsi.

Tho. Walsi.

A brute raised that king Richard meant to yéeld vp Calis into the French kings hands.

A rough suggestion has been made that King Richard intends to hand over Calais to the French king.

At the same time, or rather before, the archbishop of Yorke, and the lord chiefe iustice sir Robert Trisilian, fearing the indignation of the lords, withdrew out of the waie, and durst not be séene. But now the lords, who after the iournie at Radcote bridge, were come (as ye haue heard) to Oxford; we find that the same time a brute was raised (whether of truth or not, we haue neither to affirme nor denie) how there was a messenger taken being sent from the French king with letters, in which was conteined a licence of safe conduct, for the king of England, the duke of Ireland, and others, to come to Bullongne, with a certeine number limited, where they should find the French king come downe thither readie to receiue them, to the end that for a certeine summe of monie, which the French king should giue to the king of England, the towne of Calis, and all the fortresses in those parts, which were in the Englishmens hands, should be deliuered to the Frenchmen; and further that the king of England should doo his homage to the French king, for the lands which he held in Gascoigne, and so to haue acknowledged himselfe his liege man. The lords (as was reported) hauing got these letters, and taken counsell togither how to procéed in their businesse, to bring the same to good end, remoued from Oxford, and on Christmas euen they came to S. Albons, and there staied that daie and the next.

At the same time, or rather before, the Archbishop of York and Chief Justice Sir Robert Trisilian, fearing the anger of the lords, stepped out of the way and did not dare to be seen. Meanwhile, the lords, who had come (as you have heard) to Oxford after the journey at Radcote Bridge, learned that a rumor was circulating (whether true or not, we cannot confirm or deny) about a messenger who had been captured while delivering letters from the French king. These letters contained a safe conduct permit for the King of England, the Duke of Ireland, and others to come to Boulogne, with a specified number allowed. They would find the French king ready to receive them, with the condition that for a certain sum of money the French king would give to the King of England, the town of Calais and all the forts in that area held by the English would be handed over to the French. Additionally, the King of England would owe homage to the French king for the lands he held in Gascony, effectively acknowledging himself as the French king's vassal. The lords, reportedly having obtained these letters and discussing how to proceed with their plans for a favorable outcome, left Oxford and arrived at St. Albans on Christmas Eve, staying there that day and the next.

The lords come to London with a great armie.

The lords arrive in London with a large army.

K. Richard kéepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London.

K. Richard is spending his Christmas in the Tower of London.

The lords send to the Maior and citizens of London to vnderstand their meaning.

The lords send a message to the Mayor and citizens of London to understand their intentions.

The Londoners in great perplexitie which part to take.

The Londoners were in great confusion about which side to choose.

On saint Stephans daie they tooke their waie to London with an armie of fortie thousand men, as some write; & comming into the fields besides Clerkenwell, mustered their men, being diuided in thrée seuerall battels verie well appointed with armor and weapon, that it was a beautifull sight to behold them. The king kept his Christmas, not at Westminster, but in the Tower; not douting but there to be defended what chance soeuer should happen. The lords mistrusting the Londoners, lodged them with their people in the suburbs. They sent yet two knights, and two esquiers, vnto the Maior and Aldermen men of the citie, to vnderstand whether they were minded to take part with them, or with the duke of Ireland, and his adherents, traitors (as they tearmed them) both to the king and the realme. The Londoners were now in no small feare and perplexitie, not knowing well what waie was best for them to take, weieng diuers perils; as first the kings displeasure, if they opened their gates vnto the lords; and if they shut them foorth, they feared the indignation and wrath of the commons that were come thither with the lords, and were readie to breake downe their wals and gates, if they were neuer so little prouoked. Besides this, they stoode most in doubt, least if the wealthiest citizens should not giue their consent to receiue the lords into the citie, the meaner sort, and such as wished rather to sée some hurlie burlie than to continue in peace, would séeke by force to set open the gates, and make waie for the lords and their people to enter, that they might make hauocke, and spoile whatsoeuer might be found of value in the rich mens houses.

On St. Stephen's Day, they made their way to London with an army of forty thousand men, as some say; and upon reaching the fields near Clerkenwell, they gathered their troops, divided into three separate battles, all well-equipped with armor and weapons, creating a beautiful sight to behold. The king spent Christmas not at Westminster, but in the Tower, confident he would be protected regardless of what might happen. The lords, distrustful of the Londoners, stationed their men in the suburbs. They even sent two knights and two squires to the Mayor and Aldermen of the city to find out whether they intended to ally with them or with the Duke of Ireland and his supporters, whom they labeled as traitors to the king and the realm. The Londoners were filled with fear and confusion, unsure of the best course of action, weighing various dangers; first, they feared the king's wrath if they welcomed the lords into the city, and if they kept them out, they dreaded the anger of the common people who had come with the lords and were ready to break down the walls and gates at the slightest provocation. On top of that, they worried that if the wealthiest citizens did not agree to let the lords into the city, the poorer citizens, who preferred chaos over continued peace, would forcibly open the gates and allow the lords and their followers to enter, creating havoc and looting whatever valuables they could find in the affluent homes.

The Londoners incline to the lords.

The people of London tend to favor the lords.

The lords enter into London.

The lords arrive in London.

The kings words touching the lords procéedings.

The king's words about the lords' actions.

These doubts with all the circumstances being well weied and considered, the Maior Nicholas Exton, and certeine of the chiefe men in the citie, went foorth to the lords, and offered them to lodge in the citie at their pleasure, with all things necessarie as they should deuise. The Maior caused also wine, ale, bread, and chéese, to be distributed among the armie, so as ech one had part, which courtesie turned greatlie afterwards to the commoditie of the citie. The lords vpon search made, perceiuing that there was no guile meant by laieng of men in ambushes within the citie to intrappe them, or otherwise, but that all was sure inough and cleare without anie such euill meaning, they entred the citie and there abode quietlie. Then went the archbishop of Canturburie and others betwixt |792| the king and the lords to make peace betwixt them. But the king at the first seemed little to estéeme the matter, saieng to the archbishop; Well let them lie here with their great multitude of people hardlie till they haue spent all they haue, and then I trust they will returne poore inough and néedie, and then I doubt not but I shall talke with them, and vse the matter so as iustice maie require.

With all doubts thoroughly weighed and considered, Mayor Nicholas Exton and some of the city's prominent leaders went to the lords and offered them accommodations in the city as they desired, providing everything necessary as they saw fit. The Mayor also arranged for wine, ale, bread, and cheese to be distributed among the army, ensuring everyone received a share, which turned out to be very beneficial for the city later on. After some investigation, the lords realized there were no traps being set within the city to ambush them and that everything was safe and secure without any malicious intent. They then entered the city and settled in peacefully. The Archbishop of Canterbury and others went between the king and the lords to negotiate peace. However, initially, the king seemed dismissive, telling the archbishop, "Let them stay here with their large crowd until they have used up all their resources. Then I expect they will return poor and needy, and I have no doubt I can negotiate with them and handle the situation as justice demands."

The lords refuse to come into ye Tower but after search made they come thither to the kings presence.

The lords refuse to enter the Tower, but after searching, they go there to be in the king's presence.

The lords being informed hereof, were maruelouslie mooued, and sware that they would not depart till they had spoken with him face to face, and foorthwith they sent part of their companies to watch the Thames, for feare the king should scape their hands, and then laugh them to scorne. When the king then perceiued himselfe to be inclosed on ech side, he talked eftsoones with the archbishop and his associats that were messengers betwixt him and the lords, willing them to declare to the lords that he would be contented to treat with them in reasonable order; wherevpon they required that he should on the morow next insuing come vnto Westminster, where he should vnderstand their demands. When the king heard that, he refused to come vnto Westminster, but willed that they should come to him there in the Tower. The lords sent him word againe, that the Tower was a place to be suspected, for that they might there be surprised by some guilefull practise deuised to intrap them. The king herevnto made answer, that they might send some two hundred men, or so manie as they should thinke good, to make a through search, whether they néeded to feare anie such thing; and this accordinglie was doone: they hauing the keies of the gates and of all the strong chambers, turrets, and places within the Tower sent vnto them.

The lords, upon hearing this, were greatly disturbed and swore they wouldn't leave until they had spoken to him face to face. They immediately sent part of their forces to watch the Thames, fearing the king might escape and mock them later. When the king realized he was surrounded on all sides, he spoke again with the archbishop and his associates, who were acting as messengers between him and the lords. He told them to inform the lords that he would be willing to communicate with them under reasonable terms. In response, they requested that he come to Westminster the following day to hear their demands. When the king heard this, he refused to go to Westminster and insisted that they come to him at the Tower instead. The lords replied that the Tower was a suspicious location, as they might be caught off guard by some deceitful trap intended to ensnare them. The king responded that they could send two hundred men, or however many they thought necessary, to thoroughly investigate whether they had any reason to fear such a thing. This was done accordingly, with them being given the keys to the gates and all the strong chambers, turrets, and areas within the Tower.

R. Grafton.

R. Grafton

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The lords open their gréefes to the king.

The lords share their grievances with the king.

On the fridaie, the duke of Glocester, the earls of Derbie, and Notingham, came to the king, where he was set in a pauillion richlie arraied; and after their humble salutations done, and some talke had betwixt them, they went at the kings request with him into his chamber, where they recited vnto him the conspiracie of their aduersaries, through which they had béen indicted. They also shewed forth the letters which he had sent to the duke of Ireland, to leauie an armie vnto their destruction. Likewise the letters, which the French king had written to him, conteining a safe conduct for him to come into France, there to confirme things to the diminishing of his honor, to the decaie of his power, & losse of his fame.  ¶ During the time of this com­mun­i­ca­tion also, the earle of Derbie desired the king to behold the people that were assembled in sight before the Tower, for the preseruation of him and his realme: which he did, and maruelling to sée such a goodlie armie and strength, as he declared to them no lesse, the duke of Glocester said vnto him; Sir this is not the tenth part of your willing subjects that haue risen to destroie those false traitors, that haue misled you with their wicked and naughtie counsell.

On Friday, the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Derby and Nottingham, came to the king while he was seated in a richly decorated pavilion. After their respectful greetings and some conversation, they followed the king's request into his chamber, where they informed him about the conspiracy of their enemies that had led to their indictment. They also presented the letters he had sent to the Duke of Ireland calling for an army to destroy them. Additionally, they showed him the letters from the French king, which included a safe conduct for him to come to France, where he might confirm actions that would tarnish his honor, weaken his power, and damage his reputation. During this discussion, the Earl of Derby asked the king to look at the people gathered outside the Tower to protect him and his realm: he did, and amazed by such a splendid army and strength, he said no less. The Duke of Gloucester then remarked, "Sir, this is not even a tenth of your loyal subjects who have risen to destroy those false traitors who have misguided you with their wicked advice."

R. Grafton.

R. Grafton.

Tho. Walsing.

Thos. Walsing.

The incōstancie of the king.

The king's inconsistency.

The king being brought to his wits end, aswell with those things which the lords had charged him with, as otherwise with the sight of that great multitude of people, seemed greatlie amazed. Wherevpon the lords, vnder condition that the next daie he should come to Westminster to heare more of their minds, and to conclude further for the behoofe of the com­mon-wealth of the realme, began to take leaue of him, meaning so to depart: but the king desired them to tarrie all night with him and the quéene. The duke thinking to make all sure, made excuse that he durst not be absent from all those folks, which they had brought with them, for feare that some disorder might arise, either in the armie, or in the citie; yet at the kings instance, the earles of Notingham and Derbie taried there all night. The king before his going to bed, was quite turned concerning his determination and promise made to go the next daie to Westminster, through such whispering tales as was put into his eares, by some that were about him, telling him that it stood neither with his safetie, nor honour, so lightlie to agree to depart from the tower, vnto such place as the lords had thus appointed him, to serue more for their purpose than for suertie of his person.

The king, feeling overwhelmed by both the accusations from the lords and the sight of the large crowd, appeared very shocked. The lords, agreeing that he should come to Westminster the next day to hear more of their plans and to discuss what was best for the kingdom, started to take their leave. However, the king asked them to stay the night with him and the queen. The duke, wanting to be cautious, made an excuse that he couldn’t leave the crowd they had brought for fear of potential disorder, either in the army or the city; yet, at the king's request, the earls of Nottingham and Derby stayed with him all night. Before going to bed, the king completely changed his mind about going to Westminster the next day, influenced by whispers from those around him, who suggested that it would neither be safe nor honorable to so easily agree to leave the tower for a place the lords had designated, which served their interests more than ensuring his safety.

The K. is cōpelled to condescend to the lords request.

The K. is compelled to agree to the lord's request.

When the lords therefore vnderstood that he would not keepe promise with them, they were greatlie offended, insomuch as they sent him flat word, that if he would not come |793| (according to promise) they would suerlie choose another king, that would and ought to obeie the faithfull counsell of his lords. The king with this message being touched to quicke, to satisfie their minds, and to auoid further perill, remooued the next morning vnto Westminster, where the lords comming before his presence, after a little other talke, they declared vnto him, that aswell in respect of his owne honour, as the commoditie & wealth of his kingdome, it was behouefull, that such traitors, and most wicked & slanderous persons, as were nothing profitable, but hurtfull to him and his louing subiects, should be remooued out of his court; and that other that both could and would serue him more honorablie and faithfullie were placed in their roomes. The king, although sore against his mind, when he saw how the lords were bent, and that he wanted power to withstand their pleasures, condescended to doo what they would haue him.

When the lords realized he wasn't going to keep his promise, they were really upset. They sent him a direct message saying that if he didn’t show up (as promised), they would definitely choose another king who would listen to their loyal advice. The king, feeling the pressure from this message, decided to act quickly to placate them and avoid further trouble. The next morning, he went to Westminster, where the lords came before him. After some light conversation, they told him that for his own honor and the good of his kingdom, it was necessary to remove certain traitors and harmful individuals from his court. They insisted that these people were worthless and only caused harm to him and his loyal subjects, and that others, who could and would serve him more honorably and faithfully, should take their places. Although it went against his wishes, the king saw how determined the lords were and that he lacked the power to resist their demands, so he agreed to do what they wanted him to do.

Certeine persons put out of the court.

Certain individuals were removed from the court.

Certeine ladies expelled the court.

Certain ladies expelled the court.

So when he had granted thereto, they iudged that Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Iohn Fourdham bishop of Durham lord tresuror, Thomas Rushoke, a frier of the order of the preachers, bishop of Chichester, and confessor to the king, were worthie to be auoided the court. But the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Chichester would abide no reckonings, but got them out of the waie, and fled, it was not knowne whither. The lords did expell out of the court the lord Zouch of Haringworth, the lord Burnell, the lord Beaumont, Albrey de Véer, Baldwin de Bereford, Richard Aderburie, Iohn Worth, Thomas Clifford, and Iohn Louell knights. These were dismissed out of the court, and remooued from the king, but not discharged, for they were constreined to put in suerties to appeare at the next parlement. There were also certeine ladies expelled the court, as those that were thought to doo much harme about the K. to wit, the ladie Poinings, wife to Iohn Worth of Mowen, and the ladie Moulinge, with others, which also found suerties to answer at the next parlement, to all such things as might be obiected against them. Moreouer there were arrested and committed to seuerall prisons, sir Simon Burlie, William Elmham, Iohn Beauchampe of Holt steward of the kings house, sir Iohn Salisburie, sir Thomas Triuet, sir Iames Barneis, sir Nicholas Dagworth, and sir Nicholas Brambre knights. Also Richard Clifford, Iohn Lincolne, Richard Mitford the kings chapleins, and Nicholas Sclake deane of the kings chappell, whose word might doo much in the court. There was also apprehended Iohn Blake an apprentise of the law: all which persons were kept in streict ward till the next parlement, in which they were appointed to stand vnto their triall and answers.

So when he gave his approval, they judged that Alexander Nevill, the Archbishop of York, John Fourdham, the Bishop of Durham and Lord Treasurer, Thomas Rushoke, a friar from the Order of Preachers, Bishop of Chichester, and the king's confessor, should be removed from the court. However, the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Chichester wouldn’t stick around for any discussions; they got out of the way and fled, although it wasn’t clear where they went. The lords expelled from the court the Lord Zouch of Haringworth, Lord Burnell, Lord Beaumont, Albrey de Véer, Baldwin de Bereford, Richard Aderburie, John Worth, Thomas Clifford, and John Louell, all knights. These individuals were dismissed from the court and removed from the king, but they weren't completely let off the hook, as they were forced to provide security to appear at the next Parliament. Certain ladies were also expelled from the court, as they were considered to be causing too much trouble for the king, such as Lady Poinings, the wife of John Worth of Mowen, and Lady Moulinge, along with others, who also secured their attendance at the next Parliament to address any accusations against them. Additionally, Sir Simon Burlie, William Elmham, John Beauchampe of Holt, steward of the king's house, Sir John Salisbury, Sir Thomas Triuet, Sir James Barneis, Sir Nicholas Dagworth, and Sir Nicholas Brambre, all knights, were arrested and sent to various prisons. Richard Clifford, John Lincoln, Richard Mitford, the king's chaplains, and Nicholas Sclake, dean of the king's chapel, who could wield significant influence in court, were also taken into custody. John Blake, an apprentice in the law, was apprehended as well. All these individuals were kept in strict confinement until the next Parliament, where they were scheduled to stand trial and give their answers.

The parlemēt that wrought woonders.

The conversation that worked wonders.

R. Grafton.

R. Grafton.

Thom. Walsin.

Thom. Walsin.

R. Grafton.

R. Grafton.

The iustices arrested & sent to the tower.

The justices arrested and sent to the tower.

Why the iustices were apprehended.

Why the justices were arrested.

Shortlie after, to wit, the morrow after the Purification of our ladie, the parlement began, the which was named the parlement that wrought woonders. The king would gladlie haue proroged the time of this parlement, if by anie meanes he might. The lords came to the same parlement, with a sufficient armie for their owne safeties. On the first day of this parlement, were arrested as they sat in their places, all the iustices (except sir William Skipworth) as sir Roger Fulthrop, sir Robert Belknap, sir Iohn Carie, sir Iohn Holt, sir William Brooke, and Iohn Alocton the kings sergeant at law, all which were sent to the tower, and there kept in seuerall places. The cause whie they were thus apprehended, was for that, where in the last parlement, diuerse lords were made gouernours of the realme, both by the assent of the same parlement, and also by the aduise and counsell of all the iustices then being, and indentures tripartite thereof made, of the which one part remained with the king, an other with the lords so chosen to gouerne the realme, and the third part with the iustices: and yet not­with­stand­ing, the said iustices at a councell holden at Notingham (as yee haue heard before) did go contrarie to that agreement. Wherevpon it was now determined, that they should make answer to their dooings.

Shortly after, specifically the day after the Feast of the Purification of Our Lady, the parliament started, which was called the parliament that worked wonders. The king would have happily postponed the parliament if he could. The lords arrived at the parliament with a sufficient army for their own protection. On the first day of this parliament, all the justices (except Sir William Skipworth) were arrested as they sat in their places, including Sir Roger Fulthrop, Sir Robert Belknap, Sir John Carie, Sir John Holt, Sir William Brooke, and John Alocton, the king’s sergeant at law, all of whom were sent to the Tower and kept in separate locations. The reason they were apprehended was that in the last parliament, several lords were appointed governors of the realm, both with the approval of that parliament and with the advice and counsel of all the justices at that time, with tripartite agreements made—one part remained with the king, another with the chosen lords governing the realm, and the third with the justices. Nevertheless, the justices at a council held in Nottingham (as you have heard before) acted contrary to that agreement. As a result, it was now decided that they should answer for their actions.

The duke of Ireland & his associats attainted of treson by this parlement.

The Duke of Ireland and his associates were accused of treason by this parliament.

Trisilian chéefe iustice descried by his owne man is executed at Tiburne.

Trisilian, the chief justice, is executed at Tyburn, revealed by his own man.

Moreouer, in the beginning of this parlement, were openlie called Robert Véer duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, sir Robert Trisilian lord cheefe iustice of England, to answer Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester, Richard earle of Arundell, Henrie earle of Derbie, and Thomas earle of Notingham, vpon certeine articles of high treason, which these lords did charge them with. |794| And forsomuch as none of these appeared, it was ordeined by the whole assent of the parlement, that they should be banished for euer, and their lands and goods mooueable and vnmooueable to be forfeit and seized into the kings hands, their lands intailed onelie excepted. Shortlie after was the lord chéefe iustice, Robert Trisilian found in an apothecaries house at Westminster, lurking there, to vnderstand by spies dailie what was doone in the parlement: he was descried by one of his owne men, and so taken and brought to the duke of Glocester, who caused him forthwith the same daie to be had to the tower, and from thence drawne to Tiburne, and there hanged.

Moreover, at the start of this parliament, Robert Véer, Duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill, Archbishop of York, Michael de la Poole, Earl of Suffolk, and Sir Robert Trisilian, Chief Justice of England, were openly summoned to answer Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, Richard, Earl of Arundel, Henry, Earl of Derby, and Thomas, Earl of Nottingham, on certain charges of high treason that these lords brought against them. |794| Since none of them showed up, the parliament unanimously decided that they should be banished forever, and their movable and immovable lands and goods were to be forfeited and seized by the king, except for their entailed lands. Shortly after, Chief Justice Robert Trisilian was found hiding in an apothecary's house in Westminster, trying to gather information about what was happening in parliament through spies. He was spotted by one of his own men and captured, then brought to the Duke of Gloucester, who ordered that he be taken to the Tower that same day and then drawn to Tyburn, where he was hanged.

Sir Nicholas Brambre executed with an axe of his owne deuise.

Sir Nicholas Brambre executed with an axe of his own design.

Ouid. li. I. de art.

Ouid. li. I. de art.

On the morrow after, sir Nicholas Brambre, that sometime had beene maior of London, was brought foorth to iudgement and condemned, although he had manie fréends that made sute to saue his life. This man had doone manie oppressions within the citie of London (as was reported.) In his maioraltie, he caused great & monstruous stocks to be made to imprison men therein, and also a common axe to strike off the heads of them which should resist his will and pleasure, for he was so highlie in the kings fauour, that he might doo what he would. And the report went, that he had caused eight thousand or more to be indicted, which before had taken part with the lords, intending to haue put them all to death, if God had not shortened his daies. Manie other euill fauoured reports went abroad of him, as that he meant to haue changed the name of London, and to haue named it little Troie, of which citie baptised with that new name, he purposed to be intituled duke. But these were forged rumors deuised and spred abroad in those daies, as manie other were, partlie by the vaine imagination of the people, and partlie of purpose, to bring those whome the king fauoured further out of the peoples liking. But now touching sir Nicholas Brambre: in the end being thus called to answer his transgressions, he was found giltie, and had iudgement, neither to be hanged, nor drawne, but to be beheaded with his owne axe which before he had deuised: seruing him heerein as Phalaris the tyrant sometime serued Perillus, the inuentor of that exquisite torment of the brasen bull, wherein the offendor being put (and the counterfet beast by force of fier made glowing hot) hauing his toong first cut out, through extreamitie of paine made a bellowing alwaies as he cried, as if it had béene the verie noise of a naturall bull. Of which strange torment Perillus himselfe first tasted, suffering death by an engine of his owne deuising, which he thought should haue purchased him a good liuing, whereof the poet saith:

The next day, Sir Nicholas Brambre, who had once been the Mayor of London, was brought forth for judgment and condemned, even though many friends tried to save his life. This man had committed many oppressions in the city of London, as was reported. During his time as mayor, he had large and terrifying stocks built to imprison men, along with a common axe for beheading those who resisted his will, because he was so favored by the king that he could do as he pleased. Reports indicated that he had caused over eight thousand people to be indicted for previously siding with the lords, intending to have them all executed if God hadn’t cut his life short. Many other unflattering rumors circulated about him, such as that he planned to change the name of London to Little Troy and that he intended to style himself as duke of this newly named city. But these were fabricated rumors spread at that time, partly due to the wild imaginations of the people and partly to discredit those who were favored by the king. But as for Sir Nicholas Brambre: when called to answer for his misdeeds, he was found guilty and sentenced, not to be hanged or drawn, but to be beheaded with his own axe that he had previously devised. This served him as Phalaris the tyrant once served Perillus, the inventor of the gruesome bronze bull, where the offender was placed inside and, as the beast was heated, had his tongue cut out, causing him to bellow in extreme pain, mimicking the sound of a real bull. Perillus himself first experienced this strange torment, suffering death by a device of his own making, which he thought would earn him a good living, as the poet says:

Vt Phalaris tauro violentus membra Perilli

Vt Phalaris tauro violentus membra Perilli

Torruit, infelix imbuit autor opus.

Torruit, the unfortunate author created the work.

Diuerse that stood against the lords executed.

Diverse individuals who opposed the lords were executed.

The duke of Glocester a seuere man.

The Duke of Gloucester is a stern man.

Sir Simon Burlie.

Sir Simon Burlie.

After this, sir Iohn Salisburie, & sir Iames Berneis, both knights and lustie yoong men, were by iudgement of parlement drawne and hanged. Then folowed Iohn Beauchampe of the Holt, lord Steward of the kings house, that had serued king Edward the third, and his sonne Lionell duke of Clarence: who likewise by decrée of this parlement was drawne and hanged. Also Iohn Blake esquier, who in an infortunate houre stood against the lords in the councell at Notingham, was now drawne and hanged, and so was one Thomas Vske. Last of all (or as some hold, first of all) was sir Simon Burlie beheaded, although the earle of Derbie did what he could to saue his life, by reason whereof, great dissention rose betwixt the said earle, and the duke of Glocester: for the duke being a sore and a right seuere man, might not by any meanes be remooued from his opinion and purpose, if he once resolued vpon any matter. Some spite he bare (as was thought) towards the said sir Simon Burlie, both as well for the faithfull fréendship, which was growne betwixt the duke of Ireland, and the said sir Simon, as also for that he looked to haue had such offices and roomes which sir Simon inioied, by the kings gratious fauour and grants thereof to him made, as the Wardenship of the cinque ports, and constableship of the castell of Douer and the office of high chamberleine.

After this, Sir John Salisbury and Sir James Berners, both knights and lively young men, were convicted and hanged by judgment of Parliament. Then came John Beauchamp of the Holt, Lord Steward of the King's household, who had served King Edward III and his son Lionel, Duke of Clarence: he too was drawn and hanged by decree of this Parliament. Also, John Blake, a squire who, at an unfortunate time, stood against the lords in the council at Nottingham, was now drawn and hanged, along with one Thomas Vske. Last of all (or as some say, first of all) was Sir Simon Burley beheaded, although the Earl of Derby did everything he could to save his life, which caused great disagreement between the Earl and the Duke of Gloucester; the Duke, being a harsh and very severe man, could not be swayed from his opinion and intent once he had decided on a matter. Some resentment was believed to exist towards Sir Simon Burley, both due to the close friendship that had formed between the Duke of Ireland and Sir Simon, as well as because he expected to hold offices and positions that Sir Simon enjoyed, granted by the king’s favor, such as the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports, the Constableship of Dover Castle, and the office of High Chamberlain.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton fol. 191.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton fol. 191.

¶ But now, bicause of all these which were condemned and executed at this parlement, in our common chronicles there is least written; and in Froissard, and diuerse private pamphlets I haue read most of this sir Simon, I haue thought good to set downe some |795| part of his life, so largelie as this volume may well beare, although a great deale more briefe than where I found it. This sir Simon was the son of sir Iohn Burlie knight of the garter, and brought vp in his youth vnder his kinsman doctor Walter Burlie, who (as in the latter end of king Edward the third you haue heard) was one of the chiefe that had charge in the bringing vp of the Blacke prince, eldest sonne to the said king Edward. By this occasion he grew into such fauour with the prince, that afterwards the said prince committed vnto him the gouernance of his sonne Richard of Burdeaux, who as he was of a gentle and courteous nature, began then to conceiue so great loue and liking towards him, that when he came to the crowne and was king, he aduanced him highlie to great honours and promotions, in somuch that at one time & other he was made knight of the garter, constable of Douer, lord Warden of the cinque ports, lord chamberleine,† earle of Huntington, and also one of the priuie councell to the king.

But now, because of all those who were condemned and executed at this parliament, there is the least written in our common chronicles; and in Froissart and various private pamphlets I have read most about this Sir Simon. I thought it would be good to record some |795| parts of his life, as much as this volume can accommodate, although it will be much shorter than what I found. This Sir Simon was the son of Sir John Burley, a knight of the Garter, and was raised in his youth by his kinsman Doctor Walter Burley, who (as you have heard at the end of King Edward the Third's reign) was one of the key figures responsible for raising the Black Prince, eldest son of King Edward. Because of this, he gained such favor with the prince that later, the prince entrusted him with the governance of his son Richard of Bordeaux. Richard, being gentle and courteous by nature, developed such affection and fondness for him that when he became king, he promoted him to high honors and positions, including being made a knight of the Garter, Constable of Dover, Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, Lord Chamberlain, Earl of Huntington, and also one of the king's Privy Counselors.

Neither was there any thing doone concerning the affaires apperteining vnto the state without his counsell, appointment, and direction, wherein he so much fauoured and leaned to the partie of the duke of Ireland, that he was sore enuied, and greatlie hated of diuerse of the rest of the nobilitie, speciallie of the kings vncle the duke of Glocester, who vpon malice that he bare to the man, not so much for his owne demeanour, as for his alies, and peraduenture for desire of his roomes, more than of his life, caused him to be accused of diuerse offenses against the crowne, realme, and church; namelie, for that he had (as they surmized against him) spoiled and wasted the kings treasure, and withholden the paie of the souldiers and men of warre, wherevpon he was arrested, called to account, & hauing no clerke allowed him to make vp the same, was found in arrerages 250000 franks. And although for one part thereof he demanded allowance of monie, which he had defraied and laid out in Almaine, and in Boheme, about the kings marriage, and for the residue desired daies of paiment, yet he could obteine neither. Further, he was accused that the duke of Ireland and he had gathered great summes of monie, conueied the same to Douer, and from thence sent it in the night by sea into Germanie.

Nothing was done regarding the state affairs without his advice, appointment, and direction. He favored the duke of Ireland so much that he became greatly envied and hated by many in the nobility, especially the king's uncle, the duke of Glocester. Out of spite towards him, not only for his own behavior but also for his allies, and perhaps because he desired his position more than his life, Glocester had him accused of several offenses against the crown, the realm, and the church. Specifically, it was alleged that he had, as they suspected, wasted the king's treasury and withheld payment from soldiers and men of war. As a result, he was arrested and summoned to account for this. Without a clerk to assist him, it was found that he was in arrears of 250,000 franks. Although he requested reimbursement for money he had spent in Germany and Bohemia concerning the king's marriage, and sought delays in payment for the remaining amount, he could obtain neither. Additionally, he was accused of amassing substantial sums of money with the duke of Ireland, transporting it to Dover, and then secretly sending it by sea to Germany.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Thoms. Wals.

Thoms. Wals.

Lastlie, the archbishop (forsooth) and the moonks of Canturburie charged him that he sought the means to remooue the shrine of the archbishop Thomas, otherwise called Thomas Becket, from Canturburie vnto Douer, vnder a colour of feare, least the Frenchmen being assembled in Flanders to inuade England, should land in Kent and take Canturburie, and spoile it, where indeed (as they surmized against him) he meant to send it ouer the seas vnto the king of Boheme. Herevpon he was first committed to the tower, and before the king or his other friends could procure his deliuerance, he was without law or iustice, before any of the residue (as some hold) brought foorth and beheaded on the tower hill, by commandement of the duke of Glocester, and other of his faction, quite contrarie to the kings will or knowledge, in somuch that when he vnderstood it, he spake manie sore words against the duke, affirming that he was a wicked man, and worthie to be kept shorter, sith vnder a colour of dooing iustice, he went about to destroie euerie good and honest man. The king was also offended with the duke of Yorke, for his brothers presumptuous doings, though the said duke of Yorke being verelie a man of a gentle nature, wished that the state of the com­mon-wealth might haue béene redressed without losse of any mans life, or other cruell dealing: but the duke of Glocester, and diuerse other of the nobilitie, the lesse that they passed for the kings threatening speach, so much more were they readie to punish all those whom they tooke to be their enimies. In deed the said sir Simon Burlie was thought to beare himselfe more loftie, by reason of the kings fauour, than was requisite, which procured him enuie of them, that could not abide others to be in any condition their equals in authoritie.

Lastly, the archbishop and the monks of Canterbury accused him of trying to move the shrine of Archbishop Thomas, also known as Thomas Becket, from Canterbury to Dover, under the pretense of fear that the French, gathering in Flanders to invade England, might land in Kent and take Canterbury. They believed he intended to send it across the sea to the King of Bohemia. As a result, he was first imprisoned in the Tower, and before the king or his other allies could secure his release, he was executed without legal process, by order of the Duke of Gloucester and others in his faction, contrary to the king's wishes and knowledge. When the king learned of this, he expressed great anger towards the duke, declaring him a wicked man deserving of punishment, as under the guise of administering justice, he sought to destroy every good and honest man. The king was also upset with the Duke of York for his brother's arrogant actions, even though the Duke of York was genuinely a kind man who wished that the state's situation could have been resolved without loss of life or other cruelty. However, the Duke of Gloucester and several other nobles disregarded the king's warnings, becoming even more eager to punish anyone they saw as their enemies. Indeed, Sir Simon Burley was perceived to act more arrogantly, due to the king's favor, than was appropriate, which led to jealousy among those who could not stand anyone else being equal to them in power.

It should appeare by Froissard, that he was first of all, in the beginning of these stirs betwixt the king and the lords, committed to the tower, and not­with­stand­ing all the shift that either the king, or the duke of Ireland, or anie other of his fréends could make for him, by the duke of Glocesters commandement he was cruellie beheaded, so greatlie to |796| the offense of the king, and those that were his trustie councellors, that therevpon the king caused the duke of Ireland the sooner to assemble an armie against the said duke and his complices, therby to restraine their presumptuous proceedings. But whether he was thus at the first or last executed, to please the king the better, now at this parlement, amongst others that were condemned in the same: his lands were giuen to the king, a great part whereof he afterwards disposed to diuerse men as he thought expedient. But yet in the parlement holden in the one and twentith yeare of this kings reigne, the act of atteindor of the said sir Simon was repealed: and at an other parlement holden in the second yeare of king Henrie the fourth, all his lands which then remained vngranted and vnsold, were restored to sir Iohn Burlie knight, sonne and heire of sir Roger Burlie, brother to the said Simon, of whom lineallie is descended Thomas Eins esquier, now secretarie to the queenes maiesties councell in the north parts. And thus far touching sir Simon Burlie, of whom manie reports went of his disloiall dealings towards the state, as partlie ye haue heard, but how trulie the lord knoweth. Among other slanderous tales that were spred abroad of him, one was that he consented to the deliuering of Douer castell by the kings appointment to the Frenchmen for monie. But as this was a thing not like to be true, so (no doubt) manie things that the persons aforesaid, which were executed, had béene charged with, at the least by common report among the people, were nothing true at all; although happilie the substance of those things, for which they died, might be true in some respect.

Froissart suggests that during the initial conflicts between the king and the lords, he was first locked up in the Tower. Despite all the efforts from the king, the Duke of Ireland, and other friends to help him, he was brutally executed on the orders of the Duke of Gloucester. This greatly angered the king and his trusted advisors, prompting the king to urge the Duke of Ireland to quickly gather an army against the duke and his allies to curb their bold actions. However, it's unclear whether he was executed at the beginning or end of this situation to better please the king. At this parliament, along with others who were condemned, his lands were given to the king, a significant portion of which he later distributed as he saw fit. Yet, during the parliament held in the twenty-first year of the king's reign, the act of attainder against Sir Simon was overturned. In another parliament in the second year of King Henry IV, all his lands that remained ungranted and unsold were returned to Sir John Burley, knight, son and heir of Sir Roger Burley, brother of Sir Simon, from whom Thomas Eins, now the secretary to Her Majesty's council in the north, is lineally descended. This covers Sir Simon Burley, about whom many rumors circulated regarding his disloyal actions toward the state, as you've partly heard, but only the Lord knows the truth. Among the other slanderous stories about him was that he agreed to hand over Dover Castle to the French for money upon the king's order. As unlikely as that claim is, many accusations against those executed, at least based on public opinion, were entirely false, although the essence of what led to their deaths may have had some truth in certain respects.

Grafton.

Grafton.

The iustices condemned to perpetuall exile.

The justices condemned to perpetual exile.

The king taketh an oth to performe the lords orders.

The king takes an oath to carry out the lord's orders.

Sir William Elmham that was charged also for withdrawing of the soldiers wages, discharged himselfe therof, and of all other things that might be laid to his charge. As touching the iustices, they were all condemned to death by the parlement, but such meanes was made for them vnto the queene, that she obteined pardon for their liues. But they forfeited their lands and goods, and were appointed to remaine in perpetuall exile, with a certeine portion of monie to them assigned for their dailie sustentation: the names of which iustices so condemned to exile were these, Robert Belknap, Iohn Holt, Iohn Craie, Roger Fulthorpe, William Burgh, and Iohn Lokton. Finallie, in this parlement was an oth required and obteined of the king, that he should stand vnto and abide such rule and order as the lords should take: and this oth was not required onelie of the king, but also of all the inhabitants of the realme.  ¶ In these troubles was the realme of England in these daies, and the king brought into that case, that he ruled not, but was ruled by his vncles, and other to them associat.

Sir William Elmham, who was also accused of withholding soldiers' wages, cleared himself of that and all other allegations against him. As for the justices, they were all sentenced to death by Parliament, but through some efforts to appeal to the queen, she managed to secure their lives. However, they lost their lands and possessions and were ordered to live in permanent exile, with a certain amount of money allocated for their daily support. The condemned justices were Robert Belknap, John Holt, John Craie, Roger Fulthorpe, William Burgh, and John Lokton. Finally, during this Parliament, an oath was taken and obtained from the king, requiring him to adhere to and follow the rules and orders set by the lords. This oath was not only required of the king but also of all the citizens of the realm. In these troubled times, the kingdom of England found itself, with the king in a position where he was not in control but was instead governed by his uncles and their associates.

The earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie, in aid of the duke of Britaine.

The Earl of Arundel sent a large fleet to the sea to support the Duke of Brittany.

Peraduēture Maluere, it may be Mongomerie.

Peradventure Maluere, it might be Mongomerie.

In the latter end of this eleuenth yeare was the earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie of ships and men of warre. There went with him in this iournie, of noble men, the earles of Notingham & Deuonshire, sir Thomas Percie, the lord Clifford, the lord Camois, sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morieux, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir William Shellie, sir Iohn Warwike or Berwike, sir Stephan de Liberie, sir Robert Sere, sir Peter Montberie, sir Lewes Clanbow, sir Thomas Coque or Cooke, sir William Paulie or Paulet, & diuerse others. There were a thousand men of armes, and three thousand archers. The purpose for which they were sent, was to haue aided the duke of Britaine (if he would haue receiued them) being then eftsoones run into the French kings displeasure, for the imprisoning of the lord Clisson constable of France.

At the end of this eleventh year, the Earl of Arundel was sent to sea with a large fleet of ships and soldiers. Accompanying him on this journey were noblemen including the Earls of Nottingham and Devonshire, Sir Thomas Percy, Lord Clifford, Lord Camois, Sir William Elmham, Sir Thomas Morieux, Sir John Daubreticourt, Sir William Shelley, Sir John Warwick or Berwick, Sir Stephen de Liberie, Sir Robert Sere, Sir Peter Montberie, Sir Lewis Clanbow, Sir Thomas Cook, Sir William Paulet, and several others. They had a thousand knights and three thousand archers. The goal of their mission was to support the Duke of Brittany (if he would accept their help), who had once again fallen out of favor with the King of France due to the imprisonment of Lord Clisson, the constable of France.

An. Reg. 12.

The earle of Arundell returneth out of France.

The Earl of Arundel is returning from France.

But after that (contrarie to expectation) the duke of Britaine was come to an agréement with the French king, the earle of Arundell drew with his nauie alongst the coasts of Poictou, and Xaintonge, till at length he arriued in the hauen that goeth vp to Rochell, and landed with his men at Marrant, foure leagues from Rochell, and began to pilfer, spoile, and fetch booties abroad in the countrie. The Frenchmen within Rochell issued foorth to skirmish with the Englishmen, but they were easilie put to flight, and folowed euen to the bariers of the gates of Rochell.  ¶ Perot le Bernois a capteine of Gascoigne, that made warre for the king of England in Limosin, and lay in the fortresse of Galuset, came foorth the same time, and made a roade into Berrie with foure hundred spears. |797| The earle of Arundell, after he had laine at Marrant fiftéene daies, returned to his ships, and finallie came backe into England, and Perot le Bernois likewise returned to his fortresse.  ¶ About the same time was a truce taken betwixt the parties English and French on the marches of Aquitaine, to begin the first daie of August, and to indure till the first of Maie next insuing.

But after that (contrary to expectations), the Duke of Brittany reached an agreement with the French king. The Earl of Arundel sailed along the coasts of Poitou and Saintonge until he eventually arrived in the harbor leading to Rochelle. He landed with his men at Marrant, which is four leagues from Rochelle, and started to pillage, plunder, and take booty in the area. The Frenchmen in Rochelle came out to skirmish with the English, but they were easily driven back and followed all the way to the gates of Rochelle. Perot le Bernois, a captain from Gascony who was fighting for the king of England in Limousin and was based at the fortress of Galuset, also came out around that time and made a raid into Berry with four hundred lancers. |797| After staying at Marrant for fifteen days, the Earl of Arundel returned to his ships and eventually went back to England, while Perot le Bernois also returned to his fortress. Around the same time, a truce was agreed upon between the English and French parties on the borders of Aquitaine, set to begin on the first day of August and last until the first of May the following year.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

O Scotish crueltie and more than barbarous blood­thirst­i­nesse.

O Scottish cruelty and more than barbaric bloodthirstiness.

¶ In this yeare 1388, in Lent, the Scots entred into the westerne borders, & what with killing as also with burning they did much mischiefe. Moreouer they shewed extreme crueltie against young children and sucklings, against women bigge with child and in trauell, against weake and weerish men and crooked with age, in the countrie of Gildisland, within the lordship of the lord Dacres, gathering them togither into houses, and shutting them vp, and locking the doores, they burned without mercie or pitie to the number (as it was said) of two hundred and aboue.

In the year 1388, during Lent, the Scots invaded the western borders and caused a lot of destruction through killing and burning. They displayed extreme cruelty towards young children and infants, pregnant women, and weak, elderly men in the country of Gildisland, within the lordship of Lord Dacre. They gathered these people into houses, locked the doors, and burned them without mercy or pity, with reports suggesting that the number was over two hundred.

An ouerthrow giuen to the Englishmen by the Scots at Otterburne.

An defeat dealt to the English by the Scots at Otterburn.

Fabian. Caxton. A parlement at Cambridge.

Fabian. Caxton. A meeting in Cambridge.

Sir Thomas Triuet slaine with the fall of his horse.

Sir Thomas Triuet killed when his horse fell.

This yeare in August, the Scots inuaded the countrie of North­um­ber­land, and at Otterburne ouerthrew a power of Englishmen, which the earle of North­um­ber­land and his sonnes had leauied against them. In this battell the earle Dowglas chiefe of that armie of Scots was slaine, and the lord Henrie Percie, and his brother sir Ralfe, sonnes to the said earle of North­um­ber­land, were taken prisoners, as in the Scotish chronicles ye may read more at large. After the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie, a parlement was holden at Cambridge, in the which diuerse statutes were ordeined; as For the limiting of seruants wages; For punishment of vagarant persons; For the inhibiting of certeine persons to weare weapons; For the debarring of vnlawfull games; For maintenance of shooting in the long bow; For remouing of the staple of woolles from Middleburgh vnto Calis; For labourers not to be receiued, but where they are inhabiting, except with licence vnder seale of the hundred where they dwell. There was also an act made, that none should go foorth of the realme, to purchase anie benefice with cure or without cure, except by licence obteined of the king; and if they did contrarie herevnto, they were to be excluded out of the kings protection. There was granted to the king in this parlement, a tenth to be leuied of the clergie, and a fiftéenth of the laitie. Moreouer, during the time of this parlement, as sir Thomas Triuet was riding towards Barnewell with the king, where the king lodged, by forcing his horsse too much with the spurs, the horsse fell with him so rudelie to the ground, that his entrails within him were so burst and perished, that he died the next daie after. Manie reioised at this mans death, as well for that men iudged him to be excéeding haultie and proud; as also for that he was suspected not to haue dealt iustlie with the bishop of Norwich, in the iournie which the bishop had made into Flanders: but speciallie men had an ill opinion of him, for that he stood with the king against the lords, counselling him in the yeare last past to dispatch them out of the way.  ¶ Sir Iohn Holland, the kings brother on the mothers side, that was latelie returned out of Spaine, where he had beene with the duke of Lancaster, was now made earle of Huntington.

This year in August, the Scots invaded Northumberland and defeated a group of Englishmen that the Earl of Northumberland and his sons had gathered against them at Otterburn. In this battle, the Earl Douglas, the leader of the Scottish army, was killed, and Lord Henry Percy and his brother Sir Ralph, sons of the aforementioned Earl of Northumberland, were taken prisoner, as you can read in detail in the Scottish chronicles. After the feast of the Nativity of Our Lady, a parliament was held at Cambridge, during which various statutes were established, such as those limiting servant wages; punishing vagrant individuals; prohibiting certain people from wearing weapons; banning unlawful games; promoting the use of the longbow; moving the wool staple from Middleburgh to Calais; and ensuring that laborers could only be received where they lived, unless they had permission under seal from the hundred where they dwelled. An act was also passed stating that no one should leave the realm to acquire any benefice, with or without cure, unless they obtained permission from the king; anyone who violated this would be excluded from the king's protection. In this parliament, a tenth was granted to the king to be levied from the clergy and a fifteenth from the laity. Moreover, during this parliament, as Sir Thomas Trivet was riding towards Barnwell with the king, where the king was staying, he spurred his horse too hard, causing it to fall so violently that it ruptured its insides, leading to its death the following day. Many rejoiced at his death, both because people considered him to be excessively haughty and proud, and also because he was suspected of not having dealt fairly with the Bishop of Norwich during the bishop's journey to Flanders; particularly, people had a bad opinion of him because he had supported the king against the lords, advising him last year to eliminate them. Mr. John Holland, the king's half-brother, who had recently returned from Spain where he had been with the Duke of Lancaster, was made Earl of Huntington.

1389.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

Battell and slaughter betwéene flies.

Battle and slaughter between flies.

¶ In Iulie, whiles the king was at Shéene, there swarmed togither in his court great multitudes of flies and gnats, insomuch that in maner of skirmishing they incountered ech other; and making great slaughters on both sides, were in the end swept awaie from the place where they lay dead, with brushes and béesoms by heaps. This was deemed an vnluckie prognosticat of some mischiefe like to fall vpon the necke of the land.

In July, while the king was at Sheen, a huge swarm of flies and gnats gathered in his court, to the point that they clashed with each other like in a battle; causing heavy casualties on both sides, they were eventually swept away in heaps by brushes and brooms. This was seen as an ominous sign of some misfortune likely to befall the land.

Com­mis­sion­ers sent to treat a truce betwéene England, France, and Scotland.

Commissioners were sent to negotiate a truce between England, France, and Scotland.

Frossaird.

Frossaird.

Also in this twelfth yeare, were com­mis­sion­ers appointed to méet at Balingham, betwixt Calis and Bullongne, to treat a truce to be had betwixt the realmes of England, France and Scotland. Walter Skirlow bishop of Durham that had béene latelie before remoued from Bath vnto Durham, from whence Iohn Fordham had béene translated vnto Elie, was sent as head commissioner for the king of England, and with him were ioined sir Iohn Cranbow, and sir Nicholas Dagworth, knights, and Richard Rowhale clearke, a doctor of law. By Froissard it appeareth that the earle of Salisburie was one, & sir Thomas Beauchampe lord deputie of Calis appointed likewise as an assistant with them. |798| The bishop of Baieux, the lord Valeran earle of S. Poule, sir Guillam de Melin, sir Nicholas Bracque, and sir Iohn le Mercier came thither for the French king. And for the king of Scots there appeared the bishop of Aberdeine, sir Iames and sir Dauid Lindsey, and sir Walter Sankler, knights. After long treatie, and much a doo, at length a truce was concluded to begin at Midsummer next, and to last thrée years after.

Also in this twelfth year, commissioners were appointed to meet at Balingham, between Calais and Boulogne, to negotiate a truce between the kingdoms of England, France, and Scotland. Walter Skirlow, the bishop of Durham, who had recently been moved from Bath to Durham, where John Fordham had been transferred to Ely, was sent as the chief commissioner for the king of England. He was joined by Sir John Cranbow, Sir Nicholas Dagworth, knights, and Richard Rowhale, a doctor of law. According to Froissart, the Earl of Salisbury was also present, along with Sir Thomas Beauchamp, Lord Deputy of Calais, appointed as an assistant. The bishop of Bayeux, Lord Valeran, the Earl of St. Poule, Sir Guillam de Melin, Sir Nicholas Bracque, and Sir John le Mercier attended for the French king. For the king of Scots, the bishop of Aberdeen, Sir James and Sir David Lindsay, and Sir Walter Sankler, knights, were present. After lengthy discussions and much effort, a truce was finally agreed upon to start at Midsummer next and to last for three years afterward.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, a canon of the Leicester abbey.

Scholers of Oxford togither by the eares.

Scholars of Oxford together by the ears.

Truce of 3 years betwéene six kings.

Truce of 3 years between six kings.

¶ In this yeare of Grace 1389, in the Lent time, there sprang a pitifull strife in Oxford, the variance in the yeare before being not fullie allaied, but both sides alwaies prouoking ech other. For the Welsh scholers being euermore quarelous, and hauing the southerlie scholers taking their parts, rose against the scholers of the north, so that to and fro manie a deadlie mischiefe happened betwéene them. In the end, this strife did so increase, that there was a daie of skirmish appointed and agreed vpon by both sides to be tried in the field. But by the meanes of Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester all this sturre was appeased, and manie of the Welsh scholers banished from the vniuersitie.  ¶ On the thursdaie before Easter (being mawndaie thursdaie) the lord Beaumont gardian of Carleill in the west marches entred Scotland fortie leagues, & spoiling Fowike, made wast at his pleasure, and brought awaie with him manie Scots prisoners & captiues.  ¶ About this time a truce of thrée years was taken betwéene king Richard, the kings of France, Scotland, Spaine, Portingale, and of Nauarre. This truce began on the first daie of August in the néerer parts of the realme both by sea and land; and on the fiftéenth of August in the further parts, because knowledge could not be giuen thereof without some long time.

In this year of Grace 1389, during Lent, a sad conflict broke out in Oxford, with the dispute from the previous year not fully resolved, as both sides continually provoked each other. The Welsh scholars, always looking for a fight, rallied the southern scholars to support them and rose against the northern scholars, leading to many deadly clashes between them. Eventually, this conflict escalated to a point where both sides agreed to a day of skirmish to settle things in the field. However, thanks to Thomas of Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, the turmoil was calmed, and many Welsh scholars were expelled from the university. On the Thursday before Easter (known as Maundy Thursday), Lord Beaumont, guardian of Carlisle in the west marches, entered Scotland forty leagues deep, ravaging Fowike at his will, and took many Scots prisoners and captives. ¶ About this time, a three-year truce was established between King Richard and the kings of France, Scotland, Spain, Portugal, and Navarre. This truce began on the first day of August in the nearer parts of the realm by both sea and land, and on the fifteenth of August in the further parts, as it could not be communicated without some time delay.

The Scots in the time of treatie spoile the countrie of North­um­ber­land.

The Scots during the treaty times plunder the countryside of Northumberland.

The Scots hauing prouided an armie to inuade England are hardly persuaded to accept the truce.

The Scots, having gathered an army to invade England, are reluctant to accept the truce.

Whilest the com­mis­sion­ers were occupied in the marches betwixt Calis and Bullongne about this truce, the Scots entring into North­um­ber­land, did much mischiefe, leading awaie manie prisoners, men and women, besides other great booties and preies which they got abroad in the countrie. The lord Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham was sent with fiue hundred spears to reuenge those attempts of the enimies: but for that his power was small in comparison to theirs, he preuailed litle or nothing against them. Sir Iohn Clanbow, and sir Richard Rouale clerke, tooke the French kings oth; and the earle of saint Paule that had maried the ladie Maud Courtnie with other noblemen, came into England, and receiued the kings oth here for the confirming of this last mentioned truce. The Scots might not without much adoo be persuaded to accept this truce, being readie the same time with an armie to enter into England, but yet through the diligence of such Frenchmen as went thither for that purpose, at length they agreed.

While the commissioners were busy negotiating the truce between Calais and Boulogne, the Scots invaded Northumberland, causing a lot of damage. They took away many prisoners, both men and women, along with other significant loot from the area. Lord Thomas Mowbray, the Earl of Nottingham, was sent with five hundred soldiers to retaliate against the enemy's actions. However, because his forces were much smaller compared to theirs, he was mostly ineffective. Sir John Clanbow and Sir Richard Rouale, a clerk, took the oath of the French king. The Earl of Saint Paul, who had married Lady Maud Courtney, along with other nobles, came to England and took the king's oath here to confirm the truce that was mentioned earlier. The Scots were initially reluctant to accept this truce, as they were ready to march with an army into England. However, through the efforts of some Frenchmen sent for that purpose, they eventually agreed.

The kings question to his lords and others in the councel chamber.

The king's question to his lords and others in the council chamber.

Claudian.

Claudian.

This yeare the king by counsell of some that were about him, called the nobles and great men of the realme togither, and as they were set in the councell chamber staieng till he came: at length he entring into the same chamber, and taking his place to sit among them, demanded of them, of what age he was now? Whereto answer was made, that he was full twentie yeares old. Then (said he) I am of yeares sufficient to gouerne mine owne house and familie, and also my kingdome: for it séemeth aginst reason that the state of the meanest person within my kingdome should be better than mine. Euerie heire that is once come to the age of twentie years, is permitted, if his father be not liuing, to order his businesse himselfe: then that thing which is permitted to euerie other person of meane degrée by law, why is the same denied vnto me? These words vttered he with the courage of a prince, not without the instigation and setting on of such as were about him, whose drift was by dis­count­e­nan­cing others to procure preferment to themselues, abusing the kings tender years and gréene wit, with ill counsell for their aduantage: where as it had béene more méete to haue giuen him those precepts which Claudianus hath in his tract of the institution of a prince; and among others this:

This year, the king, advised by some of his courtiers, gathered the nobles and prominent figures of the realm. As they waited in the council chamber for his arrival, he eventually entered and took his seat among them. He asked them how old he was now. They responded that he was fully twenty years old. Then he said, "I am old enough to manage my own household and family, and also my kingdom. It seems unreasonable that the status of the least person in my kingdom should be better than mine. Every heir who reaches the age of twenty is allowed, if his father is not alive, to handle his own affairs; so why is that right denied to me, when it is granted to others of lesser status by law?" He spoke these words with the confidence of a prince, spurred on by those around him, whose goal was to undermine others to elevate themselves, taking advantage of the king’s youth and inexperience with poor counsel for their own gain. It would have been more appropriate to provide him with the guidance that Claudianus outlines in his treatise on the education of a prince, including this advice:

Non tibi quid liceat, sed quid fecisse decebit

Non tibi quid liceat, sed quid fecisse decebit

Occurrat, mentémq; domet respectus honesti.

Occurrat, mentémq; domet respectus honesti.

The king taking vpō him the gouernement of all things displaceth diuerse officers & setteth others in their roomes.

The king, taking up the governance of everything, removes various officials and places others in their positions.

Wickham bishop of Winchester made L. chancelor.

Wickham, the Bishop of Winchester, was made Lord Chancellor.

When the barons had hard the words of the king, being therewith astonied, they made answer, that there should be no right abridged from him, but that he might take vpon |799| him the gouernment as of reason was due. Well said he, yée know that I haue beene a long time ruled by tutors, so as it hath not béene lawfull to me to doo anie thing, were it of neuer so small importance, without their consents. Now therefore I will, that they meddle no further with matters perteining to my gouernment, & after the maner of an heire come to lawfull age, I will call to my councell such as pleaseth me, and I will deale in mine owne businesse my selfe. And therefore I will first that the chancellor resigne to me his seale. When the archbishop of Yorke (who in the yeare last past had béene remooued from Elie vnto Yorke, and Alexander Neuill displaced) had deliuered vnto him the seale, the king receiuing it of him, put it in his bosome, and suddenlie rising, departed foorth of the chamber, & after a little while returning, sat downe againe, and deliuered the seale to the bishop of Winchester, William Wickham, and so made him chancellor, although sore against the same bishops will. He made also manie other new officers, remoouing the old, and vsed in all things his owne discretion and authoritie. The duke of Glocester, the earle of Warwike, & other honorable and worthie men, were discharged and put from the councell, and others placed in their roomes, such as pleased the king to appoint. At the same time he made fiue new iustices.

When the barons heard the king's words, they were astonished and responded that he should not be denied any rights, insisting that he could take on the governance as was appropriate. He replied, "You know I have been ruled by advisors for a long time, so it hasn't been lawful for me to do anything, no matter how minor, without their consent. Therefore, I will no longer let them interfere with my governance, and like an heir coming of age, I will choose my own council and handle my own affairs. First, I want the chancellor to hand over his seal to me." When the Archbishop of York, who had been moved from Ely to York last year, delivered the seal to him, the king took it, put it in his pocket, and suddenly stood up, left the room, and after a short while came back, sat down again, and gave the seal to William Wickham, the Bishop of Winchester, making him chancellor, even against the bishop’s wishes. He also appointed many other new officials, removing the old ones, and managed everything with his own judgment and authority. The Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Warwick, and other distinguished and worthy men were dismissed from the council, and others were appointed to take their places, chosen by the king. At the same time, he appointed five new justices.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

¶ Of this assuming the regiment to himselfe, as diuerse diuerslie report: so Henrie Knighton a man liuing in those daies, and committing to writing the occurrents of that tumultuous time, saith as followeth. In the moneth of Maie, the king held a councell at Westminster, and in the feast of the Inuention of the crosse, comming personallie to the councell house he remooued all the great officers (contrarie to expectation and thinking) from their offices, and at his pleasure placed in their roomes whome he list. He remooued the archbishop of Yorke lord chancellor, and put in his place the bishop of Winchester: he remooued the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and put another in his place: he remooued the clearke of the priuie seale, and all other: so likewise did he the iustices of either bench. But least the affaires of the realme should in the meane while be hindered, he commanded the iustices of law to follow and prosecute things requisite as they were woont, till such time as he was better aduised touching the prouiding of other iustices. The erle of Arundell likewise, vnto whome the gouernment of the parlement was committed, and the admeraltie of the sea, was remooued; and the earle of Huntington put in his roome. In like sort dealt the king with the residue of his officers, saieng that he ought not to be inferior in degree & of lesse account than an other ordinarie heire whatsoeuer within the realme of England; sith the law and custome of the realme of England auerreth, that euerie heire being in the gardianship of anie lord, when he is growne to be one and twentie yeares of age, ought presentlie to inioy the inheritance left him by his father, and is lawfullie to possesse his patrimonie, and freelie to dispose and order his owne goods and chattels to his liking. But now it is come to passe, that I thus manie yeares haue liued vnder your counsell and gouernement; and now first to God, secondlie to you, I giue manifold thanks, that you haue gouerned and supported me, mine inheritance, and my realme of England, as well within as without, & speciallie against our enimies round about vs, all renowme of honour and praise to vs and our kingdome alwaies safelie reserued. But now God hath so dealt for vs, that we are of full age, so that we are two and twentie yeares old at this present: and we require that we may fréelie and at libertie from this time forward rule and gouerne both our selues and our inheritance; and we will haue our kingdome in our owne hands, and officers and seruitors of our owne appointing at our pleasure; secondlie, as shall seeme to vs more auaileable, by Gods grace, to elect, choose, and preferre vnto offices such as we doo well like of, and at our pleasure to remooue such as be presentlie resiant, and in their roomes to substitute and set others wheresoeuer and whomsoeuer we list. The king hauing thus spoken, there was not one that went about to breake him of his will, but they all glorified God, who had prouided them such a king as was likelie to prooue discreet and wise. |800|

Of this taking control of the regiment for himself, as variously reported: Henry Knighton, a man living during those times who recorded the events of that tumultuous period, states the following. In May, the king held a council at Westminster, and on the feast of the Invention of the Cross, coming personally to the council chamber, he unexpectedly removed all the high officials from their positions and replaced them at his discretion. He removed the Archbishop of York, the Lord Chancellor, appointing the Bishop of Winchester in his place; he removed the Bishop of Hereford, the Lord Treasurer, and put someone else in that role; he removed the Clerk of the Privy Seal and all others; he did similarly with the justices of both benches. However, so that the affairs of the realm would not be hindered in the meantime, he ordered the justices of the law to continue and pursue necessary matters as they were accustomed, until he made better decisions regarding the appointment of new justices. The Earl of Arundel, to whom the governance of the parliament and the admiralty of the sea had been entrusted, was also removed, and the Earl of Huntington was appointed in his place. The king handled the rest of his officials in the same way, stating that he should not be of lesser rank and regard than any other ordinary heir within the realm of England; since the law and custom of the realm of England asserts that every heir under the guardianship of a lord, upon reaching the age of twenty-one years, should immediately enjoy the inheritance left to him by his father, and is legally entitled to possess his patrimony, and freely manage and order his own goods and possessions as he sees fit. But now it has come to pass that I have lived all these years under your counsel and governance; and now I express my gratitude to God first, and to you secondly, for governing and supporting me, my inheritance, and my realm of England, both internally and externally, especially against our enemies surrounding us, preserving for us and our kingdom all honor and praise safe and sound. But now God has dealt with us in such a way that we have come of age, as we are currently twenty-two years old; and we demand that we may freely and at liberty from this point forward rule and govern both ourselves and our inheritance; we want our kingdom in our own hands, with officers and servants appointed by us at our pleasure; and secondly, as shall seem more beneficial to us, by God's grace, to elect, choose, and promote to offices those we favor, and at our will remove those currently in office, substituting and placing others wherever and whomever we choose. After the king had spoken thus, no one attempted to contradict his will, but they all praised God, who had provided them with such a king likely to prove discreet and wise. |800|

An. Reg. 13.

Wickleuists increase.

Wickleuists are on the rise.

In this season, the followers of Wickliffes doctrine maruellouslie increased, speciallie in the diocesse of Sarum, where they had manie that tooke vpon them as ministers, both to preach the word, and to dispense the sacraments. This they did in secret: but they were discouered by one that had beene of their fellowship, who declared to the bishop of Salisburie at his manor of Sonning, all the whole circumstances thereof, as he knew. There were of them that preached in those daies earnestlie against pilgrimages, calling such images as the people had in most veneration, as that at Walsingham, and the rood of the north doore at Paules in London, rotten stocks, and worme eaten blocks, through which the vnskilfull people being mocked and deceiued, were compelled most manifestlie to commit idolatrie. The bishops (saith Thomas Walsingham) hearing, beholding, and knowing these things with much more, to be true, did little or nothing to redresse the same, saue onlie the bishop of Norwich who stirred coles, swearing and staring, that if anie of that sect presumed to preach anie peruerse doctrine within his diocesse, he would cause them either to hop headlesse, or to frie a fagot for it: he was therefore not a little praised and extolled by the moonks and other religious men (as should appeare) for that his zeale.

In this period, the followers of Wycliffe's teachings significantly grew, especially in the diocese of Sarum, where many took on the role of ministers to preach the word and administer the sacraments. They did this in secret, but they were revealed by someone who had been part of their group, who informed the Bishop of Salisbury at his manor in Sonning about everything he knew. Some of them preached earnestly against pilgrimages, referring to revered images, like the one at Walsingham and the rood at the north door of St. Paul's in London, as rotten wood and worm-eaten blocks, through which the unsuspecting people were ridiculed and deceived, leading them to commit clear acts of idolatry. The bishops, according to Thomas Walsingham, witnessed and recognized these issues, among many others, as true but did little to address them, except for the Bishop of Norwich, who took action, swearing fiercely that if anyone from that group dared to preach any false doctrine within his diocese, he would make them either hop without a head or gather firewood for it. He was therefore greatly praised and admired by the monks and other religious men for his zeal.

The duke of Lancaster returneth into Englād foorth of Gascoigne.

The Duke of Lancaster returns to England from Gascony.

A councell holden at Reding where ye duke of Lancaster reconcileth the king and the lords.

A council held at Reading where the Duke of Lancaster reconciles the king and the lords.

In Nouember, the duke of Lancaster came foorth of Gascoigne into England, after he had remained first in Spaine, and after in Gascoigne, thrée yeares togither. Of his successe in Spaine is spoken before, & likewise of the agréement betwixt the king of Castile, & the said duke, which was not in all points confirmed, till a little before his returne now into England. About the same time the king had called a councell of his nobilitie at Reading, to the which the duke of Lancaster made the more hast to come, bicause he knew that the king would shew no good countenance to some of the noblemen; and therefore he doubted least malicious offenses might arise betwixt them, which to appease he meant the best he could, and his trauell came to good effect: for he did so much, that as well the king as the lords departed from the councell as freends, the lords taking their leaues of him in louing maner, and he courteouslie bidding them farewell: and so each of them resorted vnto their homes well pleased for that present.  ¶ The king held his Christmasse this yéere at Woodstoke, and the duke of Lancaster laie at his castell of Hertford.

In November, the Duke of Lancaster returned to England from Gascony, after spending three years in Spain and then in Gascony. His success in Spain has been mentioned earlier, along with the agreement between the King of Castile and the Duke, which wasn't fully confirmed until just before his return to England. Around that time, the King called a council of his nobles at Reading, and the Duke of Lancaster hurried to attend because he knew the King would not be in a good mood toward some of the nobles. He worried that this could lead to conflicts between them, so he aimed to smooth things over as best as he could, and his efforts paid off: both the King and the lords left the council as friends, with the lords saying goodbye to him warmly, and he courteously bidding them farewell. They all returned to their homes feeling pleased about the meeting. The King celebrated Christmas this year at Woodstock, while the Duke of Lancaster stayed at his castle in Hertford.

1390.

The earle of Penbroke as he was learning to iust is wounded to death.

The Earl of Pembroke, while he was learning to joust, is mortally wounded.

At the same time the lord Iohn de Hastings earle of Penbroke, as he was practising to learne to iust, through mishap was striken about the priuie parts, by a knight called sir Iohn S. Iohn, that ran against him, so as his inner parts being perished, death presentlie followed. The losse of this earle was greatlie bemoned by men of all degrees, for he was liberall, gentle, humble, and courteous to each one, aboue all the other yoong lords in the land of his time. Of this earles ancestors this is reported for a thing strange and maruellous, that from the daies of Aimer de Valence earle of Penbroke, that was one amongst other that sat in iudgement of Thomas earle of Lancaster, there was not anie earle of Penbroke succéeding the same Aimer de Valence, vnto the daies of this yoong earle by misfortune thus slaine, that euer saw his father, nor yet anie of their fathers might reioise in the sight of anie of their sonnes, being still called hence, before the time came for them so to doo.

At the same time, Lord John de Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, was learning to joust when he was accidentally struck in the groin by a knight named Sir John St. John, who charged at him. This resulted in fatal injuries to his internal organs, leading to his immediate death. The loss of this earl was deeply mourned by people from all walks of life, as he was generous, kind, humble, and courteous to everyone, more than any other young lords of his time. It is said of this earl's ancestors that it is quite strange and remarkable that since the days of Aimer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, who was among those who judged Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, no Earl of Pembroke following Aimer de Valence had ever seen his father, nor had any of their fathers been able to take joy in seeing their sons, as they all passed away before their time came to do so.

Francis Thin, out of diuerse ancient monuments belonging to the Hastings and others.

Francis Thin, from various ancient records belonging to the Hastings and others.

¶ Now héere, bicause this Iohn Hastings, being the last of that surname and armes of the whole blood, which of that line inioied anie title of honor, I thinke it not vnfit for this place (since other occasion will not be giuen therefore) to talke of the Hastings somwhat higher than this man: though not from the shell to perpetuate the memorie of them, the which I haue now doone, least otherwise by ingrate obliuion it might neuer hereafter come to light. In which I will not begin from the first honourable Hastings, whose bloud by manie descents continued, is thought by most ancient monuments, which I haue séene and read, to haue béene a baron before the conquest in this land, and to haue borne the same cote in the field, which this now slaine earle of Penbroke did: whereof hereafter in my descriptions and lines of the earles of Penbroke I will make more ample discourse in a |801| new booke (if God giue good successe therein) onelie at this time making some small repetition from that Henrie Hastings, from whome the Hastings (in respect of the mariage of Alda daughter to Dauie earle of Huntington, brother to William king of Scots) did descend: who (amongst others) in the reigne of Edward the first, made title to the kingdome of Scotland. The originall of which name in this treatise I will neither flatteringlie defend, nor obstinatlie reiect, to haue growne from Hastings the Dane, who in the reigne of Alured (long before the conquest, about the yeare of our redemption 890) came with Rollo into England, and for a certeine space infested this nation, departing aside to France. And now to the purpose.

Right now here, because this John Hastings is the last of that surname and family in direct descent, who held any title of honor from that line, I think it’s fitting to mention the Hastings a bit more prominently than this man: though not to overshadow his memory, which I have just preserved, lest it be forgotten and never remembered again. I won’t start with the first honorable Hastings, whose lineage has been thought by most ancient records, which I have seen and read, to have been a baron before the conquest in this land, and to have carried the same coat of arms as this now-deceased Earl of Pembroke did: I will elaborate on this further in my descriptions and accounts of the Earls of Pembroke in a |801| new book (if God grants me success) but for now, I’ll briefly mention Henry Hastings, from whom the Hastings line descends (due to the marriage of Alda, daughter of David, Earl of Huntington, brother to William, King of Scots): who (among others) claimed the kingdom of Scotland during the reign of Edward I. In this treatise, I will neither flattering defend nor stubbornly reject the notion that the name comes from Hastings the Dane, who, during the reign of Alfred (long before the conquest, around the year 890 AD), came to England with Rollo and caused some trouble before moving on to France. And now to the point.

Henrie lord Hastings (who bare for his armes gold a manche gules) married Alda (or Ada) the fourth daughter of Dauid earle of Huntington, she being one of the heires to to Iohn Scot earle of Chester, & of Huntington (which died without issue) son of the said Dauid, and brother to the said Ada. To this Henrie and Ada did Henrie the third king of England, in the two & twentith of his reigne (in place of the portion of hir brothers lands, which should haue descended to hir as parcell of the earledome of Chester, for that the king would not haue the said earledome diuided amongst distaues) giue in exchange certeine lands mentioned in this déed following.

Henrie Lord Hastings (who bore gold with a red sleeve on his arms) married Alda (or Ada), the fourth daughter of David, Earl of Huntington. She was one of the heirs to John Scott, Earl of Chester and Huntington (who died without descendants), the son of the aforementioned David, and the brother of Ada. To this Henrie and Ada, King Henry III of England, in the twenty-second year of his reign (instead of the portion of her brother's lands that would have passed to her as part of the Earldom of Chester, because the king did not want that earldom divided among distant relatives), granted in exchange certain lands mentioned in the following deed.

The grant of Henrie the third, to Henrie Hastings and Ada his wife, for the exchange of lands for hir part of the earledome.

Strattondale.

Strattondale.

OMNIBUS, ad quos, &c; salutem.   Sciatis quòd concessimus pro nobis & hæredibus nostris, Henrico de Hastings, & Adæ vxori eius, pro rationabili parte sua, quæ prædictam Adam contingent, de hæreditate Iohannis quondam comitis Cestriæ fratris ipsius Adæ in Cestershire, faciedo eis rationabile excambium, ad valentiam prædictæ partis ipsam Adam contingentis de prædicto com. Cestershire.   Et ad maiorem securitatem cōcessimus eidem Henrico & Adæ manerium nostrum de Bremesgraue cum pertinentibus in comitatu Wigorniæ, manerium nostrum de Bolisoure cum castris & pertinentibus in com. Derby, manerium nostrum de Mountesfeld cum Soka cū pertinentibus in comitatu Notingham, manerium de Worsfeld cum pertinentibus in com. Salop. manerium de Stratton cum pertinentibus in eodem com. manerium de Wiggutton cum pertinent in com. Stafford, & maneriū de Woluerhamton cū pert. in eodē com. in tenentiam. Tenendum eisdem Henrico & Adæ & hæredibus ipsius Adæ, quo vsq; prædicta pars ipsam Adam contingens & de prædicta hæreditate extenta fuerit, & rationabile excambium in prædictis terris vel alias eis assignauerimus.   In cuius, &c.   Teste rege apud Ditton 11. Innij, anno regni nostri 22.

To whom it may concern, greetings. We have granted ourselves and our heirs to Henry de Hastings and his wife Ada, a fair share from the inheritance of John, formerly Earl of Chester, who was Ada's brother, located in Worcestershire. This is to facilitate a fair exchange of the value of Ada's share from the county of Worcestershire. To ensure greater security, we have granted Henry and Ada our manor of Bremesgraue along with its rights in Worcestershire, our manor of Bolisoure with its castles and rights in Derbyshire, our manor of Mountesfeld along with Soka and its rights in Nottinghamshire, the manor of Worsfeld with its rights in Shropshire, the manor of Stratton with its rights in the same county, the manor of Wiggutton with its rights in Staffordshire, and the manor of Wolverhampton with its rights in the same county. These are to be held by Henry and Ada and the heirs of Ada until the share belonging to Ada from the inheritance is defined, and a fair exchange has been determined for them regarding the said lands or otherwise. In witness whereof, etc. Witness the King at Ditton on the 11th of Innij, in the 22nd year of our reign.

The which manours the said Henrie and Ada did hold during the life of the said Ada, in peaceable and quiet possession. After hir death the said Henrie goeth into Gascoigne, where he remained steward vntill the comming of Henrie the third, at what time the said Henrie surrendered his office, but the king importunate with him still to reteine the same, he flatlie denied it, and would no longer remaine there, suddenlie returning into England without licence or knowledge of the king, for which contempt the king greeuouslie incensed, in reuenge and for satisfaction of the same, made the same lands to be extended by Thomas Paslew and others, who by the kings processe extended part thereof to a treble value, after which extent returned into the chancerie, the king seized the manour of Bremesgraue, Bolesoure, Strattondale in Norton, & left in his hands the manours of Lierton, Oswardbecke, Cundoner, Wourfeld, and Wigutton, whereof the said Henrie died seized. Two yeares before which grant of the lands before said to this Henrie, to wit, in the twentith yeare of Henrie the third, the said Henrie Hastings made his petition to serue in the pantrée (as he was bound by tenure) at the coronation of euerie prince, |802| the record whereof in the ancient written booke of the earls of Huntington, is in these words following.

The manors that Henry and Ada held during Ada's lifetime were in peaceful and quiet possession. After her death, Henry went to Gascony, where he served as steward until Henry III arrived. At that time, Henry surrendered his office, but the king insisted that he keep the position. He outright refused and decided to return to England suddenly, without the king's permission or knowledge. The king, furious over this disrespect, sought to retaliate and for that reason ordered the lands to be valued by Thomas Paslew and others, who assessed part of it at three times its value. Once that assessment was submitted to the Chancery, the king seized the manor of Bremesgrave, Bolesoure, and Strattondale in Norton, while keeping in his control the manors of Lierton, Oswardbecke, Cundoner, Wourfeld, and Wigutton, of which Henry died seized. Two years before this grant of lands to Henry, specifically in the twentieth year of Henry III's reign, Henry Hastings made his petition to serve in the pantry (as he was required by tenure) at the coronation of every prince, the record of which in the ancient written book of the earls of Huntington reads as follows.|802|

The record by which Henrie Hastings executed the office of the panteller.

VICESIMO Henr. tertij quo coronata fuit regina Elionara filia Hugonis comitis Prouinciæ apud Westm. factæ sunt contentiones magnæ de seruitijs ministralibus, & de iuribus pertinentibus ad eorum ministeria, sed respectuatur, iuribus singulis saluis, vt tumultus requiesceret vsq; ad quindena Paschæ sequetis, &c.   Et Henricus de Hastinges, cuius officium seruiendi de mappis à veteri vendicauit officiū illud, & habuit.   Nam quamuis Thurstanus vendicauit officium illud, asserens suum esse debere à veteri, tamen rex repulsat, & admisit Henricum de Hastinges, ea die assignans eisdem diem de contentione finienda ad prædictum terminum.   Extractas verò post prandium mappas tanquam suas ad officium pertinentes recepit.

In the 20th year of Henry III's reign, when Queen Eleanor, daughter of Hugh, Count of Provence, was crowned in Westminster, there were significant disputes regarding the roles and rights associated with their duties. However, individual rights were honored to ease the tension until Easter Monday and so forth. Henry of Hastings, who claimed the role of serving with the napkins, had established that right from ancient times. Although Thurstan argued for the position, claiming it was rightfully his based on tradition, the king rejected him and chose Henry of Hastings instead, setting a date to resolve the conflict at the previously mentioned term. After lunch, he received the napkins as if they were his own, linked to the role.

This Henrie had by Ada his wife, his sonne & heire Henrie Hastings, from whome Buchanan dooth saie that Henrie Hastings now earle of Penbroke is descended, whereof I will not now heere dispute.

This Henrie had a son and heir named Henrie Hastings with his wife Ada, and from whom Buchanan claims that Henrie Hastings, now the Earl of Pembroke, is descended, which I won't argue about here.

Henrie Hastings knight, sonne of Henrie, after the death of his father, finding himselfe greeued that the inheritance, which should haue descended vnto him from his mother, was so withholden from him for the offense of his father, contrarie to law and iustice, and without iudgement, but by the kings power, pursued a bill against the king, therby to haue remedie and restitution, for the supposed false returne of the extent which was made against his father; and vpon the same bill, this Henrie Hastings obteined a new writ to make a fresh extent directed to maister Thomas of Wimundham, Robert de la Laie, Robert de Solham, Hugh Peeche, & Thomas de Braie, to vnderstand if the remnant of the lands to him descended, beside that by the king extended, would counteruaile the value of such lands as he should haue by descent from and of the earle and earledome of Chester, which matter neuer being ended in his time, was afterward prosecuted of the Hastings from parlement to parlement, vntil the thirtie fourth yeare of Edward the first, as more plainelie shall after appeare. Of this Henrie, Hollingshed intreateth much in the reigne of Henrie the third: this man (being he that in the time of Edward the first, made title to the crowne of Scotland) maried Ione one of the daughters of William Cantulpe lord of Aburgauenie, in the right of Eua, one of the daughters and heires of William Bewsa or Brewcusa, for I find both written, of which Ione this Henrie had issue Iohn Hastings his sonne and heire, Edmund which maried Isabell, & had great possessions in Wales: Ada first maried to Robert de Champane: Lora maried to sir Thomas the sonne of sir Iohn de Latimer, and Ione which was a nun at Nottingham.

Henrie Hastings, a knight and son of Henrie, after his father's death, felt frustrated that the inheritance he should have received from his mother was being withheld from him due to his father's offenses, unfairly and without any proper judgment, just because of the king's power. He pursued a case against the king to seek remedy and restitution for the allegedly false return of the assessment made against his father. With that case, Henrie Hastings obtained a new writ for another assessment directed to Master Thomas of Wimundham, Robert de la Laie, Robert de Solham, Hugh Peeche, and Thomas de Braie, to determine if the remaining lands that descended to him, aside from those assessed by the king, would be worth as much as the lands he should inherit from the Earl and earldom of Chester. This matter was never resolved in his time and continued to be pursued by the Hastings family from parliament to parliament until the thirty-fourth year of Edward the First, as will be explained further. Hollingshed extensively discusses this Henrie during the reign of Henry the Third. This man, who claimed the Scottish crown during Edward the First's time, married Ione, one of the daughters of William Cantulpe, Lord of Aburgavenie, through the right of Eva, a daughter and heiress of William Bewsa or Brewcusa, as both names appear in writings. Henrie had children with Ione: John Hastings, his son and heir; Edmund, who married Isabell and acquired significant land in Wales; Ada, who was first married to Robert de Champane; Lora, who married Sir Thomas, son of Sir John de Latimer; and Ione, who became a nun at Nottingham.

Iohn Hastings knight, sonne of the last Henrie, was borne at Asleghe, in the yéere of our Lord 1262, and in the six & fortith yeare of the reigne of Henrie the third. This man after his fathers death did (in the yeare of our Lord 1274, and the second yeare of the reigne of Edward the first, being the kings ward) demand the execution of his office of the pantrie, at the coronation of queene Elianor wife to Edward the first, but could not execute the same by reason of his nonage, and also for that he was in ward to the said king. After, when he was growne to full yeares, there arose in the yeare of our Lord 1305, and in the thirtie third yeare of the reigne of Edward the first, great contention betweene Antonie Beake bishop of Durham, this Iohn Hastings, Iohn Balioll, and Robert Bruse, for the manors of Penrith, Castlesoure, Salgkill regis, Lange Worthbie, Carlaton, and of Werkine Tinehale, whereof Henrie king of Scots (kinsman of the said Robert Bruse, Iohn Balioll, and Iohn Hastings, whose heire they were) died seized in his demesne of fee. In which sutes after manie delaies made, and manie summons |803| against the said bishop, the plée went without daie, bicause the bishop must go to Rome. But after his returne the sute being reuiued and continued, it went once more without daie, bicause the king seized the same into his hands, and held it all the time of his reigne. These things thus doone, and Edward the first departed, this Iohn Hastings as yet not hastie to renew his sute of the land, but rather to execute his right of the pantrie, did in the first yeare of Edward the second, demand the executing of that office, at the coronation of the said Edward the second and Isabell his wife at Westminster, which he obteined, and laid the clothes and napkins in the great hall by him and other his knights, one the tables whereat the king, the quéene, and other great states should dine, which (according as I haue seene noted) was in this sort.

John Hastings, knight, son of the last Henry, was born at Asleigh in the year 1262 and in the 64th year of the reign of Henry the Third. After his father died, in the year 1274, during the second year of Edward the First's reign, he requested to carry out his pantry duties at the coronation of Queen Eleanor, Edward the First's wife, but he couldn't perform them due to his minority and being under the king's guardianship. Later, when he reached maturity, significant disputes arose in 1305, the 33rd year of Edward the First's reign, between Antony Bek, Bishop of Durham, John Hastings, John Balliol, and Robert Bruce over the manors of Penrith, Castle Sower, Salkeld, Langwathby, Carleton, and Wark in Tynehal, which Henry, King of Scots (a relative of Robert Bruce, John Balliol, and John Hastings, whom they were heirs to), had held in his domain. After many delays and numerous summons against the bishop, the case was postponed because the bishop had to go to Rome. After his return, when the case was revived, it was postponed again because the king seized the lands and retained them during his reign. Following these events, and after Edward the First's death, John Hastings was not eager to renew his claim to the land but chose instead to fulfill his pantry duties. In the first year of Edward the Second’s reign, he requested to carry out that role at the coronation of Edward the Second and Isabella, his wife, at Westminster, which was granted. He arranged the clothes and napkins in the great hall alongside his knights, on the tables where the king, the queen, and other high-ranking guests would dine, which, as I have noted, was in this manner.

The order and number of clothes laied at the kings table, and how Iohn Hastings had them for his fee.

AD altam sedem ipsius regis tres mappas, & super alias mensas in eadem aula 28 mappas, vnde quælibet pecia continebat 4, & in parua aula coram regina, & alibi in ilia parua aula 14, quarū quælibet pecia continebat 3.   Et dum fuerūt ad comestum, mappas per se & suos custodiebat, & post comestum illas trahebat, & deferre faciebat seruientes ad seruiendum, & istas cum suis loquelis habebat sine voluntate vel cum voluntate, & eas detinebat per totum festum coronationis, licèt petitæ erant deliberatione, primò à senescallo regis, postea ab ipso rege, per quod idem rex præcepit domino Willielmo Martin, & alijs senescallis suis, quòd plenam & celerem iusticiam ei facerent, & de­lib­er­a­tion­em de mappis prædictis si fuerit faciendum.   Qui inde postea nihil facere voluerunt, aut non curauerunt toto festo coronationis prædictæ, nec postea in cong­re­ga­tion­i­bus.   Per quod postea dominus Iohannes de Hastings fecit petitiones suas domino regi, & concilio suo, quòd feodum suum mapparum prædictarum ei de­lib­er­are­tur, pro vt ei de iure fuerit de­lib­er­an­dum.   Et quòd fecit seruitium suum debito modo, prout antecessor suus fecit longo tempore Henrici regis, quando habuit feodum suum, tempore quādo desponsauit Elionaram filiam comitis Prouinciæ, tanquam pertinens ad manerium suum de Asheley in comitatu North. pro vt patet in Memorandum ipsius regis in camero suo de scaccario diuersis locis in istis verbis.

In the presence of the king, there were three tablecloths on the royal table, and 28 tablecloths on other tables in the same hall, with each one containing 4 pieces. In a small hall in front of the queen, there were another 14 tablecloths, each containing 3 pieces. While they were eating, the guests kept the tablecloths for themselves, and after the meal, they dragged them away and had the servants carry them for service. They engaged in conversations about the tablecloths without permission or with permission, and they kept them throughout the entire coronation feast, despite requests for them to be returned, first from the king's steward and later directly from the king. The king ordered Lord William Martin and his other stewards to deliver full and immediate justice and to consider the matter of the tablecloths if it needed to be addressed. However, nobody wanted to take any action regarding it during the entire coronation feast or afterward at any gatherings. Subsequently, Lord John de Hastings submitted his petitions to the king and his council, insisting that his claim concerning the tablecloths should be fairly reviewed, as was his right. He argued that he had fulfilled his service properly, just like his ancestor had during King Henry's reign, when he received his fee after marrying Eleanor, the daughter of the Count of Provence, related to his manor of Asheley in North county, as is documented in the King's Memorandum in the Exchequer in various places.

* Williame de Hastinges tient demye fee de chiualer in Asheley du roy a fayre le seruice per seriante deestree panetre le roye, which is found in the fourth leafe of Chester beginning, Le counte Roger le Bigot, in the title of eschetes of seriantie in the countie of Northfolke. Touching which it is thus further found in the same place.   * Henrie de Hastings tient en Asheley du roye per sergiante de la panetre, fo. Syesme.   * Henrie de Hastings tient vn seriante de la panetre le roy en Ashelty, & vaute per an. C. sol. fol. 9.   * Williame de Hastings tient vn fee de chiualer en Asheley seriante deestree despenser en le despens. le roy. fo. 4.   * Henrie de Hastings tient vn terr en la ville de Asheley per le seruice deestree le despenser.

* William de Hastings holds half a knight's fee in Ashley from the king, serving as a pantry sergeant to the king, noted in the fourth leaf of Chester, starting with Count Roger le Bigot, under the title of escheats of sergeantry in Norfolk county. Further records in the same place state: * Henry de Hastings holds in Ashley for pantry service, fo. Syesme. * Henry de Hastings is a sergeant of the king's pantry in Ashley, valued at C shillings per year, fol. 9. * William de Hastings holds a knight's fee in Ashley as a sergeant of the king's household, fo. 4. * Henry de Hastings holds land in the town of Ashley for the service of the king's household.

Which petitions and all other petitions for his part of his land in the kings hands, by the censure made in the time of Henrie the 3, the said Iohn Hastings lord of Aburgauennie did pursue from parlement to parlement, vntill the parlement holden at Yorke after Michaelmas, where supplication was made to the king, by him and others, that he might remaine with the king in Gascoigne, as his steward or marshall: which if he would performe, all his forsaid petitions and all other petitions which were reasonable, should be granted vnto him. By occasion whereof he granted vnto the kings and the nobles request: so that the king would find him pledges due therefore, and that he might obteine iustice in his inheritances, and those his lawfull sutes, which had beene hitherto denied vnto him, which thing the king faithfullie promised in euerie respect to be performed towards him: |804| wherevpon he sailed into Gascoigne, in the yeare of Christ 1302, being the 31 of Edward the first, the wednesdaie after the feast of S. Lucie. But for this faire shew, it séemeth he sped neuer the better: for which cause not being restored in the 34 yeare of Edward the first, he pursued his sute afresh, and had from the king at Yorke this definitiue sentence, deliuered by the mouth of Walter Langhton, then the kings treasuror (as I find by such notes as I haue séene) that he should séeke the records of the chancerie, and bring them to the next parlement, which the said Iohn did. At what time he brought foorth the former grant of Henrie the third, of the said lands giuen in recompense of his part of the earledome of Chester. After which yet it was agréed by the king and his councell for diuerse con­si­der­a­tions (and mostlie (as I suppose) because he had refused to serue in Gascoigne, and onelie went as it were inforced) not­with­stand­ing all that the said Iohn could alledge, that he should take nothing for his petition, but further to be in the kings mercie for his false claime: the whole processe whereof I haue seene in an ancient written monument of French. All which (as I gather) was done in the life of Edward the first (not­with­stand­ing that I haue a little vnorderlie before treated of the executing of his office of the pantrie at the coronation of Edward the second, sonne to Edward the first) as may be confirmed by Piers Longtoft in these verses:

Which petitions and all other requests regarding his land held by the king, following the judgment made during the reign of Henry III, the said John Hastings, Lord of Aburgavenny, pursued from parliament to parliament, until the parliament held in York after Michaelmas. There, he and others petitioned the king that he might stay with him in Gascoigne, serving as his steward or marshal. If the king agreed, all his aforementioned petitions, along with any other reasonable requests, would be granted to him. As a result, he agreed to the king's and the nobles' request, on the condition that the king would provide him with proper pledges and ensure he obtained justice regarding his inheritances and lawful claims, which had previously been denied to him. The king faithfully promised to fulfill this in every regard. Therefore, he sailed into Gascoigne in the year 1302, during the 31st year of Edward I, on the Wednesday after the feast of St. Lucy. However, despite this noble appearance, it seems he did not fare any better. Because he was not restored in the 34th year of Edward I, he renewed his suit and received from the king in York a definitive sentence delivered by Walter Langton, the king's treasurer at the time (as I have found in certain notes). He was instructed to seek the records of the Chancery and present them at the next parliament, which John did. At this time, he produced the earlier grant from Henry III regarding the lands given in compensation for his share of the earldom of Chester. Afterward, the king and his council agreed for various reasons (mostly, as I believe, because he had refused to serve in Gascoigne and had only gone under compulsion) that despite all that John could argue, he would receive nothing for his petition, and he would remain at the king's mercy for his false claim. The entire process of this I have seen in an ancient written document in French. All of this (as I gather) happened during the life of Edward I (even though I have somewhat indiscriminately discussed his role in the pantry at the coronation of Edward II, the son of Edward I) as may be confirmed by Piers Longtoft in these verses:

Et pour peril escheuer toutz apres promist

Et pour peril escheuer toutz apres promist

Ke Iean de Hastin cheualiere lit

Ke Iean de Hastin cheualiere lit

Emerie de la Bret barone ne pas petit

Emerie de la Bret is not small.

Alant in Gascoigne touz sans contredit

Alant in Gascoigne touches without a doubt

Pour la terme attendue del trevis auant dit.

Pour la terme attendue del trevis auant dit.

Registrum comitum de Huntington.

Register of the Earls of Huntington.

This Iohn married two wiues both called Isabell, whereof the first was Isabell de Valence one of the daughters and heirs of William Valence earle of Penbroke & lord of Aburgauennie, but how the said Wil. Valence came to the honor of Aburgauennie, since William Cantelupe before named was once lord thereof, and much about that time, I can not yet certeinlie learne. But yet I following good authoritie haue set downe this Valence to be lord of Aburgauennie, & that he gaue the same to one Iohn Hastings, which must néeds be this man, marieng his daughter. The other wife of this Iohn Hastings, was Isabell the daughter of Hugh Spenser earle of Winchester. By his first wife he had six children, to wit, Iohn Hastings his heire, William Hastings that maried Elianor the daughter of sir William Martin, which died without heires; Henrie Hastings that was a clerke, and Elizabeth Hastings maried to Roger Greie lord of Ruthine sonne of sir Iohn Greie, of whom is descended Henrie earle of Kent now liuing. Ione maried to Edmund Mortimer, by whom she had no issue, being after maried to William de Huntingfield, by whome she had Roger de Huntingfield; and Margaret Hastings maried to William the sonne of William Martin lord of Kemmies. By Isabell Spenser his second wife, he had thrée children, to wit, Hugh Hastings lord of Folliot, of whome shall be more intreated, when we come to the last Iohn Hastings erle of Penbroke slaine at tilt, as before. Thomas Hastings, and Pelagia de Huntington. His first wife Isabell Valence died 1305, being the 31 of Edward the first, and was buried at the frier minors in Couentrie. His second wife ouerliuing hir husband, was after maried to sir Rafe Monthermer, for which mariage the said Rafe was fined by Edward the second at a thousand marks, as appeareth in the rols of the chancerie of 13 of Edward the second: she died the 9 of Edward the third, & was buried in the frier minors of Salisburie. This Iohn Hastings departed this life 1313, the sixt yeare of the reigne of Edward the second.

This John married two wives, both named Isabella. The first was Isabella de Valence, one of the daughters and heirs of William Valence, Earl of Pembroke and Lord of Abergavenny. I’m not exactly sure how William Valence received the honor of Abergavenny since William Cantilupe, mentioned earlier, was once the lord there around the same time. However, I have noted that this Valence was the lord of Abergavenny and that he gave it to John Hastings, who must be this man since he married his daughter. The second wife of John Hastings was Isabella, the daughter of Hugh Spencer, Earl of Winchester. With his first wife, he had six children: John Hastings, his heir; William Hastings, who married Eleanor, the daughter of Sir William Martin, and died without heirs; Henry Hastings, who became a clerk; and Elizabeth Hastings, who married Roger Grey, Lord of Ruthin, the son of Sir John Grey, from whom Henry, the current Earl of Kent, is descended. Joan married Edmund Mortimer, but they had no children; she later married William de Huntingfield, by whom she had Roger de Huntingfield. Margaret Hastings married William, the son of William Martin, Lord of Kemmies. With his second wife, Isabella Spencer, he had three children: Hugh Hastings, Lord of Folliot, about whom more will be covered when we discuss the last John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, who was killed at a tournament; Thomas Hastings; and Pelagia de Huntington. His first wife, Isabella Valence, died in 1305, during the 31st year of Edward I, and she was buried at the Friar Minors in Coventry. His second wife outlived him and later married Sir Rafe Monthermer, for which Rafe was fined a thousand marks by Edward II, as shown in the rolls of the Chancery from the 13th year of Edward II. She died in the 9th year of Edward III and was buried at the Friar Minors of Salisbury. This John Hastings passed away in 1313, during the sixth year of the reign of Edward II.

Iohn Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, was borne in the fiftéenth yeare of Edward the first, in the yeare of Christ 1287. For at the death of his father, which happened (as before) in the sixt yeare of Edward the second, he was found to be of the age of six & twentie years, which if it be added to the yeare of our Lord 1287, make vp the full number of 1313, in which his father died. This man in the eight yeare of Edward the second at the parlement holden at London in the Carmelite friers, being about the yeare |805| from the birth of Christ 1314, renewing the sute to the king (after the death of Antonie Beke bishop of Durham, which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1310) for the lands, whereof his father had the said bishop in sute, and which were after seized into the kings hands, as before appeareth, in the life of his father. It was then found vpon search, that sir Iohn Ballioll (who was partie to the said sute before) had the realme of Scotland by award: by reason of certeine lands that he gaue to sir Antonie de Beke the bishop of Durham: for which cause it séemed king Edward the first seized the same lands into his hands as forfeit to him, in that they were after the maner of a bribe giuen to the said bishop, to support the sute of the said Iohn Balioll for the obteining of the crowne of Scotland. And for that cause this Iohn Hastings was counselled by such as willed him well, that he should surceasse his sute, and so he did. This Iohn Hastings maried Iulian the daughter of Thomas lord Leiburne the sonne of William lord Leiburne, and had by hir Laurence de Hastings: after which this Iohn Hastings died in the eightéenth yeare of Edward the second, and in the yeare of our Lord 1325. His wife Iulian liued manie yeers after, and surrendred hir life in the fortie one yeare of Edward the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1366.

John Hastings, Lord Hastings and Aburgavenny, was born in the fifteenth year of Edward I, in the year 1287. After his father's death, which occurred in the sixth year of Edward II, he was found to be twenty-six years old. If you add that to the year 1287, it totals 1313, the year his father died. In the eighth year of Edward II, at the parliament held in London at the Carmelite friars, around the year 1314, he renewed his claim to the king regarding the lands his father had in dispute with Bishop Antony Bek of Durham, who died in 1310. These lands were seized by the king, as mentioned in his father's life. It was then discovered that Sir John Balliol, who was also involved in that dispute, had received the kingdom of Scotland by decree due to certain lands he gave to Sir Antony Bek, Bishop of Durham. Because of this, King Edward I seized those lands as forfeited, believing they were essentially a bribe to the bishop to support John Balliol's claim to the Scottish crown. For this reason, John Hastings was advised by those who cared for him to stop his claim, and he complied. John Hastings married Julian, the daughter of Thomas, Lord Leicburne, son of William, Lord Leicburne, and they had a son, Laurence de Hastings. John Hastings died in the eighteenth year of Edward II, in the year 1325. His wife, Julian, lived many years after and passed away in the forty-first year of Edward III, in the year 1366.

Laurence Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, was also afterward earle of Penbroke, he was borne about the thirtéenth yeare of Edward the second, being also about the yeare of our redemption 1320: which is proued by this, that the said Laurence was fiue yeares old at the death of his father, which (as before is said) happened in the yeare 1325, and in the eightéenth of Edward the second, at what time he was seized as the kings ward, and committed to the gouernement of tutors, appointed him by the said Edward the second. This Laurence Hastings for the nobilitie of his race, the actiuitie of him selfe, the largenesse of his possessions, and his familiaritie with the king, was created earle of Penbroke, about the one and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third. He maried Anne or Agnes the third daughter of sir Roger Mortimer the first earle of March, by whom he had issue Iohn Hastings.

Laurence Hastings, Lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, later became Earl of Pembroke. He was born around the thirteenth year of Edward II's reign, which corresponds to about the year 1320. This is confirmed by the fact that Laurence was five years old when his father died, which, as mentioned earlier, occurred in 1325 during the eighteenth year of Edward II's reign. At that time, he became the king's ward and was placed under the care of appointed guardians by Edward II. Laurence Hastings earned the title of Earl of Pembroke around the thirty-first year of King Edward III's reign due to his noble lineage, his own accomplishments, his vast holdings, and his close relationship with the king. He married Anne or Agnes, the third daughter of Sir Roger Mortimer, the first Earl of March, and they had a son named John Hastings.

Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgauennie and Weifford in Ireland, the sonne of Laurence Hastings the first earle of Penbroke of that name, did in the fortie one yeare of Edward the third, being about the yeare of our Lord 1369, infeoffe diuerse persons of the manor of Lidgate in Suffolke, of which towne was Iohn Lidgate the monke of Berie and famous poet of England surnamed. After which in the fortie six yeare of Edward the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1371, when the Frenchmen besieged Rochell, he was sent with an armie of men to the rescue of the same. But being set vpon by the Spanish nauie in the hauen of Rochell, they slue and tooke manie of the English, burnt their nauie, and caried the earle with sundrie other prisoners into Spaine; where this earle a long time remained prisoner. Which misfortune was iustlie supposed to haue fallen vpon him, because he was a man of euill life, giuen greatlie to lecherie, an infringer of the liberties of the church, and a persuader of the king that he should (for his warres) more grieuouslie exact manie subsidies and contributions vpon the clergie than vpon the laitie. After that he had béene long prisoner in Spaine (by the space almost of three yeares) he was ransomed for a great summe of monie, by Bertram Cleikine, and died (as I coniecture by some sufficient proofe) betwéene Paris and Calis, as he came into England, in the fortie ninth yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374: so that he neuer fullie paied his ransome. He had two wiues, Margaret the daughter of Edward the third, & Anne the daughter of sir Walter Mannie and of Margaret Segraue made dutchesse of Northfolke in the time of Richard the second: but when he maried these wiues, I can not certeinlie find. And in the earle of Kents booke (which treateth of the contention of the Hastings and the Greies, for bearing of the armes of Hastings) there is no mention made (as farre as my memorie serueth) of the said Margaret; the reason whereof I suppose to be, for that this Iohn Hastings had no issue by hir: and that booke onelie serued to conueie a lineall descent from the Hastings |806| to intitle the Greies. This Iohn Hastings had by his second wife (Anne) a sonne called Iohn Hastings, which after succéeded his father in all his inheritances.

John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, Lord Hastings of Abbergavenny and Wefford in Ireland, the son of Laurence Hastings, the first Earl of Pembroke of that name, in the forty-first year of Edward III, around the year 1369, granted various individuals the manor of Lidgate in Suffolk, where John Lidgate, the monk of Bury and famous poet of England, originated. Later, in the forty-sixth year of Edward III, in the year 1371, when the French were besieging Rochelle, he was sent with an army to rescue it. However, he was attacked by the Spanish navy in the port of Rochelle, which killed and captured many of the English, burned their fleet, and took the Earl, along with several other prisoners, to Spain, where he remained imprisoned for a long time. This misfortune was thought to have occurred justly because he was known to be a man of bad character, greatly given to lechery, a violator of the church's liberties, and a persuader of the king to impose heavier taxes and contributions on the clergy for his wars than on the laity. After he had been a prisoner in Spain for nearly three years, he was ransomed for a large sum of money by Bertram Cleikine and died (as I conjecture from solid evidence) between Paris and Calais while returning to England in the forty-ninth year of Edward III, in the year 1374, meaning he never fully paid his ransom. He had two wives, Margaret, daughter of Edward III, and Anne, daughter of Sir Walter Manny and Margaret Segraue, who was made Duchess of Norfolk during the time of Richard II; however, I cannot definitively find when he married these wives. In the Earl of Kent's book, which discusses the contention between the Hastings and the Greys over the bearing of the Hastings arms, there is no mention of the aforementioned Margaret (as far as I remember) which I suppose is because John Hastings had no children with her, and that book served only to convey a lineage from the Hastings to legitimize the Greys. John Hastings had a son named John Hastings with his second wife (Anne), who later succeeded his father in all his inheritances.

But before I saie anie more of the Hastings, I thinke it not amisse to giue some warning of an error in Polydor of Vrbin, writing that Anne the countesse of Penbroke (wife to this man, for none of the earles of Penbrokes had anie wife so named within the compasse of years wherein Polydor appointeth this time) descended of a noble house of S. Paule in France, a woman of great vertue, and a louer of learning and of learned men, founded a house in Cambridge, to this daie called Penbroke hall: which in truth was not builded by hir, but by Marie the wife of Odomare or Aimer de Valence earle of Penbroke, who was slaine at tilt in the one & twentie yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374: which was thirtie seauen yeares before the death of this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke: which Marie was in verie déede the daughter of Guie earle of S. Paule, the kinswoman of Edward the third, and a French woman. This woman being in one daie (& that the daie of hir mariage) a maid, a wife, & a widow (hir husband being that day slaine at tilt) did in hir widowhood (in the one & twentith yeare of Edward the 3, in the yeare of our Lord 1374) erect that house in Cambridge vpon hir owne ground, and appointed the same to be called the hall of Marie Valence, or Penbroke hall: by meanes whereof it was long after called Aula Valentiæ Mariæ.

But before I say more about the Hastings, I think it's important to point out an error in Polydor of Urbin, who wrote that Anne, the Countess of Pembroke (the wife of this man, since none of the earls of Pembroke had a wife by that name within the timeframe Polydor mentions), descended from a noble house of St. Paul in France. She was a woman of great virtue and a lover of learning and educated men, and she founded a house in Cambridge that is still called Pembroke Hall today. However, in reality, it was not built by her, but by Mary, the wife of Odomare or Aimer de Valence, Earl of Pembroke, who was killed in a tournament in the twenty-first year of Edward III, in the year 1374. That was thirty-seven years before John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, died. Mary was indeed the daughter of Guy, Earl of St. Paul, a relative of Edward III, and a Frenchwoman. This woman was, on one day (and it happened to be her wedding day), a maiden, a wife, and a widow (her husband was killed that day in a tournament). In her widowhood (in the twenty-first year of Edward III, in the year 1374), she established that house in Cambridge on her own land and designated it to be called the Hall of Mary Valence, or Pembroke Hall. Because of this, it was long after referred to as Aula Valentiæ Mariæ.

Now to returne (where I left) to the last wife of this Iohn Hastings called Anne, she (after the death of hir husband) did at the coronation of Richard the second, in the yeare of Christ 1382, being about the fift yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, sue by petition to execute by hir deputie the office of the panteler, by reason of the manor of Ashley, which she had for hir iointure, whervnto she was admitted, & by hir deputie sir Thomas Blunt knight did performe the same: as this record dooth testifie, in which is set both hir petitions, and the iudgement thereof in this forme.

Now, to pick up where I left off about John Hastings' last wife, Anne. After her husband's death, during the coronation of Richard the Second in the year 1382, which was around the fifth year of Richard's reign, she petitioned to have her deputy carry out the role of the panteler because of the manor of Ashley, which was part of her jointure. She was granted this, and her deputy, Sir Thomas Blunt, knight, fulfilled the responsibilities. This is confirmed by the record, which includes both her petitions and the judgment in this format.

The record whereby dame Anne Hastings clameth the office of the pantrie.

ITEM Anna quæ fuit vxor Iohannis Hastings nuper comes Penbrochiæ porrexit in curia quandam petitionem suam in hæc verba.   A treshonore seigneur le due de Lancast. & senescall d’Angliter supplie Anne que fuit le femme Iohn de Hastinges nadgares countie de Penbroke, qui cōme le mannor de Asheley in le com. de Northfolke soit tenens de nostre seigneur le roy par le seruice de faire le office de napperie al coronement le roy, quel mannor soel tient en dower del dowement son dit baron.   Ore plest luy accepter del faire son office person deputie, a cestie coronement nostre seigneur le roye, pernant les fees du dit office ceastascauoir les nappes quant il sont sustreytz.   Et quia post ostensionem verisimilium euidentiarum & rationem ipsius Annæ, ac proclamationem in curia prædicta debitè factam, in hac parte nullus huiusmodi clamor ipsius Annæ contradixit: consideratum fuit quòd ipsa ad officium prædictum per sufficientem deputatum suum faciendum admitteretur, & sic officium illud per Thomam Blunt militem, quem ad hoc deputauit, dicto die coronationis in omnibus perfecit, & peracto prandio mappas de mensis subtractis pro feodo suo recepit.

ITEM Anna, the wife of John Hastings, the late Earl of Pembroke, recently filed a petition in court with the following statement. To the honorable Lord Duke of Lancaster and Seneschal of England, Anne, the wife of John de Hastings, the late Count of Pembroke, who owns the manor of Ashley in Norfolk from our lord the king by the obligation of serving as napery at the king’s coronation, which manor she holds in dower from her late husband. Now, it pleases him to allow the performance of this duty by a deputy at the coronation of our lord the king, receiving the fees from this role, specifically the tablecloths when they are taken away. After presenting convincing evidence and explaining her situation, and with the proper proclamation made in the aforementioned court, and no one opposing Anne’s request: it was decided that she should be allowed to fulfill this duty through her qualified deputy, and thus the office was completed by Sir Thomas Blunt, whom she appointed for this purpose, on the day of the coronation, and after the meal, she received the tablecloths from the tables as her fee.

Thus this much touching this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke and dame Anne Mannie his wife.

Thus this much concerning John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, and Dame Anne Mannie, his wife.

Iohn Hastings (the sonne of Iohn Hastings last recited) was earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgauennie & Weisford, who being verie yoong at the time of his fathers death, was ward first to Edward the third, and then to Richard the second, but neuer saw his full age of one and twentie yeares, nor euer possessed the lands wherevnto he was borne: for not long after that he had married Philip the second daughter of Edmund Mortimer (earle of March Vlster and lord of Wigmore) he was [about the ninetenth yeare of his age, |807| the fiftéenth yeare of king Richard the second, and the yeare of our redemption 1391, being a youthfull and lustie yoong gentleman (but tender and slender) in the Christmasse time, when the K. held that feast at Woodstoke in Oxfordshire] willing to learne to iust, whervpon in the parke then incountring with a knight called Iohn saint Iohn (a valiant and stout person) he was slaine when they ran togither, as the said knight did cast his speare from him, and so the said earle receiuing this manner of death, no man knew whether it happened by mishap or of purpose. To which Iohn Hastings now slaine, Margaret Segraue duchesse of Northfolke his grandmother (by his mother the daughter of sir Walter Mannie) was executrix and disposer of all his substance. After his death, his widow the ladie Philip was married to Richard earle of Arundell, & after that to Iohn lord saint Iohn, being the same man (as I suppose) which slue hir first husband this Iohn Hastings. But here before the death of this Iohn I must not forget, that though he were within age at the coronation of Richard the second, as not being past nine or ten yeares old; he sued to execute at the said coronation, the offices which his ancestors had afore performed. But bicause his mother had the mannor of Ashley in dower (as is before expressed) he did not sue to serue in the pantrie, but leauing that, demandeth the carieng of the second sword and the golden spurs before the king. The records of both which I haue here set downe.

Iohn Hastings (the son of Iohn Hastings mentioned earlier) was the Earl of Pembroke, Lord Hastings of Abergavenny & Weisford. He was very young when his father died and was initially under the guardianship of Edward the Third, followed by Richard the Second. However, he never reached the age of twenty-one nor did he inherit the lands he was born into. Shortly after marrying Philip, the second daughter of Edmund Mortimer (the Earl of March, Ulster, and Lord of Wigmore), he was about nineteen years old and in the fifteenth year of King Richard the Second's reign, in the year 1391, during Christmas time when the King celebrated the feast at Woodstock in Oxfordshire. Eager to learn how to joust, he encountered a knight named John Saint John (a brave and strong man) in the park, where he was killed during their joust when the knight threw his spear, resulting in Earl Hastings' death. It was unclear whether this incident was accidental or intentional. Following his death, his grandmother, Margaret Segraue, Duchess of Norfolk (through his mother, who was the daughter of Sir Walter Mannie), was the executor of his estate. Afterward, his widow, Lady Philip, married Richard, Earl of Arundel, and then John, Lord Saint John, who, I believe, was the same man who killed her first husband, John Hastings. However, before John Hastings' death, it’s important to note that although he was underage during Richard the Second's coronation—being no older than nine or ten—he sought to fulfill the roles that his ancestors had previously held at the coronation. Because his mother owned the manor of Ashley as her dower (as mentioned earlier), he did not request to serve in the pantry but instead sought to carry the second sword and the golden spurs before the king. I have included the records of both of these requests here.

The petition for the second sword which the earle of Arundell also claimed to beare, was in this sort.

IOHANNES de Hastings nuper comes Penbrochiæ protulit quandam petitionē in hæc verba.   A treshonoree seigniour le duc de Lancastre & seneschall d’Angleterre, Iohn fitz & heyre Iohn de Hastinges counte de Penbroke, que cōme il tient le Chastell de la ville de Tynbye, le grange de Kingswood, le cōmote de Craytrath, le mannor de Chastell Martin, & le mannor de Traygaire per seruice de porter le second espee deuant le roy a son coronement: qui pleast a luy, accepter a son dit office a faire ore a ceste coronement.   Et super hoc Richardus comes Arundell & Surrey exhibuit in curia quandā aliam petitionē in hæc verba.   A roy de Chastell & de Lion duc de Lancastre & senescall d’Angleterre, supplie Richard counte de Arundell & Surrey, de luy receuer a faire son office, a porter le second espee deuant le roy ore a son coronement, que luy appertient de droit pur le countie de Surrey.   Quibus petitionibus intellectis & auditis, & hinc inde dictorum comitum rationibus, pro eo quòd dictus Iohannes comes Penbrochiæ (qui infra ætatē in custodia regis existit) ostendit curiæ meliores & verisimiliores rationes pro se, quàm prædictus comes Arundell pro ipso monstrauit.   Dominus rex declarata coram eo materia prædicta, præcepit Edmundo comiti mariscallo, quòd ipse gladium prædictum ista vice in nomine iure prædicti comitis Penbrochiæ deferret, saluo iure alterius cuiuscunq;.   Qui quidem mariscallus gladium ilium ex hac causa die coronationis gestabat calcaribus deauratis.

IOHANNES de Hastings recently submitted a petition in these words. To the honorable lord, the Duke of Lancaster and Seneschal of England, John Fitz and heir John de Hastings, Count of Pembroke, who holds the Castle of the town of Tinby, the granary of Kingswood, the commote of Craytrath, the manor of Castle Martin, and the manor of Traygaire by the duty of carrying the second sword before the king at his coronation: he wishes to accept that role at this coronation. In relation to this, Richard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, presented another petition in these words. To the King of the Castle and the Lion, Duke of Lancaster and Seneschal of England, Richard, Earl of Arundel and Surrey, requests to be allowed to perform his duty of carrying the second sword before the king at his coronation, which he is entitled to by right for the county of Surrey. After reviewing and understanding these petitions, and considering the arguments of both earls, it was found that John, Earl of Pembroke (who is currently under the king's guardianship) presented stronger and more convincing reasons to the court than those presented by the Earl of Arundel. The lord king, having addressed the matter, ordered Edmund, the Earl Marshal, to carry the sword on this occasion in the name of the Earl of Pembroke, while ensuring the rights of others are preserved. The Marshal carried the sword on the day of the coronation, decorated with golden spurs.

The other bill exhibited for the golden spurs, is registred in this order,

IOHANNES filius & hæres Iohannis de Hastings nuper comitis Pēbrochiæ exhibuit in curia quandam petitionem in hæc verba.   A treshonore seigneur le roy de Chastell, &c.   Et seneschall d’Anglterre, supplie Iohne fitz & heyre Iohne Hastings nadgares counte de Penbroke, de estre receue a son office de porter les grandes esperon, d’oores deuant le roy nostre seigneur ore a son coronement, en mannor cōme William le marischall son ancester les porta il coronoment de roy. Edw. audita & intellecta billa prædicta, pro eo quòd Iohannes est infra ætatem & in custodia domini regis, quanquam sufficientes ostendit curiæ recorda & euidētias, quòd ipse seruitium prædictum de iure facere deberet; |808| consideratum extitit, quòd esset ad voluntatem regis, quis dictum seruitium ista vice in iure ipsius Iohannis faceret.   Et super hoc rex assigna­bat Ed­mun­dum comitē maris­cal­lum, ad deferēdum dicto die coro­na­tion­is prædicta calcaria in iure ipsius hæredis.   Saluo iure alterius cuiuscunque, & sic idem comes maris­cal­lus illa calcaria prædicta in dicto die coronationis coram ipso domino rege deferebat.

IOHANNES, son and heir of John de Hastings, the late Earl of Pembroke, submitted a petition to the court stating: To the honorable king of Castle, etc. And to the Seneschal of England, John fitz and heir John Hastings, formerly Count of Pembroke, requests to be allowed to fulfill his duty of carrying the great spurs before our lord the king at his coronation, just as his ancestor William the Marshal did at the coronation of King Edward. After reviewing this petition, it was determined that John is underage and in the custody of the lord king. Although he provided sufficient documentation and evidence to the court to show he should rightfully perform this service, it was decided that the king would choose someone to carry out this duty on John’s behalf this time. Consequently, the king appointed Edmund, the Earl Marshal, to carry the spurs on coronation day on behalf of the aforementioned heir. This respected the rights of anyone else, and so the same Earl Marshal carried the spurs on the day of the coronation in front of the lord king.

In this Iohn Hastings ended all the honorable titles of the Hastings, bicause this man dieng without issue, his inheritances were dispersed to diuerse persons; for the honour of Penbroke came to Francis at court by the kings gift, the baronies of Hastings and Weisford came to Reinold Greie of Ruthine, the baronie of Aburgauennie was granted to William Beauchampe of Bedford: for all which lands, and for the bearing of the armes of this same Iohn Hastings without difference, great contention grew betwéene sir Edward Hastings knight (descended of Isabell Spenser) and Reinold Greie lord Greie of Ruthine, sonne of Reinold Greie, sonne of Roger Greie, that married Elizabeth daughter of Isabell Valence, for both the said lord Greie and sir Edward Hastings were descended by two venters (as partlie before and partlie hereafter shalbe shewed) from one man Iohn Hastings, husband to both said Isabels. For the explanation whereof, and lineall descent to conueie the said sir Edward Hastings from the said sir Iohn Hastings, first lord of Aburgauennie of that surname; I must here repeat a little of that which I haue alreadie written: which is, that the said Iohn Hastings first lord of Aburgauennie, hauing two wiues, both Isabels, by his first wife Isabell Valence had Elizabeth maried to Roger Greie, and by his second wife Isabell Spenser, he had issue Hugh Hastings knight, from whome we are to deduce the said sir Edward Hastings in this sort. Hugh Hastings knight lord of Folliot (in the right of his wife) being sonne of the second wombe of Isabell Spenser, and Iohn Hastings sonne of Henrie Hastings married Margerie the daughter and heire of sir Richard Folliot, by whom he came to be lord of Folliot, and alwaies bare the armes of Hastings with a difference of a second brother of a second venter. This marriage was procured and made by Isabell his mother, who purchased the said ward for him. This Hugh died in the yeare of Christ 1347, in the one and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and was buried in the church of Elsing, in Elsrug in Northfolke which he builded; his wife Margerie died in the yeare 1349, being the thrée and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and was buried in the chappell of Fornewell. This Hugh had issue by his wife Hugh Hastings his heire, and a daughter married to sir Robert de la Mare.

In this, John Hastings ended all the honorable titles of the Hastings because this man died without heirs, and his inheritances were distributed to various people. The honor of Pembroke was given to Francis at court by the king’s gift, the baronies of Hastings and Weisford went to Reinold Greie of Ruthin, and the barony of Aburgavenny was granted to William Beauchamp of Bedford. Due to all these lands and the ability to bear the arms of John Hastings without distinction, there was significant contention between Sir Edward Hastings, a knight descended from Isabel Spencer, and Reinold Greie, Lord Greie of Ruthin, son of Reinold Greie, who was the son of Roger Greie, who married Elizabeth, the daughter of Isabel Valence. Both Lord Greie and Sir Edward Hastings were descended from John Hastings, who was married to both Isabels. To clarify this and trace the direct lineage that connects Sir Edward Hastings to Sir John Hastings, the first Lord of Aburgavenny of that surname, I must briefly repeat what I have already written: John Hastings, the first Lord of Aburgavenny, had two wives, both named Isabel. By his first wife, Isabel Valence, he had Elizabeth, who married Roger Greie, and by his second wife, Isabel Spencer, he had Hugh Hastings, a knight, from whom we will trace Sir Edward Hastings. Hugh Hastings, knight and Lord of Folliot (through his wife), was the son of Isabel Spencer’s second marriage, and John Hastings, son of Henry Hastings, married Margerie, the daughter and heir of Sir Richard Folliot, which made him the Lord of Folliot, and he always bore the arms of Hastings with a mark of a second brother from a second marriage. This marriage was arranged by his mother, Isabel, who secured the wardship for him. Hugh died in the year 1347, during the twenty-first year of Edward the Third, and was buried in the church of Elsing in Elmsford, Norfolk, which he had built. His wife Margerie died in 1349, during the twenty-third year of Edward the Third, and was buried in the chapel of Fornewell. Hugh had a son, Hugh Hastings, his heir, and a daughter who married Sir Robert de la Mare.

Hugh Hastings knight, the sonne of Hugh and Margerie Folliot did marrie the daughter of Adam de Eueringham, by whom he had Hugh Hastings his sonne and heire, and two daughters, the one married to Winkfield, and the other to a knight called Elmham. This Hugh died at Calkewelhell or Gwines, and was buried in the friers of Doncaster, in the yeare of our Lord 1369, about the foure & fortith yéere of Edward the third. This man for him and his heires in difference from the other Hastings, earles of Penbroke his kinsmen by the halfe blood, did beare the Hastings armes with the labell, quartered with the armes of Folliot. Hugh Hastings knight the sonne of Hugh and Margaret Eueringham married Anne the daughter of Edward Spenser earle of Glocester, by whom he had issue Hugh Hastings and Edward Hastings, which contended with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine. This Hugh tooke his pilgrimage to Ierusalem & died in Spaine, after whose death dame Anne Spenser his wife was maried to Thomas lord Morleie. Hugh Hastings eldest son of Hugh Hastings and dame Anne Spenser, married the daughter of sir Wil. Blunt knight; this Hugh died at Calis at the mariage of Richard the second, to Isabell the daughter of the king of France, about the 19 yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, being the yeare of our redemption 1395, who dieng without issue, all his right and title came to his brother Edward. |809|

Hugh Hastings, a knight and the son of Hugh and Margerie Folliot, married the daughter of Adam de Eueringham. Together, they had a son named Hugh Hastings, who would inherit, and two daughters—one married to Winkfield and the other to a knight named Elmham. This Hugh passed away in Calkewelhell or Gwines and was buried in the friars of Doncaster in the year 1369, around the forty-fourth year of Edward III's reign. He and his heirs, unlike the other Hastings, the Earls of Pembroke, who were his half-relatives, used the Hastings emblem with a label, quartered with the Folliot arms. Hugh Hastings, the knight, son of Hugh and Margaret Eueringham, married Anne, the daughter of Edward Spenser, Earl of Gloucester, and they had two sons, Hugh Hastings and Edward Hastings, who had a dispute with Reinold Greie, Lord of Ruthin. This Hugh went on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem and died in Spain. After his death, his wife, Dame Anne Spenser, married Thomas, Lord Morley. Hugh Hastings, the eldest son of Hugh Hastings and Dame Anne Spenser, married the daughter of Sir William Blunt, knight. This Hugh died in Calais during the marriage of Richard II to Isabel, the daughter of the King of France, around the 19th year of Richard's reign, in the year 1395, and since he died without children, all his rights and titles passed to his brother Edward. |809|

Edward Hastings knight brother of the last Hugh began the contention with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine, for the right of the lands, honors, and armes without difference of the last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke. This sute began about the eight yeare of Henrie the fourth, and continued at least vntill the fift yeare of Henrie the fift, if not longer; but in the end (not­with­stand­ing manie false pedegrees counterfeited by this Hastings, and his vncle Henrie bishop of Norwich, one of the house of the Spensers) yet it was adiudged against the said sir Edward Hastings in the marshals court, that the lands, honors, and armes without difference, as the last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke did beare them, with the armes of William Valence earle of Penbroke, should be onelie borne by the said lord Greie of Ruthine and his heires, as being of the whole blood, and next heire to the said last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke, and that the said Edward Hastings should vtterlie be barred to beare the armes of Hastings, but quartered with the armes of Folliott, as onelie descending of the halfe blood of the said last earle of Penbroke of that name. And that all other pedegrees what so euer (except this) are false, and of purpose contriued, as appeareth by a notable booke and monument thereof remaining in the hands of Henrie Greie now earle of Kent (descended of the said Reinold Greie of Ruthine) conteining all the processe, examinations, witnesses, pedegrees & iudgements thereof, more plainelie maie appeare. In which contention there was shewed a matter by the deposition of sir William Hoo knight not vnworthie to be remembred (though it touch not the Hastings) concerning armorie and bearing of differences in armes, which was, that the said sir William said on his oth in the tenth yeare of Henrie the fourth, that before the times of Edward the third, the labell of three points was the different appropriat and appurtenant for the cognizance of the next heire; but the same king made his sons to beare the entire armes with labels of thrée points, with certeine differences in the said labels, to be knowen the one from the other, except his sonne the duke of Glocester, who bare a border about the armes of France and England. And thus, this much Francis Thin touching the name of Hastings.

Edward Hastings, brother of the last Hugh, started a dispute with Reinold Greie, Lord of Ruthine, over the rights to the lands, honors, and arms without distinction from the last John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke. This lawsuit began around the eighth year of Henry IV and lasted at least until the fifth year of Henry V, if not longer. In the end, despite many false family trees fabricated by Hastings and his uncle Henry, the Bishop of Norwich, who was related to the Spensers, it was decided against Sir Edward Hastings in the marshal's court. The lands, honors, and arms, as borne by the last John Hastings, Earl of Pembroke, along with the arms of William Valence, Earl of Pembroke, were determined to be exclusively borne by Lord Greie of Ruthine and his heirs, as he was of the full blood and the next heir to the last John Hastings. Sir Edward Hastings was completely barred from bearing the Hastings arms, instead quartered with the arms of Folliott, since he was only a half-blood descendant of the last Earl of Pembroke of that name. All other family trees, apart from this one, were deemed false and deliberately fabricated, as evident by a significant book and monument remaining in the possession of Henry Greie, now Earl of Kent, who is descended from Reinold Greie of Ruthine, containing all the proceedings, examinations, witnesses, family trees, and judgments on the matter more clearly. In this dispute, a point was noted in the testimony of Sir William Hoo, a knight, that should be remembered (even though it doesn’t directly involve the Hastings) regarding heraldry and differences in arms. Sir William testified under oath in the tenth year of Henry IV that before the time of Edward III, the label with three points was specifically used for the recognition of the next heir. However, that king had his sons bear the full arms with labels of three points, with specific differences in those labels to distinguish them from one another, except for his son, the Duke of Gloucester, who bore a border around the arms of France and England. And so, this much is related by Francis Thin regarding the name of Hastings.

The earle of Lancaster canonized for a saint.

The Earl of Lancaster was canonized as a saint.

A bill against wearing of badges.

A law against wearing badges.

No reteiners to weare badges.

No retainers to wear badges.

An act against mediators for wilfull murderers.

An action against facilitators for intentional murderers.

In this yeare Thomas earle of Lancaster, for the opinion which had béene conceiued of him, by reason of miracles and other respects, was canonized for a saint. The mondaie next after the feast of saint Hilarie, a parlement was begun at Westminster, in which there was a bill exhibited by the commons, that the lords and great men of the realme should not giue to their men badges to weare as their cognizances; by reason that through the abuse thereof, manie great oppressions, imbraseries, vnlawfull maintenances, and wrongs were practised, to the hinderance of all good orders, lawes, and iustice. The lords would not consent altogither to laie downe their badges; but yet they agreed that none should weare any such cognizance except their seruants of houshold, and such as were in ordinarie wages by the yeare.  ¶ In the same parlement, certeine persons that had gone about some new rebellion in Kent, being apprehended, were condemned, and so were drawne and hanged.  ¶ There was also an act made against such as should passe the seas, to purchase prouisions (as they termed them) in any church or churches. And if any from thencefoorth attempted so to doo, he should be reputed and taken as a rebell. Also there was an act prouided against those that committed any wilfull murder, that none should presume to sue for their pardon. A duke or an archbishop that so sued, should forfeit to the king an hundred pounds. Likewise an earle or a bishop, an hundred marks, &c.

In this year, Thomas, Earl of Lancaster, was canonized as a saint due to the opinions formed about him, which were based on miracles and other factors. The Monday after the feast of Saint Hilarie, a parliament began at Westminster, where the commons presented a bill stating that the lords and noblemen of the realm should not give their followers badges to wear as symbols of their identities. This was because the misuse of such badges led to many serious abuses, including oppression, bribery, unlawful support, and injustices that harmed good order, laws, and justice. The lords refused to fully abandon their badges, but they agreed that only their household servants and those regularly paid by the year should wear any such identification. In the same parliament, certain individuals who had attempted a new rebellion in Kent were captured, condemned, and subsequently drawn and hanged. There was also legislation enacted against those who would cross the seas to acquire supplies (as they referred to them) from any church or churches. Anyone who tried to do so from then on would be considered a rebel. Additionally, there was a law established against those who committed willful murder, stating that no one should presume to seek a pardon for such acts. A duke or an archbishop who did so would forfeit one hundred pounds to the king, while an earl or a bishop would forfeit one hundred marks, etc.

The duke of Lancaster made duke of Aquitaine.

The Duke of Lancaster was made Duke of Aquitaine.

Great tempest.

Big storm.

Great plague.

Black Death.

Great dearth.

Great scarcity.

Ab. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Ab. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

A roiall hunting.

A royal hunt.

Moreouer, in this parlement it was granted, that the king should haue of euerie sacke of wooll fortie shillings, of the which ten shillings should be applied presentlie to the kings vses, and thirtie shillings residue of the fourtie shillings should remaine in the hands of the treasurors, towards the bearing forth of the charges of wars when any chanced. ¶ Also there was a subsidie granted of six pence in the pound, foure pence to the vse last mentioned, and two pence to be imploied at the kings pleasure. In the same parlement, Iohn duke of Lancaster was created duke of Aquitaine, receiuing at the kings hand the rod and cap, as inuestures of that dignitie. Also the duke of Yorke his sonne and heire |810| was created earle of Rutland. In the fift of March a sore and terrible wind rose, with the violence whereof, much hurt was doone, houses ouerthrowne, cattell destroied, and trees ouerturned. After this insued great mortalitie by pestilence, so that much youth died euerie where, in cities and townes, in passing great numbers. Herewith followed a great dearth of corne, so that a bushell of wheat in some places was sold at thirtéene pence, which was thought to be at a great price.  ¶ About the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula, Iohn duke of Lancaster caused a great number of the nobles and péeres of the realme to hunt at Leicester in the forrest and all the parkes there to him apperteining. On the saturdaie the king and quéene were present, the archbishop of Yorke, the duke of Yorke, Thomas Woodstoke duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell Iohn of Holland, the earle of Huntington, with other bishops, lords and ladies a great manie, and on thursdaie next following the king departing from thence towards Notingham soiourned with the lord of Beaumont besides Loughborrow.

Moreover, in this parliament, it was agreed that the king would receive forty shillings from every sack of wool, of which ten shillings would be used immediately for the king's needs, and the remaining thirty shillings would stay with the treasurers to cover the costs of war as needed. ¶ Additionally, a subsidy of six pence per pound was granted, with four pence allocated for the aforementioned use and two pence to be used at the king's discretion. In the same parliament, John, Duke of Lancaster, was made Duke of Aquitaine, receiving a rod and cap from the king as symbols of that status. Also, the Duke of York's son and heir was created Earl of Rutland. On March 5th, a strong and terrible wind arose, causing significant damage, toppling houses, killing livestock, and uprooting trees. Following this, a severe plague resulted in a high mortality rate, with many young people dying in cities and towns in large numbers. This was accompanied by a great shortage of grain, with a bushel of wheat being sold for thirteen pence in some places, which was considered a high price. ¶ Around the feast of St. Peter ad Vincula, John, Duke of Lancaster, organized a large hunt for many nobles and peers of the realm in Leicester, in the forest and all the parks belonging to him. On Saturday, the king and queen were present along with the Archbishop of York, the Duke of York, Thomas Woodstock, Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Arundel, John of Holland, the Earl of Huntington, and many other bishops, lords, and ladies. The following Thursday, the king left there heading towards Nottingham and stayed with the Lord of Beaumont near Loughborough.

A iournie against the Saracens.

A journey against the Saracens.

An. Reg. 14.

The English archers good seruice.

The English archers' good service.

In this thirtéenth yeare of king Richards reigne, the christians tooke in hand a iournie against the Saracens of Barbarie, through sute of the Genowais, so that there went a great number of lords, knights, and gentlemen of France and England, the duke of Burbon being their generall. Out of England there went one Iohn de Beaufort bastard son to the duke of Lancaster (as Froissard hath noted) also sir Iohn Russell, sir Iohn Butler and others. They set forward in the latter end of this thirtéenth yeare, and came to Genoa, where they remained not long, but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genowais were readie to passe them ouer into Barbarie. And so about Midsummer in the beginning of the fourteenth yeare of this kings reigne, the whole armie being embarked, sailed foorth to the coasts of Barbarie, where neare to the citie of Affrike they landed, at which instant the English archers (as some write) stood all the companie in good stead, with their long bowes, beating backe the enimies from the shore, which came downe to resist their landing.

In the thirteenth year of King Richard's reign, the Christians undertook a campaign against the Saracens of Barbary, at the request of the Genovese, so a large number of lords, knights, and gentlemen from France and England joined, with the Duke of Bourbon as their general. From England, John de Beaufort, the illegitimate son of the Duke of Lancaster (as Froissart noted), along with Sir John Russell, Sir John Butler, and others, set out. They left towards the end of this thirteenth year and arrived in Genoa, where they didn't stay long, as the galleys and other ships of the Genovese were ready to take them over to Barbary. So around Midsummer, at the start of the fourteenth year of this king's reign, the entire army embarked and sailed to the coasts of Barbary, where near the city of Africa they landed. At that moment, the English archers (as some wrote) played a crucial role, using their longbows to fend off the enemies coming down to resist their landing.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The earle of Derbie his exploits in his iournie against the infidels of Prutzenland.

The Earl of Derby's exploits during his journey against the infidels of Prutzenland.

After they had got to land, they inuironed the citie of Affrike, (called by the moores Mahemedia) with a strong siege: but at length constrained with the intemperancie of the scalding aire in that hot countrie, bréeding in the armie sundrie diseases, they fell to a composition vpon certeine articles to be performed in the behalfe of the Saracens, and so 61 daies after their first arriuall there, they tooke the seas againe, & returned home, as in the histories of France and Italie is likewise expressed. Where, by Polydor Virgil it may séeme, that the lord Henrie of Lancaster earle of Derbie, should be capteine of the English men, that (as before ye haue heard) went into Barbarie with the Frenchmen, and Genowais. It should otherwise appeare by other writers, who affirme that the said earle made a iournie in deed the same time against the miscreants, not into Barbarie, but into Prutzenland, where he shewed good proofe of his noble and valiant courage: for ioining with the masters and knights of the Dutch order there, the armie of the Lithuanians that came against the said order was vanquished, and foure chiefe leaders of the Lithuanians were taken prisoners, thrée other being slaine, with thrée hundred of their chiefest and best approoued soldiers. Through the policie also and worthie manhood of the earle of Derbie, there was a certeine citie taken, where the said earle and his men first entring vpon the walles, did set vp his banner: other being slouthfull, or at the least vnskilfull how to deale in such exploits. There were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common people, and amongst them that were found dead, the king of Polognies brother was one. The castell of the same citie was besieged fiue weekes space: but by reason of sickenesse and such infirmities as chanced in the armie, the masters of Prutzen, and Lifeland would not tarie any longer, but breake vp their siege and returned. The master of Lifeland led with him into his countrie thrée thousand prisoners.

After they landed, they besieged the city of Africa (called Mahemedia by the Moors) with a strong force. But eventually, due to the unbearable heat in that hot country, which caused various diseases in the army, they reached an agreement with the Saracens on certain terms. So, 61 days after their arrival, they took to the sea again and returned home, as noted in the histories of France and Italy. According to Polydor Virgil, it seems that Lord Henry of Lancaster, the Earl of Derby, was the captain of the English forces who (as you have heard before) went into Barbary with the French and Genoese. However, other writers claim that the Earl actually undertook a campaign at the same time against the infidels, not into Barbary but to Prutzenland, where he demonstrated his noble and brave spirit. Teaming up with the masters and knights of the Teutonic Order there, the Lithuanian army that came against them was defeated, and four key leaders of the Lithuanians were captured, with three others killed, along with three hundred of their best soldiers. Thanks to the strategy and valor of the Earl of Derby, a certain city was captured, where the Earl and his men, as they first entered the walls, raised their banner while others were either lazy or not skilled enough for such actions. Four thousand common people were taken or killed in the process, including the brother of the King of Polonia among the dead. The castle of that city was besieged for five weeks; however, due to sickness and other ailments in the army, the masters of Prutzen and Livland decided not to stay any longer, breaking up their siege and retreating. The Master of Livland took three thousand prisoners back to his country.

A roiall iusts holden in Smithfield at London.

A royal tournament held in Smithfield in London.

The manner of the iusts in Smithfield.

The way of the jousts in Smithfield.

Siluer saith Froissard.

Siluer says Froissard.

In the meane time, whilest the christians were thus occupied, as well against the infidels Barbarie, as in the east parts towards Littawe, a roiall iusts and martiall turnament was proclaimed to be holden within Smithfield in London, to begin on sundaie next after |811| the feast of saint Michaell. And bicause this triumphant pastime was published, not onelie in England, but also in Scotland, in Almaine, in Flanders, in Brabant, in Heinault, & in France, manie strangers came hither foorth of diuerse countries, namelie Valeran erle of saint Paule, that had married king Richards sister the ladie Mauld de Courtnie, and William the yoong erle of Osteruant, sonne to Albert de Bauiere earle of Holland and Heinault. At the daie appointed, when all things were prepared there issued foorth of the tower about thrée of the clocke in the after noone sixtie coursers apparelled for the iustes, and vpon euerie one an esquier of honor, riding a soft pace. Then came foorth foure and twentie ladies of honour (three score saith Froissard) mounted on palfries, riding on the one side richlie apparelled, and euerie ladie led a knight with a chaine of gold. Those knights being on the kings part, had their armor and apparell garnished with white hearts and crownes of gold about their necks, and so they came riding through the stréets of London vnto Smithfield, with a great number of trumpets and other instruments before them.

In the meantime, while the Christians were busy fighting against the infidels in Barbary and in the eastern parts towards Littawe, a royal joust and martial tournament was announced to take place in Smithfield, London, starting on the Sunday after the feast of Saint Michael. Since this grand event was publicized not only in England but also in Scotland, Germany, Flanders, Brabant, Hainault, and France, many foreigners came from various countries, including Valeran, the Earl of Saint Paul, who had married King Richard's sister, Lady Mauld de Courtnie, and William, the young Earl of Ostervant, son of Albert de Baviera, Earl of Holland and Hainault. On the appointed day, when everything was ready, sixty horses dressed for the joust emerged from the Tower around three o'clock in the afternoon, each carrying a squire of honor, riding at a gentle pace. Then, twenty-four ladies of honor (sixty, according to Froissart) appeared, mounted on palfreys, riding elegantly on one side, and each lady led a knight by a gold chain. Those knights on the king’s side wore armor and outfits adorned with white hearts and gold crowns around their necks, making their way through the streets of London to Smithfield, accompanied by a great number of trumpets and other instruments ahead of them.

The king kept opē household in the bishop of London his palace by Paules church. The K. festeth the strangers.

The king hosted his household at the bishop of London's palace by St. Paul's church. The king is entertaining the guests.

The duke of Lancaster feasteth the strangers.

The Duke of Lancaster hosts a feast for the guests.

The king and the queene, with manie other great states were readie placed in chambers richlie adorned to see the iusts: and when the ladies that led the knights, were come to the place, they were taken downe from their palfries, and went vp into chambers readie prepared for them. Then alighted the esquires of honor from their coursers, & the knights in good order mounted vpon them. And so when their helmets were set on their heads, and that they were redie in all points, after proclamations made by the heraults, the iusts began, and manie commendable courses were run, to the great pleasure, comfort, and recreation of the king, the quéene, and all other the beholders. The prise that daie on the answerers part was giuen to the earle of saint Paule; and on the chalengers side, to the earle of Huntington. On the mondaie, the king himselfe, with dukes, earls, lords, and knights, came to the iusts, he being cheefe of the inner part. That daie the prise was giuen to the erle of Osteruant, for the best dooer of the vtter part: and of the inner part, to a knight of England called sir Hugh Spenser. On the tuesdaie, all manner of esquiers iusted, and likewise on the wednesday all maner of knights and esquires that would, on which daie was a sore and rude iusts, enduring till night. And so manie a noble course and other martiall feats were atchiued in those foure daies, to the great contentation and pleasure of manie a yoong batcheler desirous to win fame, & also highlie to the kings honour, who by all that season held his court in the bishops palace by Paules church, kéeping open houshold for all honest persons that thither resorted, especiallie euerie night after the iusts were ended, a right sumptuous and princelie supper was prepared for the strangers and other, and after supper, the time was spent in dansing and reuelling after the most courtlike maner. On the thursdaie, the king made a supper to all the lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, and the quéene to all the ladies and gentlewomen. On the fridaie the duke of Lancaster feasted at dinner all the said lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, in most sumptuous and plentifull maner. On the saturdaie, the king and all the whole companie departed from London vnto Windsore, where new feasting began, and speciallie the king did all the honour that might be deuised vnto the earls of saint Paule and Osteruant. The earle of Osteruant, at the earnest request of the king, receiued of him the order of the Garter, for the which he was euill thought of afterwards by his freends, namelie the French king and others. Finallie, after the king had thus feasted the strangers and others at Windsore, each man tooke leaue of the king, the queene, and the kings vncles, and other lords and ladies, and so departed, the strangers into their owne countries, and other home to their houses, or whither they thought best.

The king and queen, along with many other high-ranking officials, were situated in richly decorated chambers to watch the jousts. When the ladies, who led the knights, arrived at the venue, they were helped down from their horses and went up into prepared rooms. The squires of honor then dismounted from their steeds, and the knights mounted them in an orderly fashion. Once their helmets were secured and they were ready in all respects, and after announcements were made by the heralds, the jousts commenced, featuring many commendable matches conducted to the great enjoyment and entertainment of the king, queen, and all the spectators. The prize on that day for the answering side was awarded to the Earl of Saint Paul; and for the challenger's side, to the Earl of Huntington. On Monday, the king himself, along with dukes, earls, lords, and knights, attended the jousts, with him being chief of the inner part. That day, the prize was given to the Earl of Oestravant for the best performance in the outer part, and in the inner part, to a knight of England named Sir Hugh Spenser. On Tuesday, all kinds of squires jousted, and similarly, on Wednesday, all knights and squires who wished to participate took part in a fierce and intense jousting event that lasted into the night. Many noble matches and other martial feats were achieved over those four days, greatly satisfying and entertaining many young bachelors eager to earn fame, while also bringing honor to the king, who during that time held court at the bishop's palace by Paul's church, hosting open house for all respectable visitors. Especially every night after the jousts concluded, a lavish and royal supper was served for the guests and others, and following the meal, the time was spent dancing and reveling in the most courtly manner. On Thursday, the king hosted a supper for all the lords, knights, and visiting gentlemen, while the queen hosted all the ladies and gentlewomen. On Friday, the Duke of Lancaster treated all the aforementioned lords, knights, and visiting gentlemen to a grand dinner in a most extravagant and plentiful way. On Saturday, the king and the entire company departed from London to Windsor, where new celebrations began, particularly the king honored the Earls of Saint Paul and Oestravant in the highest manner possible. The Earl of Oestravant, at the king's strong request, received the Order of the Garter, which later caused him to be poorly regarded by his friends, namely the French king and others. Finally, after the king had hosted the guests and others in Windsor, everyone took their leave of the king, queen, the king's uncles, and other lords and ladies, and departed—guests returning to their own countries and others going home or wherever they deemed fit.

Abr. Fl. out of Angl. præl. sub. Rich.2.

Abr. Fl. out of Angl. præl. sub. Rich.2.

* Smithfield. *

* Smithfield. *

¶ This solemne iusts or tornement being touched, or rather in ample maner described by Ch. Okland, is reported of him to haue béene kept for actiuitie sake, and to set the youth & lustie blouds of the court on worke, who otherwise (bicause the king was yong and loued to liue in peace and ease, feats of armes and warlike prowesse both abroad and |812| at home languished and laie as it were a fainting) through idlenesse and want of exercise, degenerating and growing out of kind from their woonted warlike valiantnesse, should giue themselues to filthie lecherie, riot, sléepe, loitering pastimes, and slouthfulnesse, all which doo greatlie impaire prowesse. Wherevpon (saith he)

This grand tournament, as discussed in detail by Ch. Okland, is said to have been held for the sake of activity and to get the young and energetic nobles of the court engaged, who otherwise (because the king was young and preferred a peaceful and leisurely life) found that martial activities and acts of bravery both abroad and |812| at home were declining and seemed to be fading away due to idleness and lack of exercise. They were degenerating and straying from their usual valor, leading them to indulge in filthy pleasures, excess, sleep, lazy pastimes, and sloth, all of which greatly undermine bravery. Consequently, (he says)

Rege priùs de re consulto, ludicra diri

Rege priùs de re consulto, ludicra diri

Martis opus simulatum inter se bella mouebant,

Martis work simulated among themselves stirred up wars,

Atq; dies totos viginti quattuor hastis

Atq; all day long for twenty-four hours with spears

Assumptis, studio statuunt decurrere fixo.

Assumptions determine fixed course of action.

Deinde idem numerus procerum pars prima lacessens

Deinde idem numerus procerum pars prima lacessens

Mittit ad externas gentes qui talia pandant.

Mittit ad externas gentes qui talia pandant.

Ludus ab Angligenis mense exercebitur vno

Ludus will be practiced by the English in one month.

Hasticus. Vrbi hærens * fabrorum dictus * agellus

Hasticus. A small piece of land in the city known as *the land of the workers*

Extra Londini muros, spatiosus & amplus

Extra Londini muros, spacious and large

Est locus: hîc stadium cursuris, certáq; meta

Est locus: hîc stadium cursuris, certáq; meta

Ponitur, huc veniant quacúnq; ex gente creati

Ponitur, here they come from whatever people they were born from.

Sanguine magnorum heroum. Certamine victor

Confident of great heroes. Champion in battle.

Qui fuerit, terris prosternens corpora plura,

Qui fuerit, terris prosternens corpora plura,

Aut plures hastas frangens, donabitur auri

Aut plures hastas frangens, donabitur auri

Multa vi, capiet quàm plurima ditia dona

Multa vi, capiet quàm plurima ditia dona

Præmia virtutis, Richardo hæc dante brabæa, &c.

Prizes of virtue, this being given by Richard, etc.

Hauing thus described the place where the iusts should be kept, with the rewards, and other circumstances; he toucheth the countries from whence the forren nobilitie came, that should vndertake triall of chiualrie with these foure and twentie challengers: who at the daie appointed (saith he) came pransing out of the Towre vpon their great barded horsses through the broad streets, and their ladies of honor with them gorgiouslie decked with bracelets, owches, cheines, iewels, spangles, and verie sumptuous attire: a goodlie sight for the people to behold. At last, when they were come to Smithfield, and althings readie, the trumpets sounded to the exercise; and both parties, as well the English as the outlandish cheualiers ran togither, and tried their strengths till they did sweat and were tired, their horsses panting and braieng with the violence of their bodilie motion; their staues being crasht in sunder, flue vp into the aire, and the broken stocke or stumpe hitting the aduersarie ouerthrew him to the ground: the beholders with ioy of heart gaue a shout thereat, as greatlie delighted with the sight. Then came the night and brake off the first daies tornement. On the next daie when they should renew and fall afresh vnto it againe, they shewed themselues in courage equall to their ancestors, and handled their matters so well that they got them great renowme. The third daie came, and the multitude of people still gathered togither woondered at the right valiant deeds of the valorous horssemen, how they did tosse, hoisse vp, and wind their speares, and with what force they vsed their armes, what courage appeared in their statelie horsses, and how the verie heauens rang with the ratling of their armor, and the strokes giuen to and fro. Euerie daie brought with it his portion of pleasure, both to the contenders, and to the beholders. When the time was expired of this tried chiualrie, necessarie occasion mooued the king of England to set his mind on other matters, so that commending the prowesse of the outlandish lords, he bestowed vpon them massie cheines of gold, & loding them with other gifts of great valure, dismissed them into their countries. But the English challengers required nothing but renowme for their reward, being allured onelie with the loue of praise; and thus when these pastimes of chiualrie were quite ended, euerie man got him home to his owne house. Thus farre Christopher Okland, touching the description of this Hippomachia ludicra inter concertatores Anglos & externos.

Having described the place where the jousts were to be held, along with the prizes and other details, he mentions the countries from which the foreign nobility arrived to compete against the twenty-four challengers. On the appointed day, he says, they rode out of the Tower on their heavily armored horses through the wide streets, accompanied by their ladies of honor, wonderfully adorned with bracelets, brooches, chains, jewels, sparkles, and very extravagant outfits—a splendid sight for the crowd. Eventually, when they reached Smithfield and everything was ready, the trumpets sounded to begin the event. Both the English and the foreign knights charged at each other, testing their strength until they were sweating and exhausted, their horses panting and snorting from the intensity of their movements; their lances shattered in the air, and the broken pieces hit their opponents, knocking them to the ground. The spectators cheered with joy, greatly entertained by the spectacle. Then night came and ended the first day’s tournament. The next day, as they prepared to resume, they showed courage equal to their ancestors and performed so well that they gained great renown. On the third day, the growing crowd marveled at the fearless deeds of the brave horsemen, how they tossed, lifted, and maneuvered their spears, the strength they displayed with their arms, the gallant nature of their grand steeds, and how the very heavens echoed with the clanging of their armor and the blows exchanged. Each day brought its share of enjoyment for both the competitors and the spectators. When the time for this trial of chivalry came to an end, the king of England turned his attention to other matters, praising the bravery of the foreign lords, awarding them heavy gold chains, and filling them with other valuable gifts before sending them back to their countries. Meanwhile, the English challengers sought nothing but fame as their reward, driven solely by the love of glory; thus, when these knightly games concluded, everyone returned home. This much Christopher Okland wrote about the description of this Hippomachia ludicra inter concertatores Anglos & externus.

1391.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

Ambassadors from the French king for a perpetual peace. Froissard.

Ambassadors from the French king for an everlasting peace. Froissard.

A proclamatiō that all English beneficed men in Rome should returne into England.

A proclamation that all English clergymen in Rome should return to England.

Ambassadors were sent from the French king, vnto the king of England, to make an ouerture of peace to be had, and to indure for euer betwixt the two realmes of England and France, sith that by warre it was apparant inough, that neither realme, could greatlie |813| benefit it selfe, but rather sore indamage either other, as afore time it had come apparantlie to passe. Therefore the matter being well considered, both parts séemed well affected towards some good conclusion by treatie to be had of a full and perfect peace. About the same time, by the king with the aduise of his councell, proclamation was made and published at London, that all beneficed men abiding in the court of Rome, being Englishmen borne, should returne home into England before the feast of S. Nicholas, vnder paine to forfeit all their benefices; and such as were not beneficed, vnder a paine likewise limited. The Englishmen hearing such a thunder clap a farre off, fearing the blow, left the popes court, and returned into their natiue soile.

Ambassadors were sent from the French king to the king of England to propose a lasting peace between England and France. It was clear from the war that neither kingdom could benefit from the conflict, and instead, they only caused harm to each other, as had been evident in the past. After considering the situation, both sides seemed open to reaching a good agreement through negotiations for a complete and lasting peace. Around the same time, the king, with his council's advice, issued a proclamation in London stating that all English clergy residing at the court of Rome needed to return to England before the Feast of St. Nicholas, or they would lose their positions. Those without benefices faced similar penalties. The Englishmen, hearing such alarming news from afar and fearing the consequences, left the pope's court and returned to their homeland.

The pope sendeth his nuncio to king Richard.

The pope sends his envoy to King Richard.

The pope troubled with such a rumbling noise, sent in all hast an abbat as his nuncio vnto the king of England, as well to vnderstand the causes of this proclamation, as of statutes deuised and made latelie in parlement against those that prouided themselues of benefices in the court of Rome by the popes buls, which séemed not a little preiudiciall to the church of Rome: in con­si­der­a­tion whereof the said nuncio required that the same statutes might be repealed and abolished, so farre as they tended to the derogation of the church liberties: but if the same statutes were not abolished, the pope might not (said his nuncio) with a safe conscience otherwise doo than procéed against them that made those statutes, in such order as the canons did appoint. Moreouer the said nuncio declared to the king certeine dangerous practises betwixt the antipape and the French king; as to make the duke of Touraine the French kings brother king of Tuscane and Lombardie, and to establish the duke of Aniou in the kingdome of Sicile.

The pope, disturbed by the loud uproar, quickly sent an abbot as his messenger to the king of England. The goal was to understand the reasons behind this proclamation and the new laws recently created in parliament against those who sought benefits from the court of Rome using the pope's bulls, which seemed quite harmful to the church of Rome. Considering this, the messenger requested that these laws be repealed and abolished, especially as they undermined the church's liberties. He stated that if these laws were not revoked, the pope could not, with a clear conscience, do anything other than take action against those who enacted these laws, following the guidelines set by the canons. Furthermore, the messenger informed the king about certain dangerous dealings between the antipope and the French king, such as making the Duke of Touraine, the French king's brother, king of Tuscany and Lombardy, and establishing the Duke of Anjou in the kingdom of Sicily.

The popes nuncio openeth to the king the Frēch kings priuie practises.

The pope's envoy reveals to the king the French king's secret plans.

Nuncio.

Nuncio.

Moreouer, he gaue the king to vnderstand, that if the French king might compasse by the antipapes meanes to be chosen emperour, he would seeke to vsurpe vpon ech mans right, and therefore it stood the king of England chieflie in hand to prouide against such practises in time. And as for the treatie of peace which the Frenchmen séemed so much to fauour, it was to none other end, but that vpon agreement once had, they might more conuenientlie compasse their purpose in the premisses. Furthermore the nuncio earnestlie besought the king of aid in the popes behalfe against the French king, if (as he threatned to doo) he should inuade him in Italie with open force. The king séemed to giue fauourable eare vnto the nuncio, and after aduise taken, appointed to staie till after Michaelmasse, at what time a parlement was appointed to be assembled, wherein such things as he had proponed should be weied and considered, and some conclusion taken therein.

Moreover, he informed the king that if the French king managed to be elected emperor through the antipope's influence, he would try to take over everyone's rights. Therefore, it was important for the king of England to prepare against such schemes in a timely manner. As for the peace treaty that the French seemed to support, it was only for the purpose of making it easier for them to achieve their aims once an agreement was reached. Furthermore, the nuncio earnestly asked the king for help on behalf of the pope against the French king, should he invade him in Italy with military force, as he threatened. The king appeared to listen favorably to the nuncio and, after some deliberation, decided to wait until after Michaelmas when a parliament was scheduled to meet. During this parliament, they would weigh and consider the matters he had raised and reach a conclusion on them.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

A sore bridle for the clergie.

A painful bridle for the clergy.

About this time or in the yeare 1391, according to Henrie Knightons account, there was a prophane statute made against the church & churchmen; namelie, that no ecclesiastical person or persons should possesse manors, glebeland, houses, possessions, lands, reuenues or rents whatsoeuer, at the hands of the feoffer, without the kings licence & the chiefe lords. And this statute extended it selfe, as well to parish churches, chappels, chanteries, as abbeies, priories, & other monasteries whatsoeuer: likewise to citizens of cities, to farmers, & burgesses, hauing such rents or possessions for the common profit. For men in those daies, that would bestow land or liuelod vpon church, fraternitie, or conuent, and were not able for cost and charges to procure a mortmane, vnder the kings licence and chiefe lords; were wont to feoffe some speciall men, in whom they had confidence and trust; vnder whose name and title, churchmen, or anie other fraternitie or conuent might inioy the profit of the gift, and might haue the commoditie thereof in possession. And it was prouided by that statute, that all and euerie as well persons ec­cles­i­ast­i­call as parishioners, both citizens, burgesses, and farmers, or anie other whatsoeuer, hauing such rents, possessions, manors, or anie reuenues whatsoeuer, in the hands of such feoffers, without the licence of the king and chiefe lords; that either they should obteine and get a licence of the king and the chiefe lords to make it a mortmaine; or else set such things to sale, & raise profit of them, on this side or before the feast of Michaelmasse next insuing: or the said feast being past and expired, that then the king and the |814| chiefe lords, in things not ordered and disposed accordinglie, may enter and seize vpon the same, and them haue and hold at his and their pleasure.

Around this time, in the year 1391, according to Henry Knighton's account, a restrictive law was established against the church and church officials. Specifically, no ecclesiastical person or persons could own manors, glebeland, houses, possessions, lands, revenues, or rents of any kind without the king's license and that of the chief lords. This law applied equally to parish churches, chapels, chantries, as well as abbeys, priories, and other monasteries. It also included citizens of cities, farmers, and burgesses who had such rents or possessions for the common good. In those days, individuals who wanted to give land or livelihood to the church, fraternity, or convent but couldn't afford the costs to obtain a mortmain under the king's license and chief lords often chose to feoff special individuals they trusted. Under their name and title, church officials or any other fraternity or convent could enjoy the benefits of the gift and possess it. The statute stipulated that all individuals, including ecclesiastical persons, parishioners, citizens, burgesses, and farmers who had rents, possessions, manors, or any revenues in the hands of such feoffees, without the king's and chief lords' license, had to either obtain the king's and chief lords' permission to make it a mortmain or sell those assets and profit from them by or before the feast of Michaelmas. If that feast passed without proper arrangements, the king and chief lords would be entitled to enter, seize, and take possession of those assets as they saw fit.

The duke of Glocester his iournie into Prutzen land.

The Duke of Gloucester's journey into Prussia.

The duke of Glocester in great fauor with the commons.

The duke of Gloucester is very popular with the common people.

An. Reg. 15.

A great death in Yorke and sundrie other places.

A major death in York and various other places.

About the same time, the duke of Glocester went into Prutzen land, to the great griefe of the people, that made account of his departure, as if the sunne had beene taken from the earth, doubting some mishap to follow to the common wealth by his absence, whose presence they thought sufficient to stay all detriments that might chance, for in him the hope of the commons onelie rested. In his returne home, he was sore tormented with rough weather and tempestuous seas. At length he arriued in North­um­ber­land, and came to the castell of Tinmouth, as to a sanctuarie knowen to him of old, where after he had refreshed him certeine daies, he tooke his iournie homewards to Plaschie in Essex, bringing no small ioy for his safe returne to all the kingdome.  ¶ On the ninth of Iulie the sunne séemed darkened with certeine grosse and euill fauoured clouds comming betwixt it and the earth, so as it appeared ruddie, but gaue no light from noone till the setting thereof. And afterwards continuallie for the space of six weeks, about the middest of the daie, clouds customablie rose, and sometimes they continued both daie and night, not vanishing awaie at all.  ¶ At the same time, such a mortalitie and death of people increased in Northfolke, and in manie other countries of England, that it seemed not vnlike the season of the great pestilence. In the citie of Yorke there died eleuen thousand within a short space.  ¶ Henrie Persie earle of North­um­ber­land lieutenant of Calis, was called home from that charge, and created warden of the marches against Scotland, and Robert Mowbraie was sent to Calis to be the kings lieutenant there.

Around the same time, the Duke of Gloucester went into Prutzen land, causing great distress among the people who felt like the sun had been taken from the earth. They feared that his absence would bring misfortune to the common good, as they believed his presence was enough to prevent any harm, with all their hopes resting on him. On his way back home, he faced awful weather and stormy seas. Eventually, he arrived in Northumberland and reached the castle of Tinmouth, a place he knew well and considered a safe haven. After resting there for several days, he resumed his journey home to Plashet in Essex, bringing immense joy to the entire kingdom for his safe return. On July 9, the sun appeared darkened by thick, ugly clouds that came between it and the earth, making it look reddish but providing no light from noon until sunset. Afterwards, for six weeks straight, clouds typically rose around midday, sometimes lingering both day and night without disappearing. At the same time, there was a significant increase in mortality across Norfolk and many other parts of England, resembling the season of the great plague. In the city of York, eleven thousand people died in a short time. Henry

A parlement at London.

A parliament in London.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

The duke of Lancaster ambassador for the king, right honorablie receiued into France.

The Duke of Lancaster, the king's ambassador, was received with much honor in France.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

On friday next after All soules day, the parlement began at London, in which the knights would in no wise agrée, that the statute made against spirituall men, for the prouiding themselues of benefices in the court of Rome should be repealed: but yet they agréed thus much, that it should be tollerated, so as with the kings licence such spirituallmen might purchase to themselues such benefices till the next parlement.  ¶ In this parlement aforsaid, there was granted vnto our lord the king one tenth of the clergie, and one fiftéenth of the people towards the expenses of Iohn duke of Lancaster, who in Lent next following went ouer into France to the citie of Amiens for a finall peace betweene the kingdoms of England and France: where the king of France met him with a shew of great pompe and honor, sending before him first of all to welcome him thither the citizens of the same citie on horssebacke in a verie great number. Then afterwards, he sent earles and barons a great manie to the same end, then his two vncles, last of all went the king himselfe to meet him, and saluting him called him by the name of The most worthie warrior of all christendome, the inuincible woorthinesse of the king onelie excepted. And the duke had seauentéene daies (by couenant) to compasse this treatie of peace: at last he returned, hauing attendant vpon him in his traine the bishop of Durham, and the sonne of the duke of Yorke the earle of Rutland, with a thousand horssemen, set foorth in a woonderfull sumptuous sort with goodlie furniture.  ¶ Also conditionallie a whole tenth and a whole fiftéenth were granted to him, if it chanced that he made anie iournie that yeare against the Scots.  ¶ In this yeare, the duke of Gelderland sent to the king of England letters of commendation & praise, wherein also were prouocations and stirrings vp to warre and warlike actiuitie, and to the exercise of kinglie noblenesse, the tenor whereof followeth:

On the Friday after All Souls' Day, the Parliament started in London, where the knights strongly disagreed about repealing the law against spiritual men acquiring benefices in the Roman court. However, they did agree that, with the king's permission, such spiritual men could purchase benefices until the next Parliament. In this Parliament, the king was granted one-tenth of the clergy's income and one-fifteenth of the people's contributions to fund John, Duke of Lancaster, who would travel to Amiens in France the following Lent to negotiate a final peace between England and France. The French king welcomed him with great pomp and honor, sending many citizens on horseback to greet him first. Then he sent a significant number of earls and barons, followed by his two uncles, and finally, the king himself met him, greeting him as the most worthy warrior in Christendom, with only the king's unmatched excellence excluded. The duke had seventeen days (by agreement) to finalize this peace treaty; eventually, he returned, accompanied by the Bishop of Durham and the Earl of Rutland, the son of the Duke of York, with a remarkable entourage of a thousand horsemen, splendidly outfitted. Also conditionally, a full tenth and a full fifteenth were granted to him if he undertook any campaign that year against the Scots. In this year, the Duke of Gelderland sent letters of goodwill and praise to the King of England, which also contained challenges and calls to war and noble action, the content of which follows:

The tenor of the said dukes letter to king Richard.

MAGNIFICE princeps, innata vobis probitas, & prudentum consilia (vt opinamur) simul agerent in officium, quòd singula hæreditaria iura, quæ ex natalitio vestram magnificant regiam maiestatem, temporibus vestræ discretonis altissima prouidentia munirentur illæsa; et si quæuis oppugnaret violentia, clypeo militari studeat regalis industria |815| fortiter defendere sua iura.   Et quòd vestram regiam personam cōtingamus in affinitate, ni vetet Deus ipse, quin semper parati erimus vobis in vestris iuribus defendendis assistere cum duobus milibus lancearū, quando & quotiens disponemini ad bellica conuolare.   Nec perire debeant iura propter verba aut promissa, quomodolibet ad hoc laborat versutia Gallicorum.   Sanè serenissime princeps in orbem volat fama, nec ambigitur quòd propter lanam & innumerabilia vestra singularia commoda, sine quibus non viuit oriens neque auster, regna singula in pecunijs vos salutant.   In comparatione igitur ad alios reges vobis confert Deus ipse diuitias centuplatas.   Probitas etiam militaris, & arcuum asperitas, sine pari, taliter huc vsque extulere gentem magnanimam occidentis, quòd timor non paruus vestros inuadit aduersarios; & ad hunc diem impariter victoriosè dimicauit cum Gallicis Angliæ gens austera.   In pusillanimitate igitur (potentissime princeps) contra naturam non obdormeat cor leonis; sed & quales vobis contulit vires natura, ipsas applicare dignemini actibus bellicosis, in defensionem reipublicæ; iuris hæreditarij sustentationem, augmentúmque meriti, & in­com­par­abil­i­ter chron­i­ca­bil­em probitatem cordis magnanimi tanti regis.

Magnificent prince, your natural goodness and wise advice work hand in hand in your duties, ensuring that the hereditary rights that elevate your royal majesty from birth are safeguarded with utmost foresight during your reign. If any force should threaten, the royal effort must strive to boldly defend its rights with military might. Should we be called to connect with your royal person, God forbid otherwise, we will always be ready to assist you in defending your rights with two thousand lances whenever you choose to rally for battle. Rights should not be lost due to words or promises, no matter how cunning the French may be in this matter. Indeed, most serene prince, your reputation fills the world, and it's clear that because of your resources and countless unique advantages, which the East and South rely on, each kingdom greets you with wealth. Compared to other kings, God himself has granted you multiplied riches. Military honor and the strength of your bows have brought the noble lineage of the West to such heights that great fear has gripped your adversaries; to this day, they have fought successfully yet unevenly against the resolute English. Therefore, in humility, most powerful prince, let not the heart of a lion rest against nature; instead, harness the strength that nature has bestowed upon you for military actions to defend the republic, support hereditary rights, nurture merit, and uphold the incomparable goodness of the noble heart of such a great king.

The same letter in plaine phrase verbatim Englished by A. F.

MOST mightie prince, your roiall prowesse and the counsels of the sage, should altogither (as we thinke) moue you in dutie, by the most profound & deepe foresight of your discretion in time to maintaine and defend all and singular your rights & inheritance vnharmed, which by birth doo magnifie and make great your roiall maiestie, and if anie violence whatsoeuer gainstand and assault the same, your kinglie diligence should indeuor with the shield of a warrior valiantlie to defend your title and right.   And bicause we are neere you, & doo as it were touch your roiall person in aliance, vnlesse God himselfe doo forbid and hinder vs, we will alwaies be readie in all your rights to assist and aid you with two thousand pikes, when and how often soeuer you shall be disposed to rush out to battell.   Your right ought not to be lost for words and promises, howsoeuer the craftinesse of the French labor to this purpose.   Trulie most excellent prince, your renowme doth flie into the world, neither is it doubted but for your wooll sake, and other your singular commodities being innumerable (without the which the east and the south can not liue) all realmes with their coines doo greet you.   In comparison therefore of other kings God himselfe hath bestowed vpon you riches a hundred fold.   Your warlike prowesse also, & the roughnesse of your bowes, being peerelesse, haue hitherto so extolled the couragious nation of the west, that no small feare dooth inuade your aduersaries; and to this day the sterne people of England haue (none like them) victoriouslie incountered with the French.   Therefore ô most puissant prince, let not the hart of a lion sleepe in cowardlinesse against nature: but what force and valiantnesse nature hath giuen you, the same vouchsafe to put in practise with feats of armes in defense of your common wealth, the maintenance of your right by inheritance, the increase of your desert, and the peerelesse prowesse of so great a kings couragious hart right worthie to be chronicled.

Most powerful prince, your royal strength and the counsel of the wise should compel you, through your keen judgment, to protect and uphold all your rights and inheritance, which elevate your royal status. If any violence threatens this, your royal commitment should strive to defend your title and rights like a warrior with a shield. Since we are closely connected to you through alliance, unless God Himself prevents us, we will always be ready to support you with two thousand spears whenever you choose to go into battle. Your rights should not be lost due to words and promises, no matter how cleverly the French may try to achieve this. Truly, most esteemed prince, your reputation extends around the world, and there’s no doubt that your wool and other invaluable resources (which the east and south depend on) bring you tribute from all realms. Compared to other kings, God Himself has blessed you with wealth a hundredfold. Your unmatched martial skill and the power of your bows have honored the courageous people of the west, causing your enemies to feel considerable fear; so far, the brave people of England have faced the French victoriously like no one else. Therefore, oh most powerful prince, do not allow the heart of a lion to be cowardly against fate. Instead, use whatever strength and courage you possess through acts of bravery in defense of your commonwealth, the preservation of your rightful inheritance, the enhancement of your reputation, and the unparalleled courage of a king’s heart, truly deserving of being remembered.

The flix gotten by excessive feeding on fruits.

The effects caused by overeating fruits.

The lord maior of London commended for his carefull prouision of corne from beyond the seas in the time of dearth.

The Lord Mayor of London was praised for his careful provision of grain from overseas during the time of famine.

The price of corne that had continued at an high rate, almost for the space of two yeares, began to fall immediatlie after haruest was got in, to the great reliefe of the poore, which before through immoderate eating of nuts and apples, fell into the disease called the flix, whereof manie died, and suerlie (as was thought) the death and dearth had beene greater, if the commendable diligence of the lord maior of London had not béene, in relieuing the commons by such prouision as he made for corne to be brought to London, from the parties of beyond the seas, where otherwise neither had the countrie béene able in anie thing to haue sufficed the citie, nor the citie the countrie. H. Knighton |816| referreth this scarsitie to the yeare 1390, and maketh a large discourse both of the miseries which it brought with it, as also of the cause whereby it was procured, and of the notable meanes whereby the same in most places was remedied.

The price of grain, which had stayed high for nearly two years, began to drop right after the harvest, providing great relief to the poor. Before this, many had suffered from a disease known as dysentery due to overeating nuts and apples, and it was believed the death toll and scarcity would have been greater if not for the commendable efforts of the Lord Mayor of London. He took steps to bring in grain from overseas, ensuring that the city had enough provisions and preventing the country from being unable to support the city or vice versa. H. Knighton |816| attributes this shortage to the year 1390 and discusses in detail the miseries it caused, the reasons behind it, and the notable ways in which it was addressed in many areas.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

The cause of the scarsitie was not want of bread or corne.

The reason for the shortage wasn't a lack of bread or grain.

Wooll sold dogcheape by the stone.

Wooll sold dog cheap by the stone.

Prouision against scarsitie to relieue the poore.

Provision against scarcity to relieve the poor.

O charitie of London!

O charity of London!

In this yeare (saith he) was a great dearth in all parts of England, and this dearth or scarsitie of corne began vnder the sickle, and lasted till the feast of saint Peter ad vincula, to wit, till the time of new corne. This scarsitie did greatlie oppresse the people, and chieflie the commoners of the poorer sort. For a man might sée infants and children in stréets and houses, through hunger, howling, crieng, and crauing bread: whose mothers had it not (God wot) to breake vnto them. But yet there was such plentie and abundance of manie yeares before, that it was thought and spoken of manie housekéepers and husbandmen, that if the séed were not sowen in the ground, which was hoorded vp and stored in barnes, lofts, and garners, there would be inough to find and susteine all the people by the space of fiue yeares following. But the cause of this penurie, was thought to be the want of monie in a great manie. For monie in these daies was verie scant, and the principall cause hereof was, for that the wooll of the land lay a sléepe and hoong heauie in some mens hands by the space of two yeares; and in others thrée yeares, without a chapman. For it was enacted in a certeine parlement, that the merchants of England should not passe out of the land with wooll and other merchandize, but should bring the same vnto twelue places within the realme appointed for the same purpose, that the merchants strangers might haue recourse thither with their commodities and so by exchange should transport our merchandize for theirs. By meanes whereof the merchants of England did forbeare to buy wooll and other wares vntil the next parlement insuing, wherein it was granted them to traffike whither they would with their commodities. In these daies wooll was dogcheape: for one stone of good wooll of the chosen and piked sort, was sold for thrée shillings, and in Leicester and Kent at some times for two shillings or two and twentie pence. This scarsitie of victuals was of greatest force in Leicester shire, & in the middle parts of the realme. And although it was a great want, yet was not the price of corne out of reason. For a quarter of wheat, when it was at the highest, was sold at Leicester for 16 shillings 8 pence at one time, and at other times for a marke or fourteene shillings: at London and other places of the land a quarter of wheat was sold for ten shillings, or for litle more or lesse. For there arriued eleuen ships laden with great plentie of victuals at diuerse places of the land, for the reliefe of the people. Besides this, the citizens of London laid out two thousand marks to buy food out of the common chest of orphans: and the foure and twentie aldermen, euerie of them put in his twentie pound a péece for necessarie prouision, for feare of famine, likelie to fall vpon the citie. And they laid vp their store in sundrie of the fittest and most conuenient places they could choose, that the néedie, and such as were wroong with want, might come & buy at a certeine price so much as might suffice them and their familie: and they which had not readie monie to paie downe presentlie in hand, their word and credit was taken for a yeares space next following, and their turne serued. Thus was prouision made that people should be relieued, and that none might perish for hunger.

In this year, he said, there was a huge shortage across all parts of England. This shortage of grain began during the harvest and lasted until the Feast of Saint Peter in Chains, which is when new crops would come in. This scarcity greatly affected the people, especially the lower-class commoners. You could see infants and children in the streets and houses crying out for bread, while their mothers, unfortunately, had none to give them. However, there had been such plenty in previous years that many householders and farmers believed that if the seed that was stored in barns, lofts, and granaries hadn’t been sowed, there would still be enough to feed the entire population for the next five years. The reason for this shortage was thought to be the lack of money for many people. Money was very scarce during this time; the main reason was that the wool from the land was sitting idle in some people's hands for two years, and in others, three years, without any buyers. A certain parliament had passed a law stating that English merchants couldn’t take wool and other goods out of the country but instead had to bring them to twelve designated places, allowing foreign merchants to trade their goods there in exchange for English merchandise. Because of this, English merchants delayed buying wool and other goods until the next parliament, which allowed them to trade freely once again. During these times, wool was incredibly cheap; for one stone of good quality wool, the price was three shillings, and at times in Leicester and Kent, it was sold for two shillings or twenty-two pence. This shortage of food hit Leicester and the central parts of the country the hardest. Although there was a significant lack of supplies, the price of grain wasn't unreasonable. A quarter of wheat, at its peak, sold for 16 shillings and 8 pence in Leicester at one point, and at other times for a mark or fourteen shillings. In London and other areas, a quarter of wheat went for ten shillings or thereabouts. Eleven ships arrived at various locations in the country loaded with plenty of food to help the people. Additionally, the citizens of London spent two thousand marks to buy food from the orphans' common chest, and each of the twenty-four aldermen contributed twenty pounds each for necessary supplies, fearing famine might hit the city. They stored these supplies in several suitable and convenient places so that those in need could buy enough to feed themselves and their families. For those who didn’t have cash on hand to pay immediately, they could put their word and credit down for a year and still receive what they needed. Thus, arrangements were made to ensure people received relief and that no one would starve.

A dolphin taken at London bridge.

A dolphin caught at London Bridge.

1392.

Ambassadors sent to the French king to treat of peace.

Ambassadors were sent to the French king to negotiate peace.

On Christmasse day, a dolphin that came foorth of the sea vp the Thames vnto London-bridge, was espied of the citizens as he plaied in the water, and being followed & pursued, with much adoo was taken. He was ten foot long, and a monstrous growne fish, so as the sight of him was strange to manie that beheld him. He was thought by his comming so farre into the landward, to foreshew such stormes and tempests as within a wéeke after did raginglie follow. Ye haue heard how the matter for a treatie of peace had béene first broched by the French king, by sending ambassadors to the king of England, to mooue the same. Which motion being throughlie considered of the estates assembled in this last parlement, it was decréed, that it should go forward (as before ye haue heard) and so about Candlemasse, the lord Thomas Persie, sir Lewes Clifford, and |817| sir Robert Briquet, with diuerse other in their companie, were sent ouer to the French king, and comming to Paris, found him lodgd in his house of Loure, where they declared to him the good affection of the king their maister toward peace. And the better to bring it to passe, they shewed that king Richards desire was to haue some place and time appointed for com­mis­sion­ers to méet, with authoritie to treat and conclude vpon articles, as should be thought expedient. The French king greatlie honored these ambassadors, in feasting and banketting them for the space of six daies togither, and for answer, concluded with them, that he himselfe, with his vncles and other of his councell, would be at Amiens by the middest of March next insuing, there to abide the king of Englands comming, and his vncles, if it should please them thither to come.

On Christmas Day, a dolphin that came out of the sea up the Thames to London Bridge was spotted by the citizens as it played in the water, and, after much effort, was captured. It was ten feet long and a remarkably large fish, making its appearance unusual to many who saw it. Its journey so far inland was thought to predict the storms and tempests that followed within a week. You've heard how the discussion for a peace treaty was originally initiated by the French king, who sent ambassadors to the king of England to propose it. After careful consideration by the estates gathered in the last parliament, it was decided to move forward (as you've heard before), and around Candlemas, Lord Thomas Percy, Sir Lewis Clifford, and Sir Robert Briquet, along with several others, were sent to the French king. Upon arriving in Paris, they found him staying in his Louvre palace, where they expressed the good intentions of their king towards peace. To facilitate this, they indicated that King Richard desired a specific place and time for commissioners to meet, with authority to negotiate and finalize appropriate articles. The French king greatly honored these ambassadors, hosting them for six days of feasting and banqueting. In response, he agreed that he himself, along with his uncles and other members of his council, would be in Amiens by mid-March to await the arrival of the King of England and his uncles, should they choose to come there.

Sir Robert Briquet a Frenchman of king Richard his priuie chamber. The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, the earls of Derbie and Huntington, the lord Thomas Persie, the bishops of Durham and London were sent ouer, as Froissard saith.

Sir Robert Briquet, a Frenchman in King Richard's private chamber. The dukes of Lancaster and York, the earls of Derby and Huntington, Lord Thomas Percy, and the bishops of Durham and London were sent over, as Froissart says.

A roiall ambassage.

A royal embassy.

The duke of Lancaster, a prince of great renowne.

The Duke of Lancaster, a prince of great renown.

The English ambassadors said there was no doubt, but that either the king himselfe, or his vncles shuld be there at the day assigned, with full authoritie to conclude anie agréement that should seeme reasonable, and so those ambassadors returned with great gifts presented on the kings behalfe to ech of them, sir Robert Briquet excepted, vnto whome it séemed the French king bare no great good will, for that being a Frenchman borne, he had euer serued the Nauarrois or Englishmen, and was now one of king Richards priuie chamber. The king of England (as some write) was once minded to haue passed the seas himselfe, to haue met the French king at Amiens, at the time appointed, but finallie the duke of Lancaster, the bishop of Durham, and others, were sent thither with a traine néere hand of a thousand horsses. At their comming into France, they were roiallie receiued: for the French king had made no lesse preparation for the duke of Lancasters comming, than if he had béene emperor. The duke of Lancaster verelie was estéemed to be a verie mightie prince, and one of the wisest and sagest princes in all christendome, in those daies; so that it séemed the French king reioised greatlie, that he might come to haue conference with him. There were with the French king héere at Amiens, his brother the duke of Thoureigne; his vncles, the dukes of Berrie, Burbon, and Burgognie, & a great number of earles, lords, and other nobles of the realme of France. Before the Englishmens comming, for auoiding of strife and debate that might arise betwixt the English and French, a proclamation was set foorth conteining certeine articles, for the demeanor which the French men should obserue towards the Englishmen.

The English ambassadors said there was no doubt that either the king himself or his uncles would be there on the scheduled day, with full authority to finalize any reasonable agreement. The ambassadors returned with great gifts from the king to each of them, except for Sir Robert Briquet, to whom the French king seemed to hold no great favor, as he was a Frenchman who had always served the Navarrese or the English and was now part of King Richard's private chamber. The king of England (according to some accounts) had once considered crossing the seas himself to meet the French king in Amiens at the appointed time, but in the end, the Duke of Lancaster, the Bishop of Durham, and others were sent there with a retinue of nearly a thousand horses. Upon their arrival in France, they were royally welcomed; the French king had made significant preparations for the Duke of Lancaster's visit, as if he were an emperor. The Duke of Lancaster was indeed regarded as a very powerful prince and one of the wisest and most sagacious rulers in Christendom at that time, which seemed to please the French king greatly, as he looked forward to having discussions with him. With the French king in Amiens were his brother, the Duke of Thoureigne; his uncles, the Dukes of Berry, Bourbon, and Burgundy; and a large number of earls, lords, and other nobles from the realm of France. Before the Englishmen arrived, to avoid any conflict or disputes between the English and the French, a proclamation was issued containing specific articles outlining how the French men should conduct themselves towards the Englishmen.

The truce prolonged for a yeare. Thom. Wals.

The truce lasted for a year. Thom. Wals.

Whilest they there remained, all the Englishmens charges were borne by the French king, from their setting foorth from Calis, till they came backe thither againe. As touching their treatie, manie things were proponed, diuerse demands made, and some offers, though to small purpose, for they tooke not effect, insomuch as they departed without concluding anie thing, further than that the truse which was to end at Midsummer next, was prolonged to continue one yéere more, that in the meane time, the lords and estates of the realme of England might assemble, and with good aduise deliberate, whether it were more expedient to agrée vnto a determinate peace, or to pursue the doubtfull chances of warre. And such was the end of that roiall ambassage, to the furnishing foorth whereof, the king demanded an aid as well of the abbats and priors, as of the cities and good townes through the whole realme.

While they were there, all the expenses of the English were covered by the French king, from their departure from Calais until they returned there again. Regarding their negotiations, many issues were raised, various demands were made, and some offers were put forth, though they were mostly ineffective, as they left without reaching any conclusion. The only agreement was to extend the truce, which was set to end at Midsummer, for another year, so that the lords and estates of the realm of England could meet and thoughtfully decide whether it was better to agree to a lasting peace or to risk the uncertainties of war. And that was the outcome of that royal mission, for which the king requested support from both the abbots and priors as well as the cities and wealthy towns throughout the entire realm.

A councell at Stamford.

A council at Stamford.

The duke of Gelderland commeth into England.

The Duke of Gelderland is coming to England.

The duke of Gelderland dissuadeth the king from peace with the French and Scots.

The duke of Gelderland advises the king against making peace with the French and Scots.

Anon after the returne of the duke of Lancaster, and other the ambassadors that had béene at Amiens, a councell of the lords and chiefe states of the realme was called at Stamford, the which (as if it had béene vnto a parlement) there came foorth of euerie good towne certeine persons appointed to deliberate and take aduise in so weightie a matter, as either to conclude vpon peace, or else vpon warre. But in the end they brought little or nothing to passe, sauing that they agréed to haue the truce to indure for twelue moneths longer: both kings sware to obserue the same, afore such as were appointed to sée their othes receiued. About the same time came the duke of Gelderland into this realme, being the kings cousine, a right valiant and hardie gentleman: he was honorablie receiued and welcomed of the king, and of his vncles, the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester. This duke of Gelderland counselled the king not to conclude |818| peace, either with the Frenchmen or Scots, except vpon such conditions as might be knowne to be both profitable and honorable to him and his realme, promising that if he had occasion to make warre against either of those two nations, he would be readie to serue him with a conuenient power of men at armes of his countrie. After he had béene here a time, and highlie feasted and banketted, aswell by the king as other great estates of the realme, he returned home, not without diuerse rich gifts.

Soon after the return of the Duke of Lancaster and other ambassadors from Amiens, a council of lords and key officials from the kingdom was convened at Stamford. Just as if it were a parliament, representatives from every good town were appointed to discuss and advise on such an important matter as whether to agree on peace or declare war. Ultimately, however, they accomplished very little, except for agreeing to extend the truce for another twelve months. Both kings pledged to uphold this agreement in front of those appointed to witness their oaths. Around the same time, the Duke of Gelderland, who was the king's cousin and a very brave and bold gentleman, came to the kingdom. He was honorably received and welcomed by the king and his uncles, the Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester. This Duke of Gelderland advised the king not to make peace with the French or Scots unless the terms were known to be both beneficial and honorable for him and his kingdom. He promised that if the need arose to wage war against either of those nations, he would be ready to assist him with a sufficient force of knights from his own country. After spending some time here, enjoying lavish feasts and banquets held by the king and other high-ranking officials, he returned home, not without various rich gifts.

The Londoners refuse to lend the king a thousand pounds.

The people of London refuse to lend the king a thousand pounds.

The king about this season sent to the Londoners, requesting to borrow of them the summe of one thousand pounds, which they vncourteouslie refused to lend: and moreouer they fell vpon an Italian or Lombard (as they termed him) whom they beat and néere hand slue: bicause he offered to lend the king that monie. Whereof when the king was aduertised, he was sore mooued against them, and calling togither the most part of the péeres and noble men of his realme, declared vnto them the froward dealings of the Londoners, complaining sore of such their presumption. The lords and great men, séeming not greatlie to fauour the Londoners, gaue counsell that the insolent pride of those presumptuous persons might with speed be repressed. The citizens of London in those daies (as should appeare) vsing their authoritie to the vttermost, had deuised and set foorth diuerse orders and constitutions to abridge the libertie of forreners that came to the citie to vtter their commodites. Religious men that wrote the dooings of that age, seemed also to find fault with them, for that they fauored Wicliffes opinions, & therefore did charge them with infidelitie, and mainteining (I know not how) of Lollards & heretikes: but howsoeuer the matter, went they fell at this present into the kings heauie displeasure.

The king at this time sent a request to the people of London, asking to borrow a sum of one thousand pounds, which they impolitely refused to lend. Furthermore, they attacked an Italian or Lombard (as they called him) whom they nearly killed because he offered to lend the king that money. When the king heard about this, he was very upset with them, and calling together most of the lords and noblemen of his realm, he shared the unreasonable behavior of the Londoners, expressing his strong grievances about their arrogance. The lords and noblemen, appearing not to be very fond of the Londoners, advised that the insolent pride of those presumptuous individuals should be dealt with swiftly. The citizens of London at that time, as it seems, exercising their authority to the fullest, had devised and established various orders and rules to limit the freedom of foreigners who came to the city to sell their goods. Religious writers documenting the events of that time also criticized them for favoring Wycliffe's opinions, and thus accused them of infidelity and supporting (though I’m not sure how) Lollards and heretics. Regardless of the situation, they had now fallen into the king's severe displeasure.

A great fire kindled about a little sparke.

A big fire started from a small spark.

A riot by the Londoners vpon the bishop of Salisburies men.

A riot by the people of London against the bishop of Salisbury's men.

Some there be that write, how the king piked the first quarell against the maior and shiriffes, for a riot committed by the vnrulie citizens, against the seruants of the bishop of Salisburie: for that where one of the same bishops seruants had taken a horsse-lofe frō a bakers man, as he passed by in Fléetstréet with his basket to serue his masters customers, and would not deliuer it againe, but brake the bakers mans head, when he was earnest to haue recouered the lofe, the inhabitants of the stréet rose, and would haue had the bishops man to prison for breaking the kings peace: but he was rescued by his fellowes, and escaped into Salisburie house, that stood there within the allie, and as then belonged to his master the bishop of Salisburie, being at that time high treasuror of England. The people being set in a rage for the rescue so made, gathered togither in great multitudes about the bishops palace gate, and would haue fetched out the offendor by force.

Some people say that the king started the first conflict with the mayor and sheriffs because of a riot caused by unruly citizens against the servants of the bishop of Salisbury. This happened when one of the bishop's servants took a loaf of bread from a baker as he walked by in Fleet Street with his basket to serve his master's customers. When the baker tried to get the loaf back, the servant refused and ended up hitting the baker. The locals got upset and wanted to arrest the bishop's servant for disturbing the peace, but his companions rescued him, and he escaped into Salisbury House, which was located in the alley and belonged to his boss, the bishop of Salisbury, who was the high treasurer of England at that time. The crowd, angry about the rescue, gathered in large numbers around the bishop's palace gate, demanding that the offender be brought out by force.

Walter Romane.

Walter Romane.

To conclude, such a hurling was in the stréet, that the maior, with the shiriffes, & diuers aldermen came thither with all speed, to take order in the matter, and to sée the peace kept; but after the cōming thither of the maior, the commons of the citie resorted to the place in far greater numbers than before; and the more they were the worsse they were to rule, and would not be persuaded to quiet themselues, except the bishops seruant, whose name was Walter Romane, might be had out of the house, and committed to prison: but at length, after manie assaults, lifts, & other indeuours made to haue broken vp the gates of the house, the maior & aldermen, with other discréet commoners appeased the people so, as they brought them to quiet, and sent euerie man to his house.

To wrap things up, there was such a commotion in the street that the mayor, along with the sheriffs and several aldermen, rushed over to address the situation and make sure peace was maintained. However, after the mayor arrived, the citizens gathered at the scene in much larger numbers than before; the more there were, the harder they were to control, and they refused to calm down unless the bishop's servant, named Walter Romane, was brought out of the house and imprisoned. Eventually, after many attempts, pushes, and efforts to break down the doors of the building, the mayor and aldermen, along with some sensible citizens, managed to pacify the crowd, sending everyone back to their homes.

The bishop of Salisburie maketh a gréeuous cōplaint of the Londoners to the king.

The bishop of Salisbury makes a serious complaint about the Londoners to the king.

The maior & shiriffes of London sent for to Windsore to the king, & there imprisoned.

The mayor and sheriffs of London were summoned to Windsor by the king and were imprisoned there.

The bishop was then at Windesor where the court laie, who being informed of this matter, by a gréeuous report and happilie in worsse manner than the thing had happened indeed, tooke such indignation therewith, that taking with him Thomas Arundell archbishop of Yorke, then lord chancellor of England, he went to the king and made an heinous complaint against the citizens for their misdemeanor, so that his displeasure was the more kindled against the citizens, in so much that, whether in respect of this last remembered complaint, or rather for their vncourteous deniall to lend him the thousand pounds, and misusing the Lombard that offered to lend the same, I cannot saie; but sure it is, that the maior and shiriffe, and a great sort more of the citizens, were sent for to come to the court, where diuerse misdemeanors were obiected and laid to their charge: |819| and not­with­stand­ing, what excuse they pretended, the maior and shiriffes with diuerse other of the most substantiall citizens, were arrested. The maior was committed to the castell of Windesor, and the other, vnto other castels and holds, to be safelie kept, till the king, by the aduise of his councell, should determine further what should be doone with them.

The bishop was at Windsor where the court was located. After hearing a serious report about the situation, which was unfortunately exaggerated, he became so angry that he took Thomas Arundell, the Archbishop of York and then Lord Chancellor of England, with him to the king. They lodged a serious complaint against the citizens for their wrongdoing, which only intensified the king's displeasure towards them. It’s unclear whether this anger stemmed from the complaint or from the citizens refusing to lend him a thousand pounds and mistreating the Lombard who offered the loan. However, it is certain that the mayor, sheriff, and many other citizens were summoned to court, where various offenses were charged against them. Despite the excuses they provided, the mayor, sheriff, and several other prominent citizens were arrested. The mayor was sent to Windsor Castle, while the others were taken to different castles and strongholds for safekeeping until the king, on the advice of his council, decided what to do with them.

The liberties of London seized. A gardian appointed to gouerne the citie of London.

The freedoms of London taken away. A guardian appointed to govern the city of London.

An. Reg. 16.

Sir Edward Darlingrug lord warden of London.

Sir Edward Darlingrug, Lord Warden of London.

Darlingrug remooued, & sir Baldwine Radington made lord warden of London.

Darlingrug removed, & Sir Baldwine Radington appointed as lord warden of London.

The liberties of the citie were seized into the kings hands, and the authoritie of the maior vtterlie ceassed, the king appointing a warden to gouerne the citie, named sir Edward Darlingrug knight, that should both rule the citie, and see that euerie man had iustice ministred, as the case required. This sir Edward Darlingrug began to gouerne the citie of London by the name of lord warden, the one and twentith of Iune, on which day the king entered into the 16 yeare of his reigne: by reason it was thought that the said sir Edward Darlingrug was ouerfauourable to the citizens, he continued in his office but till the first of Iulie, and being then discharged, one sir Baldwine Radington, a right circumspect and discréet knight, was put in that roome, who knew how both to content the kings mind, and to comfort the citizens, and put them in hope of the kings fauour in time to be obteined, to the reliefe of their sorow and heauinesse.

The city's freedoms were taken over by the king, and the authority of the mayor completely ceased, with the king appointing a warden to govern the city, named Sir Edward Darlingrug, a knight, who would both lead the city and ensure that everyone received justice as needed. Sir Edward Darlingrug began to govern the city of London as lord warden on June 21, the day the king entered the 16th year of his reign. Because it was believed that Sir Edward Darlingrug was too favorable to the citizens, he only held his position until July 1. After he was removed, Sir Baldwine Radington, a very careful and sensible knight, was appointed to that role, who knew how to please the king and comfort the citizens, giving them hope for future royal favor to ease their sorrow and distress.

The liberties of London in part confirmed in part condemned.

The freedoms of London were partly confirmed and partly condemned.

At length, the king, through sute and instant labour made by certeine noble men, speciallie the duke of Glocester, began somewhat to relent and pacifie himselfe, as touching his rigorous displeasure against the Londoners, calling to mind the great honour he had diuerse waies receiued at their hands, with the great gifts which they had likewise bestowed vpon him, wherevpon he purposed to deale the more mildlie with them, and so sent for diuerse of the chiefe citizens to come vnto Windesor, where he then kept his court, there to shew foorth the priuileges, liberties, and lawes of their citie, as well the new as old, that with the aduise of his councell, he might determine which should remaine in force, and which should be abolished. Herevpon, when the said priuileges, and liberties were laid foorth, to the view of such persons as had to consider of them, some were ratified, some permitted by tolleration, and some vtterlie condemned and abrogated.

Finally, the king, through the persuasion and urgent efforts of certain noblemen, especially the Duke of Gloucester, began to soften and calm himself regarding his harsh anger towards the Londoners. He remembered the great honor he had received from them in various ways and the significant gifts they had given him, which led him to decide to treat them more kindly. He summoned several leading citizens to come to Windsor, where he was holding court, to present the privileges, rights, and laws of their city, both new and old. With the advice of his council, he planned to determine which ones would remain enforced and which would be abolished. When these privileges and rights were presented for review, some were confirmed, some allowed with tolerance, and some completely rejected and repealed.

Neither might they recouer at that present, either the person or dignitie of their maior, nor obteine the kings entire fauour, till they had satisfied the king of the damages and iniuries by them doone, either to him or his people. And where he had beene at great charges, in preparing forces to chastise them, as he was determined, if they had not submitted themselues vnto him, they were sure that their pursses must answer all that he had laid foorth about that matter. They therfore with humble submission, in recompense & satisfaction of their trespasses, offered to giue him ten thousand pounds, but they were for this time sent home, and appointed to returne againe at a certeine day, not vnderstanding what they must pay, till the king with the aduise of his councell had taken further order for them. At length, through such dailie sute as was made for the quieting of the kings hot displeasure towards the Londoners, he was contented to pardon all offenses past. But first, the citizens were told, that the king meant to come from his manor of Shene, to the citie of London, and then vndoubtedlie, vpon knowledge had of their good meanings, hereafter to beare themselues like louing subiects, they should obteine his fauour.

They couldn’t regain either their mayor or his authority, nor earn the king’s full favor, until they compensated him for the damages and wrongs they had caused to him or his people. He had already spent a lot preparing forces to punish them, as he planned to do if they didn’t submit to him, so they knew they would have to pay for all the costs he had incurred. They therefore offered to humbly pay him ten thousand pounds as compensation for their misdeeds, but this time they were sent home and told to come back on a specific date, not knowing how much they actually owed until the king, with his council's advice, had made further arrangements. Eventually, due to the constant appeals for calming the king’s intense anger towards the Londoners, he agreed to forgive all past offenses. However, first, the citizens were informed that the king intended to come from his manor in Shene to the city of London, and if they showed their goodwill and acted like loyal subjects moving forward, they would regain his favor.

A swéet sacrifice.

A sweet sacrifice.

He was met with procession of the bishop & clergie at S. Georges church in Southwarke.

He was greeted by a procession of the bishop and clergy at St. George's Church in Southwark.

Gifts presented to the K. by the Londoners to pacifie his displeasure conceiued against them. K. Richard roiallie receiued into London.

Gifts given to the King by the people of London to calm his anger toward them. King Richard royally received in London.

The citizens aduertised hereof, did not onelie prepare themselues to meet him and to present him with gifts in most liberall manner; but also to adorne, decke, and trim their citie with sumptuous pageants, rich hangings, and other gorgeous furniture, in all points like as is vsed at anie coronation. At the day appointed, there met him (beside other) foure hundred of the citizens on horsebacke, clad in one liuerie, presenting themselues in that order, vpon the heath on this side Shene, and in most humble wise, crauing pardon for their offenses past, besought him to take his waie to his palace of Westminster, thorough the citie of London. This sute made by the recorder, in name of all the citizens, he gratiouslie granted, and so held on his iournie, till he came to London bridge, where vnto him was presented a passing faire stéed, white, saddled, bridled, and |820| trapped in rich cloth of gold, parted with red and white. And likewise to the quéene was giuen a milke white paltrie, saddled, brideled, and trapped in the same sort, as the other was. These presents were thankefullie accepted, and so both the king and the queene passing forward, entered the citie, prepared and hanged with rich clothes (as before you haue heard) the citizens standing on ech side the stréets in their liueries, crieng; King Richard, king Richard.

The citizens, informed of this, not only got ready to meet him and generously present him with gifts, but also decorated and adorned their city with lavish displays, rich hangings, and other extravagant decorations, just like for any coronation. On the appointed day, four hundred of the citizens met him on horseback, all dressed in the same livery. They presented themselves in that formation on the heath near Shene, humbly asking for forgiveness for their past offenses and requesting that he proceed to his palace in Westminster through the city of London. This request, made by the recorder on behalf of all the citizens, was graciously granted, and he continued on his journey until he reached London Bridge, where a beautiful white steed was presented to him, saddled, bridled, and adorned in rich gold cloth divided with red and white. Similarly, the queen was given a milk-white palfrey, also saddled, bridled, and decorated in the same style as the other horse. These gifts were gratefully accepted, and as both the king and queen moved forward, they entered the city, which was decorated with rich fabrics, while the citizens stood on either side of the streets in their liveries, shouting, "King Richard, King Richard."

More gifts by the Lōdoners to the king.

More gifts from the Londoners to the king.

Tho. Walsin. The liberties of London ratified by king Richard.

Tho. Walsin. The freedoms of London confirmed by King Richard.

At the standard in Cheape, was a right sumptuous stage ordeined, on which were set diuerse personages, and an angell that put a rich crowne of gold, garnished with stone and pearle vpon the kings head, as he passed by, and likewise an other on the queenes head. This doone, the king rode to Paules, and there offered, and so tooke his horsse againe, and rode to Westminster, where the maior and his companie taking their leaue, returned to London. On the morrow, the maior and his brethren went againe to Westminster, and there presented the king with two basens gilt, & in them two thousand nobles of gold, beséeching him to be good and gratious lord to the citie; he receiued their present in courteous manner, and gaue them manie comfortable words. The third daie after, they receiued a new confirmation of all their old liberties (at the least such as might be an aid to the citie, and no detriment to forreners) wherefore, by counsell of their freends, they ordeined a table for an altar of siluer and gilt, ingrauen with imagerie, and inameled in most curious wise, conteining the storie of saint Edward, it was valued to be worth a thousand marks. This was presented to the king, the which he shortlie after offered to the shrine of saint Edward within the abbeie. The Londoners beléeued, that by these gifts they had beene quite rid of all danger; but yet they were compelled to giue the king after this, ten thousand pounds, which was collected of the commons in the citie, not without great offense and grudging in their minds.

At the standard in Cheape, there was a really lavish stage set up, on which various figures were displayed, including an angel who placed a rich gold crown, adorned with jewels and pearls, on the king's head as he passed by, and another on the queen's head. After that, the king rode to St. Paul’s, made an offering, then took his horse again and rode to Westminster, where the mayor and his group took their leave and returned to London. The next day, the mayor and his colleagues went back to Westminster and presented the king with two gilt basins, which held two thousand gold nobles, asking him to be a good and gracious lord to the city; he received their gift graciously and gave them many encouraging words. Three days later, they received a new confirmation of all their old liberties (at least those that would aid the city and not harm outsiders), and so, on the advice of their friends, they arranged for a silver and gilt altar table, intricately engraved and enameled, depicting the story of Saint Edward, which was valued at a thousand marks. This was presented to the king, who shortly afterward offered it at the shrine of Saint Edward within the abbey. The Londoners believed that with these gifts, they had completely rid themselves of all danger; however, they were still compelled to give the king another ten thousand pounds, collected from the common people in the city, not without considerable resentment and frustration among them.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leceister abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

¶ You haue heard hitherto, what means was made by the maior, aldermen, and whole bodie of the commonaltie of London to procure the kings maiesties (in whose disfauour they were deeplie drowned) gratious reconciliation. Wherein though there hath beene large matter deliuered; yet to set foorth the dignitie thereof the fuller, take heere by the waie the report of Henrie Knighton. In the yeare (saith he) 1392, the king called a great councell on the morrow after Trinitie sundaie at Stamford, about certeine affaires concerning the Frenchmen, in which councell he assembled togither all the old soldiers of his relme, that by the aduise of the elder sort he might sée what were best for him to doo in the premisses. The king also held a great councell at Notingham, on the feast of S. Iohn the Baptist, whereat he caused the maior of London with the foure and twentie aldermen, the two shiriffes, and foure and twentie of the best commoners of the citie in the second degrée to be conuented before him. Héere he charged them that they had forfeited a certeine bond of 9000 pounds to the king, besides the losse of their liberties and priuileges. Which obligation or bond they had made in former time to the king, their deserts requiring the same. Now the king, after rehearsall made of their new offenses & faults, discharged the maior, the two shiriffes, and the rest of his officers of their offices, and sent the maior and the two shiriffes to certeine places of custodie as his prisoners, defeating the citie of London of the honour of all their priuileges; in so much that a citizen or fréeman should haue no more prerogatiue than a forrener or stranger. He appointed also the lord Edward Balerige to be gouernor therof, to kéepe and see kept the kings lawes and his liege people within London in due order, vntill such time as the king had otherwise prouided for them. And he set them a day to answer the king and his councell to certeine interrogatories on the feast of S. Marie Magdalen then next insuing, at Windsore. In the meane while, at the mediation of certeine freends and welwillers, the kings indignation was somewhat mitigated and asswaged towards them; in somuch that at length he released the maior and the shiriffes, and sent them home to their houses; setting ouer them not­with­stand­ing a new kéeper or gouernour of the citie, and reseruing in his hand all the priuileges of the citie. In the meane time, on the sundaie next after the feast of the |821| Assumption of the blessed virgin Marie; all the wealthiest and worthiest commoners of the citie came to the king, and submitted themselues and all their goods to his grace, and then did he first receiue and take them into his fauour. On the wednesdaie insuing, the king was purposed to come into London, and the citizens in multitudes innumerable met him on horssebacke; & they that had no horsses went out on foot to welcome him thither; women also and infants shewed themselues vnto him; likewise the bishop of London, with all the clergie, no order, degree, condition, estate, or sex of ec­cles­i­ast­i­call dignitie being excused, went out in procession to meet the king and the quéene with great reioising. It was reported how in that procession there were aboue fiue hundred boies in surplisses. Moreouer, the citizens of London trimmed the outsides of their houses and chambers in euerie stréet through which the king and the queene were to passe, from S. Georges to Westminster. As for the houses of the welthier sort, they were brauelie garnished with cloth of gold, siluer, tissue, veluet, & other sumptuous stuffe whatsoeuer by any possible means could be gotten. In Cheapside there was a conduit, out of the which two spouts ran with read wine & white, and vpon the conduit stood a little boie apparelled in white like an angell, hauing a golden cup in his hand, who presented wine to the king and queene to drinke as they passed by. In the meane time they offered to the king a golden crowne of great value, and another golden crowne to the quéene; and a while after passing forwards, they presented to the king a golden tablet of the Trinitie, to the value of eight hundred pounds: and to the queene another golden tablet of S. Anne, whome she had in speciall deuotion and reuerence, bicause hir owne name was Anne. Such, and so great, and so wonderfull honors did they to the king, as the like in former times was neuer doone to anie king of this realme: and so going forward, they brought the king and the quéene to Westminster hall. The king sitting in his seat roiall, & all the people standing before him; one in the kings behalfe as his speaker, gaue the people thanks for the great honour and princelie presents which they had bestowed vpon the king; and being bidden to fall euerie man to his businesse and affaires, it was told them that in the next parlement they should haue their finall answer.

You have heard so far about the efforts made by the mayor, aldermen, and the entire body of the common people of London to seek a gracious reconciliation from the king (in whose disfavor they were deeply affected). Although a lot has been said, to highlight the significance of it, here's a report from Henry Knighton. In the year (he says) 1392, the king called a great council on the day after Trinity Sunday at Stamford, regarding certain matters concerning the French, where he brought together all the experienced soldiers of his realm, so that with the advice of the elders, he could see what was best for him to do about the issues at hand. The king also held another great council at Nottingham on the feast of St. John the Baptist, where he summoned the mayor of London along with the twenty-four aldermen, the two sheriffs, and twenty-four of the best commoners from the city to appear before him. There, he charged them with having forfeited a certain bond of 9,000 pounds to the king, in addition to losing their liberties and privileges. This obligation or bond had previously been made to the king due to their deserving it at the time. Now, after listing their new offenses and mistakes, the king dismissed the mayor, the two sheriffs, and the rest of his officers from their positions, sending the mayor and the two sheriffs to certain places of custody as his prisoners, stripping the city of London of all its privileges; so much so that a citizen or freeman would have no more rights than a foreigner or stranger. He also appointed Lord Edward Balerige as the governor, to enforce the king's laws and maintain order among his loyal subjects within London, until the king had made other arrangements for them. He set a date for them to answer the king and his council to certain questions on the feast of St. Mary Magdalene that was coming up at Windsor. In the meantime, through the mediation of certain friends and well-wishers, the king's anger was somewhat eased towards them; so much so that eventually he released the mayor and the sheriffs and sent them back home; nevertheless, he appointed a new keeper or governor for the city, reserving all the privileges of the city for himself. Meanwhile, on the Sunday after the feast of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary, all the wealthiest and most notable commoners of the city came to the king and submitted themselves and all their possessions to his grace, and he first received and accepted them into his favor. On the following Wednesday, the king intended to come into London, and countless citizens met him on horseback; those without horses went on foot to welcome him; women and children also came out to see him; likewise, the bishop of London, along with all the clergy—no order, rank, condition, status, or gender of ecclesiastical dignity was excused—went out in procession to greet the king and the queen with great joy. It was reported that there were over five hundred boys in surplices during that procession. Moreover, the citizens of London decorated the exteriors of their houses and rooms on every street that the king and queen were to pass through, from St. George's to Westminster. The houses of the wealthier classes were lavishly adorned with cloth of gold, silver, tissue, velvet, and whatever other sumptuous materials could possibly be acquired. In Cheapside, there was a conduit from which two spouts flowed with red wine and white wine, and on the conduit stood a little boy dressed in white like an angel, holding a golden cup, who offered wine to the king and queen to drink as they passed by. Meanwhile, they presented the king with a golden crown of great value, and another golden crown for the queen; shortly after, as they continued forward, they offered the king a gold tablet of the Trinity, valued at eight hundred pounds, and to the queen, another gold tablet of St. Anne, whom she held in special devotion and reverence because her own name was Anne. Such, and so great, and so wonderful honors did they bestow upon the king, as had never before been done for any king of this realm: and so continuing on, they brought the king and queen to Westminster Hall. The king, sitting on his royal seat, while all the people stood before him; one person, as his spokesperson, thanked the people for the great honor and princely gifts they had presented to the king; and after being instructed to return to their own business and affairs, they were told that they would have their final answer in the next parliament.

The duke of Glocester made duke of Ireland.

The Duke of Gloucester was appointed Duke of Ireland.

His iournie into Ireland vnluckilie staied.

His journey to Ireland was unfortunately delayed.

Véere, late duke of Ireland, dieth at Louaine.

Véere, the late Duke of Ireland, dies in Louaine.

At the same time, the duke of Glocester, hauing receiued monie to leauie an armie, which he should haue conueied ouer into Ireland, of which countrie, a good while before that present, the king had made him duke, was now readie to set forward, when suddenlie through the malice of some priuie detractours about the king, he was contermanded, and so his iournie was staied, to the great hinderance and preiudice of both the countries of England and Ireland: for euen vpon the fame that was bruted of his comming into Ireland, in manner all the Irish lords determined to submit themselues vnto him, so greatlie was his name both loued, reuerenced, and feared, euen among those wild and sauage people. This yeare Robert Véere, late earle of Oxenford, and duke of Ireland, departed this life at Louaine in Brabant, in great anguish of mind, & miserable necessitie: which yoong gentleman (doubtlesse) was apt to all commendable exercises and parts fit for a noble man, if in his youth he had béene well trained and brought vp in necessarie discipline.

At the same time, the Duke of Gloucester, having received money to raise an army that he was supposed to send over to Ireland—where the king had made him duke some time ago—was ready to depart when suddenly, due to the malice of certain secret detractors around the king, he was ordered to stay back, halting his journey to the great detriment of both England and Ireland. As news spread about his potential arrival in Ireland, nearly all the Irish lords decided to submit to him, such was the respect and fear his name commanded, even among those wild and savage people. This year, Robert Vere, the recently appointed Earl of Oxford and Duke of Ireland, passed away in Louvain, Brabant, in great mental anguish and dire need. This young man was undoubtedly suited for all commendable pursuits and qualities fitting for a nobleman, provided he had been well trained and raised in necessary disciplines during his youth.

1393.

Tho. Walsi. A parlement at Winchester.

Tho. Walsi. A parliament at Winchester.

The chancerie and kings bench kept at Yorke and frō thence remooued to Londō.

The chancery and king's bench were held in York and then moved to London.

Eures.

Eures.

The Ile of Man.

Isle of Man.

This yeare after Christmasse, a parlement was called at Winchester, in which onelie a grant was made by the cleargie, of halfe a tenth, for the expenses of the duke of Lancaster & Glocester, that were appointed to go ouer into France, to treat of peace, betwixt the two kingdomes. The courts of the kings bench and chancerie, which had béene remooued from Westminster to Yorke, either in disfauour onelie of the Londoners, or in fauour of the citizens of Yorke, for that the archbishop of that citie, being lord chancellor, wished to aduance (so farre as in him laie) the commoditie and wealth thereof, were neuerthelesse about this season brought backe againe to Westminster, after they had remained a small time at Yorke, to the displeasure of manie.  ¶ This yeare, the lord Auberie de Veere, vncle to the late duke of Ireland, was made earle of Oxenford. ¶The two and twentith of Februarie, Iohn Eures, constable of Douer castell, & lord steward of the kings house |822| departed this life, in whose roome the lord Thomas Persie that before was vice­cham­ber­laine was created lord steward; and the lord Thomas Beaumont was made constable of Douer, and lord warden of the cinque ports: and the lord William Scroope was made vicechamberlaine, who about the same time, bought of the lord William Montacute the Ile of Man, with the regalitie therof, for it is a kingdome; as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth.

This year after Christmas, a parliament was called in Winchester, where the clergy agreed to give a half-tenth for the expenses of the Duke of Lancaster and Gloucester, who were sent to France to negotiate peace between the two kingdoms. The King’s Bench and Chancery courts, which had been moved from Westminster to York either because of the Londoners' unpopularity or to favor the citizens of York, since the Archbishop of York, who was the Lord Chancellor, wanted to promote the city's benefit and prosperity, were, however, relocated back to Westminster after being in York for a short time, which displeased many. This year, Lord Auberie de Veere, uncle to the late Duke of Ireland, was made Earl of Oxford. ¶ On February 22nd, John Eures, constable of Dover Castle, and Lord Steward of the King’s household |822| passed away, and in his place, Lord Thomas Percy, who had been Vice-Chamberlain, was appointed Lord Steward; Lord Thomas Beaumont was appointed constable of Dover and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports; and Lord William Scroop was made Vice-Chamberlain. Around the same time, he bought the Isle of Man from Lord William Montacute, along with its royal rights, as it is a kingdom, according to Thomas Walsingham.

The dukes of Lancaster & Glocester sent to Frāce to treat of a peace.

The dukes of Lancaster & Glocester sent a message to France to discuss a peace agreement.

The French comissioners would haue Calis raced to the ground.

The French commissioners wanted Calais destroyed.

The dukes of Lancaster and Glocester went ouer vnto Calis, and downe to Bullongne came the dukes of Berrie and Burgognie. These noblemen were sufficientlie furnished with authoritie, to conclude a perfect peace, both by sea and land, betweene the two realmes of France and England, and all their alies. The place appointed for them to treat in, was at Balingham, where tents and pauilions were pight vp, for the ease of both parties. They met there twise or thrise a wéeke, in a faire tent prepared for the purpose, about nine of the clocke in the forenoone. This was about the beginning of Maie. When they entered first into com­mun­i­ca­tion, and had séene each others authoritie, one of the first demands that the Frenchmen made, was to haue Calis raced, in such wise, as there should neuer be anie habitation there after that time. The dukes of Lancaster and Glocester answered herevnto, how they had no authoritie to conclude so farre, but that England should hold Calis still, as in demesne, and true inheritance; and therefore, if they purposed to enter any further in the treatie of peace, they should ceasse from that demand and speake no more thereof. When the dukes of Berrie and Burgognie heard their two cousins of England answer so roundlie, they spake no more of that matter.

The dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester went over to Calais, and down to Boulogne came the dukes of Berry and Burgundy. These noblemen were well-equipped with the authority to finalize a solid peace, both by sea and land, between the two realms of France and England, along with all their allies. The location chosen for their discussions was Balingham, where tents and pavilions were set up for the comfort of both parties. They met there two or three times a week, in a large tent prepared for that purpose, around nine in the morning. This was around the beginning of May. When they first began discussions and confirmed each other's authority, one of the first things the French demanded was that Calais be destroyed so that there would never be any habitation there again. The dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester responded that they did not have the authority to decide that matter but that England would continue to hold Calais as its domain and true inheritance; therefore, if they intended to pursue further negotiations for peace, they should abandon that demand and not bring it up again. When the dukes of Berry and Burgundy heard their two English cousins respond so firmly, they dropped the issue.

The demand of the English cōmissioners.

The request of the English commissioners.

Order taken that the demands on either side should be set downe in writing, the better to be considered of.

Order given for the demands from both sides to be put in writing for better consideration.

The English gentlemen mainteined by the French warres.

The English gentlemen supported by the French wars.

The subtiltie of the French men.

The nuance of the French.

The com­mis­sion­ers meet againe.

The commissioners meet again.

Then the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester demanded to haue restitution of all such lands as had béene deliuered, either to king Richard, or to king Edward the third, or to anie their deputies or com­mis­sion­ers, and also to haue fullie paid the summe of florens that was left vnpaid, at the time when the warre reuiued betwixt England and France: and this the English lawiers prooued to stand with equitie and reason. But neuerthelesse, the lords and chancellor of France argued to the contrarie, and so agrée they could not, insomuch as the Frenchmen required, that if the Englishmen meant to haue anie conclusion of peace, they should draw to some neerer points. At length, the foure dukes tooke order, that all their demands on either side should be set downe in writing, and deliuered to either partie in­ter­change­ab­lie, that they might be regarded at length, and such as should be found vnreasonable, to be raced or reformed. After they had communed togither diuerse times, and remained there fiftéene daies, they appointed to aduertise the two kings of their whole dooings, and after nine daies space to meet againe. The French dukes rode to Abbeuile, where the French king then laie: and the English dukes returning to Calis, wrote to the king of England, of all the whole matter. The duke of Glocester was harder to deale with in each behalfe, concerning the conclusion of peace, than was the duke of Lancaster, for he rather desired to haue had warre than any peace, except such a one as should be greatlie to the aduantage and honour of the realme of England: and therefore the commons of England vnderstanding his disposition, agreed that he should be sent, rather than anie other. For where in times past the Englishmen had greatlie gained by the warres of France, as well the commons, as the knights and esquires, who had by the same mainteined their estate, they could not giue their willing consents, to haue anie peace at all with the Frenchmen, in hope by reason of the wars, to profit themselues, as in times past they had doone. The French king & nobles of France were greatlie inclined to peace, and so likewise was the king of England, & the duke of Lancaster. But the Frenchmen were so subtill, and vsed so manie darke and coloured words, that the Englishmen had much a doo to vnderstand them: which offended much the duke of Glocester. But neuerthelesse, at the daie prefixed, these foure dukes met againe at Balingham, and with the French lords came the king of Armenie, newlie returned into France foorth of Grecia, for into his owne countrie he durst not come, the Turkes hauing conquered it, the strong towne of Conich, which the Genowaies held, excepted. |823|

Then the dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester demanded the return of all lands that had been given to either King Richard, King Edward III, or any of their deputies or commissioners. They also asked to be fully paid the sum of florins that was left unpaid at the time when the war resumed between England and France. The English lawyers argued that this was fair and reasonable. However, the French lords and chancellor disagreed, insisting that if the English wanted any chance of peace, they needed to clarify their points. Eventually, the four dukes agreed to write down all their demands on both sides and exchange them, so they could review them and eliminate or revise those found unreasonable. After discussing multiple times and spending fifteen days there, they decided to inform both kings of their progress and meet again after nine days. The French dukes rode to Abbeville, where the French king was at the time, while the English dukes returned to Calais to write to the King of England about everything that had happened. The Duke of Gloucester was harder to negotiate with regarding peace than the Duke of Lancaster, as he preferred war over peace unless it significantly benefited and honored the realm of England. Because of this, the common people of England, aware of his stance, agreed he should be sent instead of anyone else. Previously, the English had greatly profited from the wars in France, benefiting both the commoners and the knights and squires, who had maintained their status through these conflicts. They were reluctant to agree to any peace with the French, hoping to gain from the wars as they had in the past. The French king and the nobles were keen on peace, as was the King of England and the Duke of Lancaster. However, the French were so cunning and used so many vague and flowery words that the English found it difficult to understand them, which frustrated the Duke of Gloucester. Nevertheless, on the appointed day, the four dukes met again at Balingham, and with the French lords came the King of Armenia, who had recently returned to France from Greece, as he dared not return to his own country, having been conquered by the Turks, except for the strong town of Coniç held by the Genoese. |823|

The king of Armenie.

The king of Armenia.

Obscure and doubtfull words to be opened.

Obscure and doubtful words to be explained.

A truce for foure yeares betwéene England and France.

A truce for four years between England and France.

The king of Armenie would gladlie that peace might haue béene established betwixt France and England, in hope to procure the sooner some aid of the kings to recouer his kingdome. But to conclude after that the dukes, and other with them associat as assistants, had diligentlie perused and examined the articles of their treatie, they would not passe nor seale to anie, till all darke and obscure words were cléerelie declared, opened, and made perfect, so that no generall peace might be concluded. Not­with­stand­ing, as Froissard saith, a truce for foure yeares space, vpon certeine articles was agreed to be kept as well by sea as by land. It was thought, that when they were at point to haue growne to agreement concerning manie articles, if the French king had not newlie fallen into his former disease of frensie, there had better effect followed of this treatie; but by occasion of his sicknesse, each man departed, before that anie principall articles could be fullie ordered and make perfect. The same time, sir Thomas Persie the yoonger was made lord warden of Burdeaux and Aquitaine.

The king of Armenia was eager for peace to be established between France and England, hoping it would help him get some assistance from the kings to reclaim his kingdom. However, after the dukes and their associates carefully reviewed the terms of their treaty, they refused to approve or sign anything until all vague and unclear language was fully clarified and finalized, which meant no general peace could be reached. Nevertheless, as Froissart states, a truce for four years was agreed upon based on certain terms, to be upheld by both land and sea. It was believed that if the French king hadn't recently fallen back into his previous bout of madness, they would have reached a better outcome regarding many articles; but due to his illness, everyone left before any key agreements could be completely finalized. At the same time, Sir Thomas Percy the younger was appointed lord warden of Bordeaux and Aquitaine.

An. Reg. 17.

Great tempests.

Severe storms.

Much hurt doone by great flouds in Suffolke.

Much damage done by major floods in Suffolk.

A great plage in Essex.

A great beach in Essex.

1394.

Variance betwéene the duke of Lancaster and the earle of Arundell.

Variance between the Duke of Lancaster and the Earl of Arundel.

In September, much hurt was doone, thorough excéeding great thunder, lightening, and tempests, which chanced in manie parts of England, but speciallie in Cam­bridge­shire, where manie houses were burned, with no small quantitie of corne. Great inundations and flouds of water followed shortlie after in October, which did much hurt at Burie, and Newmarket in Suffolke, where it ouerthrew wals of houses, and put men and women in great danger of drowning. In Essex also in September, great mortalitie fell by pestilence amongst the people, whereof manie died.  ¶ The towne of Chierburgh was restored againe to the king of Nauarre, who had ingaged it to the king of England, for two thousand markes.  ¶ A parlement was holden at Westminster, which began in the octaues of Hilarie.  ¶ The king purposing to go ouer into Ireland, required a subsidie, the cleargie granted to him a whole tenth, toward the furnishing foorth of that iournie, if he went himselfe; if he went not, yet they agréed to giue to him the moitie of a tenth. In time of this parlement, there appeared great euill will to remaine betwixt the duke of Lancaster and the earle of Arundell, for the duke imposed to the earle, that about the Exaltation of the crosse, he laie with a companie of armed men in the castell of Holt by Chester, the same time that the countrie there rose against the duke, with their capteine Nicholas Clifton, and his complices, whome he ment (as the duke alledged) to haue aided against him: but this the earle flatlie denied, and with probable reasons so excused himselfe, as the quarrell at length was taken vp, and the parties for the time well quieted.

In September, there was a lot of damage caused by extremely strong thunder, lightning, and storms that occurred in many parts of England, especially in Cambridgeshire, where many houses were burned along with a significant amount of grain. Shortly after, in October, heavy flooding followed, causing much harm in Bury and Newmarket in Suffolk, where walls of houses were knocked down, putting men and women at great risk of drowning. In Essex, also in September, there was a major outbreak of plague that caused many deaths among the people. The town of Chierburgh was returned to the king of Navarre, who had promised it to the king of England for two thousand marks. A parliament was held at Westminster, which started in the days following the feast of Hilary. The king intended to go to Ireland and asked for a subsidy; the clergy granted him a full tenth to support the journey if he went himself; if he didn't go, they agreed to give him half of a tenth anyway. During this parliament, there was significant animosity brewing between the duke of Lancaster and the earl of Arundel. The duke accused the earl of having been with a group of armed men in the castle of Holt by Chester around the time of the Exaltation of the Cross, while the local countrymen had risen up against the duke, led by their captain Nicholas Clifton and his supporters, whom the duke claimed the earl had aided against him. However, the earl flatly denied this and offered reasonable explanations that eventually led to the quarrel being resolved, and both parties were quieted for the time being.

The death of quéene Anne.

The death of Queen Anne.

The K. defaceth the house of Shene bicause the quéene died there.

The K. defaces the house of Shene because the queen died there.

This yeare on Whitsundaie being the seauenth of Iune, quéene Anne departed this life, to the great greefe of hir husband king Richard, who loued hir intirelie. She deceassed at Shene, and was buried at Westminster, vpon the south side of saint Edwards shrine. The king tooke such a conceit with the house of Shene, where she departed this life, that he caused the buildings to be throwne downe and defaced, whereas the former kings of this land, being wearie of the citie, vsed customablie thither to resort, as to a place of pleasure, and seruing highlie to their recreation. Thus the king, the duke of Lancaster, and his sonne the earle of Derbie, were widowers, all in one season: for the ladie Constance duchesse of Lancaster daughter to Peter king of Spaine, deceassed the last yeare, whilest hir husband the duke of Lancaster was at the treatie in France: at the same time also deceassed the countesse of Derbie, wife to the lord Henrie earle of Derbie.  ¶ Moreouer, in this yeare 1394, Isabell duchesse of Yorke departed this life, that was halfe sister to the duchesse of Lancaster, being borne of one mother. She was buried at Langleie.

This year, on Whit Sunday, June 7th, Queen Anne passed away, causing great sorrow for her husband, King Richard, who loved her deeply. She died at Shene and was buried at Westminster, on the south side of Saint Edward's shrine. The king was so struck by grief at the house in Shene where she died that he had the buildings demolished and destroyed, even though previous kings used to go there regularly for pleasure and recreation. Thus, the king, the Duke of Lancaster, and his son, the Earl of Derby, were all widowers at the same time: Lady Constance, Duchess of Lancaster and daughter of Peter, King of Spain, died last year while her husband, the Duke of Lancaster, was negotiating in France. At the same time, the Countess of Derby, wife of Lord Henry, Earl of Derby, also passed away. Moreover, in the year 1394, Isabel, Duchess of York, who was the half-sister of the Duchess of Lancaster, born of the same mother, also died. She was buried at Langleie.

An. Reg. 18.

A proclamation that all Irishmen shuld returne into their countrie.

A declaration that all Irishmen should return to their country.

The English pale in Irelād almost left desolate.

The English pale in Ireland was nearly deserted.

The yearelie reuenues of Ireland in K. Edward the third his daies.

The annual revenues of Ireland in the days of King Edward III.

This yeare in August, was a proclamation set foorth, that all Irishmen should auoid this land, and returne home into their owne countrie, before the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, on paine of death. The occasion of which proclamation was, for that such multitudes of Irishmen were come ouer into this region, in hope of gaine, that the countries in Ireland, subiect to England, were in manner left void of people, so that the |824| enimies spoiled and wasted those countries at their pleasure, finding few or none to withstand them. And where king Edward the third had placed in Ireland his bench and iudges, with his excheker for the good ad­min­is­tra­tion of iustice and politike gouernement to be vsed there, he receiued from thence yearelie in reuenues and profits, comming to his owne cofers, the sum of thirtie thousand pounds: the king now laid foorth no lesse a summe to repell the enimies, which by absence of those that were come ouer hither, could not otherwise be resisted, sith the power of the rebels was so increased, and the force of the countries subiect, thorough lacke of the former inhabitants, so diminished.  ¶ About the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, the king set forward to passe into Ireland, hauing made such preparation for that iournie, as the like for Ireland had not béene heard of at anie time before. There went out with him the duke of Glocester, the earles of March, Notingham, and Rutland, the lord Thomas Persie lord steward, and diuerse other of the English nobilitie.

This year in August, a proclamation was issued that all Irishmen should leave this land and return to their own country before the feast of the Nativity of our Lady, under penalty of death. The reason for this proclamation was that so many Irishmen had come to this region seeking profit that the areas in Ireland under English rule were almost deserted, allowing enemies to ravage those lands at will, finding few or no one to resist them. When King Edward III established a bench and judges in Ireland, along with his Exchequer for the fair administration of justice and governance, he received an annual revenue of thirty thousand pounds from there. The king now spent no less a sum to fend off the enemies, who could not be resisted due to the absence of those who had come over here, as the rebels' power had grown and the strength of the loyal areas had declined due to the lack of former inhabitants. About the feast of the Nativity of our Lady, the king set out to travel to Ireland, having made preparations for the journey that had never been seen before. Accompanying him were the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of March, Nottingham, and Rutland, Lord Thomas Percy, the Lord Steward, and several other members of the English nobility.

The duke of Lancaster saileth into Aquitaine with an armie.

The Duke of Lancaster is sailing into Aquitaine with an army.

The Gascoignes flatlie refuse to accept the duke of Lancaster for their souereigne.

The Gascoignes flatly refuse to accept the Duke of Lancaster as their sovereign.

The duke of Lancaster, that in the thirteenth yeare of king Richards reigne had beene created by authoritie of parlement, duke of Aquitaine, was about this present time sent thither, with fiue hundred men of armes, & a thousand archers, to take possession of that duchie, according to the kings grant, by his letters patents thereof had, made, and confirmed with his seale, in presence of the most part of all the nobles and great lords of England, to hold all that countrie to the said duke and his heires for euer in as large manner and forme, as his father king Edward the third, or anie other kings of England, or dukes of Aquitaine before time had holden, and as king Richard at that season had & held the same, the homage alwaies yet reserued to the kings of England for euer. But all this not­with­stand­ing, at his comming thither, so farre were the Gascoignes, and other people of those marches from receiuing him with ioy and triumph, that they plainelie told him, they would not atturne to him, nor be vnder his iurisdiction at anie hand, although he had brought ouer with him com­mis­sion­ers sufficientlie authorised, both to discharge them of their former allegiance to the king, and to inuest him in possession of that duchie, in maner and forme as before is said.

The Duke of Lancaster, who had been made Duke of Aquitaine in the thirteenth year of King Richard's reign by an act of Parliament, was sent there at this time with five hundred knights and a thousand archers to take possession of the duchy, as granted by the king through his letters patent, which had been issued and confirmed with his seal in front of most of the nobles and great lords of England. He was to hold the entire territory for himself and his heirs forever, in the same way his father, King Edward III, and other kings of England or dukes of Aquitaine had held it before, and as King Richard was holding it at that time, with homage always reserved to the kings of England forever. However, when he arrived there, the Gascons and other people of those regions were so far from greeting him with joy and celebration that they outright told him they would not submit to him or be under his authority, even though he had brought with him commissioners who were fully authorized to relieve them of their previous loyalty to the king and to invest him in possession of the duchy in the manner previously mentioned.

K. Richard passeth ouer into Ireland with a mightie armie.

K. Richard crosses over to Ireland with a powerful army.

Froissard. Foure Irish kings submit themselues to K. Richard.

Froissard. Four Irish kings submit themselves to King Richard.

1395.

A parlement holden in Ireland.

A parliament held in Ireland.

But now to returne to king Richard, ye shall vnderstand, that when all his prouision and roiall armie was readie, about Michaelmas, he tooke the sea, and landed at Waterford the second of October, and so remained in Ireland all that winter: his people were lodged abroad in the countrie, and lay so warilie as they might. For although the Irishmen durst not attempt anie exploit openlie against the Englishmen, after the kings arriuall with so puissant an armie, yet they would steale sometimes vpon them, where they espied anie aduantage, and disquiet them in their lodgings. But when the English still preuailed, diuerse of the greatest princes among them came in, and submitted themselues. Amongst other, foure kings are mentioned, as the great Onell king of Meth, Brine of Thomond king of Thomond, Arthur Macmur king of Lineister, and Conhur king of Cheueno and Darpe: these kings were courteouslie interteined and much made of by king Richard, who kept his Christmas this yeare at Dubline. And after that feast was ended, he held a parlement there, to the which all his subiects of Ireland, vnto whom it apperteined, resorted, as well those that had continued vnder the English gouernement aforetime, as those that were latelie yéelded.

But now, returning to King Richard, you should know that when all his preparations and royal army were ready, around Michaelmas, he set sail and landed at Waterford on October 2nd, and stayed in Ireland all winter. His people were spread out across the country, making the best of their lodging. Although the Irish dared not openly attack the English after the king arrived with such a powerful army, they would sometimes sneak up on them if they saw an opportunity, causing trouble in their camps. However, as the English continued to succeed, several of the top princes among the Irish came forward and submitted. Among others, four kings are mentioned: the great O'Neill, king of Meath; Brian of Thomond, king of Thomond; Arthur MacMurrough, king of Leinster; and Conor, king of the Chevin and D'Arpe. These kings were treated kindly and honored by King Richard, who celebrated Christmas that year in Dublin. After the feast, he held a parliament there, which all his subjects from Ireland attended, both those who had remained under English rule previously and those who had recently submitted.

A parlement at Westminster, king Richard being in Ireland.

A parliament at Westminster, King Richard being in Ireland.

Also at the same time, after the octaues of the Epiphanie, the duke of Yorke, lord warden of England, now in the kings absence, caused a parlement to be called at Westminster, to the which was sent foorth of Ireland the duke of Glocester, that he might declare to the commons the kings necessitie, to haue some grant of monie to supplie his want, hauing spent no small quantitie of treasure in that iournie made into Ireland. The dukes words were so well heard and beléeued, that a whole tenth was granted by the clergie, and a fiftéenth by the laitie; but not without protestation, that those paiements were granted of a meere good will, for the loue they bare to the king, and to haue his businesse go forwards, which bicause it required great expenses, both for that his owne |825| roiall person was abiding in Ireland about the subduing of the rebels, as also bicause his retinue and power could not be mainteined without excessiue charges; they seemed to be no lesse desirous to haue the same ended, than they which were dailie agents in the same, not without feare of misfortune likelie to befall them, hauing to deale with a people of such barbarous and rebellious behauiour.

At the same time, after the octave of Epiphany, the Duke of York, Lord Warden of England, in the king's absence, called for a parliament to meet at Westminster. The Duke of Gloucester was sent from Ireland to inform the commons about the king's urgent need for money to cover expenses after spending a significant amount of treasure on the campaign in Ireland. The Duke's message was received so well that the clergy granted a full tenth, and the laity a fifteenth; however, they insisted that these payments were made out of goodwill, out of love for the king, and to support his efforts, which required substantial funds. This was necessary not only because the king was in Ireland dealing with rebels but also because his entourage and forces needed to be maintained at great cost. They were just as eager to see the situation resolved as those directly involved, driven by fear of what misfortunes could happen while dealing with such a barbarous and rebellious populace.

The Wickleuists wrote against the cleargie.

The Wickleuists wrote against the clergy.

The clergie complaine to the king of the Wickleuists, and their fauorers.

The clergy complained to the king about the Wickleuists and their supporters.

K. Richard knighteth the foure Irish kings, and others. Froissard.

K. Richard knights the four Irish kings and others. Froissard.

At the same time, those that followed Wickliffes opinions, set vp publikelie on the church doore of Paules in London, and the church doores of Westminster, certeine writings, conteining accusations of the clergie, and conclusions, such as had not commonlie béene heard, against ec­cles­i­ast­i­call persons, and the vse of the sacraments, as the church then mainteined. They were incouraged thus to doo, as it was said, by some noble men, and knights of great worship, as sir Richard Sturrie, sir Lewes Clifford, sir Thomas Latimer, sir Iohn Montacute, & others, who comforted & pricked forward those kind of men, then called heretikes & Lollards, to the confounding of monks, friers, and other religious persons, by all waies they might. Herevpon, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of London, and certeine other as messengers from the whole state of the clergie, passed ouer into Ireland, where, to the king they made a grieuous complaint, as well against those that had framed and set foorth such writings, as against them that mainteined them in their dooings, and therefore besought him with spéed to returne home into England, there to take such order, for the restreining of those misordered persons, as vnto the reliefe of the church might be thought expedient, being then in great danger of susteining irrecouerable losse and damage, if good reformation were not the sooner had. King Richard hearing these things, vpon good deliberation had in the matter, determined to returne home, but first on the day of the Annuntiation of our ladie, he made the foure aboue remembred kings, to wit, Onell, Brine of Thomond, Arthur of Mackmur, and Conhur, knights, in the cathedrall church of Dublin, and one likewise sir Thomas Orphen, sir Ioatas Pado, and his coosine sir Iohn Pado.

At the same time, those who supported Wickliffe's ideas publicly posted certain writings on the church door of St. Paul's in London and the church doors of Westminster. These writings contained accusations against the clergy and conclusions that were not commonly heard about ecclesiastical figures and the use of the sacraments, as the church then upheld. They were encouraged to do this, it was said, by some noblemen and respected knights like Sir Richard Sturrie, Sir Lewis Clifford, Sir Thomas Latimer, Sir John Montacute, and others, who motivated and pushed these individuals, then labeled as heretics and Lollards, to challenge monks, friars, and other religious figures in every way they could. As a result, the Archbishop of York, the Bishop of London, and several others as messengers from the entire clergy went to Ireland, where they made a serious complaint to the king against those who had created and spread such writings, as well as against those who supported them in their actions. They pleaded with him to return quickly to England to take measures to restrain these misguided individuals, as the church was in great danger of suffering irrecoverable loss and damage if proper reform was not enacted soon. After considering the matter, King Richard decided to come back home, but first, on the day of the Annunciation of Our Lady, he knighted the four previously mentioned kings—Onell, Brine of Thomond, Arthur of Mackmur, and Conhur—in the cathedral church of Dublin, along with Sir Thomas Orphen, Sir Ioatas Pado, and his cousin Sir John Pado.

K. Richard returneth out of Ireland.

K. Richard is back from Ireland.

K. Richards dealings against the fauorers of the Wickleuists.

K. Richards' actions against the supporters of the Wickleuists.

This doone, and now after that they were set inquiet in that countrie (the rebels not being so hardie as to stirre, whilest such a mightie armie was there readie at hand to assaile them) king about Easter came backe into England without anie more adoo, so that the gaine was thought nothing to counteruaile the charges, which were verie great: for the king had ouer with him in that iournie, foure thousand men of armes, and thirtie thousand archers, as Froissard saith he was informed by an English esquier that had béene in that iournie. The king at his comming ouer, did not forget what complaint the archbishop of Yorke and the bishop of London had exhibited to him, against those that were called Lollards, and heretiks, wherevpon immediatlie, he called before him certeine of the noble men, that were thought and knowne to fauour such kind of men, threatning terriblie, if from thence foorth they should in anie wise comfort and relieue them. He caused sir Richard Sturrie to receiue an oth, that he should not mainteine from that day forward anie such erronious opinions, menacing him, and as it were, couenanting with him by an interchangeable oth, that if euer he might vnderstand, that he did violate and breake that oth, he should die for it a most shamefull death.

This done, and now after they were uncomfortable in that country (the rebels not being brave enough to stir while such a mighty army was ready to attack them), the king returned to England around Easter without any further delay, so the gain was thought to not be worth the significant costs, which were very high: for the king had with him on that journey, four thousand men-at-arms and thirty thousand archers, as Froissart stated he was informed by an English squire who had been on that journey. Upon his return, the king did not forget the complaints made to him by the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London against those called Lollards and heretics, upon which he immediately summoned certain noblemen known to support such people, threatening them terribly if they were to provide any support or relief to them from then on. He made Sir Richard Sturry take an oath that he would not support any such erroneous beliefs from that day forward, threatening him and, in a way, agreeing with him through a mutual oath that if he ever found out that he had violated that oath, he would die the most shameful death for it.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie.

Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton, canon of Leicester Abbey.

¶ By the report of H. Knighton it should séeme, that this sect (as he calleth them) mightilie increased, to the no small offense of the lords temporall and spirituall, wherevpon after sundrie complaints, and serious solicitations for the supplanting of them, commissions were granted, and the tenure of them (as it should séeme) though not absolutelie, yet in part executed. Now therefore listen what mine author saith, whose addition, though by his owne supputation of yeares it require to be placed elsewhere; yet for the consonancie of the matter, and because writers varie greatlie in their accounts of time, I haue here inserted the same, as in a verie conuenient place of the historie. The noblemen and the commons (saith Henrie Knighton) séeing the ship of the church, with these & other innumerable errors, & verie lewd opinions as it were on all sides from day to day with ceasselesse violence and force to be shaken; besought the king in the |826| parlement, that redresse might be had herof; lest the arke of the faith of all the church by such violences and inforcements giuen in those daies, should through want of gouernement be battered without remedie, and the glorious realme of England by corrupting of faith should by little and little be drawne into a distresse of grace and losse of honor. Wherefore the king vsing the sound counsell of the whole parlement, commanded the archbishop of Canturburie, & the rest of the bishops of the realme, to execute their charge and office, all and euerie of them in his and their diocesse, according to the canon lawes, more seuerelie and zealouslie; to correct the offendors, to examine their English books more fullie and substantiallie, to root out errors with all their indeuors, to bring the people into an vnitie of the right faith, to wéed vp out of the church all netles, thistles, and brambles wherewith she is disgraced; and to beautifie hir with lillies and roses; and should cause an establishment of his roiall power more boldlie and stoutlie. And the king foorthwith commanded, without delaie, that his letters patents should be sent abroad into all and euerie shire of his kingdome; and appointed in euerie shire certeine searchers for such books and their fauourers; charging them to applie a spéedie remedie vnto these disorders, and to lay vp the rebels in the verie next gaoles, till the king sent vnto them. But verie slow execution or none at all followed, because the houre of correction was not yet come. [Howbeit, to prepare and make an entrance to the purposed reformation and correction of those enormities, he gaue out a commission against the Wickleuists, a copie whereof followeth both in Latine and English. Whereby the world may see how the springing church of Christ was hated and abhorred of the antichristian rout.]

By the report of H. Knighton, it seems that this group (as he calls them) greatly increased, to the considerable annoyance of the temporal and spiritual lords. Following several complaints and serious requests to eliminate them, commissions were granted, and their control (as it seems) was partially executed, though not entirely. Now, pay attention to what my source says, whose addition, although it should be placed elsewhere due to his own reckoning of years, I have included here for the coherence of the matter, as different writers have varying timelines. The noblemen and the commons (says Henry Knighton) saw the church's ship, with these and countless other errors and very wicked opinions being violently shaken from all sides day by day; they asked the king in the |826| parliament for a remedy to this situation, fearing that the ark of faith for the entire church might be battered beyond repair due to such violence and lack of governance, gradually leading the glorious realm of England into a crisis of grace and loss of honor due to corrupted faith. Therefore, the king, using the wise counsel of the entire parliament, ordered the Archbishop of Canterbury and the other bishops of the realm to fulfill their responsibilities in their dioceses according to canon laws, more strictly and zealously; to correct the offenders, to thoroughly examine their English books, to eradicate errors with all their effort, to unite the people in the right faith, to remove all weeds, thistles, and brambles that disgrace the church; and to adorn it with lilies and roses; and to assert his royal power more boldly and firmly. The king immediately commanded that his letters patent be sent out to every county in his kingdom; and appointed certain searchers in each county for such books and their supporters, instructing them to quickly address these disorders and to imprison the rebels in the nearest jails until the king sent for them. However, very little action, if any, followed, because the time for correction had not yet come. [However, to prepare and pave the way for the intended reformation and correction of these wrongs, he issued a commission against the Wycliffites, a copy of which follows in both Latin and English. This shows how the emerging church of Christ was hated and detested by the anti-Christian crowd.]

Copia regiæ commissionis aduersus Lollardos & Lollardorum sequaces.

RICHARDUS Dei gratia rex Angliæ & Franciæ, & dominus Hiberniæ, dilectis sibi magistro Thomæ Brightwell in theologia doctori, decano collegij noui operis Leicestriæ, & Gulielmo Chesulden præbendario præbendæ eiusdem collegij, ac dilectis & fidelibus nostris Richardo de Barow Chinall, & Roberto Langham, salutem.   Quia ex insinuatione credibili cert­i­tud­i­nal­i­ter in­for­ma­tur, quòd ex insana doctrina mag­is­tro­rum Iohannis Wickliffe dum vixit, Nicholai Herford, Iohannis Liston, & suorum sequaciū, quàm plures libri, libelli, schedulæ, & quaterni, hæresibus & erroribus manifestis in fidei catholicæ læsionem, & sanæ doctrinæ derogationem, expressè, & palàm, & notoriè redundantes, frequentiùs compilantur, publicantur, & conscribuntur, tam in Anglico quàm in Latino, ac exinde opiniones nefariæ sanæ doctrinæ contrariantes, oriuntur, crescunt, & manutenentur, ac prædicantur, in fidei orthodoxæ eneruationem, ecclesiæ sanctæ subuersionem, & ex consequenti (quod absit) quàm plurium incredulitatem, eorúmq; animarum periculum manifestum.   Nos zelo fidei catholicæ, cuius sumus & esse volumus defensores in omnibus (vt tenemur) moti salubriter & inducti, nolentes huiusmodi hæreses aut errores infra terminos nostræ potestatis, quatenùs poterimus, oriri, seu quomodolibet pullulare: assignamus vos coniunctim & diuisim, ad omnes & singulos libros, libellos schedulas, & quaternos huiusmodi doctrinā dictorū Iohannis, Nicholai, Iohannis, & sociorum sequacium, seu opinionum aliquam minùs sanam continentes, vbicúnq;, & in quorumcúnq; manibus, possessione, seu custodia inueniri poterunt, infra libertates vel extra, inuestigandum, capiendum, & arrestandum, & penes concilium nostrum cum omni celeritate possibili deferri faciendum, vt tunc ibidem de ijsdem ordinare valeamus, prout de auisamento concilij nostri prædicti fore viderimus faciendum: ac etiam ad proclamandum, & ex parte nostra firmiter inhibendum, ne quis cuiuscúnq; status, gradus, seu conditionis fuerit, sub pœna imprisionamenti & for­is­fac­tur­a­tion­um, quæ nobis forisfacere poterit, aliquas huiusmodi prauas & nefarias opiniones manutenere, docere, pertinacitérque defendere, clàm vel palam, seu huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos detinere, scribere, vel scribi facere, aut emere vel vendere præsumat quouis modo; sed |827| omnes & singulos huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos secum habitos & inuentos, ad mandatum nostrum vobis reddat, seu reddi faciat indilatè.   Et ad omnes illos, quos post proclamationem & inhibitionem prædictis contrarium inueneritis facientes, & huiusmodi nefarias opiniones manutentes, coràm vobis præfato Thoma decano & Gulielmo euocandum, & diligenter examinandum: & cùm inde legitimè euicti fuerint, ministris proximísq; prisonis committendum, in ijsdem detinendum, quoúsque à suis erroribus, hæresibus, & prauis opinionibus resipiscant, seu nos pro deliberatione eorundem aliter duxerimus ordinandum.   Et ideo vobis mandamus, quòd dicta præmissa cum omni diligentia & efficacia intendatis, & ea faciatis & exequamini in forma prædicta.   Damus autem tàm vniuersis & singulis viris ecclesiasticis, quàm vicecomitibus, maioribus, balliuis, ministris, & alijs fidelibus & subditis nostris, tàm infra libertates quàm extra tenore præsentium firmiter in mandatis, quòd vobis, & cuilibet vestrum, in præmissis faciendis assistentes sint, consulentes, & auxiliantes, prout decet.   In cuius rei testimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud West­mon­as­ter­i­um vicesimo tertio die Maij, anno regni nostri vndecimo.

RICHARDUS By the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to our esteemed Master Thomas Brightwell, Doctor of Theology, Dean of the New College of Leicester, and William Chesulden, prebendary of that same college, as well as to our esteemed and loyal Richard de Barow Chinall and Robert Langham, greetings. We have been reliably informed that, due to the misguided teachings of Masters John Wycliffe during his life, Nicholas Herford, John Liston, and their followers, numerous books, pamphlets, and papers filled with clear heresies and errors against the Catholic faith are being compiled, published, and circulated, both in English and Latin. These materials are promoting harmful opinions that contradict sound doctrine, threatening the weakening of orthodox faith, undermining the holy church, and potentially leading many to disbelief, thereby endangering their souls. Motivated by a genuine concern for the Catholic faith, which we are committed to defending in all matters (as our duty requires), we do not wish for such heresies or errors to appear or flourish in any way within our control: we designate you collectively and individually to investigate, seize, and confiscate all books, pamphlets, papers, and any quaternions containing the teachings of John, Nicholas, John, and their followers, or any less sound opinions, wherever they may be found, regardless of who possesses them, whether inside or outside the liberties, and to promptly present them before our council, so we can make decisions based on the council's advice. Additionally, you are to declare and firmly prohibit on our behalf that no one, regardless of their status or rank, shall, under penalty of imprisonment and forfeiture of property committed against us, promote, teach, or stubbornly defend any of these wicked opinions, either secretly or publicly, nor presume to keep, write, arrange for others to write, buy, or sell such books, pamphlets, papers, and quaternions in any form; but |827| all such materials in their possession must be promptly returned to us or otherwise returned. Furthermore, anyone who, after this proclamation and prohibition, is found acting contrary to it and maintaining such malicious opinions, you are to summon before you, along with the aforementioned Thomas, Dean, and William, and examine them thoroughly. If they are legitimately convicted, they should be committed to the nearest jailers to be held until they repent of their errors, heresies, and wicked opinions, or until we decide otherwise after appropriate consideration. Therefore, we command you to diligently and effectively attend to these matters, executing them as prescribed. We also firmly mandate that all ecclesiastical individuals, as well as sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, ministers, and other loyal subjects of ours, both within and outside the liberties, assist, advise, and support you in carrying out these matters as appropriate. To testify to this, we have made this letter public. Witness my hand at Westminster, on the twenty-third day of May, in the eleventh year of our reign.

A copie of the kings commission against the Lollards or Wickleuists and their followers: Englished by A. F.

RICHARD by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of Ireland, to his beloued, maister Thomas Brightwell doctor in diuinitie, deane of the college of the new worke of Leicester, and to William Chesulden prebendarie of the prebend of the same college; and to our beloued and trustie subiects, Richard of Barow Chinall, and Robert Langham; greeting.   For so much as we are certeinelie informed by credible report, that by the vnsound doctrine of maister Iohn Wickliffe, whiles he liued, of Nicholas Herford, Iohn Liston, and their followers, many bookes, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets expresselie, euidentlie, and notoriouslie swarming with manifest heresies and errors to the hurt of the catholike faith, & the abolishment of sound doctrine, are commonlie compiled, published, and written, as well in English as in Latine, and therevpon wicked opinions contrarie to sound doctrine, doo spring, grow, and are mainteined and preached to the weakening of the right faith, the ouerthrow of holie church, and consequentlie (which God forbid) the misbeleefe of a great many, & the manifest danger of their soules.   We being moued with zeale to the catholike faith, whereof we are, and will be defenders in all things, as we are bound, vnwilling that such heresies or errors within the limits of our iurisdiction, so far as we are able, should grow, or by any meanes spring vp: doo assigne you iointlie and seuerallie, all and singular the books, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets conteining such doctrine of the said Iohn, Nicholas, Iohn, and their fel­low-fol­low­ers, or any of their cor­rupt opinions, where­so­euer, & in whose hands, possession, or keeping soeuer they shalbe found within the liberties or without; them to search, take, arrest, and cause to be brought before our councell with all possible speed, that then and there we may take order for the same accordinglie, as by the aduise of our foresaid councell we shall see requisite to be doone.   And also to proclaime, and on our behalfe firmelie to forbid all and euerie one, of whatsoeuer state, degree, or condition he be, vnder paine of imprisonment and forfeitures, which to vs he shall forfeit, any of these wicked and lewd opinions to mainteine, teach, obstinatlie to defend, priuilie or openlie, or any of these bookes, libels, scheduls & pamphlets to keepe, write, or cause to be written; but all and euerie such booke and bookes, libels, scheduls, and pamphlets with them had & found, at our commandement vnto you to deliuer, or cause to be deliuered without delaie.   And all them, whome after proclamation and inhibition you shall find dooing contrarie to the premisses, and such lewd opinions mainteining, to call foorth before you the said Thomas the deane, & William, and them to examine: & when |828| they shalbe lawfullie conuinced therein, to commit them to the next officers & prisons, there to be kept, till they haue recanted their errors, heresies, and wicked opinions; or till we for their deliuerance shall otherwise thinke order to be taken.   And therefore we command, that you intend the said premisses, with all diligence and effect, and the same doo and execute in forme aforesaid.   We doo also giue in streict commandement and charge, to all and euerie as well churchman & churchmen, as shiriffes, maiors, bailiffes, officers, and other our trustie subiects, as well within the liberties as without, by the tenor of these presents, to assist, counsell, and helpe you and euerie of you in doing the premisses, as it is conuenient.   In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these our letters patents to be made.   Witnesse our selues at Westminster the twentie third day of Maie, and the eleuenth yeare of our reigne.

RICHARD, by the grace of God, King of England and France, and Lord of Ireland, to his beloved Master Thomas Brightwell, Doctor of Divinity, Dean of the College of the New Work of Leicester, and to William Chesulden, Prebendary of the same college; and to our beloved and trustworthy subjects, Richard of Barow Chinall and Robert Langham; greetings. We have been informed by reliable sources that due to the false teachings of Master John Wycliffe during his life, along with Nicholas Herford, John Liston, and their followers, numerous books, pamphlets, and other writings filled with clear and notorious heresies and errors harmful to the Catholic faith and undermining sound doctrine are being widely circulated, published, and written in both English and Latin. As a result, evil opinions contrary to sound doctrine are arising, growing, and being promoted, weakening true faith, threatening the holy church, and potentially leading many people astray, endangering their souls. Driven by a commitment to the Catholic faith, which we stand firm in defending, we will not allow such heresies or errors to spread within our jurisdiction. We hereby assign you, both jointly and individually, to search for, seize, arrest, and present all and any books, pamphlets, and writings containing the teachings of John, Nicholas, John, and their followers, wherever they are found, whether in the possession of any person, within or outside our territories. This should be done as urgently as possible so we can address these matters based on the advice of our aforementioned council. We also command that you firmly announce and forbid everyone, regardless of their status, rank, or condition, under threat of imprisonment and loss of property, from maintaining, teaching, stubbornly defending, privately or publicly, any of these wicked opinions, or from possessing, writing, or causing to be written any of these books, pamphlets, or writings. All such materials must be delivered to you without delay upon our command. Additionally, those you find acting against these directives or holding such wicked opinions should be summoned before Dean Thomas and William for examination. Once they are lawfully convicted of these charges, they should be handed over to the nearest officers or prisons until they renounce their errors, heresies, and wicked opinions, or until we determine a different course of action regarding their release. Therefore, we command that you address these matters with all diligence and effectiveness, executing them as outlined above. We also instruct and charge all church officials and others, including sheriffs, mayors, bailiffs, officers, and our other trusted subjects, both within and outside the territories, to assist, advise, and support you in carrying out these instructions as appropriate. In witness whereof, we have caused these letters patent to be issued. Witness ourselves at Westminster on the twenty-third day of May, in the eleventh year of our reign.

Archbishop of Canturburies visitatiō.

Archbishop of Canterbury's visitation.

Wickleuists excommunicated.

Wickleuists were excommunicated.

A ridiculous penance.

A ridiculous punishment.

¶ About this time, or (as Henrie Knighton saith) in the yeare 1392, maister William Courtenie archbishop of Canturburie, brother to the earle of Denshire visited the diocesse of Lincolne, and on the feast of saint Faith the virgine he visited maister Iohn Bokingham bishop of Lincolne in the cathedrall church of Lincolne, with the chapter, and an hundred of the canons, and he came to Leicester abbeie in visitation, the sundaie before the feast of All saints, where he abode all the tuesdaie, and on the eeue also, of All saints being mondaie, calling togither all the canons of the said monasterie, with the chaplines of his owne chappell, euerie of them hauing in their hands burning candels. The same archbishop confirmed sentence of ex­com­mun­i­ca­tion against the Lollards or Wickleuists, with their fauourers, which either now mainteined or caused to be mainteined, or hereafter did mainteine or should mainteine the errours and opinions of master Iohn Wickliffe, in the diocesse of Lincolne. On the morrow next after All saints, the same bishop flashed out his sentence of ex­com­mun­i­ca­tion like lightning in open sight, with a crosse set vpright, with candels burning bright, and with bels roong alowd, and namelie against those of Leicester towne that had too too much defiled and infected the said towne and countrie. The archbishop departing from thence, went to saint Peters church, to a certeine anchoresse named Matildis there kept as in a closet, whom he reprouing about the foresaid errors and opinions of the Lollards, and finding hir answers scarse aduisedlie made, cited hir that she should appeare before him, on the sundaie next insuing, in saint Iames his abbeie at Northampton, to answer vnto the foresaid erronious and prophane points. Now she appeared at the day appointed, and renouncing hir errours, and hauing penance inioined hir, she went awaie reformed. But till the second day before the feast of saint Lucie, she kept hir selfe out of hir closet, and then entred into the same againe. Other Lollards also were cited, and appeared at Oxford, and in other places, as the archbishop had commanded them: who renouncing their superstitious errours, and forswearing their prophane opinions, did open penance. Also one William Smith was made to go about the market place at Leicester, clothed in linnen [or in a white sheet] holding in his right arme the image of the Crucifix, and in his left the image of saint Katharine, bicause the said Smith had sometimes cut in peeces and burned an image of saint Katharine, whereof he made a fire to boile him hearbes in his hunger.

¶ About around this time, or as Henry Knighton mentioned, in the year 1392, Master William Courtenay, Archbishop of Canterbury and brother to the Earl of Denshire, visited the Diocese of Lincoln. On the feast of Saint Faith the Virgin, he met with Master John Bokingham, Bishop of Lincoln, in the Lincoln Cathedral, along with the chapter and a hundred canons. He traveled to Leicester Abbey for a visitation on the Sunday before All Saints' Day, where he stayed through Tuesday and also on the eve of All Saints' Day, which was Monday, gathering all the canons of the monastery and his own chaplains, each holding lit candles. The Archbishop confirmed a sentence of excommunication against the Lollards or Wycliffites and their supporters, who either currently upheld, had caused, or would in the future support the errors and beliefs of Master John Wycliffe in the Diocese of Lincoln. The day after All Saints' Day, the Bishop declared his sentence of excommunication publicly, with a cross held upright, candles glowing brightly, and bells ringing loudly, specifically against those from Leicester town who had greatly polluted and infected the town and country. After leaving, the Archbishop went to St. Peter's Church to see a certain anchoress named Matilda, who was kept in a small room. He reproached her about the aforementioned errors and beliefs of the Lollards and, finding her responses poorly considered, summoned her to appear before him the following Sunday at St. James' Abbey in Northampton to answer the aforementioned erroneous and profane points. She appeared on the appointed day, renounced her errors, and after being assigned penance, she left reformed. However, she stayed out of her room until two days before the feast of Saint Lucy and then returned to it. Other Lollards were also summoned and appeared at Oxford and other locations as the Archbishop had commanded, renouncing their superstitious beliefs and forsaking their profane opinions, openly doing penance. Additionally, a man named William Smith was made to walk around the market place in Leicester, dressed in linen [or in a white sheet], holding in his right arm an image of the Crucifix and in his left an image of Saint Catherine, because Smith had once cut up and burned an image of Saint Catherine, using the fire to boil herbs during his hunger.

† For the papists saie that the sacrificing préest is the maker of his maker, namelie God.

† For the Catholics say that the sacrificing priest is the creator of his creator, namely God.

Boldnesse of women in eccles­i­as­ti­cale matters taxed.

Boldness of women in ecclesiastical matters criticized.

In those daies there was a certeine matrone in London, which had one onelie daughter, whome manie daies she instructed and trained vp to celebrat the masse, and she set vp an altar in hir priuie or secret chamber with all the ornaments therevnto belonging, and so she made hir daughter manie daies to attire hir selfe like a priest, and to come to the altar, and after hir maner to celebrate the masse. Now when she came to the words of the sacrament, she cast hir selfe flat on hir face before the altar, & † made not the sacrament; but rising vp, dispatched the rest of the masse euen to the verie end, hir mother helping hir therein, and dooing hir deuotion. This errour a long time lasted, till at last by a certeine neighbour that was secretlie called to such a masse, it was told abroad, and came to the bishops eares, who causing them to appeare before him, talked with them about that |829| errour, and compelled the yoong woman openlie to shew the priestlie shauing of hir haire, whose head was found to be all bare and bald. The bishop sighing and sorrieng that such an errour should happen in the church in his time, made manie lamentations, and hauing inioined them penance, dispatched and sent them away. Thus far Henrie Knighton. [It is not to be doubted, but that in these daies manie of the female sex be medling in matters impertinent to their degrée, and inconuenient for their knowledge; debating & scanning in their priuat conuenticles of such things as wherabout if they kept silence, it were for their greater commendation; presuming, though not to celebrat a masse, or to make a sacrament; yet to vndertake some publike peece of seruice incident to the ministerie: whose ouer-sawcie rashnesse being bolstered and borne vp with abbettors not a few, whether it be by ec­cles­i­ast­i­call discipline corrected, I wot not; but of the vniformed presbiterie I am sure it is lamented.]

In those days, there was a certain lady in London who had one only daughter. For many days, she instructed and trained her to celebrate the mass, setting up an altar in her private chamber with all the necessary ornaments. She made her daughter dress like a priest and come to the altar to celebrate the mass in her own way. When it came time for the words of the sacrament, she would lie flat on her face before the altar and not perform the sacrament. After rising, she would finish the rest of the mass with her mother assisting her and doing her own devotion. This mistake lasted a long time until a certain neighbor, who was secretly invited to such a mass, spread the word, which reached the bishop's ears. He summoned them to appear before him, discussed their mistake, and forced the young woman to reveal her priestly style of shaving her hair, which was found to be completely bare and bald. The bishop, sighing and saddened that such an error could occur in the church during his time, lamented greatly and imposed penance on them, then sent them away. Thus far, Henry Knighton. [There's no doubt that these days many women are getting involved in matters beyond their station and unsuitable for their understanding; they debate and discuss in their private meetings about things that if they kept quiet, it would be to their greater credit; presuming, although not to celebrate a mass or perform a sacrament, yet to undertake some public piece of service related to the ministry. Their reckless presumption is supported by several abettors; whether it is corrected by ecclesiastical discipline, I do not know, but I am sure it is lamented by the uniformed presbytery.]

A fierie apparition of diuerse likenesses.

A fiery apparition of various shapes.

A head of wax wrought by necromancie speaketh.

A wax figure created through necromancy speaks.

A fierie dragon séene in diuers places.

A fiery dragon seen in various places.

Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Walsin. in Rich. 2. pag. 341.

Abr. Fl. from Thom. Walsin. in Rich. 2. page 341.

A coniunctiō of Iupiter & Saturne.

A conjunction of Jupiter & Saturn.

A certeine thing appeared in the likenesse of fier in manie parts of the realme of England, now of one fashion, now of another, as it were euerie night, but yet in diuerse places all Nouember and December. This fierie apparition, oftentimes when any bodie went alone, it would go with him, and would stand still when he stood still. To some it appeared in the likenesse of a turning whéele burning; to othersome round in the likenesse of a barrell, flashing out flames of fier at the head; to othersome in the likenesse of a long burning lance; and so to diuerse folks at diuerse times and seasons it shewed it selfe in diuerse formes and fashions a great part of winter, speciallie in Leicestershire and North­amp­ton­shire: and when manie went togither, it approched not neere them, but appeared to them as it were a far off. In a parlement time there was a certeine head of wax made by the art of necromancie (as it was reported) which head at an houre appointed to speake, vttered these words following at thrée times, and then ceased to speake any more. These be the words; first, The head shall be cut off; secondlie, The head shall be lift vp aloft; thirdlie, The feet shall be lift vp aloft aboue the head. This happened in the time of that parlement which was called the mercilesse parlement, not long before the parlement that was named the parlement which wrought wonders. In Aprill there was séene a fierie dragon in manie places of England; which dreadfull sight as it made manie a one amazed, so it ministred occasion of mistrust to the minds of the maruellors, that some great mischéefe was imminent, whereof that burning apparition was a prog­nos­ti­ca­tion. In this kings daies (as saith Thomas Walsingham) whose report, bicause I am here dealing with certeine prodigious accidents importing some strange euents, I am the more bold to interlace about the troublesome time when discord sprang betwéene the king and his youthlie companions with the duke of Lancaster, in the moneth of Maie, there happened a coniunction of the two greatest planets, namelie Iupiter and Saturne, after the which did follow a verie great commotion of kingdoms, as in the processe of this historie may appeare.

A strange thing appeared like fire in many parts of England, sometimes one form and sometimes another, almost every night for all of November and December. This fiery figure would often follow someone who was alone, stopping when they did. To some, it looked like a burning spinning wheel; to others, it appeared as a round barrel with flames shooting out from the top; and to others, as a long burning lance. It showed itself in various shapes and forms to different people throughout much of winter, especially in Leicestershire and Northamptonshire. When groups of people were together, it didn't come close but seemed to be far away. During a parliamentary session, there was a wax head made through necromancy (or so it was said) that spoke these words three times at a set hour before falling silent: first, "The head shall be cut off"; second, "The head shall be lifted up high"; third, "The feet shall be lifted up above the head." This happened during the parliament known as the Merciless Parliament, shortly before the one called the Parliament that Worked Wonders. In April, a fiery dragon was seen in many places in England, a frightening sight that left many in awe and sparked suspicion that some great disaster was imminent, of which this burning apparition was a forewarning. In the days of this king (as Thomas Walsingham reports), since I'm addressing certain prodigious events indicating strange events, I'm bold enough to mention the troubled time when discord arose between the king and his youthful companions with the Duke of Lancaster. In May, a conjunction of the two largest planets, Jupiter and Saturn, took place, which led to a significant upheaval in kingdoms, as the course of this history will show.

A schisme betwéene two popes for the dignitie of S. Peters chaire.

A split between two popes over the position of St. Peter's chair.

The French king about this time summoned a conuocation of the French cleargie, to decide and search out the power of the two popes, which of them had fuller right and authoritie in S. Peters chaire, for the schisme and diuision betwéene the two popes was not yet ended. The French clergie wrote in the behalfe of Clement their pope, & cōfirmed their script or writing with the vniuersitie seale of Paris. Which writing Charles the French king sent ouer to Richard king of England, that touching these doubts and difficulties he with the councell of his cleargie might deliberat. Wherefore king Richard summoned a conuocation at Oxford of the lerneder diuines as well regents as not regents of the whole realme; who wrote for and in the behalfe of Vrbane their pope of Rome, and confirmed their writing with the vniuersitie seale of Oxford, & sent it ouer sea to Paris vnto the French king. But nothing was doone further in the premisses, both popes, vnder the shrowd or shelter of schisme preuailing betwéene them, iustifieng their title & interest. [This is the last record found in Henrie Knighton, who for that which he hath doone touching chronographie, hath written (the blindnesse of the time wherein |830| he liued, and his order considered) though not so well as the best, yet not so ill as the woorst: and whose collections, if they were laid togither, would afford a large augmentation to maters of chronicle: but O spite that so abruptlie he breaketh off, and continueth his annales no further than this yeare, 1395.]

The French king at that time called together a meeting of the French clergy to determine the authority of the two popes and to figure out which one had a stronger claim over St. Peter's chair, as the schism and division between the two popes had not yet been resolved. The French clergy wrote in support of their pope, Clement, and stamped their document with the university seal of Paris. King Charles of France then sent this document to King Richard of England, so he could deliberate on these issues with his council of clergy. In response, King Richard summoned a meeting at Oxford of learned theologians, both active and inactive, from throughout the realm; they wrote in support of their pope, Urban, from Rome, and confirmed their document with the university seal of Oxford, sending it across the sea to the French king. However, no further action was taken on the matter, as both popes, under the cover of the ongoing schism between them, justified their claims and interests. [This is the last record found in Henry Knighton, who, considering the blindness of the time in which he lived and his background, wrote chronologically—though not as well as the best, yet not as poorly as the worst: and his collections, if compiled, would provide a significant addition to matters of history; but alas, he abruptly stops and does not continue his annals beyond this year, 1395.]

The Danes rob the English merchāts on the seas.

The Danes rob the English merchants at sea.

Great prises woone by the Danish pirats of the Englishmen.

Great prizes won by the Danish pirates from the English.

This yeere, the Danes that laie rouing on the seas did much hurt to the English merchants, taking and robbing manie English ships, and when the hauen townes alongst the coasts of Northfolke, made foorth a number of ships, and ventured to fight with those pirats, they were vanquished by the Danes, so that manie were slaine, and manie taken prisoners, which were constreined to paie great ransoms. The enimies also found in ransacking the English ships, twentie thousand pounds, which the English merchants had aboord with them to buy wares with, in place whither they were bound to go.  ¶ In the same yeare, William Courtneie archbishop of Canturburie, hauing more regard to his owne priuat commoditie, than to the discommoditie of others, purchased a bull of the pope, whereby he was authorised to leauie through his whole prouince foure pence of the pound of ec­cles­i­ast­i­call promotions, as well in places exempt, as not exempt, no true nor lawfull cause being shewed or pretended, why he ought so to doo; and to see the execution of this bull put in practise, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of London, were named and appointed.

This year, the Danes roaming the seas caused significant harm to English merchants, capturing and looting many English ships. When the port towns along the Northfolk coast sent out a fleet to confront these pirates, they were defeated by the Danes, resulting in many casualties and numerous captives who were forced to pay hefty ransoms. The enemies also discovered £20,000 while plundering the English ships, money the merchants had on board to buy goods at their intended destination. In the same year, William Courtenay, Archbishop of Canterbury, prioritizing his own personal gain over the well-being of others, obtained a papal bull that authorized him to collect four pence on every pound of ecclesiastical promotions across his entire province, in both exempt and non-exempt areas, without any legitimate reason provided for doing so. To implement this bull, the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of London were appointed to oversee its execution.

Waltham bishop of Salisburie buried at Westminster amongst the kings.

Waltham, the Bishop of Salisbury, was buried at Westminster among the kings.

An. Reg. 19.

The duke of Irelāds corps conueied from Louaine into England, and there roiallie interred.

The Duke of Ireland's body was transported from Louaine to England and was buried there with royal honors.

Manie that feared the censures of such high executions, chose rather to paie the monie foorthwith, than to go to the law, and be compelled happilie, mauger their good willes. Some there were that appealed to the sée of Rome, meaning to defend their cause and to procure that so vnlawfull an exaction might be reuoked. Speciallie, the prebendaries of Lincolne stood most stiffelie against those bishops, but the death of the archbishop that chanced shortlie after, made an end of those so passing great troubles. This yeare, Iohn Waltham bishop of Salisburie, and lord treasuror of England departed this life, and by king Richard his appointment had the honor to haue his bodie interred at Westminster amongst the kings. After this decease, Roger Walden that before was secretarie to the king, and treasuror of Calis, was now made lord treasuror. Yée haue heard, that in the yeare 1392, Robert Véer duke of Ireland departed this life in Louaine in Brabant. King Richard therefore this yeare in Nouember, caused his corps being imbalmed, to be conueied into England, and so to the priorie of Colnie in Essex, appointing him to be laid in a coffine of cypresse, and to be adorned with princelie garments, hauing a chaine of gold about his necke, and rich rings on his fingers. And to shew what loue and affection he bare vnto him in his life time, the king caused the coffine to be opened, that he might behold his face bared, and touch him with his hands: he honored his funerall exequies with his presence, accompanied with the countesse of Oxenford, mother to the said duke, the archbishop of Canturburie, and manie other bishops, abbats, and priors: but of noble men there were verie few, for they had not yet digested the enuie and hatred which they had conceiued against him.

Manie, who feared the criticisms from such serious actions, decided it was better to pay the money right away than to go to court and potentially be forced to comply against their wishes. Some appealed to the Pope in Rome, intending to defend their case and have such an unlawful demand revoked. Especially, the prebendaries of Lincoln strongly opposed the bishops, but the death of the archbishop shortly after ended those significant troubles. This year, John Waltham, the bishop of Salisbury and the lord treasurer of England, passed away, and by King Richard's order, he was honored with burial at Westminster among the kings. After this death, Roger Walden, who was previously the king's secretary and treasurer of Calais, was appointed as the new lord treasurer. You’ve heard that in 1392, Robert Veer, the duke of Ireland, died in Louvain in Brabant. Therefore, in November of this year, King Richard had his embalmed body transported to England and laid to rest at the priory of Colne in Essex, arranging for it to be placed in a cypress coffin and dressed in royal garments, with a gold chain around his neck and ornate rings on his fingers. To show his affection for him during his lifetime, the king ordered the coffin to be opened so he could see his bare face and touch him with his hands. He honored the funeral with his presence, accompanied by the Countess of Oxford, the duke's mother, the Archbishop of Canterbury, and many other bishops, abbots, and priors. However, there were very few noblemen present, as they had yet to overcome the envy and resentment they felt towards him.

Froissard.

Froissard.

The Gascoignes send vnto K. Rich. signifieng vnto him, that they ought not to be diuided from the crowne.

The Gascoignes send a message to King Richard, letting him know that they should not be separated from the crown.

In this meane while, the duke of Lancaster was in Gascoigne, treating with the lords of the countrie, and the inhabitants of the good townes, which vtterlie refused to receiue him otherwise than as a lieutenant or substitute to the king of England, and in the end addressed messengers into England, to signifie to the king, that they had beene accustomed to be gouerned by kings, and meant not now to become subiects to anie other, contrarie to all reason, sith the king could not (sauing his oth) alien them from the crowne. The duke of Lancaster vsed all waies he might deuise, how to win their good wils, and had sent also certeine of his trustie councellors, ouer hither into England, as sir William Perreer, sir Peter Clifton, and two clearkes learned in the lawe, the one called maister Iohn Huech, and the other maister Iohn Richards a canon of Leicester, to plead and sollicit his cause.

In the meantime, the Duke of Lancaster was in Gascony, negotiating with the local lords and the residents of the towns, who completely refused to accept him as anything other than a governor or representative of the King of England. Eventually, they sent messengers to England to inform the king that they were used to being governed by kings and had no intention of becoming subjects to anyone else, which was unreasonable since the king could not (except for his oath) remove them from the crown. The Duke of Lancaster tried everything he could think of to win their support and had also sent some of his trusted advisors to England, including Sir William Perreer, Sir Peter Clifton, and two legal clerks, one named Master John Huech and the other Master John Richards, a canon from Leicester, to argue and advocate for his case.

The grant of the duchie of Aquitaine to the duke of Lancaster reuoked.

The grant of the duchy of Aquitaine to the Duke of Lancaster revoked.

But to be breefe, such reasons were shewed, and such matter vnfolded by the Gascoignes, whie they ought not be separated from the crowne of England, that finallie |831| (not­with­stand­ing the duke of Glocester, and certeine other were against them) it was decréed, that the countrie and duchie of Aquitaine should remaine still in demesne of the crowne of England, least that by this transporting thereof, it might fortune in time, that the heritage thereof should fall into the hands of some stranger, and enimie to the English nation, so that then the homage and souereigntie might perhaps be lost for euer. Indeed, the duke of Glocester, being a prince of an high mind, & loth to haue the duke of Lancaster at home, being so highlie in the kings fauor, could haue béene well pleased, that he should haue enioied his gift, for that he thought thereby to haue borne all the rule about the king, for the duke of Yorke was a man rather coueting to liue in pleasure, than to deale with much businesse, and the weightie affaires of the realme.

But to be brief, the Gascoignes presented such arguments and revealed such matters about why they should not be separated from the crown of England that eventually, despite the opposition from the Duke of Gloucester and a few others, it was decided that the region and duchy of Aquitaine would remain under the control of the crown of England. This was to prevent the risk that, through its transfer, the heritage might fall into the hands of some outsider and enemy to the English nation, potentially resulting in the loss of homage and sovereignty forever. Indeed, the Duke of Gloucester, a proud man who was unwilling to have the Duke of Lancaster at home—since he was so highly favored by the king—would have been pleased to let him keep his gift, believing it would allow him to have greater control around the king, as the Duke of York was more interested in enjoying life than engaging in the serious matters of the realm.

Ambassadors sent into France to treat a marriage betwéene king Richard & the French K. daughter.

Ambassadors were sent to France to negotiate a marriage between King Richard and the French king's daughter.

About the same time, or somewhat before, the king sent an ambassage to the French king, the archbishop of Dublin, the earle of Rutland, the earle Marshall, the lord Beaumont, the lord Spenser, the lord Clifford named Lewes, and twentie knights with fortie esquiers. The cause of their going ouer, was to intreat of a marriage to be had betwixt him, and the ladie Isabell, daughter to the French king, she being as then not past eight yeares of age, which before had beene promised vnto the duke of Britaines sonne: but in con­si­der­a­tion of the great benefit that was likelie to insue by this com­mun­i­ca­tion and aliance with England, there was a meane found to vndoo that knot, though not presentlie. These English lords, at their comming to Paris, were ioifullie receiued, and so courteouslie interteined, banketted, feasted, and cherished, and that in most honorable sort, as nothing could be more: all their charges and expenses were borne by the French king, and when they should depart, they receiued for answer of their message, verie comfortable words, and so with hope to haue their matter sped, they returned.

Around the same time, or a little earlier, the king sent an envoy to the French king, which included the Archbishop of Dublin, the Earl of Rutland, the Earl Marshal, Lord Beaumont, Lord Spenser, Lord Clifford (known as Lewes), and twenty knights along with forty squires. Their mission was to negotiate a marriage between him and Lady Isabella, the daughter of the French king, who was then no more than eight years old. This marriage had previously been promised to the son of the Duke of Brittany; however, due to the significant advantages likely to come from this communication and alliance with England, a way was found to break that engagement, though not immediately. When these English lords arrived in Paris, they were joyfully welcomed and treated very courteously, enjoying banquets, feasts, and hospitality in the most honorable manner imaginable. All their costs and expenses were covered by the French king, and when it was time for them to leave, they received very positive responses to their message. With hopeful expectations for their endeavors, they returned.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

1396.

The duke of Lancaster marieth a ladie of a meane estate, whome he had kept as his concubine.

The Duke of Lancaster marries a woman of modest means, whom he had kept as his mistress.

But now when the duke of Lancaster had, by laieng foorth an inestimable masse of treasure purchased in a manner the good wils of them of Aquitaine, and compassed his whole desire, he was suddenlie countermanded home by the king, and so to satisfie the kings pleasure, he returned into England, and comming to the king at Langleie, where he held his Christmasse, was receiued with more honor than loue, as was thought; wherevpon he rode in all hast that might be to Lincolne, where Katharine Swinford as then laie, whom shortlie after the Epiphanie, he tooke to wife. This woman was borne in Heinault, daughter to a knight of that countrie, called sir Paou de Ruet: she was brought vp in hir youth, in the duke of Lancasters house, and attended on his first wife the duchesse Blanch of Lancaster, and in the daies of his second wife the duchesse Constance, he kept the foresaid Katharine as his concubine, who afterwards was married to a knight of England, named Swinford, that was now deceassed. Before she was married, the duke had by hir three children, two sonnes and a daughter; one of the sons was named Thomas de Beaufort, & the other Henrie, who was brought vp at Aken in Almaine, prooued a good lawyer, and was after bishop of Winchester.

But now, when the Duke of Lancaster had gained the goodwill of the people of Aquitaine by spending an enormous amount of treasure and fulfilled his desires, he was suddenly called back home by the king. To please the king, he returned to England and, upon arriving at Langleie where the king was celebrating Christmas, he was received with more formality than warmth. Consequently, he rushed to Lincoln, where Katharine Swinford was staying, and shortly after Epiphany, he married her. Katharine was born in Hainault, the daughter of a knight from that region, Sir Paou de Ruet. She was raised in the Duke of Lancaster's household and served his first wife, Duchess Blanche of Lancaster. During his second marriage to Duchess Constance, he kept Katharine as his mistress. She later married a knight from England named Swinford, who had since passed away. Before marrying, the duke had three children with her: two sons and a daughter. One son was named Thomas de Beaufort, and the other Henry, who grew up in Aachen, Germany, became a successful lawyer, and later served as Bishop of Winchester.

Wickleuists increase.

Wickleuists are increasing.

For the loue that the duke had to these his children, he married their mother the said Katharine Swinford, being now a widow, whereof men maruelled much, considering hir meane estate was farre vnmeet to match with his highnesse, and nothing comparable in honor to his other two former wiues. And indeed, the great ladies of England, as the duches of Glocester, the countesses of Derbie, Arundell and others, descended of the blood roiall, greatlie disdeined, that she should be matched with the duke of Lancaster, and by that means be accompted second person in the realme, and preferred in roome before them, and therefore they said, that they would not come in anie place where she should be present, for it should be a shame to them that a woman of so base birth, and concubine to the duke in his other wiues daies, should go and haue place before them. The duke of Glocester also, being a man of an high mind and stout stomach, misliked his brothers matching so meanlie, but the duke of Yorke bare it well inough, and verelie, the ladie hir selfe was a woman of such bringing vp, and honorable demeanor, that enuie could not in the end but giue place to well deseruing. About this season, the doctrine of |832| Iohn Wickliffe still mightilie spred abroad héere in England.  ¶ The schisme also still continued in the church, betwixt the two factions of cardinals French and Romane; for one of their popes could no sooner be dead, but that they ordeined an other in his place.

For the love that the duke had for his children, he married their mother, the widow Katharine Swinford. People were really surprised by this since her humble background seemed completely unfit to be matched with his high status and wasn’t at all comparable in honor to his two previous wives. The high-born ladies of England, like the Duchess of Gloucester and the Countesses of Derby, Arundel, and others from royal lineage, were quite disdainful that she would be paired with the Duke of Lancaster, making her the second most important person in the realm and placing her above them in rank. They claimed they wouldn’t attend any gatherings where she would be present because it would be shameful for them to be outshone by a woman of such low birth, who had been the duke's mistress while he was married to his other wives. The Duke of Gloucester, a proud and strong-minded man, disliked his brother's choice so much, but the Duke of York accepted it well enough. Indeed, the lady herself was of such a respectable upbringing and honorable demeanor that envy eventually gave way to her deserving position. Around this time, the teachings of John Wycliffe were still spreading widely here in England. The schism in the church also continued, with two factions of cardinals, the French and the Roman; one of their popes could die, and they would almost immediately appoint another in his place.

The earle marshall affieth ye French kings daughter, in ye name of king Richard.

The Earl Marshall is engaged to the French king's daughter, in the name of King Richard.

An. Reg. 20.

A truce for 30 yeares betwéene England and France. Tho. Walsin.

A truce for 30 years between England and France. Tho. Walsin.

In this eighteenth yeare also was a woonderfull tempest of wind in the months of Iulie and August, and also more speciallie in September, by violence whereof, in sundrie places of this realme, great and woonderfull hurt was doone, both in churches and houses.  ¶ The ambassadors that had béene latelie in France, about the treatie of the marriage (as before yée haue heard) went thither againe, and so after that the two kings by sending to and fro were growne to certaine points and couenants of agreement, the earle marshall, by letters of procuration, married the ladie Isabell, in name of king Richard, so that from thencefoorth she was called quéene of England. Amongst other couenants and articles of this marriage, there was a truce accorded, to indure betwixt the two realms of England and France, for tearme of thirtie yeares. The pope wrote to king Richard, beseeching him to assist the prelats against the Lollards (as they tearmed them) whom he pronounced to be traitors, both to the church and kingdome, and therefore he besought him to take order for the punishment of them, whom the prelats should denounce to be heretikes.

In this eighteenth year, there was a remarkable storm in the months of July and August, especially in September, which caused significant damage in various parts of the kingdom, both in churches and homes. The ambassadors who had recently been in France regarding the marriage treaty (as you've heard before) went back there again. After much back-and-forth, the two kings reached certain agreements. The Earl Marshal, through letters of proxy, married Lady Isabella on behalf of King Richard, and from then on, she was called Queen of England. Among the other agreements in this marriage, a truce was established between the kingdoms of England and France for a term of thirty years. The Pope wrote to King Richard, urging him to support the bishops against the Lollards (as they called them), whom he declared to be traitors to both the church and the kingdom. Therefore, he asked him to ensure the punishment of those whom the bishops identified as heretics.

The popes letters to K. Rich. against ye Wickleuists.

The pope's letters to King Richard against the Wycliffites.

K. Richard goeth ouer to Calis.

K. Richard goes over to Calais.

At the same time, he sent a bull reuocatorie concerning religious men, that had either at his hands or at the hands of his legats or nuncios purchased to be his chapleins, and accompting themselues thereby exempt from their order; so that now they were by this reuocatorie bull, appointed to returne to their order, and to obserue all rules thereto belonging. This liked the friers well, namelie the minors, that sought by all means they might deuise, how to bring their brethren home againe, which by such exemptions in being the popes chapleins, were segregated and diuided from the residue of their fraternitie or brotherhood. The king in this twentith yeare of his reigne, went ouer to Calis with his vncles the dukes of Yorke and Glocester, and a great manie of other lords and ladies of honour, and thither came to him the duke of Burgognie, and so they communed of the peace. There was no enimie to the conclusion thereof but the duke of Glocester, who shewed well by his words that he wished rather war than peace, in somuch as the king stood in doubt of him, least he would procure some rebellion against him by his subiects, whome he knew not to fauour greatlie this new aliance with France.

At the same time, he sent a bull of revocation regarding religious men who had either purchased their positions as his chaplains through him or his legates or nuncios, considering themselves exempt from their order because of it. Now, because of this revocation bull, they were instructed to return to their order and follow all the associated rules. This decision was welcomed by the friars, especially the minors, who were looking for any way they could to bring their brothers back, who had been separated and divided from the rest of their brotherhood due to those exemptions as the pope's chaplains. In the twentieth year of his reign, the king went over to Calais with his uncles, the dukes of York and Gloucester, along with many other lords and ladies of honor. The duke of Burgundy also came to him, and they discussed the peace. The only opposition to this conclusion was the duke of Gloucester, who clearly expressed through his words that he preferred war to peace, to the point where the king doubted him, fearing he might incite some rebellion among his subjects, whom he knew did not strongly support this new alliance with France.

The maner of the interview betwéene king Richard and the French king. Fabian.

The way the interview happened between King Richard and the French king. Fabian.

The king after the duke of Burgognie had talked with him throughlie of all things, and was departed from him, returned into England (leauing the ladies still at Calis) to open the couenants of the marriage and peace vnto his subiects, and after he had finished with that businesse, and vnderstood their minds, he went againe to Calis, and with him his two vncles, of Lancaster and Glocester, and diuerse prelats and lords of the realme; and shortlie after came the French king to the bastide of Arde, accompanied with the dukes of Burgognie, Berrie, Britaine and Burbon. There was set vp for the king of England a right faire and rich pauilion a little beyond Guisnes within the English pale; and another the like pauilion was pight vp also for the French king on this side Arde, within the French dominion; so that betwéene the said pauilions was the distance of thréescore & ten pases, and in the midwaie betwixt them both, was ordeined the third pauilion, at the which both kings comming from either of their tents sundrie times should méet and haue com­mun­i­ca­tion togither.

The king, after having a thorough discussion with the duke of Burgundy about everything, returned to England (leaving the ladies still in Calais) to share the terms of the marriage and peace with his subjects. Once he wrapped up that business and understood their opinions, he returned to Calais along with his two uncles, from Lancaster and Gloucester, and several prelates and lords of the realm. Soon after, the French king arrived at the bastide of Arde, accompanied by the dukes of Burgundy, Berry, Brittany, and Bourbon. A beautiful and lavish pavilion was set up for the king of England just beyond Guisnes within the English territory, and a similar pavilion was erected for the French king on this side of Arde, within the French domain. Between these pavilions, there was a distance of seventy paces, and in the middle of both, a third pavilion was arranged where both kings would meet frequently to communicate with each other.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Fabian.

Fabian.

The oth of the two kings.

The oth of the two kings.

The distance betwixt the two tents was beset on either side in time of the interview with knights armed with their swords in their hands; that is to say, on the one side stood foure hundred French knights in armor with swords in their hands, and on the other side foure hundred English knights armed with swords in their hands, making as it were a lane betwixt them through the which the two kings came and met, with such noble men as were appointed to attend them. And a certeine distance from the two first pauilions, were appointed to stand such companies of men as either of them by appointment had |833| couenanted to bring with them. The two kings before their méeting, receiued a solemne oth for assurance of their faithfull and true meaning, to obserue the sacred lawes of amitie one toward an other, in that their interview, so as no damage, violence, molestation, arrest, disturbance, or other inconuenience should be practised by them, or their friends and subiects: and that if anie disorder rose through anie mishappe, arrogancie, or strife mooued by anie person, the same should be reformed, promising in the words of princes to assist one an other in suppressing, the malice of such as should presume to doo or attempt anie thing that might sound to the breach of friendlie amitie, during the time of that assemblie eight daies before, and seuen daies after.

The distance between the two tents was surrounded on both sides during the meeting by knights holding their swords. On one side stood four hundred French knights in armor with swords in their hands, and on the other side stood four hundred English knights also armed with swords, creating a pathway between them through which the two kings entered and met, along with the noblemen appointed to attend them. At a certain distance from the two tents, groups of men were designated to stand as per the agreement between each side. Before their meeting, the two kings took a solemn oath to ensure their commitment to respecting the sacred laws of friendship toward each other during this encounter, promising that no harm, violence, harassment, arrest, disruption, or any other inconvenience would be inflicted by them or their friends and subjects. They agreed that if any disorder arose due to any mishap, arrogance, or conflict initiated by anyone, it would be addressed, pledging in the words of princes to support each other in suppressing the malice of anyone who might try to do anything that could breach friendly relations during the eight days before and seven days after that assembly.

The chapell of our ladie of peace.

The chapel of our Lady of Peace.

On the six and twentith of October, the king of England remooued from Calis toward the castell of Guisnes, and with him the duke of Berrie, who was sent to take his oth. The morow after, being the euen of Simon and Iude, the kings met, and the lords of France, to wit, the duke of Berrie, Burgogne, Orleans, and Burbon, the earle of Sauoie, the vicount of Meaux, and others conueied the king of England; and from him were sent to conduct the French king diuerse of the English lords, as the two dukes of Lancaster and Glocester, foure earles; to wit, of Derbie, Rutland, Notingham, and North­um­ber­land. After the two kings were come togither into the tent for that purpose prepared, it was first accorded betwixt them, that in the same place where they thus met, should be builded of both their costs a chapell for a perpetuall memorie, which should be called The chapell of our ladie of peace. On saturdaie being the feast daie of the apostles Simon and Iude, the kings talked togither of certeine articles touching the treatie of peace, and hauing concluded vpon the same, they receiued either of them an oth vpon the holie Euangelists, to obserue and kéepe all the couenants accorded vpon.

On October 26th, the king of England moved from Calais towards the castle of Guisnes, accompanied by the Duke of Berry, who was sent to take his oath. The next day, on the eve of Simon and Jude, the kings met, along with the lords of France, namely the Dukes of Berry, Burgundy, Orleans, and Bourbon, the Count of Savoy, the Viscount of Meaux, and others who escorted the king of England. In return, several English lords were sent to accompany the French king, including the two Dukes of Lancaster and Gloucester, and four earls: of Derby, Rutland, Nottingham, and Northumberland. Once the two kings were together in the designated tent, they agreed that in the same location where they met, a chapel would be built at their joint expense as a lasting memorial, to be called The Chapel of Our Lady of Peace. On Saturday, the feast day of the apostles Simon and Jude, the kings discussed certain articles regarding the peace treaty, and after reaching an agreement, each took an oath on the Holy Gospels to uphold and observe all the agreements made.

The French K. giueth his daughter to king Richard in marriage.

The French king gives his daughter to King Richard in marriage.

The order of the French kings seruice at table.

The order of the French kings' service at the table.

On the mondaie the French king came to the king of England his pauillion, and the same time was brought thither the yoong queene Isabell daughter to the French king, who there deliuered hir vnto king Richard, who taking hir by the hand kissed hir, & gaue to hir father great thanks for that so honorable and gratious a gift, openlie protesting, that vpon the conditions concluded betwixt them, he did receiue hir, that by such affinitie both the realmes might continue in quietnesse, and come to a good end and perfect conclusion of a perpetuall peace. The quéene was committed to the duchesses of Lancaster & Glocester, to the countesses of Huntington and Stafford, to the marchionesse of Dublin daughter to the lord Coucie, to the ladies of Namure, Poinings, and others: which with a noble traine of men and horsses, conueied hir to Calis: for there were twelue charrets full of ladies & gentlewomen. This doone, the kings came togither into the king of Englands pauillion to dinner. The French king sate on the right side of the hall, and was roiallie serued after the maner of his countrie, that is to saie, of all maner of meats appointed to be serued at the first course in one mightie large dish or platter, and likewise after the same sort at the second course. But the king of England was serued after the English manner. When the tables were taken vp, and that they had made an end of dinner, the kings kissed ech other, and tooke their horsses. The K. of England brought the French king on his waie, and at length they tooke leaue either of other, in shaking hands and imbracing on horssebacke. The French king rode to Arde, and the king of England returned to Calis.

On Monday, the French king visited the king of England at his pavilion, and at the same time, young Queen Isabella, the daughter of the French king, was brought there. She was presented to King Richard, who took her hand, kissed her, and thanked her father for such a honorable and gracious gift. He openly declared that he accepted her under the conditions they had agreed upon, to ensure that both kingdoms would remain peaceful and achieve a lasting resolution for a perpetual peace. The queen was entrusted to the Duchesses of Lancaster and Gloucester, the Countesses of Huntington and Stafford, the Marchioness of Dublin, daughter of Lord Coucie, and the ladies of Namur, Poinings, and others, who, with a noble train of men and horses, escorted her to Calais, where twelve carriages filled with ladies and gentlewomen accompanied her. After this, the kings gathered in the king of England's pavilion for dinner. The French king sat on the right side of the hall and was served royally in the style of his country, meaning all kinds of dishes were presented in one large dish or platter for the first and second courses. The king of England was served in the English manner. Once the tables were cleared and they finished dinner, the kings kissed each other and mounted their horses. The King of England accompanied the French king on his way, and eventually, they said goodbye, shaking hands and embracing from horseback. The French king rode to Arde, and the king of England returned to Calais.

The expenses of king Richard at this interview.

The costs incurred by King Richard during this meeting.

The mariage solemnized at Calis.

The wedding held in Calis.

¶ We haue omitted (as things superfluous to speake of) all the honorable demenor and courteous interteinement vsed and shewed betwixt these princes and noble men on both parts, their sundrie feastings and banketings, what rich apparell, plate and other furniture of cupboords and tables, the princelie gifts and rich iewels which were presented from one to an other, striuing (as it might séeme) who should shew himselfe most bounteous and liberall: beside the gifts which the king of England gaue vnto the French king, and to the nobles of his realme (which amounted aboue the summe of ten thousand marks) the K. of England spending at this time (as the fame went) aboue thrée hundred thousand marks. After the kings returne to Calis on wednesdaie next insuing, being All |834| hallowes daie, in solemne wise he married the said ladie Isabell in the church of saint Nicholas, the archbishop of Canturburie dooing the office of the minister.

We have left out (as unnecessary to discuss) all the respectful behavior and warm hospitality shown between these kings and nobles from both sides, their various feasts and banquets, the extravagant clothing, silverware, and other decorations of tables, the royal gifts and valuable jewels exchanged between them, as it seemed they were competing to show who could be most generous and lavish. Besides the gifts that the King of England gave to the French king and the nobles of his kingdom (which totaled over ten thousand marks), the King of England was said to be spending more than three hundred thousand marks at this time. After the king returned to Calais on the Wednesday following, which was All Hallows' Day, he solemnly married the lady Isabella in the Church of Saint Nicholas, with the Archbishop of Canterbury officiating.

The maior of London and the citizens meete the K. & the quéene on Blackeheath.

The mayor of London and the citizens meet the King and the Queen on Blackheath.

The thursdaie after, the dukes of Orleance and Burbon, came to Calis to sée the king & the quéene: and on the fridaie they tooke their leaue and departed, and rode to saint Omers to the French king. On the same daie in the morning the king and the queene tooke their ship, and had faire passage: for within thrée houres they arriued at Douer, from whence they sped them towards London, whereof the citizens being warned, made out certeine horssemen, well appointed in one liuerie of colour, with a deuise imbrodered on their sléeues, that euerie companie might be knowne from other, the which with the maior and his brethren, clothed in skarlet, met the king and quéene on Blackeheath, and there dooing their duties with humble reuerence attended vpon their maiesties till they came to Newington: where the king comanded the maior with his companie to returne, for that he was appointed to lodge that night at Kennington.

The Thursday after, the dukes of Orléans and Bourbon came to Calais to see the king and the queen. On Friday, they took their leave and departed, riding to Saint-Omer to meet the French king. That same morning, the king and queen boarded their ship and had a smooth journey; within three hours, they arrived in Dover, from where they headed toward London. The citizens, being alerted, sent out certain horsemen, well-equipped in a single color uniform, with a design embroidered on their sleeves, so each group could be recognized from the others. These, along with the mayor and his companions dressed in scarlet, met the king and queen at Blackheath, and there, fulfilling their duties with humble reverence, they accompanied their majesties until they reached Newington, where the king instructed the mayor and his company to return, as he was scheduled to stay the night at Kennington.

Certaine thrust to death in the prease on London bridge. Iohn Stow.

Certaine thrust to death in the crowd on London bridge. John Stow.

The quéens coronation.

The queen's coronation.

1397.

The duke of Lancaster his bastards made legitimate by parlement.

The Duke of Lancaster's illegitimate children were made legitimate by Parliament.

The iustices reuoked out of exile.

The justices returned from exile.

Shortlie after, to wit, the thirteenth of Nouember, the yoong quéene was conueied from thence with great pompe vnto the Tower, at which time there was such prease on London bridge, that by reason thereof, certeine persons were thrust to death: among the which the prior of Tiptrie, a place in Essex was one, and a worshipfull matrone in Cornehill an other. The morrow after she was conueied to Westminster with all the honor that might be deuised, and finallie there crowned queene vpon sundaie being then the seauenth of Ianuarie. On the two and twentith of Ianuarie was a parlement begun at Westminster, in which the duke of Lancaster caused to be legitimated the issue which he had begot of Katharine Swinfort, before she was his wife.  ¶ At the same time Thomas Beaufort sonne to the said duke, by the said Katharine, was created earle of Summerset.  ¶ There was an ordinance made in the same parlement, that iustices should not haue anie to sit with them as assistants.  ¶ Moreouer there was a tenth granted by the clergie to be paied to the kings vse at two seuerall termes in that present yeare. In this yeare the king contrarie to his oth reuoked the iustices foorth of Ireland, whom by constraint (as before ye haue heard) he was inforced to banish, thereby to satisfie the noble men that would haue it so.

Shortly after, on November 13th, the young queen was escorted from there with great pomp to the Tower. At that time, there was such a crowd on London Bridge that certain people were crushed to death, including the prior of Tiptrie, a place in Essex, and a respected woman in Cornhill. The next day, she was taken to Westminster with all the honors that could be devised and finally crowned queen on Sunday, January 7th. On January 22nd, a parliament began at Westminster, where the Duke of Lancaster had the children he fathered with Katharine Swinford legitimized before they were married. At that same time, Thomas Beaufort, son of the Duke and Katharine, was created Earl of Somerset. An ordinance was made in the same parliament that justices should not have anyone sit with them as assistants. Moreover, a tenth was granted by the clergy to be paid to the king's use at two separate times in that year. That year, the king, contrary to his oath, revoked the justices from Ireland, whom he had been forced to banish, in order to satisfy the nobles who wanted it that way.

Brest yéelded vp to the duke of Britaine.

Brest surrendered to the Duke of Brittany.

Priuie grudge betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester.

Private grudge between the king and the duke of Gloucester.

The talke betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester.

The conversation between the king and the duke of Gloucester.

Out of a French pamphlet.

From a French pamphlet.

In this twentith yeare of his reigne king Richard receiuing the summes of monie (for the which the strong towne of Brest was ingaged to him) by euill counsell (as manie thought) deliuered it vnto the duke of Britaine, by reason whereof no small sparke of displeasure arose betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester, which kindled vp such a flame (as it was easie to doo) finding matter inough to féed vpon in both their brests, that finallie it could no longer be kept downe, nor by any meanes quenched. In the moneth of Februarie, the king holding a sumptuous feast at Westminster, many of the soldiors that were newlie come from Brest preased into the hall, and kept a roome togither. Whom as the duke of Glocester beheld, and vnderstood what they were, to remember how that towne was giuen vp contrarie to his mind and pleasure, it grieued him not a little: and therefore as the king was entred into his chamber, and few about him, he could not forbeare, but brake foorth, and said to the king: “Sir, saw ye not those felowes that sate in such number this daie in the hall, at such a table?” The king answered that “he saw them,” and asked the duke what they were? To whom the duke made this answer: “Sir, these be the soldiors that came from Brest, and haue nothing now to take to, nor yet know how to shift for their liuings, and the worse, for that (as I am informed) they haue béene euill paied.” Then said the king; “That is against my will, for I would that they should haue their due wages; and if anie haue cause to complaine, let them shew the matter to the treasuror, and they shall be reasonablie answered:” and herewith he commanded that they should be appointed to foure certeine villages about London, there to remaine, and to haue meate, drinke, and lodging vpon his charges till they were paied.

In the twentieth year of his reign, King Richard received the money sums that the strong town of Brest owed him. However, due to bad advice (as many believed), he handed it over to the Duke of Brittany, which sparked a significant amount of anger between the king and the Duke of Gloucester. This tension quickly escalated, as both of them had plenty of reasons to be upset, and eventually, it could no longer be contained or resolved. In February, the king hosted a lavish feast at Westminster, and many soldiers who had just returned from Brest crowded into the hall and stayed together in one area. When the Duke of Gloucester saw them and realized who they were, he was reminded of how that town was surrendered against his wishes, which troubled him greatly. As the king entered his chamber with only a few people around him, the duke couldn't hold back and said to the king, “Sir, did you not see those fellows sitting together today at that table?” The king replied that he had seen them and asked the duke who they were. The duke responded, “Sir, those are the soldiers who came from Brest. They have nothing to fall back on now and don’t know how to support themselves, especially since, as I've been informed, they have been poorly paid.” The king then said, “That isn’t what I want; I want them to receive their proper wages. If anyone has a complaint, they should bring it to the treasurer, and they will be treated fairly.” With that, he ordered that they be assigned to four specific villages around London, where they could stay and receive food, drink, and lodging at his expense until they were paid.

Thus as they fell into reasoning of this matter, the duke said to the king: “Sir, your |835| grace ought to put your bodie in paine to win a strong hold or towne by feats of war, yer you take vpon you to sell or deliuer anie towne or strong hold gotten with great aduenture by the manhood and policie of your noble progenitours.” To this the king with changed countenance answered and said: “Vncle, how say you that?” And the duke boldlie without feare recited the same againe, not changing one word in anie better sort. Wherevpon the king being more chafed, replied; “Sir, thinke you that I am a merchant, or a verie foole, to sell my land? By saint Iohn Baptist no: but truth it is, that our coosine the duke of Britaine hath satisfied vs in all such summes of monie as our progenitors lent vnto him, and to his ancestors, vpon gage of the said towne of Brest, for the which reason and conscience will no lesse but that the towne should therevpon be to him restored.” Vpon this multiplieng of woords in such presumptuous maner by the duke against the king, there kindeled such displeasure betwixt them, that it neuer ceassed to increase into flames, till the duke was brought to his end.

As they started discussing this matter, the duke said to the king: “Sir, you really should be willing to put yourself in danger to capture a stronghold or town through acts of war, before you consider selling or handing over any town or stronghold that was earned with great bravery and skill by your noble ancestors.” The king, with a changed expression, responded, “Uncle, what do you mean by that?” The duke, confidently and without fear, repeated his statement exactly as he had before. This made the king even more upset, and he replied, “Do you think I am a merchant, or a complete fool, to sell my land? By Saint John the Baptist, no! But the truth is that our cousin, the Duke of Brittany, has paid us back for all the sums of money our ancestors lent him and his family, secured by the town of Brest. Because of this, it is only right and just that the town should be returned to him.” This prolonged exchange of words in such a presumptuous manner by the duke angered the king so much that it only fanned the flames of their conflict until the duke met his fate.

The earle of saint Paule his counsell to K. Richard.

The Earl of Saint Paul, his advisor to King Richard.

Polydor.

Polydor.

The earle of saint Paule at his last comming into England to receiue king Richards oth for obseruing the truce, had conference with the king of diuerse matters. The king by waie of complaint, shewed vnto him how stiffe the duke of Glocester was in hindering all such matters as he would haue go forward, not onlie séeking to haue the peace broken betwixt the realmes of England & France, but also procuring trouble at home, by stirring the people to rebellion. The earle of saint Paule hearing of this stout demeanor of the duke, told the king that it should be best to prouide in time against such mischéefs as might insue thereof, and that it was not to be suffered, that a subiect should behaue himselfe in such sort toward his prince. The king marking his woords, thought that he gaue him good and faithfull counsell, and therevpon determined to suppresse both the duke and other of his complices, and tooke more diligent regard to the saiengs & dooings of the duke than before he had doone. And as it commeth to passe that those which suspect anie euill, doo euer déeme the woorst; so he tooke euerie thing in euill part, insomuch that he complained of the duke vnto his brethren the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke, in that he should stand against him in all things and seeke his destruction, the death of his counsellors, and ouerthrow of his realme.

The Earl of Saint Paul, upon his return to England to receive King Richard's oath to uphold the truce, discussed several matters with the king. The king, complaining, explained how obstinate Duke Gloucester was in blocking all his efforts, not only trying to break the peace between England and France but also causing unrest at home by inciting the people to rebel. Hearing about the duke's bold actions, the Earl of Saint Paul advised the king to take precautionary measures against potential troubles that could arise from this situation, stating that it was unacceptable for a subject to behave that way toward his prince. The king, noting his words, felt that he was receiving wise and loyal advice, and decided to suppress both the duke and his allies, paying closer attention to the duke's words and actions than he had before. As often happens, those who suspect any wrongdoing tend to assume the worst; consequently, he interpreted everything negatively, to the extent that he complained to his brothers, the Dukes of Lancaster and York, that the duke was opposing him in all matters and seeking his ruin, the death of his advisors, and the downfall of his kingdom.

The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke excuse the duke of Glocester to the king.

The dukes of Lancaster and York explain the situation of the duke of Gloucester to the king.

The two dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to deliuer the kings mind of suspicion, made answer, that they were not ignorant, how their brother of Glocester, as a man sometime rash in woords, would speake oftentimes more than he could or would bring to effect, and the same proceeded of a faithfull hart, which he bare towards the king, for that it grieued him to vnderstand, that the confines of the English dominions should in anie wise be diminished: therefore his grace ought not to regard his woords, sith he should take no hurt thereby. These persuasions quieted the king for a time, till he was informed of the practise which the duke of Glocester had contriued (as the fame went amongst diuerse persons) to imprison the king. For then the duke of Lancaster and Yorke, first reprouing the duke of Glocester for his too liberall talking, vttering vnaduisedlie woords that became not his person, and which to haue concealed had tended more to the opinion of vertue, than to lash out whatsoeuer his vnstaied mind affoorded, which is a great fault (as in effect the poet noteth:

The two dukes of Lancaster and York responded to the king's concerns with reassurance, saying they were aware of their brother Gloucester's tendency to speak impulsively. He often said more than he could or would accomplish, and this came from a loyal heart he held for the king, as he was troubled by the idea of any reduction in the English territories. Therefore, the king shouldn't take his words seriously, as they posed no real threat. These reassurances calmed the king for a while, until he learned of the plan that Duke Gloucester was said to have devised to imprison him. At that point, the Dukes of Lancaster and York reprimanded Gloucester for his overly loose talk, expressing that his reckless words were beneath him, and that hiding such thoughts would have shown more virtue than casually sharing whatever thoughts crossed his unstable mind, which is indeed a serious flaw, as the poet points out:

Eximia est virtus præstare silentia rebus,

Eximia is the skill to offer silence on matters,

At contra grauis est culpa tacenda loqui)

At speaking about a serious fault is contrary to keeping quiet about it.

and perceuing that he set nothing by their woords, were in doubt least if they should remaine in the court still, he would vpon a presumptuous mind, in trust to be borne out by them, attempt some outragious enterprise. Wherefore they thought best to depart for a time into their countries, that by their absence he might the sooner learne to staie himselfe for doubt of further displeasure. But it came to passe, that their departing from the court was the casting awaie of the duke of Glocester. For after that they were gone, there ceassed not such as bare him euill will, to procure the K. to dispatch him out of the way. |836|

and realizing that he didn’t care about their words, they worried that if they stayed at court, he might, feeling overly confident, try to pull off some outrageous act. So they decided it would be best to leave for a while, hoping that by being away, he would learn to control himself out of fear of further angering them. But it turned out that their departure from court was the downfall of the Duke of Gloucester. Once they had left, those who didn’t wish him well kept pushing the King to get rid of him. |836|

A conspiracie betwéene the duke of Glocester, and the abbat of saint Albons.

A conspiracy between the Duke of Gloucester and the Abbot of St. Albans.

Out of an old French pamphlet belonging to Iohn Stow.

Out of an old French pamphlet owned by Iohn Stow.

The duke in déed sore stomached the matter, that his counsell might not be followed in all things, and speciallie for that he saw (as he tooke it) that the king was misled by some persons that were about him, otherwise than stood with his honor: for reformation whereof, he conferred with the abbat of saint Albons, and the prior of Westminster. The abbat was both his coosine and godfather: and hauing on a daie both the duke and the prior at his house in saint Albons, after dinner he fell in talke with the duke and prior, and amongst other com­mun­i­ca­tion required of the prior to tell truth, whether he had anie vision the night before or not. The prior séemed loth to make a direct answer; but at length being earnestlie requested as well by the abbat as the duke, he declared that he had a vision in déed, which was “that the realme of England should be destroied through the misgouernement of king Richard.” “By the virgine Marie,” said the abbat, “I had the verie same vision.” The duke herevpon disclosed vnto them all the secrets of his mind, and by their deuises presentlie contriued an assemblie of diuerse great lords of the realme at Arundell castell that daie fortnight, at what time he himselfe appointed to be there, with the earles of Derbie, Arundell, Marshall, and Warwike: also the archbishop of Canturburie, the abbat of saint Albons, the prior of Westminster, with diuerse others.

The duke was really upset about the situation because he felt his advisers weren’t being taken seriously, especially since he believed that the king was being misled by some people around him, which reflected poorly on his honor. To address this, he spoke with the abbot of St. Albans and the prior of Westminster. The abbot was both his cousin and godfather. One day, while hosting the duke and prior for dinner at his home in St. Albans, he chatted with them and asked the prior to honestly share whether he had any visions the night before. The prior seemed reluctant to answer directly, but after being pressed by both the abbot and the duke, he finally admitted that he did have a vision—that the kingdom of England would be destroyed due to King Richard’s mismanagement. “By the Virgin Mary,” said the abbot, “I had the very same vision.” Hearing this, the duke revealed all the secrets he had been keeping and, with their input, quickly organized a meeting of several prominent lords of the realm at Arundel Castle two weeks later, at which he planned to be present alongside the Earls of Derby, Arundel, Marshall, and Warwick, as well as the Archbishop of Canterbury, the abbot of St. Albans, the prior of Westminster, and several others.

An. Reg. 21.

The purpose of the conspirators.

The conspirators' agenda.

The earle marshall discloseth the conspiracie.

The earl marshal reveals the conspiracy.

These estates being come to Arundell castell at the daie appointed, about the verie beginning of the one and twentith yeare of king Richards reigne, they sware ech to other to be assistant in all such matters as they should determine, and therewith receiued the sacrament at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, who celebrated masse before them the morow after. Which doone, they withdrew into a chamber, and fell in counsell togither, where in the end they light vpon this point; to take king Richard, the dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, and commit them to prison, and all the other lords of the kings counsell they determined shuld be drawne and hanged. Such was their purpose which they ment to haue accomplished in August following. But the earle marshall that was lord deputie of Calis, and had married the earle of Arundels daughter, discouered all their counsell to the king, and the verie daie in which they should begin their enterprise. The king bad the earle marshall take héed what he had said, for if it prooued not true, he should repent it: but the earle constantlie herevnto answered, that if the matter might be prooued otherwise, he was contented to be drawne and quartered.

These estates arrived at Arundel Castle on the appointed day, early in the twenty-first year of King Richard's reign. They swore to each other to support one another in all decisions they would make, and then took the sacrament from the Archbishop of Canterbury, who celebrated mass for them the next morning. After that, they withdrew into a chamber to discuss their plans. Ultimately, they agreed on one point: to take King Richard, the Dukes of Lancaster and York, and imprison them, while deciding that all the other lords of the king's council should be hanged. This was their intention to carry out in the following August. However, the Earl Marshal, who was the Lord Deputy of Calais and had married the Earl of Arundel's daughter, revealed their plot to the king, including the exact day they planned to start their operation. The king warned the Earl Marshal to be careful about what he said, for if it turned out to be untrue, he would regret it. But the Earl firmly replied that if the matter could be proven otherwise, he was willing to be drawn and quartered.

The earle of Rutland saith R. Grafton.

The Earl of Rutland says R. Grafton.

The king herevpon went to London, where he dined at the house of his brother the earle of Huntington in the stréet behind All hallowes church vpon the banke of the riuer of Thames, which was a right faire and statelie house. After dinner, he gaue his councell to vnderstand all the matter; by whose aduise it was agreed, that the king should assemble foorthwith what power he might conuenientlie make of men of armes & archers, and streightwaies take horsse, accompanied with his brother the earle of Huntington, & the earle marshall. Herevpon at six of the clocke in the afternoone, the iust houre when they vsed to go to supper, the king mounted on horssebacke, and rode his waie; whereof the Londoners had great maruell. After that the king began to approch the dukes house at Plashie in Essex, where he then laie, he commanded his brother the earle of Huntington to ride afore, to know if the duke were at home, and if he were, then to tell him that the king was comming at hand to speake with him.

The king then went to London, where he had dinner at his brother, the Earl of Huntington’s house, located on the street behind All Hallows Church by the River Thames, which was a very fine and impressive home. After dinner, he informed his council about everything; with their advice, it was decided that the king should quickly gather as many soldiers and archers as he could and immediately ride out, accompanied by his brother, the Earl of Huntington, and the Earl Marshal. So, at six o’clock in the afternoon, the exact time they usually went to supper, the king mounted his horse and set off, which amazed the Londoners. As the king approached the duke’s house at Plashie in Essex, where he was staying at the time, he instructed his brother, the Earl of Huntington, to ride ahead to check if the duke was home, and if so, to inform him that the king was on his way to speak with him.

The duke of Glocester arrested.

The Duke of Gloucester was arrested.

The earle with ten persons in his companie amending his pase (for the king had made no great hast all the night before, as should appeare by his iournie) came to the house, and entering into the court, asked if the duke were at home, and vnderstanding by a gentlewoman that made him answer, that both the duke and duchesse were yet in bed, he besought hir to go to the duke, and to shew him that the king was comming at hand to speake with him, and foorthwith came the king with a competent number of men of armes, and a great companie of archers, riding into the base court, his trumpets sounding before him. The duke herewith came downe into the base court, where the king was, hauing none other apparell vpon him, but his shirt, and a cloke or a mantell cast about |837| his shoulders, and with humble reuerence said that his grace was welcome, asking of the lords how it chanced they came so earlie, and sent him no word of their comming? The king herewith courteouslie requested him to go and make him readie, and appoint his horsse to be sadled, for that he must needs ride with him a little waie, and conferre with him of businesse. The duke went vp againe into his chamber to put vpon him his clothes, and the king alighting from his horsse, fell in talke with the duchesse and hir ladies. The earle of Huntington and diuerse other followed the duke into the hall, and there staied for him, till he had put on his raiment. And within a while they came foorth againe all togither into the base court, where the king was deliting with the duchesse in pleasant talke, whom he willed now to returne to hir lodging againe, for he might staie no longer, and so tooke his horsse againe, and the duke likewise. But shortlie after that the king and all his companie were gone foorth of the gate of the base court, he commanded the earle marshall to apprehend the duke, which in­con­ti­nent­lie was doone according to the kings appointment.

The earl, accompanied by ten people, adjusted his pace (since the king had not rushed the night before, as evidenced by his journey) arrived at the house. Upon entering the courtyard, he asked if the duke was home. A lady replied that both the duke and duchess were still in bed, so he kindly requested her to go inform the duke that the king was on his way to speak with him. Soon after, the king arrived with a good number of armed men and many archers, riding into the lower courtyard, with trumpets sounding ahead of him. The duke then came down into the lower courtyard, where the king was, wearing nothing but his shirt and a cloak draped over his shoulders. With humble respect, he welcomed the king, asking the lords why they had come so early without notifying him of their arrival. The king courteously asked him to get ready and have his horse saddled, as he needed to ride a short distance with him to discuss business. The duke went back to his chamber to get dressed, while the king dismounted and chatted with the duchess and her ladies. The earl of Huntington and several others followed the duke into the hall, waiting for him until he was dressed. Soon, they all came back into the lower courtyard, where the king was enjoying pleasant conversation with the duchess. He told her it was time for her to return to her quarters, as he could not stay any longer, and rode off with the duke. However, shortly after the king and his entourage left through the gate of the lower courtyard, he ordered the earl marshal to seize the duke, which was done immediately as per the king's instructions.

Out of an old French pamphlet.

Out of an old French pamphlet.

¶ Here we find some variance in writers. For as by an old French pamphlet (which I haue séene) it should appeare, the king commanded first, that this duke should be conueied vnto the tower, where he ment to commen with him, & not in any other place: but neuerthelesse, the king shortlie after appointed, that he should be sent to Calis, as in the same pamphlet is also conteined. Other write, that immediatlie vpon his apprehension, the earle marshall conueied him vnto the Thames, and there being set aboord in a ship prepared of purpose, he was brought to Calis, where he was at length dispatched out of life, either strangled or smoothered with pillowes (as some doo write.) For the king thinking it not good, that the duke of Glocester should stand to his answer openlie, because the people bare him so much good will, sent one of his iustices called William Kikill, an Irishman borne, ouer vnto Calis, there to inquire of the duke of Glocester, whether he had committed any such treasons as were alledged against him, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike, as after shall be specified. Iustice Kikill hearing what he confessed vpon his examination, wrote the same as he was commanded to doo, and therewith spéedilie returned to the king, and as it hath beene reported, he informed the king (whether trulie or not, I haue not to say) that the duke franklie confessed euerie thing, wherewith he was charged. Wherevpon the king sent vnto Thomas Mowbraie earle marshall and of Notingham, to make the duke secretlie awaie.

Here we see some differences among writers. An old French pamphlet (which I have seen) suggests that the king initially ordered that this duke should be taken to the tower, where he intended to discuss matters with him, and not anywhere else. However, shortly after, the king decided that he should be sent to Calais, as mentioned in the same pamphlet. Others report that immediately after his arrest, the Earl Marshall took him to the Thames, where he was put aboard a ship specifically prepared for this purpose, and he was brought to Calais, where he ultimately met his end, either by strangulation or suffocation with pillows (as some have written). The king believed it was not wise for the Duke of Gloucester to openly defend himself, since the people held him in such high regard, so he sent one of his justices, a man named William Kikill, who was born in Ireland, to Calais to investigate whether the Duke of Gloucester had committed any of the treasonous acts alleged against him, along with the earls of Arundel and Warwick, as will be detailed later. Justice Kikill, after hearing what the duke confessed during his questioning, wrote down everything as he was instructed and quickly returned to the king. As has been reported, he informed the king (whether truthfully or not, I cannot say) that the duke had openly confessed to all the charges against him. Following this, the king sent a message to Thomas Mowbray, the Earl Marshall and of Nottingham, to discreetly deal with the duke.

† For he was son to a king, and vncle to a king.

† For he was the son of a king and the uncle of a king.

The earle prolonged time for the executing of the kings commandement, though the king would haue had it doone with all expedition, wherby the king conceiued no small displeasure, and sware that it should cost the earle his life if he quickly obeied not his commandement. The earle thus as it séemed in maner inforced, called out the duke at midnight, as if he should haue taken ship to passe ouer into England, and there in the lodging called the princes In, he caused his seruants to cast featherbeds vpon him, and so smoother him to death, or otherwise to strangle him with towels (as some write.) This was the end of that † nobleman, fierce of nature, hastie, wilfull, and giuen more to war than to peace: and in this greatlie to be discommended, that he was euer repining against the king in all things, whatsoeuer he wished to haue forward. He was thus made awaie not so soone as the brute ran of his death. But (as it should appeare by some authors) he remained aliue till the parlement that next insued, and then about the same time that the earle of Arundell suffered, he was dispatched (as before ye haue heard.) His bodie was afterwards with all funerall pompe conueied into England, and buried at his owne manor of Plashie within the church there, in a sepulchre which he in his life time had caused to be made, and there erected.

The earl delayed the execution of the king's command, even though the king wanted it done as quickly as possible. This caused the king considerable anger, and he vowed that the earl would pay for his disobedience with his life if he didn’t act fast. The earl, seemingly under pressure, called the duke out at midnight, pretending he was going to board a ship to England. While at the inn called the Princes Inn, he had his servants smother the duke to death with featherbeds or strangle him with towels (as some accounts say). This was the fate of that nobleman, known for being fierce, hasty, willful, and more inclined towards war than peace. He was particularly criticized for constantly resenting the king in every matter he wished to advance. He was not killed as soon as the news of his death spread. However, according to some authors, he was alive until the subsequent parliament, and around the same time that the Earl of Arundel was executed, he was also dispatched (as you have heard before). His body was later transported to England with great funerary honors and buried at his manor in Plashie within the church there, in a tomb he had commissioned during his lifetime.

The earle of Arundell apprehended.

The Earl of Arundel was apprehended.

The same euening that the king departed from London towards Plashie, to apprehend the duke of Glocester, the earle of Rutland and the earle of Kent were sent with a great number of men of armes and archers to arrest the erle of Arundell; which was doone easilie inough, by reason that the said earle was trained with faire words at the kings |838| hands, till he was within his danger: where otherwise he might haue béene able to haue saued himselfe, and deliuered his fréends. The earle of Warwike was taken, and committed to the tower the same day that the king had willed him to dinner, and shewed him verie good countenance. There were also apprehended and committed to the tower the same time, the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie knights. The earle of Arundell was sent to the Ile of Wight, there to remaine as prisoner, till the next parlement, in the which he determined so to prouide, that they should be all condemned, and put to death. And for doubt of some commotion that might arise amongst the commons, he caused it by open proclamation to be signified, that these noblemen were not apprehended for any offense committed long agone, but for new trespasses against the king, as in the next parlement should be manifestlie declared and prooued.

The same evening that the king left London for Plashie to capture the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Rutland and the Earl of Kent were sent with a large number of armed men and archers to arrest the Earl of Arundel; this was accomplished fairly easily since the Earl had been misled by flattering words from the king until he was in danger. Otherwise, he might have been able to save himself and help his friends. The Earl of Warwick was captured and sent to the Tower the same day the king had invited him to dinner and had treated him very kindly. Also arrested and sent to the Tower at the same time were Lord John Cobham and Sir John Cheinie, knights. The Earl of Arundel was sent to the Isle of Wight to remain as a prisoner until the next parliament, where he intended to ensure that they would all be condemned and executed. To avoid any unrest among the common people, he made a public announcement that these noblemen were not being arrested for crimes committed long ago, but for new offenses against the king, which would be clearly stated and proven in the next parliament.

The names of the appellants.

The appellants' names.

A gard of Cheshire men about the king.

A group of Cheshire men around the king.

Shortlie after, he procured them to be indicted at Notingham, suborning such as should appeale them in parlement, to wit, Edward earle of Rutland, Thomas Mowbraie earle marshall, Thomas Holland earle of Kent, Iohn Holland earle of Huntington, Thomas Beaufort erle of Summerset, Iohn Montacute earle of Salisburie, Thomas lord Spenser, and the lord William Scroope lord chamberleine. In the meane time, the king fearing what might be attempted against him by those that fauoured these noblemen that were in durance, sent for a power of Cheshire men, that might day and night keepe watch and ward about his person. They were about two thousand archers, paid wéekelie, as by the annales of Britaine it appeareth. The king had little trust in any of the nobilitie, except in his brother the earle of Huntington, and the earle of Rutland sonne to the duke of Yorke, and in the earle of Salisburie: in these onelie he reposed a confidence, and not in any other, except in certeine knights and gentlemen of his priuie chamber.

Shortly after, he arranged for them to be charged in Nottingham, bribing those who would accuse them in parliament, including Edward, Earl of Rutland, Thomas Mowbray, Earl Marshal, Thomas Holland, Earl of Kent, John Holland, Earl of Huntington, Thomas Beaufort, Earl of Somerset, John Montacute, Earl of Salisbury, Thomas Lord Spencer, and Lord William Scroope, Lord Chamberlain. Meanwhile, the king, fearing what might be plotted against him by supporters of the noblemen who were imprisoned, called for a group of men from Cheshire to keep watch over him day and night. They were about two thousand archers, paid weekly, as noted in the annals of Britain. The king had little trust in any of the nobility, except for his brother, the Earl of Huntington, the Earl of Rutland, son of the Duke of York, and the Earl of Salisbury: he placed his confidence only in them and in certain knights and gentlemen from his privy chamber.

The lords appointed to come in warlike manner to the parlemēt.

The lords were assigned to arrive in a military fashion for the parliament.

Polydor.

Polydor.

The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke assemble their powers to resist the kings dealings.

The dukes of Lancaster & York assemble their forces to oppose the king's actions.

In the meane time, whiles things were thus in broile, before the beginning of the parlement, diuers other, beside them of whom we haue spoken, were apprehended and put in sundrie prisons. The parlement was summoned to begin at Westminster the 17 of September, and writs therevpon directed to euerie of the lords to appeare, and to bring with them a sufficient number of armed men and archers in their best arraie: for it was not knowen how the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke would take the death of their brother, nor how other péeres of the realme would take the apprehension and imprisonment of their kinsemen, the earls of Arundell and Warwike, and of the other prisoners. Suerlie the two dukes when they heard that their brother was so suddenlie made awaie, they wist not what to saie to the matter, and began both to be sorowfull for his death, and doubtfull of their owne states: for sith they saw how the king (abused by the counsell of euill men) abstained not from such an heinous act, they thought he would afterwards attempt greater misorders from time to time. Therefore they assembled in all hast, great numbers of their seruants, fréends, and tenants, and comming to London, were receiued into the citie. For the Londoners were right sorie for the death of the duke of Glocester, who had euer sought their fauour, in somuch that now they would haue béene contented to haue ioined with the dukes in seeking reuenge of so noble a mans death, procured and brought to passe without law or reason, as the common brute then walked; although peraduenture he was not as yet made awaie.

In the meantime, while things were in turmoil before the start of Parliament, several others, in addition to those we've mentioned, were arrested and placed in different prisons. Parliament was called to begin at Westminster on September 17, and writs were sent out to each of the lords to appear and bring a sufficient number of armed men and archers dressed in their best attire. It was uncertain how the Dukes of Lancaster and York would respond to the death of their brother, or how other nobles of the realm would react to the arrest and imprisonment of their relatives, the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, and the other prisoners. Surely, when the two dukes heard that their brother had been so suddenly killed, they didn’t know how to respond and began to feel both sorrow for his death and concern for their own safety. Seeing how the king, misled by the counsel of bad men, didn’t hesitate to commit such a heinous act, they feared he would carry out even worse misdeeds in the future. So, they quickly gathered a large number of their servants, friends, and tenants and arrived in London, where they were welcomed by the city. The people of London were very sorry for the death of the Duke of Gloucester, who had always sought their favor, to the extent that they were willing to join the dukes in seeking revenge for the death of such a noble man, caused and enabled without law or reason, as was the common belief at the time, even though he might not have actually been killed yet.

Caxton. Fabian. Polydor.

Caxton. Fabian. Polydor.

Here the dukes and other fell in counsell, and manie things were proponed. Some would that they shuld by force reuenge the duke of Glocesters death, other thought it méet that the earles Marshall and Huntington, and certeine others, as chéefe authours of all the mischeefe should be pursued and punished for their demerites, hauing trained vp the king in vice and euill customes, euen from his youth. But the dukes (after their displeasure was somewhat asswaged) determined to couer the stings of their griefes for a time, and if the king would amend his maners, to forget also the iniuries past. In the meane time the king laie at Eltham, and had got about him a great power (namelie of those archers, which he had sent for out of Cheshire, in whome he put a singular trust more than in any other.) |839|

Here, the dukes and others gathered to discuss important matters, and many ideas were put forward. Some believed they should take action to avenge the Duke of Gloucester's death, while others felt it was best to pursue and punish the Earls Marshall and Huntington, along with a few others, who were the main instigators of all the trouble, having led the king into bad habits and customs from a young age. However, once their anger subsided a bit, the dukes decided to set aside their grievances for a while and, if the king was willing to change his behavior, also to forget the past wrongs. In the meantime, the king stayed at Eltham, gathering a significant force, especially those archers he had called for from Cheshire, whom he trusted more than anyone else. |839|

The king and the dukes reconciled.

The king and the dukes made amends.

There went messengers betwixt him and the dukes, which being men of honour did their indeuour to appease both parties. The king discharged himselfe of blame for the duke of Glocesters death, considering that he had gone about to breake the truce, which he had taken with France, and also stirred the people of the realme to rebellion, and further had sought the destruction and losse of his life, that was his souereigne lord and lawfull king. Contrarilie, the dukes affirmed, that their brother was wrongfullie put to death, hauing doone nothing worthie of death. At length, by the intercession and meanes of those noble men that went to and fro betwixt them, they were accorded, & the king promised from thencefoorth to doo nothing but by the assent of the dukes: but he kept small promise in this behalfe, as after well appeared.

Messengers went back and forth between him and the dukes, who, being honorable men, tried their best to calm both sides. The king denied any blame for the death of the Duke of Gloucester, noting that he had tried to break the truce with France, incited rebellion among the people of the kingdom, and sought the destruction and death of his sovereign lord and rightful king. On the other hand, the dukes insisted that their brother was wrongfully executed, having done nothing deserving of death. Eventually, through the efforts of those noble men who went between them, they reached an agreement, and the king promised from then on to do nothing without the dukes' consent. However, he did not keep this promise, as became clear later.

Caxton.

Caxton.

The great parlement.

The great parliament.

When the time came, that the parlement should be holden at Westminster, according to the tenour of the summons, the lords repaired thither, furnished with great retinues both of armed men and archers, as the earle of Derbie, the earle Marshall, the earle of Rutland, the lord Spenser, the earle of North­um­ber­land, with his sonne the lord Henrie Persie, and the lord Thomas Persie the said earles brother, also the lord Scroope treasuror of England, & diuerse other. All the which earles and lords brought with them a great & strong power, euerie of them in their best araie, as it were to strengthen the king against his enimies. The dukes of Lancaster and Yorke were likewise there, giuing their attendance on the king with like furniture of men of armes & archers. There was not halfe lodging sufficient within the citie & suburbes of London for such cōpanies of men as the lords brought with them to this parlement, called the great parlement: in somuch that they were constreined to lie in villages abroad ten or twelue miles on ech side the citie.

When it was time for the parliament to be held at Westminster, as stated in the summons, the lords made their way there, accompanied by large retinues of armed men and archers. This included the Earl of Derby, the Earl Marshal, the Earl of Rutland, Lord Spenser, the Earl of Northumberland, along with his son, Lord Henry Percy, and Lord Thomas Percy, the Earl's brother. Also present was Lord Scrope, the Treasurer of England, along with several others. Each of these earls and lords brought with them a strong force, each dressed in their finest attire, as if to bolster the king against his enemies. The Dukes of Lancaster and York were also there, attending to the king with a similar display of armed men and archers. There wasn't enough accommodation within the city and suburbs of London for the large groups of men the lords brought to this parliament, known as the Great Parliament, so they were forced to stay in villages about ten or twelve miles on each side of the city.

The kings gréeuances opened in this parlement.

The king's grievances were presented in this parliament.

Tho. Walsing. Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, Thomas Gréene.

Tho. Walsing. John Bushie, William Bagot, Thomas Greene.

A new house made within the palace of Westminster for the areignment of the lords indicted. Additions to Polychron.

A new house built within the Palace of Westminster for the arrangement of the lords indicted. Additions to Polychron.

Sir Iohn Bushie speaker.

Sir John Bushie speaker.

In the beginning of this parlement, the king greatlie complained of the misdemeanour of the péeres and lords of his realme, as well for the things doone against his will and pleasure, whiles he was yoong, as for the streit dealing, which they had shewed towards the quéene, who was thrée houres at one time on hir knees before the earle of Arundell, for one of hir esquiers, named Iohn Caluerlie, who neuerthelesse had his head smit frō his shoulders, & all the answer that she could get, was this: “Madame, praie for yourselfe, and your husband, for that is best, and let this sute alone.” Those that set foorth the kings greeuances, as prolocutors in this parlement were these: Iohn Bushie, William Bagot and Thomas Gréene. The king had caused a large house of timber to be made within the palace at Westminster, which he was called an hall, couered aboue head with tiles, and was open at the ends, that all men might see through it. This house was of so great a compasse, that scarse it might stand within the roome of the palace. In this house was made an high throne for the king, and a large place for all estates besides to sit in. There were places also made for the appellants to stand on the one side, and the defendants on the other, and a like roome was made behind for the knights and burgesses of the parlement. There was a place deuised for the speaker, named sir Iohn Bushie, a knight of Lincolnshire, accompted to be an exceeding cruell man, ambitious, and couetous beyond measure.

In the beginning of this assembly, the king strongly complained about the misconduct of the peers and lords of his realm, both for the actions taken against his wishes when he was young, and for the harsh treatment they showed towards the queen, who spent three hours on her knees before the Earl of Arundel, pleading for one of her squires, named John Calverley, who nonetheless had his head cut off. All she could get in response was, “Madam, pray for yourself and your husband, for that is best, and let this matter go.” The representatives who presented the king's grievances in this assembly were John Bushie, William Bagot, and Thomas Greene. The king had a large wooden structure built within the palace at Westminster, which he called a hall. It had a tiled roof and was open at both ends so everyone could see through it. This hall was so large that it hardly fit within the palace grounds. Inside, a high throne was made for the king, along with a sizable area for all the other estates to sit. There were also designated spots for the appellants on one side and the defendants on the other, and a similar area was set aside at the back for the knights and burgesses of the assembly. A spot was created for the speaker, Sir John Bushie, a knight from Lincolnshire, who was considered an extremely cruel, ambitious, and excessively greedy man.

The archbishop of Canturburie sitting in parlement is accused of treason by the speaker.

The archbishop of Canterbury, sitting in Parliament, is accused of treason by the speaker.

Immediatlie after, ech man being placed in his roome, the cause of assembling that parlement was shewed, as that the king had called it for reformation of diuerse transgressions and oppressions committed against the peace of his land by the duke of Glocester, the earles of Arundell, Warwike, and others. Then sir Iohn Bushie stept foorth, and made request on the behalfe of the communaltie, that it might please the kings highnesse for their heinous acts attempted against his lawes and roiall maiestie, to appoint them punishment according to their deseruings, and speciallie to the archbishop of Canturburie (who then sat next the king) whome he accused of high treason, for that he had euill counselled his maiestie, inducing him to grant his letters of pardon to his brother the earle of Arundell, being a ranke traitor.

Immediately after, each man was placed in his seat, and the reason for gathering that parliament was explained: the king had called it to reform various transgressions and oppressions committed against the peace of his realm by the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel, Warwick, and others. Then Sir John Bushie stepped forward and requested on behalf of the community that it please the king to punish those responsible for their heinous acts against his laws and royal dignity, especially the Archbishop of Canterbury (who was sitting next to the king) whom he accused of high treason for giving bad advice to His Majesty, leading him to issue letters of pardon to his brother, the Earl of Arundel, who was a notorious traitor.

Impudent flatterie.

Bold flattery.

When the archbishop began to answer in his owne defense, the king willed him to sit |840| downe againe and to hold his peace, for all should be well. Herewith sir Iohn Bushie besought the king, that the archbishop should not be admitted to make his answer, which if he did, by reason of his great wit and good vtterance, he feared least he should lead men awaie to beléeue him: so the archbishop might be heard no further. Sir Iohn Bushie in all his talke, when he proponed any matter vnto the king, did not attribute to him titles of honour, due and accustomed, but inuented vnused termes and such strange names, as were rather agreeable to the diuine maiestie of God, than to any earthlie potentate. The prince being desirous inough of all honour, and more ambitious than was requisite, seemed to like well of his speech, and gaue good eare to his talke.

When the archbishop started to defend himself, the king told him to sit back down and be quiet, assuring him that everything would be fine. At this point, Sir John Bushie asked the king not to let the archbishop speak, as he worried that the archbishop's intelligence and eloquence might sway people to believe him. So, the archbishop was not allowed to speak any further. During all his discussions, whenever Sir John brought something up to the king, he didn't use the usual titles of respect; instead, he came up with unusual terms and strange names that were more fitting for the divine majesty of God than for any earthly ruler. The prince, eager for honor and more ambitious than necessary, seemed to appreciate his words and listened attentively to what he had to say.

Tho. Walsi.

Tho. Walsi.

Thus when the archbishop was constreined to keepe silence, sir Iohn Bushie procéeded in his purpose, requiring on the behalfe of the commons, that the charters of pardons granted vnto the traitors, to wit, the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike, should be reuoked by consent of all the estates now in parlement assembled. The king also for his part protested, that those pardons were not voluntarilie granted by him, but rather extorted by compulsion, and therefore he besought them that euerie man would shew foorth their opinions what they thought thereof. There were two other persons of great credit with the king, besides sir Iohn Bushie, that were, as before yee haue heard, verie earnest to haue those charters of pardon reuoked and made void, to wit, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Gréene.

So when the archbishop was forced to keep quiet, Sir John Bushie continued with his plan, asking on behalf of the common people that the pardons given to the traitors, namely the Duke of Gloucester and the Earls of Arundel and Warwick, be canceled with the agreement of all the estates currently gathered in Parliament. The king also insisted that those pardons were not granted willingly by him but rather taken under pressure, and he urged everyone to share their thoughts on the matter. There were two other trusted individuals close to the king, besides Sir John Bushie, who were, as you have heard before, very eager to have those pardons revoked and nullified: Sir William Bagot and Sir Thomas Greene.

But bicause this matter séemed to require good deliberation, it was first put to the bishops, who with small adoo gaue sentence, that the said charters were reuocable, and might well inough be called in: yet the archbishop of Canturburie in his answer herevnto said, that the king from whome those pardons came, was so high an estate, that he durst not saie, that anie such charters by him granted, might be reuoked: not­with­stand­ing, his brethren the bishops thought otherwise: not considering (saith Thomas Walsingham) that such reuoking of the kings charters of pardon should sound highlie to the kings dishonor: forsomuch as mercie and pardoning transgressions is accompted to be the confirmation and establishing of the kings seat and roiall estate.

But because this issue seemed to require careful consideration, it was first presented to the bishops, who quickly decided that the mentioned charters were revocable and could certainly be called back. However, the Archbishop of Canterbury responded that the king, from whom these pardons originated, held such a high position that he could not claim that any charters granted by him could be revoked. Nevertheless, his fellow bishops had a different opinion, not considering (as Thomas Walsingham noted) that revoking the king's pardons would reflect poorly on the king's honor, since mercy and forgiving transgressions are seen as reinforcing the king's authority and royal status.

The charters of pardō granted to ye lords made void by parlement.

The charters of pardon granted to yeah lords were canceled by parliament.

The temporall lords perceiuing what the bishops had doone, did likewise giue their consents, to reuoke the same pardons: but the iudges with those that were toward the law, were not of this opinion, but finallie the bishops pretending a scrupulositie, as if they might not with safe consciences be present where iudgement of bloud should passe, they appointed a laie man to be their prolocutor to serue that turne. To conclude, at length all maner of charters of pardon were made void, for that the same séemed to impeach the suertie of the kings person. When sir Iohn Bushie and his associats had obteined that reuocation, it was further by them declared, that the earle of Arundell had yet an other speciall charter of pardon for his owne person, which he had obteined after the first. And therefore sir Iohn Bushie earnestlie requested in name of the communaltie that the same might likewise be reuoked.

The lords noticed what the bishops had done and also agreed to revoke the pardons. However, the judges and those familiar with the law disagreed with this decision. Finally, the bishops, claiming some hesitation about being present where blood judgments were made, appointed a layman to represent them for that purpose. In the end, all kinds of pardon charters were declared void because they seemed to threaten the king’s safety. After Sir John Bushie and his associates secured that revocation, they further claimed that the Earl of Arundel had another special pardon for himself, which he had obtained after the first one. Therefore, Sir John Bushie earnestly requested, on behalf of the community, that this one be revoked as well.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The archb. of Canturburie condemned to perpetuall banishment.

The archbishop of Canterbury was sentenced to permanent banishment.

Six daies saith Grafton.

Six days says Grafton.

The question then was asked of the bishops, who declared themselues to be of the like opinion, touching that charter, as they were of the other. At that selfe time the archbishop of Canturburie absented himselfe from the parlement, in hope that the king would be his fréend, and stand his verie good lord, for that he had promised nothing should be doone against him in the parlement whilest he was absent. But neuerthelesse, at the importunate sute of the said sir Iohn Bushie and others, the archbishop was condemned vnto perpetuall exile, and appointed to auoid the realme within six wéekes. And therewith the king sent secretlie to the pope for order that the archbishop might be remooued from his sée to some other, which sute was obteined, and Roger Walden lord treasuror was ordeined archbishop in his place, as after shall appeare.

The bishops were then asked, and they expressed their agreement about the charter, just like they did with the other one. At that moment, the Archbishop of Canterbury stayed away from the parliament, hoping that the king would be his ally and truly support him, since he had promised that nothing would be done against him while he was absent. However, despite this, at the persistent request of Sir John Bushie and others, the archbishop was sentenced to permanent exile and ordered to leave the kingdom within six weeks. Along with this, the king secretly contacted the pope to arrange for the archbishop to be removed from his position, and that request was granted. Roger Walden, the Lord Treasurer, was appointed as the new archbishop, as will be explained later.

The earle of Arundell areigned.

The Earl of Arundel was arraigned.

The duke of Lācaster high Steward of England at this areignement.

The Duke of Lancaster, High Steward of England at this time.

On the feast daie of saint Matthew, Richard fitz Aleine, earle of Arundell, was brought foorth to sweare before the king and whole parlement to such articles as he was to be charged with. And as he stood at the bar, the lord Neuill was commanded by the |841| duke of Lancaster, which sat that daie as high steward of England, to take the hood from his necke, and the girdle from his waste. Then the duke of Lancaster declared vnto him, that for his manifold rebellions and treasons against the kings maiestie he had béene arrested, and hitherto kept in ward, and now at the petition of the lords and commons, he was called to answer such crimes as were there to be obiected against him, and so to purge himselfe, or else to suffer for his offenses, such punishment as law appointed.

On the feast day of Saint Matthew, Richard Fitz Alan, Earl of Arundel, was brought forth to swear before the king and the whole Parliament to the charges against him. As he stood at the bar, Lord Nevill was commanded by the |841| Duke of Lancaster, who sat that day as the High Steward of England, to take the hood from his neck and the girdle from his waist. Then the Duke of Lancaster informed him that due to his numerous acts of rebellion and treason against the king's authority, he had been arrested and kept in custody. Now, at the request of the lords and commons, he was called to answer the crimes that would be brought against him and to either clear his name or face the punishment prescribed by law for his offenses.

The earle of Arundell his answers to the points of his indictmēt.

The Earl of Arundel's responses to the points of his indictment.

First, he charged him, for that he had traitorouslie rid in armour against the king in companie of the duke of Glocester, and of the earle of Warwike, to the breach of peace and disquieting of the realme. His answer herevnto was, that he did not this vpon anie euill meaning towards the kings person, but rather for the benefit of the king and relme, if it were interpreted aright, and taken as it ought to be. It was further demanded of him, whie he procured letters of pardon from the K. if he knew himselfe giltlesse? He answered, that he did not purchase them for anie feare he had of faults committed by him, but to staie the malicious speach of them that neither loued the king nor him. He was againe asked, whether he would denie that he had made anie such rode with the persons before named, and that in companie of them he entred not armed vnto the kings presence against the kings will and pleasure? To this he answered, that he could not denie it, but that he so did.

First, he accused him of treason for riding in armor against the king alongside the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Warwick, which disturbed the peace and unsettled the realm. His response was that he acted not out of any ill intent toward the king, but rather for the king's benefit and the good of the realm, if it were understood correctly. He was then asked why he sought letters of pardon from the king if he believed himself innocent. He replied that he didn't obtain them out of fear of any wrongdoing on his part, but to stop the harmful gossip from those who did not support the king or him. He was asked again if he would deny that he had made such a ride with the aforementioned individuals, and that he had entered the king's presence armed against the king's will. He answered that he could not deny it, but that he did so.

The earle of Arundell condemned.

The Earl of Arundel condemned.

Then the speaker sir Iohn Bushie, with open mouth, besought that iudgement might be had against such a traitour: “and your faithfull commons (said he to the king) aske and require that so it may be doone.” The earle turning his head aside, quietlie said to him; “Not the kings faithfull cōmons require this, but thou, and what thou art I know.” Then the eight appellants standing on the other side, cast their gloues to him, and in prosecuting their appeale (which alreadie had béene read) offered to fight with him man to man to iustifie the same. Then said the earle, “If I were at libertie, and that it might so stand with the pleasure of my souereigne, I would not refuse to prooue you all liers in this behalfe.” Then spake the duke of Lancaster, saieng to him; “What haue you further to saie to the points before laid against you?” He answered, “that of the kings grace he had his letters of generall pardon, which he required to haue allowed.” Then the duke told him, “that the pardon was reuoked by the prelates and noble men in the parlement, and therefore willed him to make some other answer.” The earle told him againe “that he had an other pardon vnder the kings great seale, granted him long after of the kings owne motion, which also he required to haue allowed.” The duke told him, “that the same was likewise reuoked.” After this, when the earle had nothing more to saie for himselfe, the duke pronounced iudgement against him, as in cases of treason is vsed.

Then the speaker, Sir John Bushie, with an open mouth, pleaded that a judgment be made against such a traitor: “And your loyal commons (he said to the king) ask and demand that this be done.” The Earl, turning his head aside, quietly said to him, “It’s not the king's loyal commons asking for this, but you, and I know what you are.” Then the eight appellants standing on the other side threw their gloves at him, and in pursuing their appeal (which had already been read) offered to fight him one-on-one to prove their case. Then the Earl said, “If I were free, and it were the will of my sovereign, I would not hesitate to prove you all liars in this matter.” Then the Duke of Lancaster spoke to him, asking, “What do you have to say in response to the charges laid against you?” He replied, “By the king’s grace, I have his letters of general pardon, which I ask to be acknowledged.” Then the Duke told him, “That pardon was revoked by the prelates and noblemen in Parliament, so I advise you to provide another answer.” The Earl told him again, “I have another pardon under the king's great seal, granted to me long after at the king’s own request, which I also ask to have acknowledged.” The Duke informed him, “That one was revoked as well.” After this, when the Earl had nothing more to say for himself, the Duke pronounced judgment against him, as is customary in cases of treason.

But after he had made an end, and paused a little, he said: “The king our souereigne lord of his mercie and grace, bicause thou art of his bloud, and one of the peeres of the realme, hath remitted all the other paines, sauing the last, that is to saie, the beheading, and so thou shalt onelie lose thy head;” and forthwith he was had awaie, & led through London vnto the Tower hill. There went with him to sée the execution doone six great lords, of whome there were thrée earles, Notingham (that had married his daughter) Kent (that was his daughters son) and Huntington, being mounted on great horsses, with a great companie of armed men, and the fierce bands of the Cheshire-men, furnished with axes, swords, bowes and arrowes, marching before and behind him, who onelie in this parlement had licence to beare weapon, as some haue written. When he should depart the palace, he desired that his hands might be losed to dispose such monie as he had in his pursse, betwixt that place and Charingcrosse. This was permitted, and so he gaue such monie as he had in almes with his owne hands, but his armes were still bound behind him.

But after he finished and took a moment to pause, he said: “The king, our sovereign lord, out of his mercy and grace, because you are of his blood and one of the peers of the realm, has forgiven all the other punishments except for the last, which is to say, beheading, and so you will only lose your head;” and immediately he was taken away and led through London to Tower Hill. Six great lords accompanied him to witness the execution, including three earls: Nottingham (who had married his daughter), Kent (who was his daughter’s son), and Huntington. They were mounted on fine horses, along with a large group of armed men, and the fierce band of Cheshire men, equipped with axes, swords, bows, and arrows, marching before and behind him. Only in this parliament were they allowed to carry weapons, as some have written. As he was about to leave the palace, he requested that his hands be unbound so he could manage the money he had in his purse between that place and Charing Cross. This was allowed, and he distributed the money he had as alms with his own hands, but his arms were still tied behind him.

The executiō of the earle of Arundell.

The execution of the Earl of Arundel.

When he came to the Tower hill, the noble men that were about him, mooued him right earnestlie to acknowledge his treason against the king. But he in no wise would |842| so doo, but mainteined that he was neuer traitour in word or deed: and herewith perceiuing the earles of Notingham and Kent, that stood by with other noble men busie to further the execution (being as yée haue heard) of kin and alied to him, he spake to them, and said: “Trulie it would haue beséemed you rather to haue béene absent than here at this businesse. But the time will come yer it be long, when as manie shall meruell at your misfortune as doo now at mine.” After this, forgiuing the executioner, he besought him not to torment him long, but to strike off his head at one blowe, and féeling the edge of the sword, whether it was sharpe inough or not, he said; “It is verie well, doo that thou hast to doo quicklie,” and so knéeling downe, the executioner with one stroke, strake off his head: his bodie was buried togither with his head in the church of the Augustine friers in Breadstréet within the citie of London.

When he reached Tower Hill, the nobles around him urged him earnestly to confess his treason against the king. But he absolutely refused to do so, insisting that he had never been a traitor in word or deed. Noticing the Earls of Nottingham and Kent, who were nearby along with other nobles eager to see the execution carried out (being, as you have heard, relatives and allies of his), he spoke to them, saying: “Truly, it would have been better for you to have stayed away from this matter. But a time will come, sooner than you think, when many will wonder about your misfortune just as they do now about mine.” After this, forgiving the executioner, he asked him not to prolong his suffering, but to behead him with one swift blow. As he felt the edge of the sword to check if it was sharp enough, he remarked, “It’s very good; do what you have to do quickly.” Kneeling down, the executioner struck off his head with one blow. His body was buried along with his head in the church of the Augustine Friars on Bread Street within the city of London.

Ouid.

Weed.

The death of this earle was much lamented among the people, considering his sudden fall and miserable end, where as not long before among all the noblemen of this land (within the which was such a number, as no countrie in the world had greater store at that present) there was none more esteemed: so noble and valiant he was, that all men spake honour of him. After his death, as the fame went, the king was sore vexed in his sléepe with horrible dreames, imagining that he saw this earle appeare vnto him threatning him, & putting him in horrible feare, as if he had said with the poet to king Richard;

The death of this earl was deeply mourned by the people, given his sudden downfall and tragic end. Not long before, among all the noblemen in the land (which had a number greater than any other country in the world at that time), none were more respected than he. He was so noble and brave that everyone spoke highly of him. After his death, it was said that the king was troubled in his sleep by terrible nightmares, believing he saw this earl appearing to him, threatening him and filling him with intense fear, as if he had said to King Richard,

Nunc quóq; factorum venio memor vmbra tuorum,

Nunc quóq; factorum venio memor vmbra tuorum,

Insequor & vultus ossea forma tuos.

Inseguor & your bony face.

With which visions being sore troubled in sleepe, he curssed the daie that euer he knew the earle. And he was the more vnquiet, bicause he heard it reported, that the common people tooke the erle for a martyr, insomuch that some came to visit the place of his sepulture, for the opinion they had conceiued of his holinesse. And where it was bruted abroad as for a miracle, that his head should be growne to his bodie againe, the tenth daie after his buriall, the king sent about ten of the clocke in the night, certeine of the nobilitie to sée his bodie taken vp, that he might be certified of the truth. Which doone, and perceiuing it was a fable, he commanded the friers to take downe his armes that were set vp about the place of his buriall, and to couer the graue, so as it should not be perceiued where he was buried.

Troubled by disturbing nightmares, he cursed the day he ever met the earl. He was more unsettled because he heard that the common people considered the earl a martyr, to the extent that some visited his burial site, believing in his holiness. There were rumors that it was a miracle that his head had grown back onto his body ten days after his burial. So, around ten o'clock at night, the king sent several nobles to see his body exhumed to confirm the truth. Once they did that and realized it was just a myth, he ordered the friars to take down the signs they had put up around the burial site and to cover the grave so that no one could tell where he was buried.

The earle of Warwike arreigned of treason.

The Earl of Warwick was charged with treason.

But now to returne to the parlement. After the death of this earle, the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was brought forth to abide his triall by parlement, and when his accusers charged him in like points of treason, such as before were imposed to the earle of Arundell; he answered that he neuer meant euill to the kings person, nor thought that those rodes and assemblies that were made in companie of the duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell, and others, might not be accompted treason. But when the iudges had shewed him, that they could not be otherwise taken than for treason, he humbly besought the king of mercy and grace. The king then asked of him whether he had rid with the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Arundell, as had beene alledged? He answered that he could not denie it, and wished that he had neuer seene them. Then said the king, Doo yee not know that you are guiltie of treason? He answered againe, I acknowledge it; and with sobbing teares besought all them that were present, to make intercession to the kings maiestie for him.

But now let’s return to the parliament. After the death of this earl, Lord Thomas Beauchampe, the Earl of Warwick, was brought forward to face trial by parliament. When his accusers charged him with treason, similar to the charges previously brought against the Earl of Arundel, he replied that he never intended any harm to the king and didn’t believe that the meetings and gatherings involving the Duke of Gloucester, the Earl of Arundel, and others could be considered treason. However, when the judges pointed out that those actions could only be viewed as treason, he humbly asked the king for mercy and grace. The king then asked him whether he had ridden with the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Arundel, as alleged. He replied that he couldn’t deny it and wished he had never met them. The king then said, “Don’t you know that you are guilty of treason?” He responded again, acknowledging his guilt and, with sobbing tears, begged everyone present to plead with the king on his behalf.

Then the king and the duke of Lancaster communed, and after the king had a while with silence considered of the matter, he said to the earle; By saint Iohn Baptist, Thomas of Warwike, this confession that thou hast made, is vnto me more auailable than all the duke of Glocesters and the earle of Warwikes lands. Herewith the earle making still intercession for pardon, the lords humblie besought the king to grant it. Finallie the king pardoned him of life, but banished him into the Ile of Man, which then was the lord Scroopes, promising that both he, and his wife, and children, should haue good enterteinment. Which promise not­with­stand­ing was but slenderlie kept, for both the earle and the countesse liued in great penurie (as some write) and yet the lord Scroope, that was lord chamberleine, had allowed for the earles diet foure thousand nobles yéerelie paid out of the kings coffers. |843|

Then the king and the Duke of Lancaster talked, and after the king considered the matter in silence for a while, he said to the earl, "By Saint John the Baptist, Thomas of Warwick, this confession you've made is more valuable to me than all the lands of the Duke of Gloucester and the Earl of Warwick." With that, the earl continued to plead for forgiveness, and the lords humbly asked the king to grant it. Finally, the king pardoned him from death but exiled him to the Isle of Man, which was then Lord Scrope's, promising that he, his wife, and children would be well taken care of. However, that promise was only poorly kept, as both the earl and the countess lived in great poverty (as some say), even though Lord Scrope, who was Lord Chamberlain, had allocated four thousand nobles annually for the earl's expenses from the king's treasury. |843|

The parlemēt adiourned to Shrewsburie.

The parliament adjourned to Shrewsbury.

On the mondaie next after the arreignement of the earle of Warwike, to wit, the foure and twentie of September, was the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie arreigned, and found guiltie of like treasons for which the other had beene condemned before: but at the earnest instance and sute of the nobles, they were pardoned of life, and banished, or (as Fabian saith) condemned to perpetuall prison.  ¶ The king desirous to see the force of the Londoners, caused them (during the time of this parlement) to muster before him on Blacke heath, where a man might haue seene a great number of able personages. And now after that the parlement had continued almost till Christmasse, it was adiourned vntill the quinden of S. Hilarie, then to begin againe at Shrewesburie.

On the Monday after the arrest of the Earl of Warwick, specifically on September 24, Lord John Cobham and Sir John Cheyne were arraigned and found guilty of similar treasons for which the other had been condemned earlier. However, at the strong request and support of the nobles, they were pardoned from execution, though they were banished, or as Fabian states, sentenced to life imprisonment. The king, eager to assess the strength of the Londoners, ordered them to assemble before him on Blackheath during this parliamentary session, where one could see a large number of capable individuals. After the parliament had lasted nearly until Christmas, it was adjourned until the feast of St. Hilary, set to resume again in Shrewsbury.

The king keepeth his Christmasse at Lichfield.

The king is celebrating Christmas at Lichfield.

1398.

Cheshire made a principalitie.

Cheshire became a principality.

K. Richard prince of Chester.

K. Richard, Prince of Chester.

Creation of dukes and earles.

Creation of dukes and earls.

The king then came downe to Lichfield, and there held a roiall Christmasse, which being ended, he tooke his iournie towards Shrewesburie, where the parlement was appointed to begin in the quinden of saint Hilarie, as before yée haue heard. In which parlement there holden vpon prorogation, for the loue that the king bare to the gentlemen commons of the shire of Chester, he caused it to be ordeined that from thencefoorth it should be called and knowne by the name of the principalitie of Chester: and herewith he intituled himselfe prince of Chester. He held also a roiall feast, kéeping open houshold for all honest commers, during the which feast, he created fiue dukes and a duchesse, a marquesse, and foure earles. The earle of Derbie was created duke of Hereford, the earle of Notingham that was also earle marshall duke of Norfolke, the earle of Rutland duke of Aubemarle, the earle of Kent duke of Surrie, and the earle of Huntington duke of Excester; the ladie Margaret marshall countesse of Norfolke, was created duchesse of Norfolke; the earle of Summerset marques Dorset, the lord Spenser earle of Glocester, the lord Neuill surnamed Daurabie earle of Westmerland, the lord William Scroope lord chamberleine earle of Wiltshire, and the lord Thomas Persie lord steward of the kings house earle of Worcester.

The king then came down to Lichfield, where he held a royal Christmas. Once that was over, he continued his journey to Shrewsbury, where the parliament was set to begin in the period of St. Hilary, as you’ve heard before. In that parliament, held after a postponement, out of his affection for the gentlemen of the commons from the county of Chester, he decreed that from then on it would be called and recognized as the Principality of Chester. He also declared himself the Prince of Chester. He hosted a royal feast, keeping an open household for all respectable visitors, during which he created five dukes and a duchess, a marquess, and four earls. The Earl of Derby was made Duke of Hereford, the Earl of Nottingham, who was also Earl Marshall, became Duke of Norfolk, the Earl of Rutland was made Duke of Aubemarle, the Earl of Kent became Duke of Surrey, and the Earl of Huntington was made Duke of Exeter; Lady Margaret Marshall, Countess of Norfolk, was made Duchess of Norfolk; the Earl of Somerset became Marquess Dorset, Lord Spencer, Earl of Gloucester, Lord Nevill, nicknamed Daurabie, became Earl of Westmorland, Lord William Scrope, Lord Chamberlain, became Earl of Wiltshire, and Lord Thomas Percy, Lord Steward of the King's household, became Earl of Worcester.

K. Richard beareth saint Edward his armes.

K. Richard bears Saint Edward's arms.

And for the better maintenance of the estate of these noble men, whome he had thus aduanced to higher degrees of honour, he gaue vnto them a great part of those lands that belonged to the duke of Glocester, the earles of Warwike, and Arundell. And now he was in good hope, that he had rooted vp all plants of treason, and therefore cared lesse who might be his freend or his fo, than before he had doone, estéeming himselfe higher in degrée than anie prince liuing, and so presumed further than euer his grandfather did, and tooke vpon him to beare the armes of saint Edward, ioining them vnto his owne armes. To conclude, whatsoeuer he then did, none durst speake a word contrarie therevnto. And yet such as were cheefe of his councell, were estéemed of the commons to be the woorst creatures that might be, as the dukes of Aumarle, Norfolke and Excester, the earle of Wiltshire, sir Iohn Bushie, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Gréene: which thrée last remembred were knights of the Bath, against whom the commons vndoubtedlie bare great and priuie hatred.

And to better manage the estates of these noble men he had promoted to higher ranks, he gave them a significant portion of the lands that belonged to the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Warwick, and Arundel. Now, he felt confident that he had eliminated all threats of treason, and cared less about who might be his friend or foe than he did before, seeing himself as greater in stature than any prince alive. He went even further than his grandfather ever did and took it upon himself to bear the arms of Saint Edward, merging them with his own. In short, whatever he did at that time, no one dared to speak against it. However, those who were his chief advisors were regarded by the common people as the worst individuals possible, like the Dukes of Aumarle, Norfolk, and Exeter, the Earl of Wiltshire, Sir John Bushie, Sir William Bagot, and Sir Thomas Greene, the last three being knights of the Bath, against whom the common people undoubtedly harbored deep and secret hatred.

The L. Reginald Cobham condemned.

The L. Reginald Cobham criticized.

The authoritie of both houses in parlement granted to certaine persons.

The authority of both houses in parliament was granted to certain individuals.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

But now to proceed. In this parlement holden at Shrewsburie, the lord Reginald Cobham, being a verie aged man, simple and vpright in all his dealings, was condemned for none other cause, but for that in the eleuenth yéere of the kings reigne he was appointed with other to be attendant about the king as one of his gouernours. The acts and ordinances also deuised and established in the parlement holden in the eleuenth yeare were likewise repealed. Moreouer, in this parlement at Shrewesburie, it was decréed, that the lord Iohn Cobham should be sent into the Ile of Gernesie, there to remains in exile, hauing a small portion assigned him to liue vpon. The king so wrought & brought things about, that he obteined the whole power of both houses to be granted to certeine persons, as to Iohn duke of Lancaster, Edmund duke of Yorke, Edmund duke of Aumarle, Thomas duke of Surrie, Iohn duke of Excester, Iohn marquesse Dorset, Roger earle of March, Iohn earle of Salisburie, and Henrie earle of North­um­ber­land, Thomas earle of Glocester, and William earle of Wiltshire, Iohn Hussie, Henrie Cheimeswike, Robert Teie, and Iohn Goulofer knights, or to seauen or eight of them. These were appointed to heare and determine certeine petitions and matters yet depending and not ended: but |844| by vertue of this grant, they procéeded to conclude vpon other things, which generallie touched the knowledge of the whole parlement, in derogation of the states therof, to the disaduantage of the king, and perillous example in time to come.

But now let's continue. In this parliament held at Shrewsbury, Lord Reginald Cobham, an old man known for his honesty and straightforwardness, was condemned not for any wrongdoing, but because he had been appointed in the eleventh year of the king's reign to be one of the king's attendants and governors. The acts and regulations established in the parliament of the eleventh year were also repealed. Furthermore, in this parliament at Shrewsbury, it was decided that Lord John Cobham should be sent to the Isle of Guernsey to live in exile, with a small income to support himself. The king arranged things so that he gained the complete power of both houses to be given to certain individuals, including John Duke of Lancaster, Edmund Duke of York, Edmund Duke of Aumale, Thomas Duke of Surrey, John Duke of Exeter, John Marquis Dorset, Roger Earl of March, John Earl of Salisbury, Henry Earl of Northumberland, Thomas Earl of Gloucester, and William Earl of Wiltshire, along with John Hussie, Henry Cheimeswike, Robert Teie, and John Goulofer, knights, or to seven or eight of them. These individuals were appointed to hear and resolve certain petitions and ongoing matters, but through this grant, they proceeded to make decisions on other issues that generally involved the whole parliament, undermining its authority, which could harm the king and set a dangerous precedent for the future.

The K. procureth the popes buls against the breakers of his statute.

The K. obtains the pope's bulls against those who break his laws.

When the king had spent much monie in time of this parlement, he demanded a disme and a halfe of the cleargie, and a fiftéenth of the temporaltie. Finallie, a generall pardon was granted for all offenses to all the kings subiects (fiftie onelie excepted) whose names he would not by anie meanes expresse, but reserued them to his owne knowledge, that when anie of the nobilitie offended him, he might at his plesure name him to be one of the number excepted, and so kéepe them still within his danger. To the end that the ordinances, iudgements, and acts made, pronounced and established in this parlement, might be and abide in perpetuall strength and force, the king purchased the popes buls, in which were conteined greeuous censures and cursses, pronounced against all such as did by anie means go about to breake and violate the statutes in the same parlement ordeined. These buls were openlie published & read at Paules crosse in London, and in other the most publike places of the realme.

When the king had spent a lot of money during this parliament, he asked for a tenth and a half from the clergy, and a fifteenth from the laity. Ultimately, a general pardon was granted for all offenses to all the king's subjects, except for fifty individuals whose names he would not reveal, keeping them to himself. This way, when any member of the nobility upset him, he could easily declare them one of the exceptions and maintain control over them. To ensure that the laws, judgments, and acts established in this parliament would remain in force forever, the king obtained the pope's bulls, which included severe penalties and curses against anyone who tried to break or violate the statutes set forth in this parliament. These bulls were publicly announced and read at Paul's Cross in London and in other prominent locations throughout the kingdom.

Rightfull heires disherited.

Rightful heirs disinherited.

Polydor.

Polydor.

K. Richard his euill gouernment.

K. Richard his bad governance.

Manie other things were doone in this parlement, to the displeasure of no small number of people; namelie, for that diuerse rightfull heires were disherited of their lands and liuings, by authoritie of the same parlement: with which wrongfull dooings the people were much offended, so that the king and those that were about him, and chéefe in councell, came into great infamie and slander. In déed the king after he had dispatched the duke of Glocester, and the other noblemen, was not a little glad, for that he knew them still readie to disappoint him in all his purposes; and therefore being now as it were carelesse, did not behaue himselfe (as some haue written) in such discréet order, as manie wished: but rather (as in time of prosperitie it often happeneth) he forgot himselfe, and began to rule by will more than by reason, threatning death to each one that obeied not his inordinate desires. By means whereof, the lords of the realme began to feare their owne estates, being in danger of his furious outrage, whome they tooke for a man destitute of sobrietie and wisedome, and therefore could not like of him, that so abused his authoritie.

Many other things happened in this parliament, to the annoyance of quite a few people; namely, because several rightful heirs were stripped of their lands and livelihoods by the authority of the same parliament. The people were greatly offended by these wrongful actions, leading to significant infamy and scandal for the king and his advisors, who were chief in council. Indeed, after the king had dealt with the duke of Glocester and the other nobility, he was quite pleased, knowing they were still ready to thwart all his plans. Therefore, feeling somewhat carefree, he did not conduct himself (as some have written) in the discreet manner that many wished. Instead, as often happens in times of prosperity, he lost his sense of moderation and began to rule by his whims rather than by reason, threatening death to anyone who did not comply with his unreasonable demands. As a result, the lords of the realm began to fear for their own estates, being at risk of his violent outbursts, seeing him as a man lacking sobriety and wisdom, and thus they could not approve of someone who so misused his authority.

The duke of Hereford appealeth the duke of Norfolk of treson. Thom. Wals.

The Duke of Hereford accuses the Duke of Norfolk of treason. Thom. Wals.

Herevpon there were sundrie of the nobles, that lamented these mischéefes, and speciallie shewed their greefes vnto such, by whose naughtie counsell they vnderstood the king to be misled; and this they did, to the end that they being about him, might either turne their copies, and giue him better counsell; or else he hauing knowledge what euill report went of him, might mend his maners misliked of his nobles. But all was in vaine, for so it fell out, that in this parlement holden at Shrewsburie, Henrie duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, of certeine words which he should vtter in talke had betwixt them, as they rode togither latelie before betwixt London and Brainford, sounding highlie to the kings dishonor. And for further proofe thereof, he presented a supplication to the king, wherein he appealed the duke of Norfolke in field of battell, for a traitor, false and disloiall to the king, and enimie vnto the realme. This supplication was red before both the dukes, in presence of the king: which doone, the duke of Norfolke tooke vpon him to answer it, declaring that whatsoeuer the duke of Hereford had said against him other than well, he lied falselie like an vntrue knight as he was. And when the king asked of the duke of Hereford what he said to it: he taking his hood off his head, said; “My souereigne lord, euen as the supplication which I tooke you importeth, right so I saie for truth, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke is a traitour, false and disloiall to your roiall maiestie, your crowne, and to all the states of your realme.”

Then, several of the nobles mourned these troubles and specifically expressed their concerns to those they believed were misleading the king with bad advice. They did this so that they could either change their minds and offer better counsel or, if the king learned of the bad reputation he had, he might improve his behavior that displeased his nobles. But all was in vain, for during this parliament held in Shrewsbury, Henry, Duke of Hereford, accused Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, of certain words he had spoken in a conversation between them as they rode together recently between London and Brentford, which were highly damaging to the king's honor. To further support his claim, he submitted a petition to the king, where he accused the Duke of Norfolk of being a traitor, false, disloyal to the king, and an enemy to the realm. This petition was read before both dukes in the presence of the king. Afterward, the Duke of Norfolk took it upon himself to respond, asserting that whatever the Duke of Hereford had said against him, other than positively, was a falsehood spoken like a dishonorable knight. When the king asked the Duke of Hereford for his response, he removed his hood and said, “My sovereign lord, just as the petition I presented to you states, I affirm the truth that Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, is a traitor, false, and disloyal to your royal majesty, your crown, and to all the states of your realm.”

The duke of Surrie marshall and the duke of Aumarle constable of England.

The Duke of Surrie, the Marshal, and the Duke of Aumarle, the Constable of England.

Then the duke of Norfolke being asked what he said to this, he answered: “Right déere lord, with your fauour that I make answer vnto your coosine here, I saie (your reuerence saued) that Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford, like a false and disloiall traitor as he is, dooth lie, in that he hath or shall say of me otherwise than well.” No |845| more said the king, we haue heard inough: and herewith commanded the duke of Surrie for that turne marshall of England, to arrest in his name the two dukes: the duke of Lancaster father to the duke of Hereford, the duke of Yorke the duke of Aumarle constable of England: and the duke of Surrie marshall of the realme vndertooke as pledges bodie for bodie for the duke of Hereford: but the duke of Northfolke was not suffered to put in pledges, and so vnder arrest was led vnto Windsor castell, and there garded with kéepers that were appointed to sée him safelie kept.

Then the Duke of Norfolk was asked what he had to say about this, and he replied: “Dear lord, with your permission, I respond to your cousin here. I say (with all due respect) that Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, like the false and disloyal traitor he is, lies when he says anything about me that isn’t good.” No |845| more was said by the king; we have heard enough. With that, he ordered the Duke of Surrey, acting as the Marshal of England for the moment, to arrest the two dukes in his name: the Duke of Lancaster, father of the Duke of Hereford, and the Duke of York, the Duke of Aumale, Constable of England. The Duke of Surrey, Marshal of the realm, took responsibility as a guarantor for the Duke of Hereford; but the Duke of Norfolk was not allowed to put in any guarantors, and thus he was led under arrest to Windsor Castle, where he was guarded by keepers assigned to ensure his safety.

The order of the procéeding in this appeale.

The order of the proceedings in this appeal.

Now after the dissoluing of the parlement at Shrewsburie, there was a daie appointed about six wéeks after, for the king to come vnto Windsor, to heare and to take some order betwixt the two dukes, which had thus appealed ech other. There was a great scaffold erected within the castell of Windsor for the king to sit with the lords and prelats of his realme: and so at the daie appointed, he with the said lords & prelats being come thither and set in their places, the duke of Hereford appellant, and the duke of Norfolke defendant, were sent for to come & appeare before the king, sitting there in his seat of iustice. And then began sir Iohn Bushie to speake for the king, declaring to the lords how they should vnderstand, that where the duke of Hereford had presented a supplication to the king, who was there set to minister iustice to all men that would demand the same, as apperteined to his roiall maiestie, he therefore would now heare what the parties could say one against an other, and withall the king commanded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the one being constable, and the other marshall, to go vnto the two dukes, appellant and defendant, requiring them on his behalfe, to grow to some agréement: and for his part, he would be readie to pardon all that had beene said or doone amisse betwixt them, touching anie harme or dishonor to him or his realme: but they answered both assuredlie, that it was not possible to haue anie peace or agréement made betwixt them.

Now, after the parliament was dissolved at Shrewsbury, a date was set about six weeks later for the king to come to Windsor to hear and settle matters between the two dukes, who had accused each other. A large scaffold was built within the Windsor castle for the king to sit with the lords and prelates of his kingdom. On the appointed day, he, along with the lords and prelates, arrived and took their places. The Duke of Hereford, the accuser, and the Duke of Norfolk, the defendant, were summoned to appear before the king, who was seated there in his judgment seat. Sir John Bushie then spoke on behalf of the king, informing the lords that the Duke of Hereford had presented a petition to the king, who was there to administer justice to anyone who sought it, as was his royal duty. He stated that the king was willing to hear what each party had to say against the other. The king also directed the Dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the constable and the marshal, respectively, to go to the two dukes, urging them on his behalf to reach some agreement. For his part, he was ready to forgive all that had been said or done wrong between them regarding any harm or dishonor to him or his realm. However, both dukes confidently replied that it was impossible to reach any peace or agreement between them.

When he heard what they had answered, he commanded that they should be brought foorthwith before his presence, to heare what they would say. Herewith an herald in the kings name with lowd voice commanded the dukes to come before the king, either of them to shew his reason, or else to make peace togither without more delaie. When they were come before the king and lords, the king spake himselfe to them, willing them to agree, and make peace togither: “for it is (said he) the best waie ye can take.” The duke of Norfolke with due reuerence herevnto answered it could not be so brought to passe, his honor saued. Then the king asked of the duke of Hereford, “what it was that he demanded of the duke of Norfolke, and what is the matter that ye can not make peace togither and become friends?”

When he heard what they had said, he ordered that they be brought immediately before him to hear what they had to say. Then a herald, in the king's name and in a loud voice, commanded the dukes to come before the king, urging each of them to present their reasons or to make peace together without further delay. Once they stood before the king and the lords, the king addressed them directly, encouraging them to agree and make peace: “for it is,” he said, “the best course you can take.” The Duke of Norfolk respectfully responded that it couldn't be done without compromising his honor. The king then asked the Duke of Hereford, “What is it that you demanded from the Duke of Norfolk, and what is preventing you from making peace and becoming friends?”

The obiection against the duke of Norfolke.

The objection against the Duke of Norfolk.

Then stood foorth a knight; who asking and obteining licence to speake for the duke of Hereford, said; “Right deare and souereigne lord, here is Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford and earle of Derbie, who saith, and I for him likewise say, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke is a false and disloiall traitor to you and your roiall maiestie, and to your whole realme: and likewise the duke of Hereford saith and I for him, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke hath receiued eight thousand nobles to pay the souldiers that keepe your towne of Calis, which he hath not doone as he ought: and furthermore the said duke of Norfolke hath béene the occasion of all the treason that hath beene contriued in your realme for the space of these eighteene yeares, & by his false suggestions and malicious counsell, he hath caused to die and to be murthered your right déere vncle, the duke of Glocester, sonne to king Edward. Moreouer, the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, that he will proue this with his bodie against the bodie of the said duke of Norfolke within lists.” The king herewith waxed angrie, and asked the duke of Hereford, if these were his words, who answered: “Right déere lord, they are my woords; and hereof I require right, and the battell against him.”

Then a knight stepped forward and, asking for permission to speak on behalf of the Duke of Hereford, said, “Most dear and sovereign lord, this is Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford and Earl of Derby, who claims, and I also say on his behalf, that Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, is a false and disloyal traitor to you and your royal majesty, and to your entire realm. The Duke of Hereford also claims, and I on his behalf, that Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, has received eight thousand nobles to pay the soldiers guarding your town of Calais, which he has not done as he should. Furthermore, the Duke of Norfolk has been the cause of all the treason that has been plotted in your realm for the past eighteen years, and through his false suggestions and malicious counsel, he has caused the death and murder of your beloved uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, son of King Edward. Moreover, the Duke of Hereford claims, and I on his behalf, that he will prove this with his body against the body of the Duke of Norfolk in the lists.” The king became angry and asked the Duke of Hereford if these were his words, to which he replied, “Most dear lord, they are my words; and I demand justice and battle against him.”

There was a knight also that asked licence to speake for the duke of Norfolke, and obteining, it began to answer thus: “Right déere souereigne lord, here is Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, who answereth and saith, and I for him, that all which Henrie |846| of Lancaster hath said and declared (sauing the reuerence due to the king and his councell) is a lie; and the said Henrie of Lancaster hath falselie and wickedlie lied as a false and disloiall knight, and both hath béene, and is a traitor against you, your crowne, roiall maiestie, & realme. This will I proue and defend as becommeth a loiall knight to doo with my bodie against his: right déere lord, I beséech you therefore, and your councell, that it maie please you in your roiall discretion, to consider and marke, what Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford, such a one as he is, hath said.”

There was a knight who asked for permission to speak for the Duke of Norfolk, and once granted, he began his response: “Right dear sovereign lord, here is Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, who answers and says, and I speak for him, that everything Henry of Lancaster has said and declared (with due respect to the king and his council) is a lie; and that the said Henry of Lancaster has falsely and wickedly lied like a treacherous and disloyal knight, and has been, and is a traitor against you, your crown, royal majesty, and realm. I will prove and defend this as befits a loyal knight with my body against his: right dear lord, I therefore beseech you and your council to kindly consider and note what Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, has claimed.”

The duke of Norfolke his answer for himselfe.

The Duke of Norfolk's answer for himself.

The king then demanded of the duke of Norfolke, if these were his woords, and whether he had anie more to saie. The duke of Norfolke then answered for himselfe: “Right déere sir, true it is, that I haue receiued so much gold to paie your people of the towne of Calis; which I haue doone, and I doo auouch that your towne of Calis is as well kept at your commandement as euer it was at anie time before, and that there neuer hath béene by anie of Calis anie complaint made vnto you of me. Right deere and my souereigne lord, for the voiage that I made into France, about your marriage, I neuer receiued either gold or siluer of you, nor yet for the voiage that the duke of Aumarle & I made into Almane, where we spent great treasure: Marie true it is, that once I laid an ambush to haue slaine the duke of Lancaster, that there sitteth: but neuerthelesse he hath pardoned me thereof, and there was good peace made betwixt vs, for the which I yéeld him hartie thankes. This is that which I haue to answer, and I am readie to defend my selfe against mine aduersarie; I beseech you therefore of right, and to haue the battell against him in vpright iudgement.”

The king then asked the duke of Norfolk if those were his words and if he had anything more to say. The duke of Norfolk replied for himself: “Dear sir, it is true that I received money to pay your people in the town of Calais; I have done that, and I can confirm that your town of Calais is as well taken care of under your command as it ever has been, and that there has never been any complaint made to you about me from anyone in Calais. Dear and sovereign lord, for the trip I made to France regarding your marriage, I never received any money from you, nor for the trip the duke of Aumarle and I took to Germany, where we spent a lot of resources. It's true that I once set a trap to kill the duke of Lancaster, who is sitting there, but he has forgiven me for that, and we made good peace between us, for which I am very thankful. This is my response, and I am ready to defend myself against my opponent; I therefore ask for fairness and to have the battle against him in just judgment.”

The combat appointed to be doone at Couentrie. The French pamphlet. Iohn Stow. Fabian.

The battle scheduled to take place at Coventry. The French pamphlet. John Stow. Fabian.

After this, when the king had communed with his councell a little, he commanded the two dukes to stand foorth, that their answers might be heard. The K. then caused them once againe to be asked, if they would agrée and make peace togither, but they both flatlie answered that they would not: and withall the duke of Hereford cast downe his gage, and the duke of Norfolke tooke it vp. The king perceiuing this demeanor betwixt them, sware by saint Iohn Baptist, that he would neuer séeke to make peace betwixt them againe. And therfore sir Iohn Bushie in name of the king & his councell declared, that the king and his councell had commanded and ordeined, that they should haue a daie of battell appointed them at Couentrie.  ¶ Here writers disagrée about the daie that was appointed: for some saie, it was vpon a mondaie in August; other vpon saint Lamberts daie, being the seuenteenth of September, other on the eleuenth of September; but true it is, that the king assigned them not onlie the daie, but also appointed them listes and place for the combat, and therevpon great preparation was made, as to such a matter apperteined.

After this, when the king had spoken with his council for a bit, he ordered the two dukes to step forward so their responses could be heard. The king then asked them again if they would agree to make peace, but they both flatly refused. At the same time, the Duke of Hereford threw down his glove, and the Duke of Norfolk picked it up. The king, noticing this behavior between them, swore by Saint John the Baptist that he would never seek to make peace between them again. Therefore, Sir John Bushy, on behalf of the king and his council, declared that the king and his council had commanded and arranged for a day of battle to be set for them at Coventry. Here writers disagree about the day that was chosen: some say it was on a Monday in August; others say it was on Saint Lambert's Day, which is the seventeenth of September; and others say it was on the eleventh of September. But it is true that the king assigned not only the day but also designated lists and a location for the combat, and preparations were made accordingly for such an event.

An. Reg. 22.

At the time appointed the king came to Couentrie, where the two dukes were readie, according to the order prescribed therein, comming thither in great arraie, accompanied with the lords and gentlemen of their linages. The king caused a sumptuous scaffold or theater, and roiall listes there to be erected and prepared. The sundaie before they should fight, after dinner the duke of Hereford came to the king (being lodged about a quarter of a mile without the towne in a tower that belonged to sir William Bagot) to take his leaue of him. The morow after, being the daie appointed for the combat, about the spring of the daie, came the duke of Norfolke to the court to take leaue likewise of the king. The duke of Hereford armed him in his tent, that was set vp néere to the lists, and the duke of Norfolke put on his armor, betwixt the gate & the barrier of the towne, in a beautifull house, hauing a faire perclois of wood towards the gate, that none might sée what was doone within the house.

At the appointed time, the king arrived in Coventry, where the two dukes were ready, following the prescribed arrangements, arriving in great style, accompanied by the lords and gentlemen of their families. The king had a lavish scaffold or theater, along with royal lists, set up and prepared there. The Sunday before they were to fight, after dinner, the Duke of Hereford visited the king (staying about a quarter of a mile outside the town in a tower owned by Sir William Bagot) to take his leave. The next day, the day scheduled for the combat, early in the morning, the Duke of Norfolk came to the court to also take his leave of the king. The Duke of Hereford suited up in his tent, which was set up near the lists, and the Duke of Norfolk donned his armor between the gate and the barrier of the town, in a beautiful house with a fine wooden screen facing the gate, so that no one could see what was happening inside.

The order of the combat.

The order of battle.

The duke of Aumarle that daie, being high constable of England, and the duke of Surrie marshall, placed themselues betwixt them, well armed and appointed; and when they saw their time, they first entered into the listes with a great companie of men apparelled in silke sendall, imbrodered with siluer, both richlie and curiouslie, euerie man hauing a tipped staffe to keepe the field in order. About the houre of prime came to |847| the barriers of the listes, the duke of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded with gréene & blew veluet imbrodered sumptuouslie with swans and antelops of goldsmiths woorke, armed at all points. The constable and marshall came to the barriers, demanding of him what he was, he answered; “I am Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford, which am come hither to doo mine indeuor against Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, as a traitor vntrue to God, the king, his realme, and me.” Then in­con­ti­nent­lie he sware vpon the holie euangelists, that his quarrell was true and iust, and vpon that point he required to enter the lists. Then he put vp his sword, which before he held naked in his hand, and putting downe his visor, made a crosse on his horsse, and with speare in hand, entered into the lists, and descended from his horsse, and set him downe in a chaire of gréene veluet, at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himselfe, abiding the comming of his aduersarie.

The Duke of Aumarle, who was high constable of England that day, and the Duke of Surrie, the marshal, positioned themselves between the two, well armed and prepared. When the moment was right, they entered the lists with a large group of men dressed in silken cloth, intricately embroidered with silver; each man carried a tipped staff to keep the field orderly. Around the time of morning prayers, the Duke of Hereford arrived at the barriers of the lists, riding a white horse adorned with green and blue velvet, lavishly embroidered with goldwork featuring swans and antelopes, fully armored. The constable and marshal approached the barriers and asked him who he was. He replied, “I am Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, here to challenge Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, as a traitor unfaithful to God, the king, his realm, and to me.” Then, he immediately swore on the holy gospels that his cause was true and just, and on that basis, he requested to enter the lists. He sheathed his sword, which he had been holding unsheathed, lowered his visor, made a cross over his horse, and with his spear in hand, entered the lists. He dismounted and settled into a chair of green velvet at one end of the lists, resting as he awaited his opponent's arrival.

Soone after him, entred into the field with great triumph, king Richard accompanied with all the péeres of the realme, and in his companie was the earle of saint Paule, which was come out of France in post to see this challenge performed. The king had there aboue ten thousand men in armour, least some fraie or tumult might arise amongst his nobles, by quarelling or partaking. When the king was set in his seat, which was richlie hanged and adorned; a king at armes made open proclamation, prohibiting all men in the name of the king, and of the high constable and marshall, to enterprise or attempt to approch or touch any part of the lists vpon paine of death, except such as were appointed to order or marshall the field. The proclamation ended, an other herald cried; “Behold here Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford appellant, which is entred into the lists roiall to doo his deuoir against Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke defendant, vpon paine to be found false and recreant.”

Soon after him, King Richard entered the arena with great triumph, accompanied by all the nobles of the realm. Among them was the Earl of Saint Paul, who had come from France in haste to witness this challenge unfold. The king had more than ten thousand armored men present, to prevent any disputes or chaos among his nobles due to quarrels or taking sides. Once the king was seated, lavishly adorned and draped, a king-at-arms made an official proclamation, forbidding anyone, in the name of the king and the high constable and marshal, from attempting to approach or touch any part of the lists under penalty of death, except those appointed to organize or marshal the field. After the proclamation, another herald announced, “Here is Henry of Lancaster, Duke of Hereford, the challenger, who has entered the royal lists to fulfill his duty against Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, the defendant, under penalty of being declared false and cowardly.”

The duke of Norfolke houered on horssebacke at the entrie of the lists, his horse being barded with crimosen veluet, imbrodered richlie with lions of siluer and mulberie trées; and when he had made his oth before the constable and marshall that his quarrell was iust and true, he entred the field manfullie, saieng alowd: “God aid him that hath the right,” and then he departed from his horsse, & sate him downe in his chaire which was of crimosen veluet, courtined about with white and red damaske. The lord marshall viewed their speares, to see that they were of equall length, and deliuered the one speare himselfe to the duke of Hereford, and sent the other vnto the duke of Norfolke by a knight. Then the herald proclamed that the trauerses & chaires of the champions should be remooued, commanding them on the kings behalfe to mount on horssebacke, & addresse themselues to the battell and combat.

The Duke of Norfolk hovered on horseback at the entrance of the lists, his horse dressed in crimson velvet, beautifully embroidered with silver lions and mulberry trees. After he swore before the constable and marshal that his cause was just and true, he confidently entered the field, saying aloud, “God help him who is right.” He then dismounted, sitting down in his chair made of crimson velvet, surrounded by white and red damask curtains. The Lord Marshal inspected their spears to ensure they were of equal length and handed one spear to the Duke of Hereford, while sending the other to the Duke of Norfolk through a knight. Then the herald announced that the stalls and chairs of the champions should be removed, commanding them on the king's behalf to mount their horses and prepare for battle.

The combat staied by the king.

The battle was stopped by the king.

The king his dome betwixt the two dukes.

The king in his realm between the two dukes.

The duke of Hereford was quicklie horssed, and closed his bauier, and cast his speare into the rest, and when the trumpet sounded set forward couragiouslie towards his enimie six or seuen pases. The duke of Norfolke was not fullie set forward, when the king cast down his warder, and the heralds cried, Ho, ho. Then the king caused their speares to be taken from them, and commanded them to repaire againe to their chaires, where they remained two long houres, while the king and his councell deliberatlie consulted what order was best to be had in so weightie a cause. Finallie, after they had deuised and fullie determined what should be doone therein, the heralds cried silence and sir Iohn Bushie the kings secretarie read the sentence and determination of the king and his councell, in a long roll, the effect wherof was, that Henrie duke of Hereford should within fifteene daies depart out of the realme, and not to returne before the terme of ten yeares were expired, except by the king he should be repealed againe, and this vpon paine of death; and that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, bicause he had sowen sedition in the relme by his words, should likewise auoid the realme, and neuer to returne againe into England, nor approch the borders or confines thereof vpon paine of death; and that the king would staie the profits of his lands, till he had leuied thereof |848| such summes of monie as the duke had taken vp of the kings treasuror for the wages of the garrison of Calis, which were still vnpaid.

The Duke of Hereford quickly mounted his horse, secured his shield, and readied his spear. When the trumpet sounded, he bravely charged toward his enemy six or seven paces. The Duke of Norfolk hadn’t fully advanced when the king signaled with his staff, and the heralds shouted, "Stop, stop!" Then the king ordered their spears to be taken away and commanded them to return to their chairs, where they waited for two long hours while the king and his council thoughtfully discussed what the best course of action would be in such an important matter. Finally, after they devised and fully decided what should be done, the heralds asked for silence, and Sir John Bushy, the king's secretary, read the king’s and council’s judgment from a long scroll. The gist of it was that Henry, Duke of Hereford, was to leave the realm within fifteen days and not return for ten years unless recalled by the king, under penalty of death. Additionally, Thomas Mowbray, Duke of Norfolk, because he had sown discord in the realm with his words, was also to leave the realm and never return to England or approach its borders, also under penalty of death. Furthermore, the king would withhold the profits from his lands until he had collected the sums of money that the duke had borrowed from the king’s treasurer for the unpaid wages of the garrison at Calais.

The duke of Hereford beloued of the people.

The Duke of Hereford was beloved by the people.

When these iudgements were once read, the king called before him both the parties, and made them to sweare that the one should neuer come in place where the other was, willinglie; nor kéepe any companie to gither in any forren region; which oth they both receiued humblie, and so went their waies. The duke of Norfolke departed sorowfullie out of the realme into Almanie, and at the last came to Venice, where he for thought and melancholie deceassed: for he was in hope (as writers record) that he should haue béene borne out in the matter by the king, which when it fell out otherwise, it greeued him not a little. The duke of Hereford tooke his leaue of the king at Eltham, who there released foure yeares of his banishment: so he tooke his iornie ouer into Calis, and from thence went into France, where he remained.  ¶ A woonder it was to sée what number of people ran after him in euerie towne and stréet where he came, before he tooke the sea, lamenting and bewailing his departure, as who would saie, that when he departed, the onelie shield, defense and comfort of the commonwealth was vaded and gone.

When these judgments were read, the king summoned both parties and made them swear that they would never willingly be in the same place as the other, nor keep any company together in any foreign country. They both accepted this vow humbly and went on their way. The Duke of Norfolk sadly left the kingdom for Germany, eventually arriving in Venice, where he passed away from sorrow and melancholy; he had hoped, as writers note, that the king would support him in the matter, and when it turned out differently, it troubled him greatly. The Duke of Hereford took his leave of the king at Eltham, where he was granted a four-year reduction of his banishment; he then traveled over to Calais and from there went to France, where he stayed. A wonder it was to see the crowd of people who followed him in every town and street he passed through before he took to the sea, lamenting and mourning his departure, as if to say, when he left, the only shield, defense, and comfort of the commonwealth was gone.

The duke of Hereford is honorablie interteined with the French king.

The Duke of Hereford is being treated with respect by the French king.

Froissard.

Froissard.

Hor. lib. epist. 1.

Hor. lib. epist. 1.

At his comming into France, king Charles hearing the cause of his banishment (which he esteemed to be verie light) receiued him gentlie, and him honorablie interteined, in so much that he had by fauour obteined in mariage the onelie daughter of the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king, if king Richard had not béene a let in that matter, who being thereof certified, sent the earle of Salisburie with all speed into France, both to surmize by vntrue suggestion, heinous offenses against him, and also to require the French king that in no wise he would suffer his cousine to be matched in mariage with him that was so manifest an offendor. This was a pestilent kind of proceeding against that nobleman then being in a forren countrie, hauing béene so honorablie receiued as he was at his entrance into France, and vpon view and good liking of his behauiour there, so forward in mariage with a ladie of noble linage. So sharpe, so seuere, & so heinous an accusation, brought to a strange king from a naturall prince, against his subiect, after punishment inflicted (for he was banished) was inough to haue made the French king his fatall fo, & vpon suspicion of assaieng the like trecherie against him, to haue throwne him out of the limits of his land. But what will enuie leaue vnattempted, where it is once setled? And how are the malicious tormented with egernes of reuenge against them whom they maligne, wringing themselues in the meane time with inward pangs gnawing them at the hart? wherevnto serueth the poets allusion,

When King Charles received news of his banishment in France, he felt the reason was trivial. He welcomed him warmly and treated him with respect, to the point that he could have secured a marriage with the only daughter of the Duke of Berry, the French king's uncle, if King Richard hadn't interfered. Upon learning of this, Richard quickly sent the Earl of Salisbury to France to falsely accuse him of serious crimes and to insist that the French king should not allow his cousin to marry someone so clearly a wrongdoer. This was a vile act against a nobleman who had been honored upon his arrival in France and who had shown good behavior while there, even making advances toward a lady of noble lineage. Such harsh, severe, and serious accusations coming from a natural prince to a foreign king against his subject, especially after having already been punished with banishment, could have turned the French king into a bitter enemy. He might have suspected similar treachery aimed at him and could have expelled him from his realm. But what will envy leave untried once it takes root? And how are the spiteful tormented by their desire for revenge against those they hate, writhing internally with anguish that gnaws at their hearts? Hence the poet's reference.

Inuidia Siculi non inuenêre tyranni

Sicilian enemies didn't find tyrants

Maius tormentum.

Greater torment.

1399.

On Newyeares day this yeare, the riuer that passeth betwixt Suelleston or Snelston, and Harewood, two villages not far from Bedford, sudenlie ceassed his course, so as the chanell remained drie by the space of thrée miles, that any man might enter into, and passe the same drie foot at his pleasure. This diuision, which the water made in that place, the one part séeming as it were not to come néere to the other, was iudged to signifie the reuolting of the subiects of this land from their naturall prince. It may be, that the water of that riuer sanke into the ground, and by some secret passage or chanell tooke course till it came to the place where it might rise againe as in other places is likewise séene.

On New Year's Day this year, the river that flows between Suelleston (or Snelston) and Harewood, two villages not far from Bedford, suddenly stopped its flow, leaving the channel dry for three miles. Anyone could walk across it at will. This division created by the water, with one side appearing completely separate from the other, was believed to symbolize the subjects of this land turning against their natural prince. It’s possible that the river's water sank into the ground and, through some hidden passage or channel, flowed until it could rise again, as is seen in other places.

Fabian.

Fabian.

Blanke charters.

Blank charters.

Ye haue heard before, how the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundell, was banisht the relme, and Roger Walden was made archbishop of that sée, who was a great fauourer of the citie of London, the which was eftsoones about this season fallen into the kings displeasure: but by the diligent labour of this archbishop, and of Robert Braibrooke then bishop of London, vpon the humble supplication of the citizens, the kings wrath was pacified. But yet to content the kings mind, manie blanke charters were deuised, and brought into the citie, which manie of the substantiall and wealthie citizens were faine to |849| seale, to their great charge, as in the end appeared. And the like charters were sent abroad into all shires within the realme, whereby great grudge and murmuring arose among the people: for when they were so sealed, the kings officers wrote in the same what liked them, as well for charging the parties with paiment of monie, as otherwise.

You've heard before how the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundell, was banished from the realm, and Roger Walden was appointed as the archbishop of that see. He was a strong supporter of the city of London, which had recently fallen out of favor with the king. However, through the diligent efforts of this archbishop and Robert Braibrooke, who was then the Bishop of London, and upon the humble request of the citizens, the king's anger was calmed. Yet, to appease the king, many blank charters were created and brought into the city, which many of the prominent and wealthy citizens had to seal, leading to significant expenses, as was eventually revealed. Similar charters were distributed throughout all the counties in the realm, causing significant resentment and unrest among the people. Once these charters were sealed, the king's officers filled them in with whatever they liked, imposing charges on the parties for money and other demands.

The death of the duke of Lancaster.

The death of the Duke of Lancaster.

Tho. Walsi.

Tho. Walsi.

In this meane time, the duke of Lancaster departed out of this life at the bishop of Elies place in Holborne, and lieth buried in the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, on the northside of the high altar, by the ladie Blanch his first wife. The death of this duke gaue occasion of increasing more hatred in the people of this realme toward the king, for he seized into his hands all the goods that belonged to him, and also receiued all the rents and reuenues of his lands which ought to haue descended vnto the duke of Hereford by lawfull inheritance, in reuoking his letters patents, which he had granted to him before, by vertue wherof he might make his attorneis generall to sue liuerie for him, of any maner of inheritances or possessions that might from thencefoorth fall vnto him, and that his homage might be respited, with making reasonable fine: whereby it was euident, that the king meant his vtter vndooing.

In the meantime, the Duke of Lancaster passed away at the Bishop of Ely’s residence in Holborn and is buried in the cathedral church of St. Paul in London, on the north side of the high altar, next to his first wife, Lady Blanch. The death of this duke led to increased resentment among the people of this realm toward the king, as he took control of all the goods that belonged to him and also collected all the rents and revenues from his lands that should have lawfully passed to the Duke of Hereford. This was done by revoking the letters patent he had previously granted, which allowed him to appoint attorneys to sue for the inheritance or possessions that might come to him in the future, and to delay his homage while making a reasonable payment. This clearly showed that the king intended his complete ruin.

This hard dealing was much misliked of all the nobilitie, and cried out against of the meaner sort: but namelie the duke of Yorke was therewith sore mooued, who before this time, had borne things with so patient a mind as he could, though the same touched him verie néere, as the death of his brother the duke of Glocester, the banishment of his nephew the said duke of Hereford, and other mo iniuries in great number, which for the slipperie youth of the king, he passed ouer for the time, and did forget aswell as he might. But now perceiuing that neither law, iustice nor equitie could take place, where the kings wilfull will was bent vpon any wrongfull purpose, he considered that the glorie of the publike wealth of his countrie must néeds decaie, by reason of the king his lacke of wit, and want of such as would (without flatterie) admonish him of his dutie; and therefore he thought it the part of a wise man to get him in time to a resting place and to leaue the following of such an vnaduised capteine, as with a leden sword would cut his owne throat.

This harsh treatment was greatly disapproved of by all the nobility and criticized by the common people. The Duke of York, in particular, was very upset by it. Up until now, he had put up with everything as patiently as he could, even though it affected him deeply, like the death of his brother, the Duke of Gloucester, the banishment of his nephew, the Duke of Hereford, and many other grievances that he had overlooked for a time because of the king's youthful immaturity. But now, seeing that neither law, justice, nor fairness could prevail when the king's stubborn will was set on some wrongful course, he realized that the glory of his country's public welfare would surely decline because of the king’s lack of judgment and the absence of people who would, without flattery, remind him of his responsibilities. Therefore, he thought it wise to withdraw and avoid following such a reckless leader, who would, with a heavy sword, cut his own throat.

The duke of Yorke misliketh the court & goeth home.

The Duke of York dislikes the court and goes home.

The realme let to farme by the king.

The realm was handed over to the farmer by the king.

Tho. Walsi.

Tho. Walsi.

Herevpon he with the duke of Aumarle his sonne went to his house at Langlie, reioising that nothing had mishappened in the com­mon-wealth through his deuise or consent. The common brute ran, that the king had set to farme the realme of England, vnto sir William Scroope earle of Wiltshire, and then treasuror of England, to sir Iohn Bushie, sir Iohn Bagot, and sir Henrie Gréene knights.  ¶ About the same time, the earle of Arundels sonne, named Thomas, which was kept in the duke of Exeters house, escaped out of the realme, by meanes of one William Scot mercer, and went to his vncle Thomas Arundell late archbishop of Canturburie, as then soiourning at Cullen.  ¶ King Richard being destitute of treasure to furnish such a princelie port as he mainteined, borrowed great summes of monie of manie of the great lords and peeres of his realme, both spirituall and temporall, and likewise of other meane persons, promising them in good earnest, by deliuering to them his letters patents for assurance, that he would repaie the monie so borrowed at a daie appointed: which not­with­stand­ing he neuer paid.

Then he and the Duke of Aumarle, his son, went to their home in Langlie, happy that nothing had gone wrong in the realm because of his schemes or agreement. It was commonly rumored that the king had leased the kingdom of England to Sir William Scroope, Earl of Wiltshire, who was then Treasurer of England, along with Sir John Bushie, Sir John Bagot, and Sir Henry Greene, knights. Around the same time, the Earl of Arundel's son, named Thomas, who was staying at the Duke of Exeter's house, escaped from the kingdom with the help of a mercer named William Scot and went to his uncle Thomas Arundell, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, who was then living in Cologne. King Richard, lacking the funds to maintain his royal lifestyle, borrowed large sums of money from many of the great lords and nobles of his realm, both spiritual and temporal, as well as from other common people, sincerely promising to repay them by issuing his letters patent for assurance that he would return the borrowed money by a specified date. However, he never paid it back.

New exactions.

New charges.

The paiment of these fines was called a plesanse as it were to please the K. withall, but ye same displeased manie that were thus constreined to paie against their willes.

The payment of these fines was referred to as a pleasure, as if to please the King, but it actually upset many who were forced to pay against their wishes.

The people confirme the oth of allegiance by writing sealed.

The people confirm the oath of allegiance by writing and sealing it.

Moreouer, this yeare he caused seuenteene shires of the realme by waie of putting them to their fines to paie no small summes of monie, for redéeming their offenses, that they had aided the duke of Glocester, the earles of Arundell, and Warwike, when they rose in armor against him. The nobles, gentlemen, and commons of those shires were inforced also to receiue a new oth to assure the king of their fidelitie in time to come; and withall certeine prelats and other honorable personages, were sent into the same shires to persuade men to this paiment, and to sée things ordered at the pleasure of the prince: and suerlie the fines which the nobles, and other the meaner estates of those shires were constreined to paie, were not small, but excéeding great, to the offense of |850| manie. Moreouer, the kings letters patents were sent into euerie shire within this land, by vertue whereof, an oth was demanded of all the kings liege people for a further assurance of their due obedience, and they were constreined to ratifie the same in writing vnder their hands and seales.

Moreover, this year he made seventeen counties of the realm pay significant amounts of money to redeem themselves for having supported the Duke of Gloucester, the Earls of Arundel, and Warwick when they rose up against him. The nobles, gentlemen, and common people of those counties were also forced to take a new oath to assure the king of their loyalty in the future. Additionally, certain clergy and other honorable individuals were sent to these counties to encourage people to make these payments and to ensure that things were arranged according to the prince's wishes. The fines that the nobles and the lower classes of those counties were compelled to pay were quite considerable and led to much discontent among many. Furthermore, the king's letters patent were sent to every county in the land, on the authority of which an oath was required from all the king's subjects for further assurance of their obedience. They were compelled to confirm this in writing under their own hands and seals.

Indirect dealings.

Indirect transactions.

Moreouer they were compelled to put their hands and seales to certeine blankes, wherof ye haue heard before, in the which, when it pleased him he might write what he thought good. There was also a new oth deuised for the shiriffes of euerie countie through the realme to receiue: finallie, manie of the kings liege people were through spite, enuie, and malice, accused, apprehended, & put in prison, and after brought before the constable and marshall of England, in the court of chiualrie, and might not otherwise be deliuered, except they could iustifie themselues by combat and fighting in lists against their accusers hand to hand, although the accusers for the most part were lustie, yoong and valiant, where the parties accused were perchance old, impotent, maimed and sicklie. Wherevpon not onelie the great destruction of the realme in generall, but also of euerie singular person in particular, was to be feared and looked for.

Moreover, they were forced to sign certain blank documents, which you’ve heard about before, and he could write whatever he wanted in them whenever it suited him. There was also a new oath created for the sheriffs of every county throughout the realm to take. Ultimately, many of the king's loyal subjects were, out of spite, jealousy, and malice, accused, arrested, and imprisoned, and then brought before the constable and marshal of England in the court of chivalry. They could not be released unless they could prove their innocence through combat, fighting against their accusers one-on-one in the lists, even though the accusers were mostly young, strong, and brave, whereas the accused were often old, weak, disabled, and ill. This situation threatened not only great destruction for the realm as a whole but also for every individual person in particular.

Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. pag. 395.

Abr. Fl. from Thom. Wals. p. 395.

¶ About this time the bishop of Calcedon came into England, with letters apostolicall of admonition, that the faithfull and loiall of the land should of their goods disbursse somewhat to the emperour of Constantinople, who was extremelie vexed and troubled by the Tartars, and their capteine called Morect. And to the intent that the peeres of the land might be made the more willing and toward to bestow their contribution in this behalfe, the pope granted vnto all benefactors (trulie contrite and confessed) full remission, and wrapped in his bitter censures all such as hindered those that were willing to bestow their beneuolence in this case; considering, that although the emperour was a schismatike, yet was he a christian, and if by the infidels he should be oppressed, all christendome was in danger of ruine; hauing in his mind that saieng of the poet full fit for his purpose,

¶ About At this time, the bishop of Chalcedon arrived in England with letters of warning, urging the faithful and loyal citizens to contribute some of their wealth to the emperor of Constantinople, who was being severely troubled by the Tartars and their leader, Morect. To encourage the nobles of the land to be more willing to give their support, the pope granted full absolution to all benefactors who were truly repentant and had confessed their sins. He also threatened harsh penalties against anyone who obstructed those willing to help. He believed that even though the emperor was a schismatic, he was still a Christian, and if the infidels managed to overpower him, all of Christendom would be at risk of destruction; he had in mind the saying of the poet that was perfectly suited to his message,

Tunc tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.

Tunc tua res agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.

Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. pag. 395.

Abr. Fl. from Thom. Wals. p. 395.

Polydor.

Polydor.

A iusts at Windesor.

A justice at Windsor.

The king saileth ouer into Ireland with a great armie. Fabian.

The king sails over to Ireland with a large army. Fabian.

Caxton.

Caxton.

The duke of Yorke lieutenant generall of England, the king being in Ireland. Hen. Marl.

The Duke of York, Lieutenant General of England, while the King is in Ireland. Hen. Marl.

¶ In this yeare in a manner throughout all the realme of England, old baie trées withered, and afterwards, contrarie to all mens thinking, grew gréene againe, a strange sight, and supposed to import some vnknowne euent.  ¶ In this meane time the king being aduertised that the wild Irish dailie wasted and destroied the townes and villages within the English pale, and had slaine manie of the souldiers which laie there in garison for defense of that countrie, determined to make eftsoones a voiage thither, & prepared all things necessarie for his passage now against the spring. A little before his setting foorth, he caused a iusts to be holden at Windesor of fourtie knights and fortie esquiers, against all commers, & they to be apparelled in gréene, with a white falcon, and the queene to be there well accompanied with ladies and damsels. When these iusts were finished, the king departed toward Bristow, from thence to passe into Ireland, leauing the queene with hir traine still at Windesor: he appointed for his lieutenant generall in his absence his vncle the duke of Yorke: and so in the moneth of Aprill, as diuerse authors write, he set forward from Windesor, and finallie tooke shipping at Milford, and from thence with two hundred ships, and a puissant power of men of armes and archers he sailed into Ireland. The fridaie next after his arriuall, there were slaine two hundred Irishmen at Fourd in Kenlis within the countie of Kildare, by that valiant gentleman Ienico Dartois, and such Englishmen as he had there with him: and on the morrow next insuing the citizens of Dublin inuaded the countrie of Obrin, and slue thirtie and thrée Irishmen.

In this year, across all of England, old bay trees withered, and then, contrary to everyone’s expectations, they grew green again—a strange sight that was thought to signify some unknown event. In the meantime, the king learned that the wild Irish were daily plundering the towns and villages within the English pale and had killed many of the soldiers stationed there for the defense of that region. He decided to make another journey there and prepared everything necessary for his passage as spring approached. Just before he set out, he arranged a tournament at Windsor with forty knights and forty squires, open to all challengers, dressed in green with a white falcon. The queen was there, well accompanied by ladies and maidens. Once the tournament was over, the king headed toward Bristol, intending to sail to Ireland, leaving the queen with her entourage still at Windsor. He appointed his uncle, the Duke of York, as his lieutenant general during his absence. So in April, as various authors write, he set out from Windsor and eventually boarded a ship at Milford. With two hundred ships and a strong force of men-at-arms and archers, he sailed to Ireland. The Friday after his arrival, two hundred Irishmen were killed at Fourd in Kenlis, within County Kildare, by that valiant gentleman Jenico Dartois and the Englishmen with him. The next day, the citizens of Dublin invaded the territory of Obrin and killed thirty-three Irishmen.

Out of a French pamphlet that belongeth to master Iohn Dee.

Out of a French pamphlet that belongs to Master John Dee.

Macmur.

Macmur.

The king also after he had remained about seuen daies at Waterford, marched from thence towards Kilkennie, and comming thither, staied thereabout fourteene daies, looking for the duke of Aumarle that was appointed to haue met him, but he failed and came not, where vpon the king on Midsummer euen set forward againe, marching streight towards the countrie of Macmur the principall rebell in that season within Ireland, who |851| kéeping himselfe among woods with three thousand right hardie men, seemed to passe little for any power that might be brought against him. Yet the king approching to the skirts of the woods, commanded his soldiers to fier the houses and villages: which was executed with great forwardnesse of the men of war. And here for some valiant act that he did, or some other fauourable respect, which the king bare to the lord Henrie sonne to the duke of Hereford, he made him knight.  ¶ This Henrie was after king of England, succeeding his father, and called by the name of Henrie the fift. There were nine or ten others made knights also at the same time.

The king, after staying about seven days in Waterford, marched towards Kilkenny. Once there, he remained for around fourteen days, waiting for the Duke of Aumarle, who was supposed to meet him but didn't show up. So, on Midsummer's Eve, the king set out again, marching straight toward the territory of Macmur, the main rebel in Ireland at that time. Macmur was hiding in the woods with three thousand tough men and seemed unconcerned about any forces that could be sent against him. Still, as the king approached the edge of the woods, he ordered his soldiers to burn the houses and villages, which they did with great enthusiasm. For some brave act he performed, or perhaps due to the king's favor toward Lord Henry, son of the Duke of Hereford, he was knighted. This Henry later became king of England, succeeding his father, and was known as Henry the Fifth. Nine or ten others were also knighted at the same time.

Pioners set a worke to cut downe woods.

Pioneers started a job to cut down trees.

Moreouer, there were two thousand & fiue hundred pioners set a worke to cut downe the woods, and to make passages through, and so then the Englishmen entred, and by force got through: for the Irishmen sore feared the English bowes, but yet now and then they espieng their aduantage, assailed oftentimes Englishmen with their darts, and slue diuerse that went abroad to fetch in forrage. The vncle of Macmur hauing a withie or with about his necke, came in and submitted himselfe, and likewise manie other naked and bare legged; so that the king seeming to pitie their miserable state, pardoned them, and afterward he also sent vnto Macmur, promising that if he would come in and require pardon as his vncle had doone, he would receiue him to mercie: but Macmur vnderstanding that for want of vittels, the king must néeds retire within a short time, he refused the kings offer. The king with his armie remaining in those parts eleuen daies, was in the end constreined to come backe, when all their vittels were spent: for more than they brought with them they could not get. They lost manie horsses in this iournie for want of prouision and forrage.

Additionally, two thousand five hundred laborers were put to work cutting down trees and creating passages, allowing the English to enter and push through by force. The Irish were greatly afraid of the English bows, but they occasionally took advantage of moments to attack the English with darts, killing several who went out to gather supplies. Macmur's uncle, with a cord around his neck, came in and submitted himself, along with many others who were bare-legged and unarmed. The king, feeling pity for their desperate situation, pardoned them. He later sent a message to Macmur, promising that if he came forward and asked for pardon like his uncle did, he would be shown mercy. However, knowing that the king would have to retreat soon due to a lack of supplies, Macmur declined the offer. After staying in the area for eleven days, the king and his army were ultimately forced to return when all their provisions were exhausted, as they couldn't gather more than they had brought with them. Many horses were lost on this journey due to a lack of supplies and forage.

Macmur sendeth to the K. offering a parlee.

Macmur sends a message to the King, requesting a meeting.

The earle of Glocester.

The Earl of Gloucester.

As the king was withdrawne towards Dublin, marching through the countrie, in despite of his enimies, that houered still about his armie, Macmur sent to the king, offering to talke of an agreement, if it should please him to send any noble man to méet him at a place appointed. The king herevpon commanded the earle of Glocester to take with him two hundred lances, and a thousand archers, and to go to trie if he might by persuasion cause him to come in and submit himselfe. The earle went, and comming to talke with him, found him so obstinate, that their parlée streightwaies brake off: so taking leaue each of other, they departed, and the earle returned to the king, to aduertise him what he had doone and perceiued by the com­mun­i­ca­tion which he had had with Macmur.

As the king was making his way to Dublin, moving through the countryside despite his enemies hovering around his army, Macmur sent a message to the king, offering to discuss an agreement if he would send a nobleman to meet him at a designated place. In response, the king ordered the Earl of Gloucester to take two hundred knights and a thousand archers and see if he could persuade Macmur to come in and submit. The Earl went and, when he talked with him, found him so stubborn that their conversation quickly ended. After saying goodbye to each other, the Earl returned to the king to inform him about what he had done and what he learned from his exchange with Macmur.

An. Reg. 23.

He came to Dublin the 28 of Iune as Henrie Marl. saith.

He arrived in Dublin on June 28, as Henrie Marl. states.

The king was sore offended with the obstinatnes of the rebell, that would not agree otherwise: but so as he might remaine still at libertie, without danger to suffer anie maner of punishment for his passed offenses. Wherevpon the king after his comming to Dublin, and that the armie had rested there, and in the countrie neere to the citie, for the space of fiftéene daies, he diuided his people into three parts, and sent them abroad into the countrie to pursue the enimies and withall made proclamation, that who so euer could bring Macmur vnto his presence, should haue for his recompense a great reward: for he determined not to depart the countrie, till he had him either dead or aliue. But he knew full little then what incidents to hinder his purposed intention would after follow.

The king was very angry with the rebellious stubbornness, as they refused to agree otherwise, wanting to remain free and avoid any punishment for their past wrongs. After arriving in Dublin and allowing his army to rest for fifteen days in the city and nearby areas, he divided his troops into three parts and sent them out to chase the enemies. He also announced that anyone who could bring Macmur to him would receive a substantial reward, as he was determined not to leave the country until he had him, either dead or alive. However, he was unaware of the obstacles that would later arise to thwart his plans.

The duke of Aumarle.

The Duke of Aumarle.

In Angl. prælije sub Rich. 2.

In Angl. prælije under Richard II.

The same daie that he sent abroad his armie thus into three seuerall parts, the duke of Aumarle with an hundred saile arriued, of whose coming the king was right ioifull; and although he had vsed no small negligence in that he came no sooner according to order before appointed, yet the king (as he was of a gentle nature) courteouslie accepted his excuse: whether he was in fault or not, I haue not to saie; but verelie he was greatlie suspected, that he dealt not well in tarieng so long after his time assigned. But now whilest the king rested at Dublin, his people so demeaned themselues, that the most part of the rebels, what by manhood and policie were subdued, and brought vnder subiection, and (as is to be thought) if no trouble had risen in England to haue called him backe, he meant to haue rid vp the woods, and made some notable conquest at that time vpon the rebels that yet held out. Neuerthelesse, during the time of his abode there, such was the prowesse of him and his, that the Irish were well tamed, and forced to submit |852| themselues: and yet the kings power made no great slaughter of them, if it be true that Christ. Okl. saith, speaking hereof in few words as after followeth:

On the same day that he sent his army out in three separate parts, the Duke of Aumarle arrived with a hundred ships, which made the king very happy. Although he had been somewhat careless by not arriving sooner as planned, the king, being kind-hearted, graciously accepted his excuse. Whether he was at fault or not, I can’t say; however, he was greatly suspected of not handling the delay well. While the king stayed in Dublin, his men conducted themselves in such a way that most of the rebels were defeated and brought under control, thanks to both bravery and strategy. It’s believed that if no issues had arisen in England that required his return, he intended to go into the woods and achieve some significant victories against the rebels who still resisted. Nevertheless, during his time there, his strength and that of his troops were such that the Irish were effectively brought to heel and compelled to submit. Yet, it appears that the king's forces didn’t cause a large number of deaths among them, if what Christ. Okl. says is accurate, expressing this matter in brief as follows:

Pergit ad indomitos princeps Richardus Hibernos,

Pergit ad indomitos princeps Richardus Hibernos,

Inq; potestatem multo sine sanguine, sæuo

Inq; potestatem multo sine sanguine, sæuo

Marte reluctantes.

Mars hesitant.

The duke of Lancaster solicited to expel king Richard, and to take vpon him the regiment.

The Duke of Lancaster sought to remove King Richard and take on the leadership.

Now whilest he was thus occupied in deuising how to reduce them into subiection, and taking orders for the good staie and quiet gouernment of the countrie, diuerse of the nobilitie, aswell prelats as other, and likewise manie of the magistrats and rulers of the cities, townes, and communaltie, here in England, perceiuing dailie how the realme drew to vtter ruine, not like to be recouered to the former state of wealth, whilest king Richard liued and reigned (as they tooke it) deuised with great deliberation, and considerate aduise, to send and signifie by letters vnto duke Henrie, whome they now called (as he was in déed) duke of Lancaster and Hereford, requiring him with all conuenient spéed to conueie himselfe into England, promising him all their aid, power and assistance, if he expelling K. Richard, as a man not meet for the office he bare, would take vpon him the scepter, rule, and diademe of his natiue land and region.

While he was busy figuring out how to bring them under control and establishing rules for the proper management and peace of the country, several nobles, including both clergy and others, along with many city officials and community leaders here in England, noticed daily how the kingdom was heading towards complete destruction. They believed it couldn’t return to its former prosperity as long as King Richard was alive and reigning. So, they carefully planned and decided to send letters to Duke Henry, whom they were now calling the Duke of Lancaster and Hereford, asking him to quickly come to England. They promised him all their support and assistance if he would remove King Richard, who they felt was unfit for his role, and take on the crown, rule, and power of his homeland.

The duke of Britaine a great friend to the duke of Lancaster.

The Duke of Brittany is a close friend of the Duke of Lancaster.

The duke of Lancaster & his adherents saile into England. Additions to Polychron.

The Duke of Lancaster and his followers sail into England. Additions to Polychron.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

Chron. Brit.

Chronicles of Britain

Froissard.

Froissard.

Tho. Walsing.

Tho. Walsing.

He therefore being thus called vpon by messengers and letters from his fréends, and chéeflie through the earnest persuasion of Thomas Arundell, late archbishop of Canturburie, who (as before yée haue heard) had béene remooued from his sée, and banished the realme by king Richards means, got him downe to Britaine, togither with the said archbishop, where he was ioifullie receiued of the duke and duchesse, and found such fréendship at the dukes hands, that there were certeine ships rigged, and made readie for him, at a place in base Britaine, called Le port blanc, as we find in the chronicles of Britaine: and when all his prouision was made readie, he tooke the sea, togither with the said archbishop of Canturburie, and his nephue Thomas Arundell, sonne and heire to the late earle of Arundell, beheaded at the Tower hill, as you haue heard. There were also with him, Reginald lord Cobham, sir Thomas Erpingham, and sir Thomas Ramston knights, Iohn Norburie, Robert Waterton, & Francis Coint esquires: few else were there, for (as some write) he had not past fifteene lances, as they tearmed them in those daies, that is to saie, men of armes, furnished and appointed as the vse then was.  ¶ Yet other write, that the duke of Britaine deliuered vnto him three thousand men of warre, to attend him, and that he had eight ships well furnished for the warre, where Froissard yet speaketh but of three. Moreouer, where Froissard and also the chronicles of Britaine auouch, that he should land at Plimmouth, by our English writers it séemeth otherwise: for it appeareth by their assured report, that he approching to the shore, did not streight take land, but lay houering aloofe, and shewed himselfe now in this place, and now in that, to sée what countenance was made by the people, whether they meant enuiouslie to resist him, or fréendlie to receiue him.

He was called upon by messengers and letters from his friends, especially through the strong persuasion of Thomas Arundell, the former archbishop of Canterbury, who, as you’ve heard before, had been removed from his position and exiled from the kingdom by King Richard. He went down to Brittany with the archbishop, where they were joyfully received by the duke and duchess. He found such friendship from the duke that a few ships were prepared for him at a place in lower Brittany called Le Port Blanc, as noted in the chronicles of Brittany. Once all his supplies were ready, he set sail along with the archbishop of Canterbury and his nephew Thomas Arundell, the son and heir of the late Earl of Arundel, who was executed at Tower Hill, as you’ve heard. Also with him were Reginald Lord Cobham, Sir Thomas Erpingham, and Sir Thomas Ramston, along with John Norburie, Robert Waterton, and Francis Coint, who were squires. There weren’t many others with him, as some write that he had no more than fifteen knights, which refers to men-at-arms, equipped as was customary at that time. Yet others write that the duke of Brittany provided him with three thousand soldiers to accompany him, and that he had eight ships well equipped for war, while Froissart only mentions three. Moreover, where Froissart and the chronicles of Brittany claim that he landed at Plymouth, it seems different according to our English writers: it appears from their reliable reports that when he approached the shore, he didn’t land straightaway but hovered offshore, showing himself here and there to see how the people would react, whether they intended to resist him enviously or receive him warmly.

The commōs denie to resist the duke of Lancaster.

The commons refuse to resist the Duke of Lancaster.

When the lord gouernor Edmund duke of Yorke was aduertised, that the duke of Lancaster kept still the sea, and was readie to arriue (but where he ment first to set foot on land, there was not any that vnderstood the certeintie) he sent for the lord chancellor Edmund Stafford bishop of Excester, and for the lord treasuror William Scroope earle of Wiltshire, and other of the kings priuie councell, as Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, Henrie Greene, and Iohn Russell knights: of these he required to knew what they thought good to be doone in this matter, concerning the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their aduise was, to depart from London, vnto S. Albons, and there to gather an armie to resist the duke in his landing, but to how small purpose their counsell serued, the conclusion thereof plainlie declared, for the most part that were called, when they came thither, boldlie protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster, whome they knew to be euill dealt withall.

When Governor Edmund, Duke of York, was informed that the Duke of Lancaster was still at sea and ready to arrive (though no one knew for sure where he planned to land), he summoned Lord Chancellor Edmund Stafford, Bishop of Exeter, and Lord Treasurer William Scroop, Earl of Wiltshire, along with other members of the king's privy council, such as John Bushie, William Bagot, Henry Greene, and John Russell, knights. He asked them what they thought should be done about the Duke of Lancaster being at sea. They advised departing from London to St. Albans to gather an army to oppose the duke upon his landing. However, the effectiveness of their counsel was clearly shown; most of those who were called, when they arrived there, boldly declared that they would not fight against the Duke of Lancaster, whom they believed had been treated unfairly.

The duke of Lancaster lādeth in Yorkshire.

The Duke of Lancaster is located in Yorkshire.

Additions to Polychron.

Additions to Polychron.

The lord treasuror, Bushie, Bagot, and Gréene, perceiuing that the commons would cleaue vnto, and take part with the duke, slipped awaie, leauing the lord gouernour of |853| the realme, and the lord chancellor to make what shift they could for themselues: Bagot got him to Chester, and so escaped into Ireland; the other fled to the castell of Bristow, in hope there to be in safetie. The duke of Lancaster, after that he had coasted alongst the shore a certeine time, & had got some intelligence how the peoples minds were affected towards him, landed about the beginning of Iulie in Yorkshire, at a place sometime called Rauenspur, betwixt Hull and Bridlington, and with him not past thréescore persons, as some write: but he was so ioifullie receiued of the lords, knights, and gentlemen of those parts, that he found means (by their helpe) foorthwith to assemble a great number of people, that were willing to take his part. The first that came to him, were the lords of Lincolneshire, and other countries adioining, as the lords Willoughbie, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumont.

The lord treasurer, Bushie, Bagot, and Gréene realized that the common people would side with the duke, so they slipped away, leaving the lord governor of |853| the realm and the lord chancellor to fend for themselves. Bagot went to Chester and escaped to Ireland; the others fled to the castle of Bristol, hoping to be safe there. After sailing along the coast for a while and gathering information about how the people felt towards him, the duke of Lancaster landed in early July in Yorkshire at a place once called Ravenser, between Hull and Bridlington, with no more than sixty people, according to some accounts. However, he was received so joyfully by the lords, knights, and gentlemen in the area that he was able, with their help, to quickly gather a large number of supporters. The first to join him were the lords of Lincolnshire and nearby counties, including lords Willoughbie, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumont.

The duke of Lācasters oth to the lords that aided him.

The Duke of Lancaster thanked the lords who helped him.

At his comming vnto Doncaster, the earle of North­um­ber­land, and his sonne sir Henrie Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with the earle of Westmerland, came vnto him, where he sware vnto those lords, that he would demand no more, but the lands that were to him descended by inheritance from his father, and in right of his wife. Moreouer, he vndertooke to cause the paiment of taxes and tallages to be laid downe, & to bring the king to good gouernment, & to remooue from him the Cheshire men, which were enuied of manie; for that the king estéemed of them more than of anie other; happilie, bicause they were more faithfull to him than other, readie in all respects to obeie his commandements and pleasure. From Doncaster hauing now got a mightie armie about him, he marched foorth with all spéed through the countries, coming by Euesham vnto Berkelie: within the space of thrée daies, all the kings castels in those parts were surrendred vnto him.

Upon arriving in Doncaster, the Earl of Northumberland and his son Sir Henry Percy, wardens of the borders against Scotland, along with the Earl of Westmoreland, came to see him. He swore to those lords that he would ask for nothing more than the lands that he inherited from his father and the rights from his wife. Furthermore, he promised to ensure that taxes and levies would be stopped, to bring the king to fair governance, and to remove the Cheshire men, who were envied by many, as the king favored them over others; perhaps because they were more loyal to him than anyone else, always ready to obey his commands and wishes. After gathering a strong army around him in Doncaster, he quickly marched through the regions, passing through Evesham to Berkeley. Within three days, all the king's castles in those areas surrendered to him.

The harts of the commons wholie bent to the duke of Lancaster.

The deer in the common land were completely focused on the Duke of Lancaster.

The duke of Yorke, whome king Richard had left as gouernour of the realme in his absence, hearing that his nephue the duke of Lancaster was thus arriued, and had gathered an armie, he also assembled a puissant power of men of armes and archers (as before yée haue heard) but all was in vaine, for there was not a man that willinglie would thrust out one arrow against the duke of Lancaster, or his partakers, or in anie wise offend him or his fréends. The duke of Yorke therefore passing foorth towards Wales to méet the king, at his comming foorth of Ireland, was receiued into the castell of Berkelie, and there remained, till the comming thither of the duke of Lancaster (whom when he perceiued that he was not able to resist) on the sundaie, after the feast of saint Iames, which as that yeare came about, fell vpon the fridaie, he came foorth into the church that stood without the castell, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With the duke of Yorke were the bishops of Norwich, the lord Berkelie, the lord Seimour, and other: with the duke of Lancaster were these, Thomas Arundell archbishop of Canturburie that had béene banished, the abbat of Leicester, the earles of North­um­ber­land and Westmerland, Thomas Arundell sonne to Richard late earle of Arundell, the baron of Greistoke, the lords Willoughbie and Ros, with diuerse other lords, knights, and other people, which dailie came to him from euerie part of the realme: those that came not, were spoiled of all they had, so as they were neuer able to recouer themselues againe, for their goods being then taken awaie, were neuer restored. And thus what for loue, and what for feare of losse, they came flocking vnto him from euerie part.

The Duke of York, whom King Richard had left as governor of the realm in his absence, heard that his nephew, the Duke of Lancaster, had arrived and gathered an army. He also mustered a strong force of armed men and archers (as you've heard before), but it was all in vain, as no one was willing to shoot even one arrow at the Duke of Lancaster or his supporters, nor would they offend him or his friends in any way. Therefore, the Duke of York went towards Wales to meet the king upon his return from Ireland. He was received into Berkeley Castle and remained there until the Duke of Lancaster arrived. When the Duke of York realized he couldn't resist, on the Sunday after the Feast of Saint James, which that year fell on a Friday, he went out to the church outside the castle and talked with the Duke of Lancaster. With the Duke of York were the bishops of Norwich, Lord Berkeley, Lord Seymour, and others; with the Duke of Lancaster were Thomas Arundell, the Archbishop of Canterbury who had been banished, the Abbot of Leicester, the Earls of Northumberland and Westmoreland, Thomas Arundell, son of the late Earl of Arundel, the Baron of Greystoke, Lords Willoughby and Ros, along with various other lords, knights, and many people coming to him daily from all parts of the realm. Those who didn’t come were stripped of everything they had, and they could never recover, as their goods were taken and never returned. Thus, for both love and fear of losing everything, they flocked to him from every direction.

The duke of Lancaster marcheth to Bristow.

The Duke of Lancaster marches to Bristol.

Scroope lord treasuror.

Scroope, Lord Treasurer.

Bushie and Gréene executed.

Bushie and Gréene executed.

At the same present there was arrested, and committed to safe custodie, the bishop of Norwich, sir William Elmam, and sir Walter Burlie, knights, Laurence Drew, and Iohn Golofer esquiers. On the morow after, the forsaid dukes with their power, went towards Bristow, where (at their comming) they shewed themselues before the towne & castell, being an huge multitude of people. There were inclosed within the castell, the lord William Scroope earle of Wiltshire and treasuror of England, sir Henrie Greene, and sir Iohn Bushie knights, who prepared to make resistance: but when it would not preuaile, they were taken and brought foorth bound as prisoners into the campe, before the duke of Lancaster. On the morow next insuing, they were arraigned before the |854| constable and marshall, and found giltie of treason, for misgouerning the king and realme, and foorthwith had their heads smit off. Sir Iohn Russell was also taken there, who feining himselfe to be out of his wits, escaped their hands for a time.

At the same time, the Bishop of Norwich, Sir William Elmam, Sir Walter Burlie, knights, Laurence Drew, and John Golofer, squires, were arrested and taken into custody. The next morning, the aforementioned dukes, along with their forces, headed toward Bristol, where they displayed themselves before the town and castle, which were filled with a huge crowd of people. Inside the castle were Lord William Scroope, Earl of Wiltshire and Treasurer of England, Sir Henry Greene, and Sir John Bushie, knights, who were preparing to resist; however, when that failed, they were captured and brought out bound as prisoners before the Duke of Lancaster. The following day, they were tried before the |854| constable and marshal and found guilty of treason for their mismanagement of the king and realm, and immediately had their heads cut off. Sir John Russell was also captured there, but by pretending to be insane, he managed to escape for a time.

A politike madnesse.

Political madness.

Out of master Dees French booke.

Out of Master Dee's French book.

In this meane time, king Richard aduertised, how the duke of Lancaster was landed in England, and that the lords, gentlemen, and commons assembled themselues to take his part, he forthwith caused the lord Henrie, sonne to the said duke of Lancaster, and the lord Humfrie, sonne to the duke of Glocester, to be shut vp fast in the castell of Trimme, and with all spéed made hast to returne into England, in hope with an armie to incounter the duke, before he should haue time to assemble his fréends togither. But here you shall note, that it fortuned at the same time, in which the duke of Hereford or Lancaster, whether ye list to call him, arriued thus in England, the seas were so troubled by tempests, and the winds blew so contrarie for anie passage, to come ouer foorth of England to the king, remaining still in Ireland, that for the space of six wéeks, he receiued no ad­uer­tise­ments from thence: yet at length, when the seas became calme, and the wind once turned anie thing fauourable, there came ouer a ship, whereby the king vnderstood the manner of the dukes arriuall, and all his procéedings till that daie, in which the ship departed from the coast of England, wherevpon he meant foorthwith to haue returned ouer into England, to make resistance against the duke: but through persuasion of the duke of Aumarle (as was thought) he staied, till he might haue all his ships, and other prouision, fullie readie for his passage.

In the meantime, King Richard learned that the Duke of Lancaster had landed in England and that the lords, gentlemen, and common people were gathering to support him. He immediately ordered Lord Henry, the son of the Duke of Lancaster, and Lord Humphrey, the son of the Duke of Gloucester, to be locked up in Trim Castle. Then, he quickly set off to return to England, hoping to confront the duke with an army before he had a chance to rally his supporters. However, it should be noted that at the same time the Duke of Hereford, or Lancaster, arrived in England, the seas were so rough due to storms, and the winds were blowing so unfavorably that there was no way for anyone to sail to the king, who was still in Ireland. For six weeks, he received no updates from England. Finally, when the seas calmed and the winds shifted to a more favorable direction, a ship arrived, informing the king about the duke's landing and everything that had happened up to that day, including when the ship left the English coast. The king planned to return to England immediately to oppose the duke, but, as was believed, he was persuaded by the Duke of Aumarle to wait until all his ships and supplies were fully prepared for the journey.

In the meane time, he sent the earle of Salisburie ouer into England, to gather a power togither, by helpe of the kings freends in Wales, and Cheshire, with all spéed possible, that they might be readie to assist him against the duke, vpon his arriuall, for he meant himselfe to follow the earle, within six daies after. The earle passing ouer into Wales, landed at Conwaie, and sent foorth letters to the kings freends, both in Wales and Cheshire, to leauie their people, & to come with all spéed to assist the K. whose request, with great desire, & very willing minds they fulfilled, hoping to haue found the king himselfe at Conwaie, insomuch that within foure daies space, there were to the number of fortie thousand men assembled, readie to march with the king against his enimies, if he had béene there himselfe in person.

In the meantime, he sent the Earl of Salisbury over to England to quickly gather a force with the help of the king's friends in Wales and Cheshire. They were to be ready to support him against the duke upon his arrival, as he intended to follow the earl within six days. The earl arrived in Wales, landed at Conway, and sent out letters to the king's friends in both Wales and Cheshire, asking them to rally their people and come quickly to help the king. They were eager and willing to fulfill his request, hoping to find the king himself at Conway. Within four days, around forty thousand men had gathered, ready to march with the king against his enemies, if he had been there in person.

But when they missed the king, there was a brute spred amongst them, that the king was suerlie dead, which wrought such an impression, and euill disposition in the minds of the Welshmen and others, that for anie persuasion which the earle of Salisburie might vse, they would not go foorth with him, till they saw the king: onelie they were contented to staie fouretéene daies to sée if he should come or not; but when he came not within that tearme, they would no longer abide, but scaled & departed awaie; wheras if the king had come before their breaking vp, no doubt, but they would haue put the duke of Hereford in aduenture of a field: so that the kings lingering of time before his comming ouer, gaue opportunitie to the duke to bring things to passe as he could haue wished, and tooke from the king all occasion to recouer afterwards anie forces sufficient to resist him.

But when they realized the king was missing, rumors spread among them that the king was definitely dead. This created a huge impact and a bad feeling in the minds of the Welshmen and others, so despite any persuasion from the Earl of Salisbury, they refused to move with him until they saw the king. They only agreed to wait fourteen days to see if he would show up; but when he didn't appear within that time, they could no longer stay put and left. If the king had arrived before they broke camp, there's no doubt they would have put the Duke of Hereford to the test in battle. The king’s delay in coming over allowed the duke to maneuver things as he desired, and it took away from the king any chance to gather enough forces to resist him later.

K. Richard returneth out of Ireland and landeth in Wales. Thom. Wals.

K. Richard returns from Ireland and lands in Wales. Thom. Wals.

At length, about eighteene daies after that the king had sent from him the earle of Salisburie, he tooke the sea, togither with the dukes of Aumarle, Excester, Surrie, and diuerse others of the nobilitie, with the bishops of London, Lincolne, and Carleill. They landed néere the castell of Barclowlie in Wales, about the feast of saint Iames the apostle, and staied a while in the same castell, being aduertised of the great forces which the duke of Lancaster had got togither against him, wherewith he was maruellouslie amazed, knowing certeinelie that those which were thus in armes with the duke of Lancaster against him, would rather die than giue place, as well for the hatred as feare which they had conceiued at him. Neuerthelesse he departing from Barclowlie, hasted with all speed towards Conwaie, where he vnderstood the earle of Salisburie to be still remaining.

Finally, about eighteen days after the king had sent away the Earl of Salisbury, he set sail, along with the Dukes of Aumarle, Exeter, Surrey, and several other members of the nobility, as well as the bishops of London, Lincoln, and Carlisle. They landed near the castle of Barkloughlie in Wales, around the feast of Saint James the Apostle, and stayed for a while at the castle, having been informed of the large forces that the Duke of Lancaster had gathered against him, which left him incredibly surprised, knowing for sure that those who were armed with the Duke of Lancaster against him would rather die than back down, both from hate and fear they had for him. Nevertheless, he left Barkloughlie and hurried as fast as he could toward Conwy, where he learned the Earl of Salisbury was still staying.

Additions to Polychron.

Additions to Polychron.

K. Richard in vtter despaire.

K. Richard in utter despair.

He therefore taking with him such Cheshire men as he had with him at that present (in whom all his trust was reposed) he doubted not to reuenge himselfe of his aduersaries, & |855| so at the first he passed with a good courage: but when he vnderstood as he went thus forward, that all the castels, euen from the borders of Scotland vnto Bristow were deliuered vnto the duke of Lancaster, and that likewise the nobles and commons, as well of the south parts, as the north, were fullie bent to take part with the same duke against him; and further, hearing how his trustie councellors had lost their heads at Bristow, he became so greatlie discomforted, that sorowfullie lamenting his miserable state, he vtterlie despaired of his owne safetie, and calling his armie togither, which was not small, licenced euerie man to depart to his home.

He took with him the Cheshire men he had at the time, in whom he trusted completely, and he was confident he would get back at his enemies. At first, he marched forward with courage, but as he continued, he learned that all the castles, from the Scottish border to Bristol, had surrendered to the Duke of Lancaster. He also found out that both the nobles and common people, from the south and the north, were fully committed to supporting the Duke against him. Furthermore, upon hearing that his trusted advisors had been executed in Bristol, he became so disheartened that he sorrowfully lamented his miserable situation. He completely despaired for his own safety and gathered his army, which was quite substantial, and allowed everyone to return home.

K. Richard stealeth awaie from his armie, and taketh the castell of Flint.

K. Richard sneaks away from his army and takes the castle of Flint.

The souldiers being well bent to fight in his defense, besought him to be of good chéere, promising with an oth to stand with him against the duke, and all his partakers vnto death: but this could not incourage him at all, so that in the night next insuing, he stole from his armie, and with the dukes of Excester and Surrie, the bishop of Carleill, and sir Stephan Scroope, and about halfe a score others, he got him to the castell of Conwaie, where he found the earle of Salisburie, determining there to hold himselfe, till he might sée the world at some better staie; for what counsell to take to remedie the mischéefe thus pressing vpon him he wist not. On the one part he knew his title iust, true, and infallible; and his conscience cleane, pure and without spot of enuie or malice: he had also no small affiance in the Welshmen, and Cheshire men. On the other side, he saw the puissance of his aduersaries, the sudden departing of them whom he most trusted, and all things turned vpside downe: he euidentlie saw, and manifestlie perceiued, that he was forsaken of them, by whom in time he might haue béene aided and relieued, where now it was too late, and too farre ouer passed.

The soldiers were determined to fight for his defense and urged him to stay positive, promising with an oath to stand by him against the duke and all his supporters until death. However, this did not encourage him at all. That night, he sneaked away from his army and, along with the dukes of Exeter and Surrey, the bishop of Carlisle, Sir Stephen Scrope, and about a dozen others, went to the castle of Conway. There, he found the Earl of Salisbury, who intended to hold his ground until he could see a better opportunity. He didn’t know what to do to fix the troubles pressing down on him. On one hand, he knew his claim was just, true, and undeniable; his conscience was clear, pure, and free of envy or malice. He also had considerable support from the Welsh and Cheshire men. On the other hand, he saw the strength of his opponents, the sudden departure of those he trusted most, and everything seemed upside down. He realized clearly and distinctly that he was abandoned by those who could have helped and supported him, but now it was too late, and he had missed his chance.

A speciall note woorthie to be well weied.

A special note worth considering carefully.

Hor. lib. car. 3. ode. 1.

Hor. lib. car. 3. ode. 1.

¶ This suerlie is a verie notable example, and not vnwoorthie of all princes to be well weied, and diligentlie marked, that this Henrie duke of Lancaster should be thus called to the kingdome, and haue the helpe and assistance (almost) of all the whole realme, which perchance neuer thereof thought or yet dreamed; and that king Richard should thus be left desolate, void, and in despaire of all hope and comfort, in whom if there were anie offense, it ought rather to be imputed to the frailtie of wanton youth, than to the malice of his hart: but such is the deceiuable iudgement of man, which not regarding things present with due con­si­der­a­tion, thinketh euer that things to come shall haue good successe, with a pleasant & delitefull end. But in this deiecting of the one, & aduancing of the other, the prouidence of God is to be respected, & his secret will to be woondered at. For as in his hands standeth the donation of kingdoms, so likewise the disposing of them consisteth in his pleasure, which the verie pagans vnderstood right well; otherwise, one of them would neuer haue said,

This surely is a very notable example, and not unworthy of all princes to pay attention to and take note of, that this Henry, Duke of Lancaster, should be called to the throne and receive the help and support (almost) of the entire kingdom, which perhaps no one ever thought or dreamed of; and that King Richard should be left so desolate, empty, and in despair of all hope and comfort, in whom, if there were any offense, it should be attributed more to the weaknesses of reckless youth than to the malice of his heart: but such is the deceptive judgment of man, which, not considering present circumstances with proper attention, always believes that future events will turn out well, with a pleasant and delightful ending. But in this degrading of one and elevation of the other, the providence of God should be acknowledged, and His hidden will should be marveled at. For just as in His hands lies the granting of kingdoms, so their arrangement is also determined by His will, which even the very pagans understood well; otherwise, one of them would never have said,

Regum timendorum in proprios greges,

Fear of kings in own flocks,

Reges in ipsos imperium est Iouis

Reges in ipsos imperium est Iouis

Cuncta supercilio mouentis.

Everything moves with a raised eyebrow.

The earle of Worcester leaueth the K. and fléeth to the duke.

The Earl of Worcester leaves the King and flees to the Duke.

Where fortune fauoureth, thither the peoples fauour fléeth.

Where fortune favors, there the people's favor flees.

Sir Thomas Persie earle of Worcester, lord steward of the kings house, either being so commanded by the king, or else vpon displeasure (as some write) for that the king had proclaimed his brother the earle of North­um­ber­land traitor, brake his white staffe, which is the representing signe and token of his office, and without delaie went to duke Henrie. When the kings seruants of houshold saw this (for it was doone before them all) they dispersed themselues, some into one countrie, and some into an other. When the duke of Lancaster vnderstood that king Richard was returned foorth of Ireland, he left the duke of Yorke still at Bristow, and came backe with his power vnto Berkleie; the second daie he came to Glocester, and so to Roos, after to Hereford, where came to him the bishop of Hereford, and sir Edmund Mortimer knight. On the sundaie following, he went to Limster, and there the lord Charleton came to him. From thence he went to Ludlow, and the next daie to Shrewsburie, where he rested one daie, and thither came to him sir Robert Leigh, and sir Iohn Leigh, and manie other being sent from Chester, to treat with the duke |856| of Lancaster, for the citie and countie of Chester, that were now readie to submit themselues vnto him in all things.

Sir Thomas Persie, Earl of Worcester, Lord Steward of the King's House, either acted on the king's orders or out of displeasure (as some say) because the king had declared his brother, the Earl of Northumberland, a traitor. He broke his white staff, which symbolizes his office, and without delay went to Duke Henry. When the king's household servants witnessed this (as it was done in front of them all), they scattered, some going to one area and some to another. When the Duke of Lancaster learned that King Richard had returned from Ireland, he left the Duke of York in Bristol and returned with his forces to Berkeley. On the second day, he arrived in Gloucester, then went to Ross, and later to Hereford, where the Bishop of Hereford and Sir Edmund Mortimer, knight, joined him. The following Sunday, he went to Limster, where Lord Charleton met him. After that, he traveled to Ludlow, and the next day to Shrewsbury, where he stayed for a day. There he was joined by Sir Robert Leigh, Sir John Leigh, and many others sent from Chester to negotiate with the Duke of Lancaster regarding the city and county of Chester, which were now ready to submit to him in every way. |856|

The duke of Lancaster comming to Chester.

The Duke of Lancaster arriving in Chester.

There came hither vnto him the lord Scales, and the lord Berdolfe, foorth of Ireland, hauing béene spoiled of all they had about them in Wales, as they came through the countrie. From Shrewsburie, he kept on his iournie towards Chester, and lodging one night by the waie, in a towne there in the borders of Wales, he came the second night to Chester, and staied there certeine daies togither, making a iollie muster of his armie there in sight of the citie. The clergie met, & receiued him with procession: he sent foorthwith for his sonne & heire, & likewise for the duke of Glocesters sonne & heire, that were as yet remaining in Ireland, commanding them with all spéed to returne home into England. But the duke of Glocesters sonne, through mischance perished, as he was on the seas to come ouer, for whose losse his mother tooke such greefe, that shortlie after through immoderate sorow she likewise passed out of this transitorie life.

The Lord Scales and Lord Berdolfe came to him from Ireland, having been robbed of everything they had in Wales while traveling through the area. From Shrewsbury, he continued his journey towards Chester, staying overnight in a town near the Welsh border. He arrived in Chester on the second night and stayed there for several days, putting together a grand display of his army for the city to see. The clergy gathered and welcomed him with a procession; he immediately sent for his son and heir, as well as the Duke of Gloucester's son and heir, who were still in Ireland, commanding them to return to England as quickly as possible. However, the Duke of Gloucester's son tragically drowned while trying to cross the sea, and his mother was so grief-stricken by his loss that she soon passed away herself from overwhelming sorrow.

Pérkin a Lee.

Pérkin and Lee.

In this meane time, king Richard being in the castell of Conwaie sore discomfited, and fearing lest he could not remaine there long in safetie, vpon knowledge had by his trustie fréends Iohn Paulet, and Richard Seimour, of the dealings and approch of his aduersaries, sent the duke of Excester to talke with the duke of Lancaster, who in this meane while had caused one of king Richards faithfull and trustie freends, sir Piers a Leigh, commonlie called Perkin a Lée, to lose his head, & commanded the same to be set vp, vpon one of the highest turrets about all the citie; and so that true and faithfull gentleman, for his stedfast faith, and assured loialtie to his louing souereigne, thus lost his life. There came to him about the same time, or somewhat before, the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the lord Louell, and sir Iohn Stanleie, beséeching him to receiue him into his fauour.

In the meantime, King Richard, feeling very troubled in the castle of Conwy and worried that he couldn't stay there safely for long, received information from his loyal friends John Paulet and Richard Seymour about the movements and approach of his enemies. He sent the Duke of Exeter to talk with the Duke of Lancaster, who had, during this time, caused one of King Richard's faithful friends, Sir Piers a Leigh, commonly known as Perkin a Lee, to be executed and ordered his head to be displayed on one of the highest towers around the city. This true and loyal gentleman lost his life for his unwavering faith and loyalty to his beloved sovereign. Around the same time or shortly before, the Dukes of Aumarle and Surrey, Lord Lovell, and Sir John Stanley came to him, pleading for him to accept them back into his favor.

Out of master Dees booke.

Out of Master Dees' book.

Holt castell deliuered to the duke. Some write that the archbishop of Cāturburie and the earle of Westmerland wēt also with the earle of North­um­ber­land to Conwaie.

Holt castle was given to the duke. Some say that the archbishop of Canterbury and the earl of Westmoreland went with the earl of Northumberland to Conway.

¶ By some writers it should seeme, not onelie the duke of Excester, but also the duke of Surrie were sent vnto duke Henrie from king Richard, and that duke Henrie staied them both, and would not suffer them to returne to the king againe, kéeping the duke of Excester still about him, and committing the duke of Surrie to prison, within the castell of Chester. The king herewith went to Beaumaris, & after to Carnaruan: but finding no prouision either of vittels or other things in those castels, no not so much as a bed to lie in, he came backe againe to Conwaie, and in the meane time was the castell of Holt deliuered to the duke of Hereford, by those that had it in kéeping wherein was great store of iewels, to the value of two hundred thousand marks, besides an hundred thousand marks in readie coine. After this, the duke, with aduise of his councell, sent the earle of North­um­ber­land vnto the king, accompanied with foure hundred lances, & a thousand archers, who comming to the castell of Flint, had it deliuered vnto him; and from thence he hasted foorth towards Conwaie. But before he approched néere the place, he left his power behind him, hid closelie in two ambushes, behind a craggie mounteine, beside the high waie that leadeth from Flint to Conwaie.

By some writers, it seems that not only the Duke of Exeter but also the Duke of Surrey were sent to Duke Henry from King Richard. Duke Henry detained both of them and wouldn’t let them return to the king, keeping the Duke of Exeter close by him and imprisoning the Duke of Surrey in the castle of Chester. The king then went to Beaumaris and later to Carnarvon, but finding no supplies or anything in those castles—not even a bed to sleep in—he returned to Conway. Meanwhile, the castle of Holt was delivered to the Duke of Hereford by those who were in charge, containing a large amount of jewels valued at two hundred thousand marks, plus a hundred thousand marks in cash. After this, the duke, with advice from his council, sent the Earl of Northumberland to the king, accompanied by four hundred knights and a thousand archers. Upon arriving at the castle of Flint, he took possession of it and then hurried toward Conway. But before he got close to the place, he left his forces behind in two hidden ambushes, behind a rocky mountain along the main road leading from Flint to Conway.

The earle of North­um­ber­lands message to the king.

The Earl of Northumberland's message to the king.

The king leaueth Conwaie castell, and betaketh himselfe to his enimies.

The king leaves Conway Castle and turns himself over to his enemies.

This doone, taking not past foure or fiue with him, he passed foorth, till he came before the towne, and then sending an herald to the king, requested a safe conduct from the king, that he might come and talke with him, which the king granted, and so the earle of North­um­ber­land passing the water, entred the castell, and comming to the king, declared to him, that if it might please his grace to vndertake, that there should be a parlement assembled, in the which iustice might be had, against such as were enimies to the commonwealth, and had procured the destruction of the duke of Glocester, and other noblemen, and herewith pardon the duke of Hereford of all things wherin he had offended him, the duke would be readie to come to him on his knées, to craue of him forgiuenesse, and as an humble subiect, to obeie him in all dutifull seruices. The king taking aduise vpon these offers, and other made by the earle of North­um­ber­land on the behalfe of the duke of Hereford; vpon the earles oth, for assurance that the same should be performed in ech condition, agréed to go with the earle to méete the duke, and herevpon taking their |857| horsses, they rode foorth, but the earle rode before, as it were, to prepare dinner for the king at Rutland, but comming to the place where he had left his people, he staied there with them.

This done, taking no more than four or five people with him, he moved forward until he reached the town. He then sent a messenger to the king, asking for safe passage to talk with him, which the king granted. So, the Earl of Northumberland crossed the water, entered the castle, and approached the king. He informed him that, if it pleased his grace to call a meeting where justice could be served against those who were enemies of the common good and had caused the downfall of the Duke of Gloucester and other nobles, and if he would also pardon the Duke of Hereford for any wrongs done, then the duke would be ready to come to him on his knees to seek forgiveness and, as a humble subject, obey him in all rightful service. The king considered these offers and others made by the Earl of Northumberland on behalf of the Duke of Hereford; based on the Earl's oath to ensure that the conditions would be met, he agreed to go with the Earl to meet the duke. They then took their horses and rode out, with the Earl going ahead, seemingly to prepare dinner for the king at Rutland. However, when he arrived at the place where he had left his people, he stayed there with them.

A constant seruant.

A constant servant.

The king kéeping on his waie, had not ridden past foure miles, when he came to the place where the ambushes were lodged, and being entred within danger of them, before he was aware, shewed himselfe to be sore abashed. But now there was no remedie: for the earle being there with his men, would not suffer him to returne, as he gladlie would haue doone if he might; but being inclosed with the sea on the one side, and the rocks on the other, hauing his aduersaries so néere at hand before him, he could not shift awaie by any meanes, for if he should haue fled backe, they might easilie haue ouertaken him, yer he could haue got out of their danger. And thus of force he was then constrained to go with the earle, who brought him to Rutland, where they dined, and from thence they rode vnto Flint to bed. The king had verie few about him of his freends, except onelie the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of Carleill, the lord Stephan Scroope, sir Nicholas Ferebie, a sonne also of the countesse of Salisburie, and Ienico Dartois a Gascoigne that still ware the cognisance or deuise of his maister king Richard, that is to saie, a white hart, and would not put it from him, neither for persuasions nor threats; by reason whereof, when the duke of Hereford vnderstood it, he caused him to be committed to prison within the castell of Chester. This man was the last (as saieth mine author) which ware that deuise, and shewed well thereby his constant hart toward his maister, for the which it was thought he should haue lost his life, but yet he was pardoned, and at length reconciled to the dukes fauour, after he was king.

The king continued on his way and hadn't ridden more than four miles when he reached the spot where the ambushers were hidden. Before he realized it, he found himself in serious trouble and felt very embarrassed. But there was no way out now: the earl and his men wouldn’t let him turn back, even though he would have liked to if he could. With the sea on one side and rocks on the other, and his enemies so close in front of him, he had no means to escape. If he tried to flee back, they could easily catch him before he managed to get out of their reach. Forced by the circumstances, he had to go along with the earl, who took him to Rutland, where they had lunch, and then they rode to Flint for the night. The king had very few friends with him, just the earl of Salisbury, the bishop of Carlisle, Lord Stephen Scrope, Sir Nicholas Ferebie, a son of the Countess of Salisbury, and Jenico Dartois, a Gascon who still wore the emblem of his master, King Richard, specifically a white hart, and refused to take it off, despite being urged and threatened. Because of this, when the Duke of Hereford found out, he had him imprisoned in Chester Castle. This man was the last, according to my source, to wear that emblem, and it showed his steadfast loyalty to his master, for which it was believed he could have lost his life, but he was ultimately pardoned and later restored to the duke’s favor after he became king.

But now to our purpose. King Richard being thus come vnto the castell of Flint, on the mondaie, the eightéenth of August, and the duke of Hereford being still aduertised from houre to houre by posts, how the earle of North­um­ber­land sped, the morow following being tuesdaie, and the ninetéenth of August, he came thither, & mustered his armie before the kings presence, which vndoubtedlie made a passing faire shew, being verie well ordered by the lord Henrie Persie, that was appointed generall, or rather (as we maie call him) master of the campe, vnder the duke, of the whole armie. There were come alreadie to the castell, before the approching of the maine armie, the archbishop of Canturburie, the duke of Aumarle, the earle of Worcester, and diuerse other. The archbishop entred first, and then followed the other, comming into the first ward.

But now to our purpose. King Richard arrived at the castle of Flint on Monday, August 18th, and the Duke of Hereford was getting updates every hour about how the Earl of Northumberland was faring. The next day, Tuesday, August 19th, he came there and assembled his army in front of the king, which definitely looked impressive, well-organized by Lord Henry Percy, who was appointed as the general, or rather, as we might call him, the commander of the entire army under the duke. Before the main army arrived at the castle, the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Duke of Aumarle, the Earl of Worcester, and several others had already come. The archbishop entered first, followed by the others, as they made their way into the first ward.

The king that was walking aloft on the braies of the wals, to behold the comming of the duke a farre off, might sée, that the archbishop and the other were come, and (as he tooke it) to talke with him: wherevpon he foorthwith came downe vnto them, and beholding that they did their due reuerence to him on their knées, he tooke them vp, and drawing the archbishop aside from the residue, talked with him a good while, and as it was reported, the archbishop willed him to be of good comfort, for he should be assured, not to haue anie hurt, as touching his person; but he prophesied not as a prelat, but as a Pilat. For, was it no hurt (thinke you) to his person, to be spoiled of his roialtie, to be deposed from his crowne, to be translated from principalitie to prison, & to fall from honor into horror. All which befell him to his extreame hart greefe (no doubt:) which to increase, meanes alas there were manie; but to diminish, helps (God wot) but a few. So that he might haue said with the forlorne man in the mercilesse seas of his miseries,

The king, walking high on the banks of the wall, to see the duke coming from a distance, noticed that the archbishop and the others had arrived, and (as he understood it) to speak with him. Therefore, he immediately came down to them, and seeing that they showed him the proper respect on their knees, he helped them up. Then, pulling the archbishop aside from the others, he talked with him for a good while. As it was reported, the archbishop urged him to stay hopeful, assuring him that he would not be harmed concerning his personal safety. But he prophesied not as a church leader, but like a politician. For, was it no harm, do you think, to his person to be stripped of his royalty, to be deposed from his crown, to be moved from power to prison, and to fall from honor into disgrace? All of this happened to him, causing him extreme heartache, no doubt. To make matters worse, alas, there were many means of suffering, but very few ways to alleviate his pain. So, he might have said with the hopeless man in the merciless sea of his miseries,

Vt fera nimboso tumüerunt æquora vento,

Vt fera nimboso tumüerunt æquora vento,

In medijs lacera naue relinquor aquis.

In the midst of the storm, I am left behind by the waves.

¶ Some write (as before in a marginall note I haue quoted) that the archbishop of Canturburie went with the earle of North­um­ber­land vnto Conwaie, and there talked with him: and further, that euen then the king offered, in con­si­der­a­tion of his insufficiencie to gouerne, freelie to resigne the crowne, and his kinglie title to the same, vnto the duke of |858| Hereford. But forsomuch as those that were continuallie attendant about the king, during the whole time of his abode at Conwaie, and till his comming to Flint, doo plainelie affirme, that the archbishop came not to him, till this tuesdaie before his remoouing from Flint vnto Chester, it maie be thought (the circumstances well considered) that he rather made that promise here at Flint, than at Conwaie, although by the tenour of an instrument, conteining the declaration of the archbishop of Yorke, and other com­mis­sion­ers sent from the estates assembled in the next parlement, vnto the said king, it is recorded to be at Conwaie, as after ye maie read. But there maie be some default in the copie, as taking the one place for the other.

Some write (as I previously cited in a margin note) that the Archbishop of Canterbury went with the Earl of Northumberland to Conwy, where they spoke together. Furthermore, it is said that at that time the king offered to freely resign the crown and his royal title to the Duke of Hereford, considering his inability to govern. However, since those who were constantly around the king during his entire stay in Conwy and until he moved to Flint clearly assert that the archbishop didn’t visit him until the Tuesday before his move from Flint to Chester, it may be concluded (upon careful consideration of the circumstances) that he made that promise at Flint rather than at Conwy. This is despite the fact that a document, which contains the declaration from the Archbishop of York and other commissioners sent from the estates gathered in the next parliament to the king, states that it was at Conwy, as you will read later. But there could be an error in the copy, mistaking one place for the other.

But wheresoeuer this offer was made, after that the archbishop had now here at Flint communed with the king, he departed, and taking his horsse againe, rode backe to meet the duke, who began at that present to approch the castell, and compassed it round about, euen downe to the sea, with his people ranged in good and séemelie order, at the foot of the mounteins: and then the earle of North­um­ber­land passing foorth of the castell to the duke, talked with him a while in sight of the king, being againe got vp to the walles, to take better view of the armie, being now aduanced within two bowe shootes of the castell, to the small reioising (ye may be sure) of the sorowfull king. The earle of North­um­ber­land returning to the castell, appointed the king to be set to dinner (for he was fasting till then) and after he had dined, the duke came downe to the castell himselfe, and entred the same all armed, his bassenet onelie excepted, and being within the first gate, he staied there, till the king came foorth of the inner part of the castell vnto him.

But wherever this offer was made, after the archbishop had spoken with the king here at Flint, he left and got back on his horse to meet the duke, who was just then approaching the castle. The duke surrounded it, all the way down to the sea, with his troops arranged in good and orderly fashion at the foot of the mountains. Then the Earl of Northumberland came out of the castle to speak with the duke for a while, in view of the king, who had returned to the walls to get a better look at the army, now positioned within two arrows' length of the castle, which surely didn’t bring much joy to the sorrowful king. The Earl of Northumberland returned to the castle and arranged for the king to have dinner (since he had been fasting up to that point). After the king finished his meal, the duke came down to the castle himself, entering fully armed except for his helmet, and stayed by the first gate until the king came out of the inner part of the castle to meet him.

The dukes behauiour to the king at their méeting.

The duke's behavior towards the king during their meeting.

The dukes demand.

The dukes demand.

The king accompanied with the bishop of Carleill, the earle of Salisburie, and sir Stephan Scroope knight, who bare the sword before him, and a few other, came foorth into the vtter ward, and sate downe in a place prepared for him. Forthwith as the duke got sight of the king, he shewed a reuerend dutie as became him, in bowing his knée, and comming forward, did so likewise the second and third time, till the king tooke him by the hand, and lift him vp, saieng; “Déere cousine, ye are welcome.” The duke humblie thanking him said; “My souereigne lord and king, the cause of my comming at this present, is (your honor saued) to haue againe restitution of my person, my lands and heritage, through your fauourable licence.” The king hervnto answered; “Déere cousine, I am readie to accomplish your will, so that you may inioy all that is yours, without exception.”

The king, along with the Bishop of Carlisle, the Earl of Salisbury, and Sir Stephen Scrope, who carried the sword in front of him, along with a few others, came out into the outer courtyard and sat down in a place prepared for him. As soon as the duke saw the king, he showed the proper respect by bowing his knee and came forward to do so two more times, until the king took his hand, lifted him up, and said, “Dear cousin, you are welcome.” The duke humbly thanked him and said, “My sovereign lord and king, the reason for my coming now, with your honor in mind, is to regain my person, my lands, and my heritage through your kind permission.” The king replied, “Dear cousin, I am ready to fulfill your wish so that you may enjoy all that is yours, without exception.”

The king and the duke iournie togither towards London.

The king and the duke travel together to London.

K. Richard sumptuous in apparell.

K. Richard lavish in clothing.

Méeting thus togither, they came foorth of the castell, and the king there called for wine and after they had dronke, they mounted on horssebacke, and rode that night to Flint, and the next daie vnto Chester, the third vnto Nantwich, the fourth to Newcastell. Here, with glad countenance, the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike met them, that had beene confined into the Ile of Man, as before ye haue heard; but now was reuoked home by the duke of Lancaster. From Newcastell they rode to Stafford, and the sixt daie vnto Lichfield, and there rested sundaie all daie. After this, they rode foorth and lodged at these places insuing, Couentrie, Dantrée, Northhampton, Dunstable, S. Albons, & so came to London: neither was the king permitted all this while to change his apparell, but rode still through all these townes simplie clothed in one sute of raiment, and yet he was in his time excéeding sumptuous in apparell, in so much as he had one cote, which he caused to be made for him of gold and stone, valued at 30000 marks: & so he was brought the next waie to Westminster.

Meeting together, they came out of the castle, and the king asked for wine. After they had drunk, they got on horseback and rode that night to Flint, then the next day to Chester, the third day to Nantwich, and the fourth to Newcastle. Here, with a happy expression, Lord Thomas Beauchampe, Earl of Warwick, greeted them. He had previously been exiled to the Isle of Man, as you have heard, but was now recalled by the Duke of Lancaster. From Newcastle, they rode to Stafford, and on the sixth day to Lichfield, where they rested all day Sunday. After this, they continued their journey and stayed at the following places: Coventry, Dunstable, Northampton, St. Albans, and then arrived in London. Throughout all this time, the king was not allowed to change his clothes, so he rode through all these towns dressed in one outfit. Yet, he was known for his extravagant clothing, to the extent that he had a coat made for him of gold and stone, valued at 30,000 marks, and he was then brought the next way to Westminster.

The dukes receiuing into London.

The dukes arriving in London.

As for the duke, he was receiued with all the ioy and pompe that might be of the Londoners, and was lodged in the bishops palace, by Paules church. It was a woonder to sée what great concursse of people, & what number of horsses came to him on the waie as he thus passed the countries, till his comming to London, where (vpon his approch to the citie) the maior rode foorth to receiue him, and a great number of other citizens. Also the cleargie met him with procession, and such ioy appeared in the countenances of the people, vttering the same also with words, as the like not lightlie béene séene. For in |859| euerie towne and village where he passed, children reioised, women clapped their hands, and men cried out for ioy. But to speake of the great numbers of people that flocked togither in the fields and stréets of London at his comming, I here omit; neither will I speake of the presents, welcommings, lauds, and gratifications made to him by the citizens and communaltie.

As for the duke, he was received with all the joy and pomp that the people of London could muster, and he was hosted in the bishop's palace near St. Paul's Church. It was a sight to see the huge gathering of people and the number of horses that came to greet him along the way as he traveled through the countryside to London, where, upon his approach to the city, the mayor rode out to welcome him along with a large number of other citizens. The clergy also met him in procession, and there was such joy displayed on the faces of the people, expressed in words as well, like nothing ever seen before. In every town and village he passed, children celebrated, women clapped their hands, and men shouted for joy. However, I won't mention the vast crowds that gathered in the fields and streets of London at his arrival, nor will I discuss the gifts, welcomes, praises, and acknowledgments given to him by the citizens and the community.

The king cōmitted to the tower.

The king was committed to the tower.

But now to the purpose. The next day after his comming to London, the king from Westminster was had to the Tower, and there committed to safe custodie. Manie euil disposed persons, assembling themselues togither in great numbers, intended to haue met with him, and to haue taken him from such as had the conueieng of him, that they might haue slaine him. But the maior and aldermen gathered to them the worshipful commoners and graue citizens, by whose policie, and not without much adoo, the other were reuoked from their euill purpose: albeit, before they might be pacified, they cōming to Westminster, tooke maister Iohn Sclake deane of the kings chappell, and from thence brought him to Newgate, and there laid him fast in irons.

But now to the point. The day after he arrived in London, the king was taken from Westminster to the Tower and placed in safe custody. Many ill-intentioned people gathered in large numbers, intending to confront him and take him away from those guarding him so they could kill him. However, the mayor and aldermen rallied the respected commoners and serious citizens, who, with considerable effort, managed to persuade the others to abandon their harmful intentions. Even so, before they could be calmed down, they went to Westminster, seized Master John Sclake, dean of the king's chapel, and took him to Newgate, where they locked him up in chains.

A parlement in the kings name.

A parliament in the king's name.

After this was a parlement called by the duke of Lancaster, vsing the name of king Richard in the writs directed foorth to the lords, and other states for their summons. This parlement began the thirtéenth daie of September, in the which manie heinous points of misgouernance and iniurious dealings in the ad­min­is­tra­tion of his kinglie office, were laid to the charge of this noble prince king Richard, the which (to the end the commons might be persuaded, that he was an vnprofitable prince to the com­mon-wealth, and worthie to be deposed) were ingrossed vp in 33 solemne articles, heinous to the eares of all men, and to some almost incredible, the verie effect of which articles here insue, according to the copie which I haue séene, and is abridged by maister Hall as followeth.

After this, a parliament was called by the Duke of Lancaster, using the name of King Richard in the writs sent out to the lords and other officials for their summons. This parliament began on the thirteenth day of September, during which many serious issues of mismanagement and unfair actions in the administration of his royal duties were brought against this noble prince, King Richard. The aim was to convince the public that he was an ineffective ruler and unworthy of keeping his position. These accusations were compiled into 33 formal articles that were shocking to everyone and almost unbelievable to some. The gist of these articles follows, according to the copy I have seen, summarized by Mr. Hall as follows.

The articles obiected to king Richard, whereby he was counted worthie to be deposed from his principalitie.

1 FIRST, that king Richard wastfullie spent the treasure of the realme, and had giuen the possessions of the crowne to men vnworthie, by reason whereof, new charges more and more were laid on the poore cōmunaltie.   And where diuerse lords, as well spirituall as temporall, were appointed by the high court of parlement, to commune and treat of diuerse matters concerning the com­mon-wealth of the realme, which being busie about the same commission, he with other of his affinitie went about to impeach, and by force and menacing compelled the iustices of the realme at Shrewesburie to condescend to his opinion, for the destruction of the said lords, in so much that he began to raise warre against Iohn duke of Lancaster, Richard earle of Arundell, Thomas earle of Warwike, and other lords, contrarie to his honor and promise.

1 FIRST, King Richard carelessly squandered the kingdom's wealth and gave the crown's assets to unworthy individuals, putting more pressure on the struggling community. While various lords, both religious and secular, were appointed by the high court of parliament to discuss the realm's welfare, he and his inner circle tried to obstruct them. He coerced the justices at Shrewsbury to side with him through threats, aiming to undermine those lords. This escalated to him waging war against John, Duke of Lancaster, Richard, Earl of Arundel, Thomas, Earl of Warwick, and other lords, violating his honor and promises.

2 Item, that he caused his vncle the duke of Glocester to be arrested without law and sent him to Calis, and there without iudgement murthered him, and although the earle of Arundell vpon his arreignment pleaded his charter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most vile and shamefull manner suddenlie put to death.

2 Additionally, he unlawfully arrested his uncle, the Duke of Gloucester, and sent him to Calais, where he was murdered without a trial. Although the Earl of Arundel argued for a pardon during his arraignment, he was silenced and abruptly executed in a disgraceful manner.

3 Item, he assembled certeine Lancashire and Cheshire men, to the intent to make warre on the same lords, and suffered them to rob and pill, without correction or repréeue.

3 Furthermore, he gathered men from Lancashire and Cheshire to wage war against those lords, allowing them to loot and pillage without any punishment.

4 Item, although the king flateringlie, and with great dissimulation, made proclamation through out the realme, that the lords before named were not attached of anie crime of treason, but onlie for extortions and oppressions doone in this realme; yet he laid to them in the parlement, rebellion and manifest treason.

4 Despite the king deceitfully proclaiming throughout the realm that the aforementioned lords were not charged with treason, but only for extortions and oppressions, he still accused them of rebellion and clear treason in Parliament.

5 Item, he hath compelled diuers of the said lords seruants and friends, by menaces & extreme pains, to make great fines to their vtter vndooing; and not­with­stand­ing his pardon, yet he made them fine anew. |860|

5 He forced many of said lords' servants and friends, through threats and severe penalties, to pay hefty fines that ruined them; and even with his pardon, he still made them pay again. |860|

6 Item, where diuerse were appointed to commune of the state of the realme, and the commonwealth thereof, the same king caused all the rols and records to be kept from them, contrarie to promise made in the parlement, to his open dishonor.

6 When several individuals were chosen to discuss the state of the kingdom and its well-being, the king kept all the rolls and records from them, violating a promise made in parliament, bringing him open disgrace.

7 Item, he vncharitablie commanded, that no man vpon paine of losse of life, and goods, should once intreat him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster.

7 He harshly ordered that no one, under penalty of losing their life and possessions, should ever ask him for the return of Henry, now Duke of Lancaster.

8 Item, where this realme is holden of God, and not of the pope or other prince, the said king Richard, after he had obteined diuerse acts of parlement, for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure, then he obteined bulles and extreame censures from Rome, to compell all men streightlie to kéepe the same, contrarie to the honour and ancient priuileges of this realme.

8 Since this kingdom is held by God, not by the pope or any other prince, King Richard, after obtaining various acts of parliament for his own benefit, received bulls and severe censures from Rome, forcing everyone to strictly comply, contrary to the honor and ancient privileges of this kingdom.

9 Item, although the duke of Lancaster had doone his deuoire against Thomas duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell; yet the said king, without reason or ground, banished him the realme for ten yeers, contrarie to all equitie.

9 Even though the Duke of Lancaster had fulfilled his duty against Thomas, Duke of Norfolk, to prove his case, the king still unjustly banished him from the kingdom for ten years without cause.

10 Item, before the dukes departure, he vnder his broad seale licenced him to make atturnies to prosecute and defend his causes: the said king after his departure, would suffer none atturnie to appeare for him, but did with his at his pleasure.

10 Before the duke left, he authorized him to appoint attorneys to handle his legal affairs under his seal, but after the king's departure, he refused to allow any attorney to represent him, instead doing so at his own discretion.

11 Item, the same king put out diuerse shiriffes lawfullie elected, and put in their roomes diuerse other of his owne, subuerting the law, contrarie to his oth and honor.

11 The same king unlawfully removed several sheriffs who had been lawfully elected, replacing them with individuals of his choosing, undermining the law and acting against his oath and honor.

12 Item, he borowed great summes of monie, and bound him vnder his letters patents, for the repaiment of the same, and yet not one penie paid.

12 He borrowed large sums of money and secured repayment under his patents, yet not a single penny has been repaid.

13 Item, he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie councell, and the same treasure spent in follie, not paieng poore men for their vittels and viands.

13 He levied taxes on the people as he and his unfortunate council saw fit, and the money was wasted on frivolities, failing to provide for the poor in need of food and supplies.

14 Item, he said, that the lawes of the realme were in his head, and sometimes in his brest, by reason of which fantasticall opinion, he destroied noble men, and impouerished the poore commons.

14 He declared that the laws of the realm lived in his mind and sometimes in his heart, leading to his misguided beliefs, causing devastation to noblemen and impoverishing the common people.

15 Item, the parlement setting and enacting diuerse notable statutes, for the profit and aduancement of the com­mon-wealth, he by his priuie fréends and solicitors caused to be enacted, that no act then enacted, should be more preiudiciall to him, than it was to anie of his predecessors: through which prouiso he did often as he listed, and not as the law did meane.

15 When parliament convened and passed several crucial laws for the benefit of the community, he manipulated the process through his close friends and advisors to ensure that no law passed would be more detrimental to him than it had been to his predecessors. Because of this meddling, he often acted as he pleased, rather than according to the law.

16 Item, for to serue his purpose, he would suffer the shiriffes of the shire to remaine aboue one yeare or two.

16 To serve his interests, he would allow the sheriffs to remain for one or two years.

17 Item, at the summons of the parlement, when knights and burgesses should be elected, that the election had béene full procéeded, he put out diuerse persons elect, and put other in their places, to serue his will and appetite.

17 At the request of parliament, when knights and representatives were meant to be elected, he removed various elected individuals after the elections were completed and replaced them with others to fulfill his will.

18 Item, he had priuie espials in euerie shire, to heare who had of him anie com­mun­i­ca­tion; and if he communed of his lasciuious liuing, or outragious dooings, he straightwaies was apprehended, and put to a gréeuous fine.

18 He had secret informants in every county to spy on anyone discussing him; if anyone criticized his reckless behavior or outrageous actions, they faced severe fines.

19 Item, the spiritualtie alledged against him, that he at his going into Ireland, exacted manie notable summes of monie, beside plate and iewels, without law or custome, contrarie to his oth taken at his coronation.

19 The spiritual charge against him was that when he traveled to Ireland, he demanded large sums of money as well as silverware and jewelry, without legal basis or customary practice, violating his coronation oath.

20 Item, where diuerse lords and iustices were sworne to saie the truth of diuerse things to them committed in charge, both for the honor of the relme, and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with sore threatenings, that no man would or durst saie the right.

20 While various lords and justices were sworn to tell the truth about the matters entrusted to them for the honor of the realm and the king's benefit, he threatened them so harshly that no one dared to speak the truth.

21 Item, that without the assent of the nobilitie, he carried the iewels, plate, and treasure, ouer into Ireland, to the great impouerishment of the realme: and all the good records for the common wealth, and against his extortions, he caused priuilie to be imbessled, and conueied awaie.

21 Without the nobility's consent, he took the jewels, silverware, and treasure over to Ireland, greatly impoverishing the realm. He secretly had vital records for the common good, as well as those against his extortions, stolen and removed.

22 Item, in all leagues and letters to be concluded or sent to the sée of Rome, or other regions, his writing was so subtill and darke, that none other prince once beléeued him, nor yet his owne subiects. |861|

22 In all agreements and letters sent to Rome or other regions, his writing was so subtle and vague that no other prince believed him, nor did his own subjects. |861|

23 Item, he most tyrannouslie and vnprincelie said, that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in his hands, and at his disposition.

23 He said tyrannically and unprincipally that the lives and property of all his subjects were at his whim and discretion.

24 Item, that contrarie to the great charter of England, he caused diuerse lustie men to appeale diuerse old men, vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Martiall, bicause that there is no triall, but onelie by battell: wherevpon, the said aged persons, fearing the sequele of the matter, submitted themselues to his mercie, whome he fined and ransomed vnreasonablie at his will and pleasure.

24 Contrary to the Great Charter of England, he had various strong men bring older men to matters that could be resolved by common law in martial court, as there was no trial but by battle; consequently, the elderly individuals, fearing the consequences, submitted to his mercy, allowing him to impose excessive fines and ransoms at will.

25 Item, he craftilie deuised certeine priuie othes, contrarie to the law, and caused diuerse of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same, and after bound them in bonds for kéeping of the same, to the great vndooing of manie honest men.

25 He devised certain private oaths against the law, had various subjects swear to follow them, and then bound them in contracts to keep those oaths, causing great harm to many honest men.

26 Item, where the chancellor, according to the law, would in no wise grant a prohibition to a certeine person, the king granted it vnto the same, vnder his priuie seale, with great threatenings, if it should be disobeied.

26 Although the chancellor, by law, could not grant a prohibition to a specific person, the king did so under his private seal, threatening severe repercussions if it was ignored.

27 Item, he banished the bishop of Canturburie without cause or iudgement, and kept him in the parlement chamber with men of armes.

27 He banished the Bishop of Canterbury without reason or judgment and detained him in the parliament chamber with armed guards.

28 Item, the bishops goods he granted to his successor, vpon condition, that he should mainteine all his statutes made at Shrewesburie anno 21, and the statutes made anno 22 at Couentrie.

28 He granted the bishops' goods to his successor on the condition that all statutes made at Shrewsbury in the 21st year and those made in the 22nd year at Coventry be upheld.

29 Item, vpon the accusation of the said bishop, the king craftilie persuaded him to make no answer for he would be his warrant, and advised him not to come to the parlement, and so without answer he was condemned and exiled, and his goods seized.

29 Upon the bishop's accusation, the king cleverly persuaded him not to respond because he would guarantee his safety and advised him not to attend parliament. Consequently, without a defense, the bishop was found guilty, exiled, and his possessions confiscated.

These be all the articles of anie effect, which were laid against him, sauing foure other, which touched onelie the archbishops matter, whose working wroong king Richard at length from his crowne. Then for so much as these articles, and other heinous and detestable accusations were laid against him in open parlement, it was thought by the most part, that he was worthie to be deposed from all kinglie honor and princelie gouernement: and to bring the matter without slander the better to passe, diuerse of the kings seruants, which by licence had accesse to his person, comforted him (being with sorrow almost consumed, and in manner halfe dead) in the best wise they could, exhorting him to regard his health, and saue his life.

These are all the serious charges brought against him, except for four others that only involved the archbishop's issue, which ultimately led to King Richard losing his crown. Because these charges, along with other terrible and shocking accusations, were presented in open parliament, most believed he deserved to be removed from all royal honors and princely governance. To handle the situation more discreetly, several of the king's servants, who had permission to see him, tried to comfort him (as he was nearly consumed by sorrow and almost half-dead) in the best way they could, urging him to take care of his health and preserve his life.

The king is persuaded to resigne the crowne to the duke.

The king is convinced to hand over the crown to the duke.

Fabian.

Fabian.

And first, they aduised him willinglie to suffer himselfe to be deposed, and to resigne his right of his owne accord, so that the duke of Lancaster might without murther or battell obteine the scepter and diademe, after which (they well perceiued) he gaped: by meane whereof they thought he might be in perfect assurance of his life long to continue. Whether this their persuasion procéeded by the suborning of the duke of Lancaster and his fauourers, or of a sincere affection which they bare to the king, as supposing it most sure in an extremitie, it is vncerteine; but yet the effect followed not, howsoeuer their meaning was: not­with­stand­ing, the king being now in the hands of his enimies, and vtterlie despairing of all comfort, was easilie persuaded to renounce his crowne and princelie preheminence, so that in hope of life onelie, he agreed to all things that were of him demanded. And so (as it should seeme by the copie of an instrument hereafter following) he renounced and voluntarilie was deposed from his roiall crowne and kinglie dignitie, the mondaie being the nine and twentith daie of September, and feast of S. Michaell the archangell in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and in the thrée and twentith yeare of his reigne. The copie of which instrument here insueth.

And first, they willingly advised him to step down and resign his rights voluntarily so that the Duke of Lancaster could obtain the crown and scepter without violence or battle, which they knew he wanted. They thought it would ensure his safety and allow him to live a long life. It's uncertain whether their persuasion was due to the influence of the Duke of Lancaster and his supporters or a genuine concern for the king, believing it to be the safest option in a crisis. However, the outcome was not what they intended. The king, now in the hands of his enemies and feeling completely hopeless, was easily convinced to renounce his crown and royal authority, agreeing to whatever demands were made of him in the hope of just staying alive. So, as it seems from the copy of the document that follows, he voluntarily gave up his royal crown and kingly privilege on Monday, September 29th, the Feast of Saint Michael the Archangel, in the year of our Lord 1399, and in the twenty-third year of his reign. The copy of this document follows.

A copie of the instrument touching the declaration of the com­mis­sion­ers sent from the states in parlement, vnto king Richard.

This promise he made at Flint rather than at Conwaie, as by that which goeth before it may be partlie coniectured.

This promise he made at Flint instead of Conwaie, as can be somewhat inferred from what comes before it.

THIS present indenture made the nine and twentith daie of September, and feast of saint Michaell, in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and the three and twentith yeare of king |862| Richard the second.   Witnesseth, that where by the authoritie of the lords spirituall and temporall of this present parlement, and commons of the same, the right honorable and discreet persons heere vnder named, were by the said authoritie assigned to go to the Tower of London, there to heare and testifie such questions and answers as then and there should be by the said honourable and discreet persons hard.   Know all men, to whome these present letters shall come, that we, sir Richard Scroope archbishop of Yorke, Iohn bishop of Hereford, Henrie earle of North­um­ber­land, Rafe earle of Westmerland, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William abbat of Westminster, Iohn prior of Canturburie, William Thirning and Hugh Burnell knights, Iohn Markham iustice, Thomas Stow and Iohn Burbadge doctors of the ciuill law, Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Grey knights, Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham notaries publike, the daie and yeere aboue said, betweene the houres of eight and nine of the clocke before noone, were present in the cheefe chamber of the kings lodging, within the said place of the Tower, where was rehearsed vnto the king by the mouth of the foresaid earle of North­um­ber­land, that before time at Conwaie in Northwales, the king being there at his pleasure and libertie, promised vnto the archbishop of Canturburie then Thomas Arundell, and vnto the said earle of North­um­ber­land, that he for insufficiencie which he knew himselfe to be of, to occupie so great a charge, as to gouerne the realme of England, he would gladlie leaue of and renounce his right and title, as well of that as of his title to the crowne of France, and his maiestie roiall, vnto Henrie duke of Hereford, and that to doo in such conuenient wise, as by the learned men of this land it should most sufficientlie be deuised & ordeined.   To the which rehearsall, the king in our said presences answered benignlie and said, that such promise he made, and so to do the same he was at that houre in full purpose to performe and fulfill; sauing that he desired first to haue personall speach with the said duke, and with the archbishop of Canturburie his cousins.   And further, he desired to haue a bill drawne of the said resignation, that he might be perfect in the rehearsall thereof.

THIS agreement was made on the 29th of September, and the feast of Saint Michael, in the year 1399, and the 23rd year of King Richard the Second. Witnesses, by the authority of the spiritual and temporal lords of this parliament, and the common people, the honorable and wise individuals named below were appointed to go to the Tower of London to hear and testify to the questions and answers that were to be addressed by these honorable and wise individuals. Know all men to whom these letters shall come, that we, Sir Richard Scrope, Archbishop of York, John Bishop of Hereford, Henry Earl of Northumberland, Ralph Earl of Westmoreland, Thomas Lord Berkeley, William Abbot of Westminster, John Prior of Canterbury, William Thirning and Hugh Burnell, knights, John Markham, justice, Thomas Stow and John Burbage, doctors of civil law, Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Grey, knights, and Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham, public notaries, on the day and year mentioned above, between the hours of eight and nine o'clock in the morning, were present in the main chamber of the king's lodging within the Tower, where it was reported to the king by the Earl of Northumberland that previously at Conway in North Wales, while the king was there at his will and leisure, he promised to the Archbishop of Canterbury, then Thomas Arundell, and to the Earl of Northumberland, that recognizing his lack of capability to govern the realm of England, he would gladly give up and renounce his right and title, both to that and to his claim to the crown of France, transferring it to Henry Duke of Hereford, and that this would be done in a manner most suitably arranged by the learned men of this land. To this recounting, the king in our presence answered kindly, saying that he did make such a promise, and at that moment he fully intended to carry it out; however, he wanted to have a personal conversation first with the duke and his cousin, the Archbishop of Canterbury. Furthermore, he requested to have a document prepared regarding this resignation to ensure clarity in the recounting of it.

After which bill drawne, and a copie thereof to him by me the said earle deliuered, we the said lords and other departed: and vpon the same afternoone the king looking for the comming of the duke of Lancaster, at the last the said duke, with the archbishop of Canturburie and the persons afore recited, entered the foresaid chamber, bringing with them the lords Roos, Aburgenie, and Willoughbie, with diuerse other.   Where after due obeisance doone by them vnto the king, he familiarlie and with a glad countenance (as to them and vs appeered) talked with the said archbishop and duke a good season; and that com­mun­i­ca­tion finished, the king with glad countenance in presence of vs and the other aboue rehearsed, said openlie that he was readie to renounce and resigne all his kinglie maiestie in maner and forme as he before had promised.   And although he had and might sufficientlie haue declared his renouncement by the reading of an other meane person; yet for the more suertie of the matter, and for that the said resignation should haue his full force and strength, himselfe therefore read the scroll of resignation, in maner and forme as followeth.

After the bill was prepared and I delivered a copy to him, the Earl, we the lords and others left. That same afternoon, anticipating the arrival of the Duke of Lancaster, the king finally saw the duke enter the chamber, accompanied by the Archbishop of Canterbury and the previously mentioned individuals, bringing with them Lords Roos, Aburgenie, Willoughbie, and several others. After exchanging usual greetings with the king, he spoke to the archbishop and the duke for a considerable time, appearing friendly and cheerful toward them and us. Once that conversation was done, the king, still smiling in front of us and the others, openly stated that he was ready to renounce and resign all his royal authority in the manner and form he had promised before. Even though he could have declared his resignation through another person, for the sake of certainty and to ensure the resignation's full validity, he read the resignation document himself as follows.

The tenor of the instrument whereby king Richard resigneth the crowne to the duke of Lancaster.

IN the name of God Amen: I Richard by the grace of God, king of England and of France, &c: lord of Ireland, acquit and assoile all archbishops, bishops, and other prelats, secular or religious, of what dignitie, degree, state, or condition so euer they be; and also all dukes, marquesses, earles, barons, lords, and all my liege men, both spirituall and secular, of what manner or degree they be, from their oth of fealtie and homage, and all other deeds and priuileges made vnto me, and from all manner bonds of allegiance, |863| regalitie and lordship, in which they were or be bounden to me, or anie otherwise constreined; and them, their heires, and successors for euermore, from the same bonds and oths I release, deliuer, and acquit, and set them for free, dissolued and acquit, and to be harmelesse, for as much as longeth to my person by anie manner waie or title of right, that to me might follow of the foresaid things, or anie of them.   And also I resigne all my kinglie dignitie, maiestie and crowne, with all the lordships, power, and priuileges to the foresaid kinglie dignitie and crowne belonging, and all other lordships and possessions to me in anie maner of wise perteining, of what name, title, qualitie, or condition soeuer they be, except the lands and possessions for me and mine obits purchased and bought.   And I renounce all right, and all maner of title of possession, which I euer had or haue in the same lordships and possessions, or anie of them, with anie manner of rights belonging or apperteining vnto anie part of them.   And also the rule and gouernance of the same kingdome and lordships, with all ministrations of the same, and all things and euerie each of them, that to the whole empire and iurisdictions of the same belongeth of right, or in anie wise may belong.

In the name of God, Amen: I, Richard, by the grace of God, King of England and France, Lord of Ireland, release and absolve all archbishops, bishops, and other church leaders, whether secular or religious, of any rank or status; and also all dukes, marquesses, earls, barons, lords, and all my loyal subjects, both spiritual and secular, from their oath of loyalty, homage, and any other agreements and privileges made to me, and from all forms of allegiance, royal authority, and lordship that they were bound to me by. I free them, their heirs, and successors forever from these oaths and obligations, releasing them from any connection to me regarding these matters. I also resign my royal dignity, majesty, and crown, along with all the powers and privileges that come with them, and all other lordships and possessions that belong to me, except for the lands and possessions acquired for myself and my memorials. I renounce any rights or titles I ever had or have in those lordships and possessions and any rights associated with any part of them. I also relinquish the rule and governance of the kingdom and lordships, along with all related responsibilities, and everything tied to the empire and its jurisdictions.

And also I renounce the name, worship, and regaltie and kinglie highnesse, clearelie, freelie, singularlie and wholie, in the most best maner and forme that I may, and with deed and word I leaue off and resigne them, and go from them for euermore; sauing alwaies to my successors kings of England, all the rights, priuileges and appurtenances to the said kingdome and lordships abouesaid belonging and apperteining.   For well I wote and knowledge, and deeme my selfe to be, and haue beene insufficient and vnable, and also vnprofitable, and for my open deserts not vnworthie to be put downe.   And I sweare vpon the holie euangelists here presentlie with my hands touched, that I shall neuer repugne to this resignation, demission or yeelding vp, nor neuer impugne them in anie maner by word or deed, by my selfe nor none other: nor I shall not suffer it to be impugned, in as much as in me is, priuilie or apertlie.   But I shall haue, hold, and keepe this renouncing, demission, and giuing vp for firme and stable for euermore in all and euerie part thereof, so God me helpe and all saints, and by this holie euangelist, by me bodilie touched and kissed.   And for more record of the same, here openlie I subscribe and signe this present resignation with mine owne hand.

Additionally, I fully, freely, and completely give up the name, worship, authority, and royal status as clearly as I can, and with both words and actions, I renounce and resign from them, turning away from them forever; always reserving for my successors, the kings of England, all rights, privileges, and benefits belonging to the kingdom and lordships mentioned above. I recognize that I am, and have been, unfit, unable, and unworthy, and for my evident failings, I do not deserve to remain in position. I swear on the holy gospels, which I have touched with my hands, that I will never oppose this resignation or surrender, nor will I challenge it in any way by word or action, personally or through others: nor will I allow it to be disputed, as much as I can, privately or publicly. I will regard and uphold this renunciation and resignation as firm and stable forever, so help me God and all saints, and by this holy gospel that I have physically touched and kissed. To further confirm this, I hereby sign this resignation with my own hand.

Now foorthwith in our presences and others, he subscribed the same, and after deliuered it vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, saieng that if it were in his power, or at his assignement, he would that the duke of Lancaster there present should be his successour, and king after him.   And in token heereof, he tooke a ring of gold from his finger being his signet, and put it vpon the said dukes finger, desiring and requiring the archbishop of Yorke, & the bishop of Hereford, to shew and make report vnto the lords of the parlement of his voluntarie resignation, and also of his intent and good mind that he bare towards his cousin the duke of Lancaster, to haue him his successour and their king after him.  ¶ All this doone euerie man tooke their leaue and returned to their owne.

Now, in front of us and others present, he signed the document and handed it to the Archbishop of Canterbury, expressing that if it were up to him, he would want the Duke of Lancaster, who was present, to be his successor and king after him. As a symbol of this, he took his signet ring from his finger and placed it on the Duke's finger. He asked the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Hereford to inform the Lords of Parliament about his voluntary resignation and his intention to have his cousin, the Duke of Lancaster, as his successor and their king. ¶ All this done, everyone took their leave and returned to their own affairs.

K. Richards resignation confirmed by parlement.

K. Richards' resignation confirmed by Parliament.

Vpon the morrow after being tuesdaie, and the last daie of September, all the lords spirituall and temporall, with the commons of the said parlement, assembled at Westminster, where, in the presence of them, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Hereford, according to the kings request, shewed vnto them the voluntarie renouncing of the king, with the fauour also which he bare to his cousine of Lancaster to haue him his successour. And moreouer shewed them the schedule or bill of renouncement, signed with king Richards owne hand, which they caused to be read first in Latine, as it was written, and after in English. This doone, the question was first asked of the lords, if they would admit and allow that renouncement: the which when it was of them granted and confirmed, the like question was asked of the commons, and of them in |864| like manner confirmed. After this, it was then declared, that not­with­stand­ing the foresaid renouncing, so by the lords and commons admitted and confirmed, it were necessarie in auoiding of all suspicions and surmises of euill disposed persons, to haue in writing and registred the manifold crimes and defaults before doone by king Richard, to the end that they might first be openlie declared to the people, and after to remaine of record amongst other of the kings records for euer.

On the morning after Tuesday, the last day of September, all the spiritual and temporal lords, along with the common members of the parliament, gathered at Westminster. In their presence, the Archbishop of York and the Bishop of Hereford, as requested by the king, presented the king's voluntary renouncement, along with his favor towards his cousin from Lancaster to be his successor. They also showed them the document of renouncement, signed by King Richard himself, which was read first in Latin, as written, and then in English. After that, the lords were asked if they would accept and endorse the renouncement; this was granted and confirmed by them. The same question was then posed to the commons, who confirmed it in the same way. Following this, it was stated that despite the earlier renouncement, which had been accepted and confirmed by the lords and commons, it was necessary to have a written and registered account of the various crimes and faults committed by King Richard. This was to ensure that they could first be openly declared to the people and then remain on record among the king's records forever.

All this was doone accordinglie, for the articles which before yee haue heard, were drawne and ingrossed vp, and there shewed readie to be read; but for other causes more néedfull as then to be preferred, the reading of those articles at that season was deferred. Then forsomuch as the lords of the parlement had well considered the voluntarie resignation (of king Richard, and that it was behoouefull and as they thought) necessarie for the weale of the realme, to proceed vnto the sentence of his deposing, there were appointed by the authoritie of all the estates there in parlement assembled, the bishop of saint Asaph, the abbat of Glastenburie, the earle of Glocester, the lord Berkleie, William Thirning iustice, and Thomas Erpingham, with Thomas Graie, knights, that they should giue and pronounce the open sentence of the deposing of king Richard. Whervpon the said com­mis­sion­ers taking counsell togither, by good and deliberate aduise therein had, with one assent agréed, that the bishop of S. Asaph should publish the sentence for them and in their names, as followeth.

All this was done accordingly, for the articles that you have already heard were prepared and ready to be read. However, for other more pressing reasons at that time, the reading of those articles was postponed. Since the lords of the parliament had considered the voluntary resignation of King Richard and believed it was necessary for the well-being of the kingdom to proceed with his deposition, the authority of all the estates assembled in parliament appointed the Bishop of Saint Asaph, the Abbot of Glastonbury, the Earl of Gloucester, Lord Berkeley, William Thirning, Justice, Thomas Erpingham, and Thomas Gray, knights, to give and pronounce the public sentence of King Richard's deposition. Therefore, the commissioners, after consulting together and with careful deliberation, unanimously agreed that the Bishop of Saint Asaph should publish the sentence on their behalf, as follows.

The publication of king Richards deposing.

IN the name of God Amen.   We Iohn bishop of S. Asaph, Iohn abbat of Glastenburie, Thomas earle of Glocester, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William Thirning iustice, Thomas Erpingham & Thomas Graie knights, chosen and deputed speciall commissaries by the three states of this present parlement, representing the whole bodie of the realme, for all such matters by the said estates to vs committed: we vnderstanding and considering the manifold crimes, hurts, and harmes doone by Richard king of England, and misgouernance of the same by a long time, to the great decaie of the said land, and vtter ruine of the same shortlie to haue beene, had not the speciall grace of our God therevnto put the sooner remedie: and also furthermore aduerting, that the said king Richard by acknowledging his owne insufficiencie, hath of his owne meere voluntee and free will, renounced and giuen ouer the rule & gouernance of this land, with all rights and honours vnto the same belonging, and vtterlie for his merits hath iudged himselfe not vnwoorthilie to be deposed of all kinglie maiestie and estate roiall.   We the premisses well considering by good and diligent deliberation, by the power, name, and authoritie to vs (as aboue is said) committed, pronounce, decerne, and declare the same king Richard, before this to haue beene, and to be vnprofitable, vnable, vnsufficient, and vnwoorthie of the rule and gouernance of the foresaid realms and lordships, and of all rights and other the appurtenances to the same belonging.   And for the same causes we depriue him of all kinglie dignitie and worship, and of any kinglie worship in himselfe.   And we depose him by our sentence definitiue, forbidding expresselie to all archbishops, and bishops, and all other prelats, dukes, marquesses, erles, barons and knights, and all other men of the foresaid kingdome and lordships, subiects, and lieges whatsoeuer they be, that none of them from this daie forward, to the foresaid Richard as king and lord of the foresaid realmes and lordships, be neither obedient nor attendant.

In the name of God, Amen. We, John, Bishop of St. Asaph, John, Abbot of Glastonbury, Thomas, Earl of Gloucester, Thomas, Lord Berkeley, William Thirning, Justice, Thomas Erpingham, and Thomas Gray, Knights, chosen and appointed as special commissioners by the three estates of this Parliament, representing the whole realm, for all matters assigned to us by those estates: We recognize and acknowledge the many crimes, injuries, and wrongs caused by Richard, King of England, and his poor governance over time, which has led to a significant decline of the land and its impending ruin, if not for God's grace providing a quicker solution. We also note that King Richard, in recognizing his own failings, has voluntarily renounced and given up the rule and governance of this land, along with all associated rights and honors, deeming himself unworthy of royal dignity and status due to his own actions. After careful consideration of these matters, by the power, name, and authority entrusted to us (as stated above), we declare that King Richard has been, and remains, unproductive, incapable, inadequate, and unworthy of ruling the aforementioned realms and lordships, along with all rights and other privileges belonging to them. For these reasons, we strip him of all royal dignity and honor, and of any respect owed to him as king. We remove him from power with our final judgment, explicitly forbidding all archbishops, bishops, and other church leaders, dukes, marquesses, earls, barons, knights, and all others of the aforementioned kingdom and lordships, whether subjects or lieges of any rank, from regarding or serving Richard as king and lord of the mentioned realms and lordships from this day forward.

After which sentence thus openlie declared, the said estates admitted foorthwith the forenamed com­mis­sion­ers for their procurators, to resigne and yeeld vp vnto king Richard, all their homage and fealtie, which in times past they had made and owght vnto him, and also for to declare vnto him (if need were) all things before doone that concerned the |865| purpose and cause of his deposing: the which resignation was respited till the morow following. Immediatlie as the sentence was in this wise passed, and that by reason thereof the realme stood void without head or gouernour for the time, the duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before he sate, and standing where all those in the house might behold him, in reuerend manner made a signe of the crosse on his forhead, and likewise on his brest, and after silence by an officer commanded, said vnto the people there being present, these words following.

After this sentence was openly declared, the mentioned estates immediately accepted the aforementioned commissioners as their representatives to resign and give up to King Richard all their loyalty and fealty that they had previously pledged to him, and also to inform him (if necessary) of all matters that concerned the |865| purpose and reason for his deposition. This resignation was postponed until the following morning. Right after the sentence was passed, leaving the realm without a head or governor for the time being, the Duke of Lancaster stood up from where he had been sitting, positioned himself so that everyone in the room could see him, made a sign of the cross on his forehead and chest in a reverent manner, and after an officer called for silence, addressed the assembled crowd with the following words.

The duke of Lancaster laieth challenge or claime to the crowne.

IN the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, & of the Holie-ghost.   I Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the crowne, with all the appurtenances, as I that am descended by right line of the blood comming from that good lord king Henrie the third, and through the right that God of his grace hath sent me, with the helpe of my kin, and of my freends, to recouer the same, which was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernance and due iustice.

In the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. I, Henry of Lancaster, claim the kingdom of England and the crown, along with all its rights and privileges, as I am a direct descendant of that great King Henry the Third. By the grace of God, and with the support of my family and friends, I aim to reclaim it, which was about to be lost due to poor governance and lack of justice.

The demand of the archbishop of Canturburie to the commons.

The demand of the Archbishop of Canterbury to the common people.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The duke of Hereford placed in the regall throne.

The Duke of Hereford was placed on the royal throne.

The archbishop preached.

The archbishop delivered a sermon.

After these words thus by him vttered, he returned and sate him downe in the place where before he had sitten. Then the lords hauing heard and well perceiued this claime thus made by this noble man, ech of them asked of other what they thought therein. At length, after a little pausing or staie made, the archbishop of Canturburie hauing notice of the minds of the lords, stood vp & asked the commons if they would assent to the lords, which in their minds thought the claime of the duke made, to be rightfull and necessarie for the wealth of the realme and them all: whereto the commons with one voice cried, Yea, yea, yea. After which answer, the said archbishop going to the duke, and knéeling downe before him on his knee, addressed to him all his purpose in few words. The which when he had ended, he rose, & taking the duke by the right hand, led him vnto the kings seate, the archbishop of Yorke assisting him, and with great reuerence set him therein, after that the duke had first vpon his knées made his praier in deuout manner vnto almightie God. When he was thus placed in his throne to the great reioising of the people, the archbishop of Canturburie began a breefe collation, taking for his theme these words, written in the first booke of kings the ninth chapter; Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: handling the same, & the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the king, whose setled iudgement, grounded wisedome, perfect reason, and ripe discretion was such (said he) as declared him to be no child, neither in yeares, nor in light conditions, but a man able and méete for the gouernement of a realme: so that there was no small cause of comfort ministred to them through the fauourable goodnesse of almightie God, which had prouided them of such a gouernor, as like a discréet iudge shall déeme in causes by skilfull doomes, and rule his subiects in vpright equitie, setting apart all wilfull pleasures, and childish inconstancie. This is a summarie of his oration. But because the qualitie of this volume is such, as that it hath set foorth matters at large: I will laie downe the archbishops words, as they are recorded by Fabian in ample manner as followeth.

After he said these words, he went back and sat down in the same spot he had occupied before. The lords, having heard and understood the claim made by this noble man, each asked the others what they thought about it. Eventually, after a short pause, the Archbishop of Canterbury, aware of the lords' sentiments, stood up and asked the commons if they would agree with the lords, who believed the duke's claim was just and necessary for the good of the realm and everyone involved. The commons responded in unison, shouting, "Yes, yes, yes." After that, the archbishop approached the duke, knelt before him, and expressed his intentions in a few words. Once he finished, he rose, took the duke by the right hand, and led him to the king's seat, with the Archbishop of York assisting. They reverently placed him in the seat after the duke knelt to pray devoutly to Almighty God. Once he was seated on his throne, to the great joy of the people, the Archbishop of Canterbury began a brief address, using as his theme the words from the first book of Kings, chapter nine; "A man shall rule over the people," discussing the theme and the entire content of his message in praise of the king. He stated that the king's settled judgment, grounded wisdom, sound reason, and mature discretion showed he was not a child, either in age or in temperament, but a capable and suitable ruler for a kingdom. This provided great comfort to them through the gracious goodness of Almighty God, who had provided them with such a governor, who, like a wise judge, would evaluate matters with sound decisions and govern his subjects with fair equity, setting aside all selfish desires and childish fickleness. This is a summary of his speech. However, since the nature of this volume goes into detail, I will provide the archbishop’s words as recorded by Fabian in full as follows.

The archbishop of Canturburie his oration, framed vpon this text, Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: written in the first booke of kings and ninth chapter.

Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 351.

Abr. Fl. from Fabian, p. 351.

THESE be the words of the high, and most mightie king, speaking to Samuel his prophet, teaching him how he should choose and ordaine a gouernor of his people of Israell, when the said people asked of him a king, to rule them.   And not without cause may these woords be said here of our lord the king that is.   For, if they be inwardlie conceiued, |866| they shall giue vnto vs matter of consolation and comfort, when it is said that a man shall haue lordship and rule of the people, and not a child.   For God threatneth not vs as he sometime threatned the people by Esaie, saieng: Esa. 3. Et dabo pueros principes eorum, & effeminati dominabuntur eis, I shall (saith our Lord) giue children to be their rulers & princes, and weake or fearefull shall haue dominion ouer them.   But of his great mercie he hath visited vs, I trust his peculiar people, and sent vs a man to haue the rule of vs, & put by children that before time ruled this land, after childish conditions, as by the woorkes of them it hath rightlie appeared, to the disturbance of all this realme; and for want and lacke of a man.   For, as saith the apostle Paule ad Corinthos, 1. capite 14. Cùm essem paruulus, loquebar vt paruulus, &c: quando autem factus sum vir, euacuaui quæ erant paruuli, that is to say, When I was a child, I sauored and spake as a child, but at the time when I came vnto the estate of a man, then I put by all my childish conditions.

THOSE are the words of the high and powerful king, speaking to Samuel, his prophet, teaching him how to choose and appoint a leader for the people of Israel, when those people asked for a king to rule over them. This is relevant to our current king. If understood deeply, |866| these words offer us comfort and reassurance by saying that a man will lead and govern the people, rather than a child. God does not threaten us as He once threatened the people through Isaiah, saying: Isaiah 3. "I will appoint children to be their leaders, and weak men shall dominate them." Our Lord says, "I will give children to be their leaders and the fearful will be in control." But, in His great mercy, He has visited us, I trust, His special people, and sent us a man to govern us, replacing the children who previously ruled this land with childish practices, as shown through their actions, causing disruption throughout this realm due to the lack of a true leader. As the apostle Paul says in 1 Corinthians, 14: "When I was a child, I spoke like a child, etc.: but when I became a man, I put away childish things." In other words, "When I was a child, I acted and spoke like one, but upon reaching adulthood, I let go of all childish behavior."

The apostle saith, he sauored and spake as a child, in whome is no stedfastnesse, or constancie.   For a child will lightlie promise, and lightlie he will breake his promise, and doo all things that his appetite giueth him vnto, and forgetteth lightlie what he hath doone.   By which reason it followeth, that needilie great inconuenience must fall to that people, that a child is ruler and gouernour of: nor it is not possible for that kingdome to stand in felicitie, where such conditions reigne in the head and ruler of the same.   But now we ought all to reioise, that all such defaults be expelled, and that a man, and not a child, shall haue lordship ouer vs.   To whom it belongeth to haue a sure rane vpon his toong, that he maie be knowne from a child, or a man vsing childish conditions: of whom I trust I maie say, as the wise man saith in his prouerbs, Prouerb. 3. cap. Beatus homo qui inuenit sapientiam, & qui affluit prudentia, that is to say; Blessed be the man that hath sapience or wisdome, and that aboundeth in prudence.   For that man that is ruled by sapience, must needs loue & dred our Lord God, and who so loueth & dreadeth him, it must consequentlie follow that he must keepe his commandements.   By force whereof he shall minister true iustice vnto his subiects, and doo no wrong nor iniurie to any man.

The apostle states he spoke and acted like a child, who lacks stability or consistency. A child easily makes promises and breaks them just as fast, acting on impulse and quickly forgetting their actions. Thus, great problems arise for the people ruled by a child, and that kingdom cannot thrive while such traits are present in its leader. But now we should all be glad that these shortcomings are being removed and that a man, not a child, will have authority over us. A true leader must maintain strong control over his words, distinguishing himself from a child or an immature man. I can confidently say about him, as the wise man states in his proverbs, Proverbs 3: "Blessed is the man who finds wisdom and gains understanding." For the man guided by wisdom must love and fear our Lord God, and whoever loves and fears Him will naturally follow His commandments. By doing this, he will provide true justice to his subjects and harm no one.

So that then shall follow the words of the wise man the which be rehearsed, Prouerb. 10. Benedictio Domini super caput iusti, os autem impiorum operit iniquitatem, that is to saie, The blessing of our Lord God shall light vpon the head of our king, being a iust and righteous man, for the toong of him worketh equitie and iustice; but the toong of the wicked & of sinners couereth iniquitie.   And who so worketh or ministreth iustice in due order, he not onlie safegardeth himself, but also holdeth people in a suertie of restfulnes, of the which insueth peace and plentie.   And therefore it is said of the wise king Salomon, Eccles. 10. Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est, vel cuius principes vescuntur in tempore suo, wich is to be vnderstanded, that blessed & happie is that land, of the which the king or ruler is noble and wise, and the princes be blessed that liue in his time.   As who would say, they may take example of him to rule and guide their subiects.   For by the discretion of a noble and wise man being in authoritie, manie euils be sequestred and set apart, all dissemblers put to silence.   For the wise man considereth and noteth well the great in­con­uen­i­en­ces which dailie now growe of it, where the child or insipient drinketh the sweet and delicious words vnaduisedlie, and perceiueth not intoxication which they be mingled or mixt with, till he be inuironed and wrapped in all danger, as latelie the experience thereof hath beene apparent to all our sights and knowledges, & not without the great danger of all this realme.   And all was for lacke of wisedome in the ruler, which deemed & taught as a child, giuing sentence of wilfulnesse and not of reason.   So that while a child reigned, selfe-will & lust reigned, and reason with good conscience were outlawed, with iustice, stedfastnesse, and manie other vertues.

Now let’s share the words of the wise man, as stated in Proverbs 10. "The blessing of the Lord rests on the head of the righteous, but the mouth of the wicked conceals wrongdoing." This means that God's blessing will be upon our king, who is just and upright, because his words promote fairness and justice; in contrast, the words of the wicked and sinners hide their wrongdoing. Whoever practices or administers justice properly not only protects themselves but also keeps people secure and at peace, leading to prosperity. That’s why it is said of the wise king Solomon in Eccles. 10: "Blessed is the land whose king is noble, or whose leaders feast at the right time," meaning that the land is blessed and happy when its ruler is wise and noble, and the leaders are fortunate to live in his reign. In other words, they can learn from him how to rule and guide their subjects. A noble and wise person in power can eliminate many evils and silence all deceitful people. The wise individual carefully considers and notes the important issues that arise daily, while the naive person mindlessly accepts sweet and appealing words, unaware they are mixed with danger until they find themselves surrounded by it. Recently, this has been evident to us all and has posed a significant threat to the entire realm. All this was due to a ruler's lack of wisdom, who behaved and taught like a child, making impulsive rather than rational decisions. As a result, while a child reigned, self-will and desire prevailed, and reason, good conscience, justice, steadfastness, and many other virtues were cast aside.

But of this perill and danger we be deliuered by the especiall helpe and grace of God, Quia vir dominabitur in populo, that is to saie, He that is not a child but perfect in reason.   |867| For he commeth not to execute his owne will, but his will that sent him, that is to wit, Gods will, as a man vnto whome God of his abundant grace hath giuen perfect reason and discretion, to discerne & deeme as a perfect man.   Wherfore not all onlie of this man we shall saie that he shall dwell in wisedome, but as a perfect man and not a child, he shall thinke, and deeme, & haue such a circumspection with him, that he shall diligentlie forelooke and see that Gods will be doone, & not his.   And therfore now I trust the words of the wise man, Ecclesiast. 10. shall be verified in our king: saieng, Iudex sapiens iudicabit populum suum & principatus sensati stabilis erit; that is (as saith the wiseman) A wise and discreet iudge shall now deeme his people, and the dominion or lordship of a discreet wiseman shall stand stedfast.   Wherevpon shall then follow the second verse of the same chapter, saieng, Secundum iudicem populi, sic & ministri eius, that is, Like as the head & sovereigne is replenished with all sapience and vertue, in guiding of his people, administring to them law, with due and conuenient iustice, so shall the subiects againward be garnished with awe and louing dread, and beare vnto him next God all honour, truth and allegiance.

But we are saved from this peril and danger by the special help and grace of God. Quia vir dominabitur in populo, which means, He who is not a child but perfect in judgment. |867| For he does not come to fulfill his own will, but the will of the one who sent him, which is God’s will, as a man to whom God has given perfect reasoning and judgment to discern and decide as a mature person. Therefore, we can say not only that this man will act with wisdom, but as a mature individual and not a child, he will think, judge, and carefully consider that he will diligently foresee and ensure that God's will is done, not his own. I trust that the wise man's words in Ecclesiastes 10 will be fulfilled in our king, saying, "Iudex sapiens iudicabit populum suum et principatus sensati stabilis erit;" which means (as the wise man says) "A wise and discerning judge will now judge his people, and the rule of a wise man will stand firm." From this, the next verse of the same chapter follows, saying, "Secundum iudicem populi, sic et ministri eius," which means, "Just as the head and sovereign is filled with all wisdom and virtue in guiding his people and administering justice to them, so will the subjects be filled with awe and loving respect, and will offer him, next to God, all honor, truth, and allegiance."

So that then it may be concluded with the residue of the foresaid verses; Qualis rector est ciuitatis, tales & inhabitantes in ea, which is to saie, Such as the ruler of the citie is, such then be the inhabitants of the same.   So that consequentlie it followeth, a good master maketh a good disciple.   And likewise an euill king or ruler shall lose his people, & the cities of his kingdome shall be left desolate and vnhabited.   Wherefore thus I make an end.   In sted of a child wilfullie doing his lust and pleasure without reason, now shall a man be lord and ruler, that is replenished with sapience and reason, and shall gouerne the people by skilfull doome, setting apart all wilfulnesse and pleasure of himselfe.   So that the word that I began with may be verified of him, Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo.   The which our lord grant, & that he may prosperouslie reigne vnto the pleasure of God and wealth of his realme, Amen.

Thus, it can be concluded with the remaining verses: "Qualis rector est ciuitatis, tales & inhabitantes in ea," which means, "As the ruler of the city is, so are its inhabitants." Therefore, it follows that a good master creates good disciples. Likewise, an evil king or ruler will lose his people, and the cities of his kingdom will be left desolate and uninhabited. Therefore, I conclude. Instead of a child willfully doing what he wants without reason, now a man will be a lord and ruler, filled with wisdom and reason, skillfully governing the people with judgment and putting aside all selfish desires and pleasures. So the statement I began with may be confirmed in him: "Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo." May our Lord grant this, and may he reign successfully for the glory of God and the prosperity of his realm. Amen.

The words of the elected king.

The words of the elected king.

After the archbishop had ended, wishing that it might so come to passe, and the people answered, Amen; the king standing on his féet, said unto the lords and commons there present: “I thanke you my lords both spirituall and temporall, and all the states of this land, and doo you to wit, that it is not my will that any man thinke, that I by the waie of conquest would disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or other rights, that him ought to haue of right, nor to put him out of that which he now inioieth, and hath had before time by custome or good law of this realme, except such priuat persons as haue béene against the good purpose, and the common profit of the realme.” When he had thus ended, all the shiriffes and other officers were put in their authorities againe, to exercise the same as before, which they could not doo whilest the kings roiall throne was void.

After the archbishop finished, hoping it would come to pass, and the people replied, Amen, the king stood up and said to the lords and commons gathered there: “I thank you, my lords, both spiritual and temporal, and all the states of this land, and I want to make it clear that I do not wish for anyone to think that I, through conquest, would take away anyone’s heritage, rights, or any other privileges they are entitled to, nor do I plan to remove anyone from what they currently enjoy and have held in the past through tradition or legitimate law of this realm, except for those private individuals who have acted against the good of the realm and the common good.” When he finished speaking, all the sheriffs and other officials were restored to their positions to carry out their duties as before, which they could not do while the king's royal throne was vacant.

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

The coronation proclaimed.

The coronation announced.

The parlemēt.

The talk.

Moreouer, a proclamation was made, that the states should assemble againe in parlement on mondaie then next insuing, being the feast daie of saith Faith, which is the sixt of October; and that the monday then next following, being the 13 of the same moneth, and the feast day of saint Edward the king and confessor, the coronation should be solemnized, and that all such as had to claime any seruice to be doone by them at the same by any tenure, they should come to the White-hall in the kings palace, before the steward and constable of England, on saturdaie next before the same day of the parlement, and presenting their petitions that were due & rightfull, they should obteine that to them apperteined. Excuse was also made on the kings behalfe, for calling of a parlement vpon so short a warning, so as the knights and burgesses were not changed, but onelie appointed to assemble againe, as if the other parlement had rather beene continued than dissolued. The cause was alledged to be for easing of the charges that would haue risen, if ech man had béene sent home, and new knights and burgesses called.

Furthermore, an announcement was made that the states would gather again in parliament on the upcoming Monday, which is the feast day of Saint Faith, on October 6th. The following Monday, October 13th, which is the feast day of Saint Edward the King and Confessor, the coronation would take place. Anyone who had a claim for any service to be performed at that time based on any tenure was to come to Whitehall in the king's palace before the steward and constable of England on the Saturday before the parliament. By presenting their rightful petitions, they would obtain what was due to them. An excuse was also made on behalf of the king for calling a parliament on such short notice, so that the knights and burgesses were not changed but rather appointed to assemble again, as if the previous parliament had simply been continued rather than dissolved. The reason given was to reduce the expenses that would have arisen if everyone had been sent home and new knights and burgesses had to be called.

King Henrie ye fourth proclamed.

King Henry IV proclaimed.

T. Wats. Amintas querula 5.

T. Wats. Amintas whining 5.

These things doone, the king rose from his place, and with a chéerefull and right courteous countenance regarding the people, went to White-hall, where the same day he held |868| a great feast. In the after noone were proclamations made in the accustomed places of the citie, in the name of king Henrie the fourth. On the morrow following, being wednesdaie the first of October, the procurators aboue named repaired to the tower of London, and thare signified vnto king Richard the admission of king Henrie. And the aforesaid iustice William Thirning, in name of the other, and for all the states of the land, renounced vnto the said Richard late king, all homage and fealtie vnto him before time due, in maner and forme as apperteined. Which renuntiation to the deposed king, was a redoubling of his greefe, in so much as thereby it came to his mind, how in former times he was acknowledged & taken for their liege lord and souereigne, who now (whether in contempt or in malice, God knoweth) to his face forsware him to be their king. So that in his heuines he might verie well haue said with a gréeued plaintife,

These things done, the king got up from his seat, and with a cheerful and polite expression looking at the people, went to Whitehall, where that same day he held |868| a grand feast. In the afternoon, announcements were made in the usual places of the city, in the name of King Henry the Fourth. The next day, Wednesday, October 1st, the mentioned representatives went to the Tower of London and informed King Richard about King Henry's acceptance. The aforementioned justice, William Thirning, on behalf of the others and for all the people of the land, renounced to the said Richard, the former king, all homage and loyalty that was owed to him in the past, in the manner and form as required. This renunciation to the deposed king only deepened his sorrow, as it reminded him how he had been recognized and accepted as their rightful lord and sovereign, who now (whether in contempt or malice, God knows) openly rejected him as their king. So that in his sadness he might very well have expressed himself like a grieving complainant,

Heu quantæ sortes miseris mortalibus instant!

Heu, how many troubles are about to strike us miserable humans!

Ah chari quoties obliuia nominis opto!

Ah, dear, how often I wish to forget your name!

O qui me fluctus, quis me telluris hiatus

O qui me fluctus, quis me telluris hiatus

Pertæsum tetricæ vitæ deglutiat ore

Life's heavy burden swallows whole

Chasmatico?

Chasmatic?

K. Richard depriued.

K. Richard removed.

Hall.

Hall.

His personage.

His character.

Thus was king Richard depriued of all kinglie honour and princelie dignitie, by reason he was so giuen to follow euill counsell, and vsed such inconuenient waies and meanes, through insolent misgouernance, and youthfull outrage, though otherwise a right noble and woorthie prince. He reigned two and twentie yeares, three moneths and eight daies. He deliuered to king Henrie now that he was thus deposed, all the goods that he had, to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine, besides plate and iewels, as a pledge and satisfaction of the iniuries by him committed and doone, in hope to be in more suertie of life for the deliuerie thereof: but whatsoeuer was promised, he was deceiued therein. For shortlie after his resignation, he was conueied to the castell of Leeds in Kent, & frō thence to Pomfret, where he departed out of this miserable life (as after you shall heare.) He was séemelie of shape and fauor, & of nature good inough, if the wickednesse & naughtie demeanor of such as were about him had not altered it.

King Richard was stripped of all royal honor and princely dignity because he followed bad advice and used inappropriate methods due to arrogant mismanagement and reckless behavior, even though he was otherwise a truly noble and worthy prince. He reigned for twenty-two years, three months, and eight days. After he was deposed, he handed over all his possessions to King Henry, totaling three hundred thousand pounds in coins, along with silverware and jewels, as a pledge and compensation for the wrongs he had committed, hoping to secure his life in return for this. However, he was deceived despite what was promised. Shortly after his resignation, he was taken to Leeds Castle in Kent, and then to Pomfret, where he passed away from this miserable life (as you will hear later). He was handsome in appearance and of decent nature, if the wickedness and bad behavior of those around him hadn't changed that.

Harding.

Harding.

The noble house-kéeping of king Richard.

The great housekeeping of King Richard.

Excesse in apparell.

Excess in clothing.

His chance verelie was greatlie infortunate, which fell into such calamitie, that he tooke it for the best waie he could deuise to renounce his kingdome, for the which mortall men are accustomed to hazard all they haue to atteine therevnto. But such misfortune (or the like) oftentimes falleth vnto those princes, which when they are aloft, cast no doubt for perils that maie follow. He was prodigall, ambitious, and much giuen to the pleasure of the bodie. He kept the greatest port, and mainteined the most plentifull house that euer any king in England did either before his time or since. For there resorted dailie to his court aboue ten thousand persons that had meat and drinke there allowed them. In his kitchen there were thrée hundred seruitors, and euerie other office was furnished after the like rate. Of ladies, chamberers, and landerers, there were aboue thrée hundred at the least. And in gorgious and costlie apparell they exceeded all measure, not one of them that kept within the bounds of his degrée. Yeomen and groomes were clothed in silkes, with cloth of graine and skarlet, ouer sumptuous ye may be sure for their estates. And this vanitie was not onelie vsed in the court in those daies, but also other people abroad in the towns and countries, had their garments cut far otherwise than had beene accustomed before his daies, with imbroderies, rich furres, and goldsmiths worke, and euerie daie there was deuising of new fashions, to the great hinderance and decaie of the common-welth.

His chance was really unfortunate, leading to such disaster that he decided it was best to renounce his kingdom, for which mortal men usually risk everything to achieve. But such misfortune often falls upon those princes who, when they are in power, don’t consider the dangers that may follow. He was wasteful, ambitious, and very focused on physical pleasures. He hosted the grandest court and maintained the most lavish household that any king in England has ever had, before or since. More than ten thousand people came daily to his court, where they were provided with food and drink. His kitchen had three hundred servants, and every other department was staffed similarly. There were at least three hundred ladies, attendants, and servants. They wore extravagant and costly clothing, with no one sticking to their social rank. Yeomen and grooms wore silk, richly dyed fabric, and scarlet, which was definitely excessive for their status. This vanity wasn’t just seen in the court during those days; people in towns and the countryside also dressed very differently than before his reign, sporting garments adorned with embroidery, luxurious furs, and goldsmith's work, and every day new fashion trends emerged, greatly harming the commonwealth.

Ignorant prelats.

Clueless prelates.

Moreouer, such were preferred to bishoprikes, and other ec­cles­i­ast­i­call liuings, as neither could teach nor preach, nor knew any thing of the scripture of God, but onelie to call for their tithes and duties; so that they were most vnworthie the name of bishops, being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in bishops apparell. Furthermore, there reigned abundantlie the filthie sinne of leacherie and fornication, with abhominable adulterie, speciallie in the king, but most chéefelie in the prelacie, whereby the whole realme by |869| such their euill example, was so infected, that the wrath of God was dailie prouoked to vengeance for the sins of the prince and his people. How then could it continue prosperouslie with this king? against whom for the fowle enormities wherewith his life was defamed, the wrath of God was whetted and tooke so sharpe an edge, that the same did shred him off from the scepter of his kingdome, and gaue him a full cup of affliction to drinke; as he had doone to other kings his predecessors, by whose example he might haue taken warning. For it is an heauie case when God thundereth out his reall arguments either vpon prince or people.

Moreover, those who were promoted to bishoprics and other church positions were often people who could neither teach nor preach, nor had any understanding of God's scripture, only seeking to collect their tithes and duties. They were completely unworthy of the title of bishops, being immoral and vain individuals disguised in bishop's attire. Furthermore, there was a rampant presence of the filthy sins of lust and fornication, along with terrible adultery, especially in the king but primarily within the church leadership. This evil example infected the entire realm, provoking God's wrath daily to seek vengeance for the sins of the prince and his people. How then could this king expect to prosper? Against him and his shameful actions, God's wrath sharpened so much that it removed him from the throne and filled his cup with suffering, just as he had done to other kings before him, from whom he could have learned a lesson. It is a serious matter when God unleashes His real judgments upon either a prince or his people.

Thus haue ye heard what writers doo report touching the state of the time and doings of this king. But if I may boldlie saie what I thinke: he was a prince the most vnthankfullie vsed of his subiects, of any one of whom ye shall lightlie read. For although (thorough the frailtie of youth) he demeaned himed himselfe more dissolutelie than séemed conuenient for his roiall estate, & made choise of such councellors as were not fauoured of the people, whereby he was the lesse fauoured himselfe: yet in no kings daies were the commons in greater wealth, if they could haue perceiued their happie state: neither in any other time were the nobles and gentlemen more cherished, nor churchmen lesse wronged. But such was their ingratitude towards their bountifull and louing souereigne, that those whom he had chéeflie aduanced, were readiest to controll him; for that they might not rule all things at their will, and remooue from him such as they misliked, and place in their roomes whom they thought good, and that rather by strong hand, than by gentle and courteous meanes, which stirred such malice betwixt him and them, till at length it could not be asswaged without perill of destruction to them both.

Thus, you have heard what writers report about the state of affairs during this king's reign. But if I may boldly say what I think: he was a prince who was treated the most ungratefully by his subjects, more so than anyone you'll easily read about. Although (due to the weaknesses of youth) he conducted himself more recklessly than was suitable for his royal status and chose advisors who were not favored by the people, which made him less favored himself, the common people were never richer than during his reign, if only they could have recognized their fortunate situation. Nor were the nobles and gentlemen ever more cherished, nor churchmen ever treated with less injustice. However, their ingratitude towards their generous and loving sovereign was such that those he had primarily promoted were quickest to oppose him, because they couldn't control everything as they wished, and they wanted to remove from him those they disliked and replace them with whom they preferred, often using force instead of gentle and courteous means. This created such hostility between him and them that, in the end, it could only be resolved with great danger to both sides.

The duke of Glocester chéefe instrument of this mischéefe, to what end he came ye haue heard. And although his nephue the duke of Hereford tooke vpon him to reuenge his death, yet wanted he moderation and loialtie in his dooings, for the which both he himselfe and his lineall race were scourged afterwards, as a due punishment vnto rebellious subiects; so as deserued vengeance seemed not to staie long for his ambitious crueltie, that thought it not inough to driue king Richard to resigne his crowne and regall dignitie ouer vnto him, except he also should take from him his guiltlesse life. What vnnaturalnesse, or rather what tigerlike crueltie was this, not to be content with his principalitie? not to be content with his treasure? not to be content with his depriuation? not to be content with his imprisonment? but being so neerelie knit in consanguinitie, which ought to haue moued them like lambs to haue loued each other, wooluishlie to lie in wait for the distressed creatures life, and rauenouslie to thirst after his bloud, the spilling whereof should haue touched his conscience so, as that death ought rather to haue beene aduentured for his safetie, than so sauagelie to haue sought his life after the losse of his roialtie.

The Duke of Gloucester was the main instigator of this disaster, and you’ve heard his motives. Although his nephew, the Duke of Hereford, took it upon himself to avenge his death, he lacked moderation and loyalty in his actions. Because of this, both he and his descendants were punished later on, as a fitting consequence for rebellious subjects. It seemed that deserved revenge didn’t take long to catch up with his ambitious cruelty, as he thought it wasn’t enough to force King Richard to resign his crown and royal dignity; he also aimed to take his innocent life. What unnaturalness, or rather what tiger-like cruelty was this? How could he not be satisfied with his rank? Not satisfied with his wealth? Not satisfied with his removal from power? Not satisfied with his imprisonment? Instead, being so closely related—something that should have encouraged them to care for each other like family—he lay in wait for the life of this distressed person and ravenously thirsted for his blood, the shedding of which should have weighed heavily on his conscience. It would have been better to risk death to protect him than to so savagely seek his life after stripping him of his royalty.

But to let this passe to the con­si­der­a­tion of the learned: according to our order, I will shew what writers of our English nation liued in his daies, as we find them in Iohn Bales centuries. First Henrie Bederic, otherwise surnamed of Burie, after the name of the towne where he is thought to haue béene borne, an Augustine frier; Simon Alcocke, Vthred Bolton a moonke of Durham, borne in the borders of Wales beyond Seuerne; William Iordan a blacke frier, Iohn Hilton a frier Minor, Iohn Clipton a Carmelite frier in Notingham, Henrie Daniell a blacke frier and a good physician, Ralfe Marham, Iohn Marcheleie a graie frier or cordelier as some call them, Thomas Broome a Carmelite frier of London, John Bridlington borne in Yorkeshire, William Thorne an Augustine frier of Canturburie, an his­tor­i­og­raph­er, Adam Meremouth a canon of saint Paules church in London, that wrote two tretises of historicall matters, the one intituled Chronicon 40 annorum, and the other Chronicon 60 annorum; Simon Bredon borne in Winchcombe a doctor of physicke and a skilfull astronomer, Iohn Thompson borne in Norfolke in a village of that name, and a Carmelite frier in Blacknie.

But to pass this to the consideration of the learned: according to our order, I will show what writers from our English nation lived in his days, as we find them in John Bale's centuries. First, Henry Bederic, also known as of Burie, after the town where he is believed to have been born, an Augustine friar; Simon Alcocke, Uthred Bolton, a monk from Durham, born in the borders of Wales beyond the Severn; William Jordan, a Black friar, John Hilton, a Minor friar, John Clipton, a Carmelite friar in Nottingham, Henry Daniell, a Black friar and a good physician, Ralfe Marham, John Marcheleie, a Gray friar or Cordelier as some call them, Thomas Broome, a Carmelite friar from London, John Bridlington, born in Yorkshire, William Thorne, an Augustine friar from Canterbury, a historiographer, Adam Meremouth, a canon of St. Paul's church in London, who wrote two treatises on historical matters, the first titled Chronicon 40 annorum, and the other Chronicon 60 annorum; Simon Bredon, born in Winchcombe, a doctor of medicine and a skilled astronomer, John Thompson, born in Norfolk in a village of that name, and a Carmelite friar in Blacknie.

More, Thomas Winterton borne in Lincolnshire, an Augustine frier in Stamford; |870| William Packington secretarie sometime to the Blacke prince an excellent his­tor­i­og­raph­er, Geffraie Hingham a civilian, Iohn Botlesham borne in Cam­bridge­shire a blacke frier, William Badbie a Carmelite frier, bishop of Worcester, and confessor to the duke of Lancaster; William Folleuil a frier Minor borne in Lincolnshire, Iohn Bourgh parson of Collingham in Notinghamshire a doctor of diuinitie, and chancellor of the Vniuersitie of Cambridge; William Sclade a moonke of Buckfast abbie in Deuonshire, Iohn Thoresbie archbishop of Yorke and lord chancellor of England, was admitted by pope Vrbane the fift into the college of cardinals, but he died before K. Richard came to the crowne, about the eight and fourtith yeare of king Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374. Thomas Ashborne an Augustine frier, Iohn Astone an earnest follower of Wickliffes doctrine, and therefore condemned to perpetuall prison; Casterton a moonke of Norwich and an excellent diuine, Nicholas Radcliffe a moonke of saint Albons, Iohn Ashwarbie a diuine and fauourer of Wickliffes doctrine, Richard Maidstone so called of the towne in Kent where he was borne, a Carmelite frier of Ailesford.

More, Thomas Winterton, born in Lincolnshire, was an Augustinian friar in Stamford; |870| William Packington, once the secretary to the Black Prince, was an excellent historian; Geffraie Hingham was a lawyer; John Botlesham, born in Cambridgeshire, was a Black friar; William Badbie was a Carmelite friar, bishop of Worcester, and confessor to the Duke of Lancaster; William Folleuil was a Friar Minor born in Lincolnshire; John Bourgh, rector of Collingham in Nottinghamshire, was a Doctor of Divinity and chancellor of the University of Cambridge; William Sclade was a monk from Buckfast Abbey in Devonshire; John Thoresbie, archbishop of York and lord chancellor of England, was admitted by Pope Urban V into the college of cardinals, but he died before King Richard ascended the throne, around the 84th year of King Edward III, in the year of our Lord 1374. Thomas Ashborne was an Augustinian friar; John Astone was a devoted follower of Wycliffe's doctrine, and consequently condemned to life in prison; Casterton was a monk from Norwich and an excellent theologian; Nicholas Radcliffe was a monk from St. Albans; John Ashwarbie was a theologian and supporter of Wycliffe's teachings; Richard Maidstone, named after the town in Kent where he was born, was a Carmelite friar from Aylesford.

Adunensis episcopus.

Adunensis bishop.

Adde to these Iohn Wardbie an Augustine frier, and a great diuine; Robert Waldbie excellentlie learned as well in diuinitie as other arts, for the which he was first aduanced to a bishoprike in Gascoigne, and after he was admitted archbishop of Dubline; William Berton a doctor of diuinitie, & chancellor of the Vniuersitie of Oxford, and aduersarie to Wickliffe; Philip Repington abbat of Leicester a notable diuine and defender of Wickliffe, Thomas Lombe a Carmelite frier of Lin, Nicholas Hereford a secular priest, a doctor of diuinitie, and scholer to Wickliffe; Walter Brit also another of Wickliffes scholers wrote both of diuinitie & other arguments, Henrie Herklie chancellor of the Vniuersitie of Oxford, an enimie to Wickliffe, and a great sophister; Robert Iuorie a Carmelite frier of London, and the twentith prouinciall of his order here in England; Lankine a Londoner, an Augustine frier, professed in the same citie, a doctor of diuinitie, an aduersarie to Wickliffe.

Add to these John Wardbie, an Augustinian friar and a great theologian; Robert Waldbie, highly educated in theology as well as other subjects, for which he was first promoted to a bishopric in Gascony, and later became archbishop of Dublin; William Berton, a doctor of theology and chancellor of the University of Oxford, known as an opponent of Wycliffe; Philip Repington, abbot of Leicester, a notable theologian and defender of Wycliffe; Thomas Lombe, a Carmelite friar from Lynn; Nicholas Hereford, a secular priest, a doctor of theology, and a scholar of Wycliffe; Walter Brit, another of Wycliffe's scholars, who wrote on both theology and other topics; Henry Herklie, chancellor of the University of Oxford, an enemy of Wycliffe, and a great sophist; Robert Juorie, a Carmelite friar from London and the twentieth provincial of his order here in England; Lankine, a Londoner, an Augustinian friar, a doctor of theology, and an opponent of Wycliffe.

More, William Gillingham a moonke of saint Sauiours in Canturburie; Iohn Chilmarke a fellow of Marton colledge in Oxford, a great philosopher and mathematician; Iohn Sharpe a philosopher, and a diuine, wrote manie treatises, a great aduersarie to Wickliffe; Richard Lauingham borne in Suffolke, and a frier of Gipswich, an excellent logician, but a sore enimie to them that fauoured Wickliffes doctrine; Peter Pateshull, of whome ye haue heard before: it is said that he was in the end constreined for doubt of persecution to flie into Boheme; William Woodford a Franciscane frier, a chosen champion against Wickliffe being now dead, procured thereto by the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arudnell; Iohn Bromyard a Dominicke frier, both a notable lawyer & a diuine, a sore enimie also to Wickliuists; Marcill Ingelne an excellent philosopher and a diuine, one of the first teachers in the Vniuersitie of Heidelberge, which Robert duke of Bauier and countée palantine of the Rhene had instituted about that season; Richard Northall sonne to a maior of London (as is said) of that name, he became a Carmelite frier in the same citie; Thomas Edwardson prior of the friers Augustines at Clare in Suffolke, Iohn Summer a Franciscane frier at Bridgewater, an enimie to the Wickliuists; Richard Withée a learned priest & an earnest follower of Wickliffe, Iohn Swafham a Carmelite frier of Lin, a student in Cambridge who became bishop of Bangor, a great aduersarie to the Wickliuists.

More, William Gillingham, a monk of St. Saviour's in Canterbury; John Chilmark, a fellow of Merton College in Oxford, a great philosopher and mathematician; John Sharpe, a philosopher and a divine, wrote many treatises and was a strong opponent of Wycliffe; Richard Lauingham, born in Suffolk and a friar from Ipswich, was an excellent logician but a fierce enemy of those who supported Wycliffe's teachings; Peter Pateshull, whom you have heard of before: it's said that in the end he was forced to flee to Bohemia for fear of persecution; William Woodford, a Franciscan friar, a chosen champion against Wycliffe, now deceased, was compelled to this by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Thomas Arundel; John Bromyard, a Dominican friar, notable both as a lawyer and a divine, was also a fierce enemy of Wycliffites; Marcellus Ingelne, an excellent philosopher and divine, was one of the first teachers at the University of Heidelberg, which Robert, Duke of Bavaria and Count Palatine of the Rhine, established around that time; Richard Northall, son of a mayor of London (so it is said) of that name, became a Carmelite friar in the same city; Thomas Edwardson, prior of the Augustinian friars at Clare in Suffolk; John Summer, a Franciscan friar in Bridgwater, an enemy to the Wycliffites; Richard Withée, a learned priest and a devoted follower of Wycliffe, and John Swafham, a Carmelite friar from Lynn, a student in Cambridge who became bishop of Bangor, a great adversary to the Wycliffites.

Finallie, and to conclude, William Egumond a frier heremit of the sect of the Augustins in Stamford; Iohn Tissington a Franciscane frier, a mainteiner of the popes doctrine; William Rimston or Rimington a moonke of Salleie, an enimie also to the Wickliuists; Adam Eston well séene in the toongs, was made a cardinall by pope Gregorie the eleauenth, but by pope Vrban the sixt he was committed to prison in Genoa, and at the contemplation of king Richard he was taken out of prison, but not fullie deliuered till the daies of Boniface the ninth, who restored him to his former dignitie; Iohn Beaufu a Carmelite of Northampton, proceeded doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, and was made prior |871| of his house; Roger Twiford aliàs Goodlucke, an Augustine frier; Iohn Treuise a Cornishman borne, and a secular préest and vicar of Berklie, he translated the bible; Bartholomew De proprietatibus rerum; Polychronicon of Ranulph Higden, and diuerse other treatises, Rafe Spalding a Carmelite frier of Stamford; Iohn Moone an Englishman borne, but a student in Paris, who compiled in the French toong the Romant of the Rose, translated into English by Geffrie Chaucer, William Shirborne; Richard Wichingham borne in Norffolke, and diuerse other.

Finally, to wrap things up, William Egumond, a hermit friar from the Augustinian order in Stamford; John Tissington, a Franciscan friar who supported the pope’s teachings; William Rimston, or Rimington, a monk from Salley, who was also an enemy of the Wycliffites; Adam Eston, well-versed in languages, was made a cardinal by Pope Gregory XI, but was imprisoned in Genoa by Pope Urban VI. At the request of King Richard, he was released from prison, though he wasn't fully freed until the days of Pope Boniface IX, who restored him to his former position. John Beaufu, a Carmelite from Northampton, earned a Doctor of Divinity at Oxford and became prior of his house; Roger Twiford, also known as Goodluck, an Augustine friar; John Treuise, a Cornishman, a secular priest and vicar of Berkeley, translated the Bible; Bartholomew wrote De proprietatibus rerum; the Polychronicon of Ranulph Higden; and various other texts. Rafe Spalding, a Carmelite friar from Stamford; John Moone, an Englishman studying in Paris, compiled the French work Romant of the Rose, which was translated into English by Geoffrey Chaucer; William Shirborne; Richard Wichingham, from Norfolk; and several others.

Thus farre Richard of Burdeaux, whose depriuation you haue heard; of his lamentable death hereafter, to wit, pag. 516, 517.

Thus far Richard of Bordeaux, whose removal you've heard about; concerning his tragic death later on, see pages 516, 517.

[In the present Edit. Vol III. pages 13 & 14.]
THE END OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE

Original spelling and grammar are generally retained, with a few exceptions noted below. Original page numbers look like this: |735|. I constructed the cover image, and hereby release it to the wild.

Original spelling and grammar are generally kept, with a few exceptions noted below. Original page numbers look like this: |735|. I created the cover image and release it into the public domain.

Abr. Fl. out of

Abr. Fl. out of

Thom. Wals.

Thom. Wals.

pag. 395.

pag. 395.

Polydor.

Polydor.

It turns out, proven by comparison with the 1587 edition, that Polydor. is a separate paragraph from the rest. But there are many similar instances, both in this 1807 edition and in the 1587 edition, none of which have been checked.

It turns out, proven by comparing it with the 1587 edition, that Polydor. is a separate paragraph from the rest. But there are many similar cases, both in this 1807 edition and in the 1587 edition, none of which have been checked.

Page 735. In “the denied to paie for hir” the was changed to she, to agree with the 1587 edition.

Page 735. In “the denied to pay for her” the was changed to she, to match the 1587 edition.

Page 739. In “cruell proceedings of those rude & baee people”, change baee to base, to conform with the 1587 edition.

Page 739. In “cruel actions of those rude & base people”, change base to base, to conform with the 1587 edition.

Page 763. The extra the was removed from “heard the the friers information”.

Page 763. The extra the was removed from “heard the friers information.”

Page 767. From “An other day 72 French ships (as they”, the unmatched left parenthesis mark was removed.

Page 767. From “Another day 72 French ships (as they”, the unmatched left parenthesis mark was removed.

Page 772–773. Two sidenotes appear similar; the first is partially illegible, and is herein made the same as the second. The second is less illegible, and appears to be “Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie”.

Page 772–773. Two sidenotes look similar; the first is partly unreadable, and is made the same as the second here. The second is clearer and seems to be “Abr. Fl. from Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbey.”

Page 776. The sidenote attached to the last paragraph was partly illegible, and is herein rendered “The king of Armenia sueth for”.

Page 776. The sidenote attached to the last paragraph was partly unreadable, and is now expressed as “The king of Armenia sues for”.

Page 788. In “to hurt them, or or cause any hurt”, removed the extra or, per the 1587 edition.

Page 788. In “to hurt them, or cause any hurt,” the extra or was removed, following the 1587 edition.

Page 790. In “to tarie louger, as one despairing”, changed louger to longer, per the 1587 edition.

Page 790. In “to tarie longer, as one despairing”, changed louger to longer, per the 1587 edition.

Page 798. In “the state of the meanest peason”, changed peason to person, to comform with the 1587 edition.

Page 798. In “the state of the meanest person”, changed peason to person, to conform with the 1587 edition.

Page 801. In “one of the heires to to Iohn Scot”, removed the extra to.

Page 801. In “one of the heirs to John Scot”, removed the extra to.

Page 803. From “which (according (as I haue seene noted) was”, removed the second left parenthesis, to agree with the 1587 edition.

Page 803. From “which (according to what I've seen noted) was”, removed the second left parenthesis, to match the 1587 edition.

Page 804. In “deliuered by the mouth of Walter Langhton”, retained, the n should probably be u, making the word Laughton.

Page 804. In “delivered by the mouth of Walter Langhton”, it’s likely that n should actually be u, changing the word to Laughton.

Page 807. In “saluo iure alterius cuiuscunq;.”, the text in the 1587 edition shows the “semicolon” as subscript, although it is retained herein as shown unsubscripted in the 1807 edition. Together with the q, this might be a ligature for que. There are several other instances of words ending in "q;", none of which have subscripted semicolons in this 1807 edition.

Page 807. In “saluo iure alterius cuiuscunq;,” the text in the 1587 edition shows the “semicolon” as subscript, but it's kept here as unsubscripted in the 1807 edition. Along with the q, this might be a ligature for que. There are several other cases of words ending in "q;", none of which have subscripted semicolons in this 1807 edition.

Page 829. From “more bold to interlace) about”, removed the unmatched right parenthesis.

Page 829. From “more bold to interlace) about”, removed the unmatched right parenthesis.

Page 834. Original “prease on London bridg [*missing*] by reason thereof”, changed to “prease on London bridge, that by reason thereof”, per the 1587 edition.

Page 834. Original “prease on London bridge [*missing*] because of that”, changed to “prease on London bridge, that because of that”, per the 1587 edition.

Page 842. In “foure thousand nobles yéere e paid out of”, changed yéere e to yéerelie, per the 1587 edition.

Page 842. In “four thousand nobles paid out yearly,” changed yéere e to yéerelie, per the 1587 edition.

Page 844. In ‘than well.” “No more said the king,’, removed the unmatched left quotation mark from No.

Page 844. In ‘than well.” “No more said the king,’ removed the unmatched left quotation mark from No.

Page 845. The unmatched right double quotation mark was removed from the phrase ‘it could not be so brought to passe, his honor saued.’

Page 845. The unmatched right double quotation mark was removed from the phrase ‘it could not be so brought to pass, his honor saved.’

Page 847. A matching right double quotation mark was added to the end of the sentence beginning ‘The proclamation ended, an other herald cried’.

Page 847. A matching right double quotation mark was added to the end of the sentence that starts with ‘The proclamation ended, another herald cried’.

Page 857. In “but the earle rode before, at it were”, changed at to as, per the 1587 edition.

Page 857. In “but the earl rode before, as it were”, changed at to as, per the 1587 edition.

Page 869. In “God thundereth out his reall arguguments”, changed arguguments to arguments, per the 1587 edition.

Page 869. In “God thunders out his real arguments”, changed arguments to arguments, per the 1587 edition.


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