This is a modern-English version of Japanese Homes and Their Surroundings, originally written by Morse, Edward Sylvester.
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With Author's Illustrations Harper & Brothers, Franklin Square, New York
1889
Table of Contents
- PREFACE
- INTRODUCTION
- CHAPTER I.
- CHAPTER II. TYPES OF HOUSES.
- CHAPTER III. INTERIORS
- CHAPTER IV. INTERIORS (Continued).
- CHAPTER V. ENTRANCES AND APPROACHES.
- CHAPTER VI. GARDENS.
- CHAPTER VII. MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS.
- CHAPTER VIII. THE ANCIENT HOUSE.
- CHAPTER IX. THE NEIGHBORING HOUSE.
- GLOSSARY.
- Footnotes
Images
- Fig. 1.—View in Tokio, showing shops and houses. (Copied from a Photograph).
- Fig. 2.—View in Tokio, showing temples and gardens. (Copied from a Photograph).
- Fig. 3.—View of Enoshima (Copied from a Photograph).
- Fig. 4.—Side Framing.
- Fig 5.—Pounding Down Foundation Stones.
- Fig. 6.—Foundation Stones.
- Fig. 7.—Section of Framing.
- Fig. 8.—Framing.
- Fig. 9.—End-framing of Large Building.
- Fig 10.—Roof-frame of Large Building.
- Fig. 11.—Roof-framing of a Kura.
- Fig. 12.—Framing of an Ordinary Two-stored House.
- Fig. 13.—Outside Braces.
- Fig. 14.—Outside Brace.
- Fig. 15.—Ornamental Brace.
- Fig. 16.—Method of Cutting Timber for House-Finish.
- Fig. 17.—Section of Post Grooved for Partition.
- Fig. 18.—Bundle of Boards.
- Fig. 19.—Section of ceiling.
- Fig. 20.—Ceiling-rafters Supported Temporarily.
- Fig. 21.—Method of Suspending Ceiling as Seen from Above.
- Fig. 22.—Ceiling-Board Weighted with Stones.
- Fig. 23.—Ceiling-Board in Closet.
- Fig. 24.—Method of Removing Boards from a Bundle to Preserve Uniformity of Grain.
- Fig. 25.—Arrangement of Square Tiles on Side of House.
- Fig. 26.—A Japanese Carpenter's Vice.
- Fig. 27.—Carpenters' Tools in Common Use.
- Fig. 28.—A Japanese Nail-Basket.
- Fig. 29.—A Carpenter's Marking-Brush Made of Wood.
- Fig. 30.—The Sumi-Tsubo.
- Fig. 31.—The Japanese Plumb-Line.
- Fig. 32.—Ancient Carpenter (copied from an old painting).
- Fig. 33.—Street in Kanda Ku, Tokio.
- Fig. 34.—Street in Kanda Ku, Tokio.
- Fig. 35.—Block of Cheap Tenements in Tokio.
- Fig. 36.—Street View of Dwelling in Tokio.
- Fig. 37.—View of Dwelling from Garden, Tokio.
- Fig. 38.—Dwelling Near Kudan, Tokio.
- Fig. 39.—Country Inn in Rikuzen.
- Fig. 40.—Country Inn in Rikuzen.
- Fig. 41.—House Near Mororan, Yezo.
- Fig. 42.—Bay Window, Village of Odzuka, Rikuzen.
- Fig. 43.—Three-storied House in Rikuchiu.
- Fig. 44.—Street in the Suburbs of Morioka.
- Fig. 45.—Old Farm-house in Kabutoyama.
- Fig. 46.—Entrance to Court-yard of Old House in Kioto.
- Fig. 47.—Old house in Kioto. Court-yard view.
- Fig. 48.—Old House in Kioto, Garden View.
- Fig. 49.—House in Tokio.
- Fig. 50.—View from the Second Story of Dwelling in Imado, Tokio.
- Fig. 51.—Old Inn in Mishima, Suruga.
- Fig. 52.—Village Street in Nasaike, Yamashiro.
- Fig. 53.—Shore of Osumi.
- Fig. 54.—Farmer's Houses in Mototaru-Midsu, Osumi.
- Fig. 55.—Fishermen's Huts in Hakodate.
- Fig. 56.—Fishermen's Huts in Enoshima.
- Fig. 57.—Kura in Tokio.
- Fig. 58.—Kura, or Fire-proof Buildings in Tokio.
- Fig. 59.—Old House in Hakodate.
- Fig. 60.—Hisashi.
- Fig. 61.—Bunch of shingles, nails, and hammer.
- Fig. 62.—Shingler's Hand.
- Fig. 63.—Bamboo Strips on Shingle-Roof.
- Fig. 64.—Roof with shingles partly laid.
- Fig. 65.—Ridge on shingle-roof in Musashi.
- Fig. 66.—Water-conductor.
- Fig. 67.—Ridge of tiled roof.
- Fig. 68.—Ornamental coping of tiles.
- Fig. 69.—Ornamental coping of tiles.
- Fig. 70.—Ornamental coping of tiles.
- Fig. 71.—Eaves of tiled roof.
- Fig. 72.—Nagasaki tiled roof.
- Fig. 73.—Hon-gawara, or True Tile.
- Fig. 74.—Yedo-gawara, or Yedo-tile eaves.
- Fig. 75.—French tile eaves.
- Fig. 76.—Itami tile for ridge.
- Fig. 77.—Stone roof.
- Fig. 78.—Thatch, and thatcher's implements.
- Fig. 79.—End of roof in Fujita, Iwaki.
- Fig. 80.—Tiled ridge of thatched roof in Iwaki.
- Fig. 81.—Tiled ridge of thatched roof in Musashi.
- Fig. 82.—Bamboo-ridge of thatched roof in Musashi.
- Fig. 83.—Thatched Roof, near Tokio.
- Fig. 84.—Thatched roof, near Tokio.
- Fig. 85.—Ridge of thatched roof at Kabutoyama, Musashi.
- Fig. 86.—Crest of thatched roof in Omi.
- Fig. 87.—Tile and bamboo ridge of thatched roof, Takatsuki, Setsu.
- Fig. 88.—Crest of thatched roof in Mikawa.
- Fig. 89.—Crest of thatched roof in Kioto.
- Fig. 90.—Crest of thatched roof in Mikawa.
- Fig. 91.—Crest of thatched roof in Kii.
- Fig. 92.—Thatched roof in Totomi.
- Fig. 93.—Crest of thatched roof in Kii.
- Fig. 94.—Crest of thatched roof in Ise.
- Fig. 95.—Paved space under eaves of thatched roof.
- Fig. 96.—Guest-room in Hachi-ishi.
- Fig. 97.—Plan of dwelling-house in Tokio. P, Parlor or Guest-room; S, Sitting-room; D, Dining-room; L, Library, St. Study, SR Servants' Room; B, Bed-room, K, Kitchen, H, Hall; V Vestibule; C, Closet; T Tokonoma; Shh, Shrine, U and L, Privy.
- Fig. 98.—Plan of dwelling-house in Tokio. P, Parlor or Guest-room; B, Bed-room, K. Kitchen, SR Servants' Room; BR, Bath Room, E, E, Side-entrances, V Vestibule; H, Hall; WR, Waiting-room; C, Closet; T Tokonoma; U and L, Privy.
- Fig. 99.—Plan of a portion of a Daimyo's residence.
- Fig. 100.—Mat.
- Fig. 101.—Arrangement of mats in different-sized rooms.
- Fig. 102.—Attitude of woman in sitting.
- Fig. 103.—Section through verandah and guest-room.
- Fig. 104.—Reed-screen.
- Fig. 105.—Sliding panel.
- Fig. 106.—Hikite.
- Fig. 107.—Hikite.
- Fig. 108.—Hikite.
- Fig. 109.—Hikite.
- Fig. 110.—Hikite with cord.
- Fig. 111.—Straightening shōji frame.
- Fig. 112.—Shōji with ornamental frame.
- Fig. 113.—Portion of Toko-Bashira.
- Figs. 114, 115, 116, and 117. Ornamental-headed nails.
- Fig. 118.—Shelves contrasted with conventional drawing of mist, or clouds.
- Fig. 119.—Guest-room.
- Fig. 120.—Guest-room, with recesses in corners.
- Fig. 121.—Guest-room showing circular window.
- Fig. 122.—Guest-room showing writing-place.
- Fig. 123.—Guest-room with wide tokonoma.
- Fig. 124.—Small guest-room.
- Fig. 125.—Guest-room of dwelling in Tokio.
- Fig. 126.—Guest-koom in Kiyomidzu, Kioto.
- Fig. 127.—Guest-room of dwelling in Tokio.
- Fig. 128.—Guest-room of a country house.
- Fig. 129.—Corner of guest-room.
- Fig. 130.—Tea-room in Nan-en-ji temple, Kioto.
- Fig. 131.—Tea-room in Fujimi pottery, Nagoya.
- Fig. 132.—Tea-room in Miyajima.
- Fig. 133.—Kitchen for tea-utensils.
- Fig. 134.—Tea-room in Imado, Tokio.
- Fig. 135.—Corner of the tea-room shown in Fig. 134.
- Fig. 136.—Room in second story of an old building in Kawagoye, Musashi.
- Fig. 137.—Room in kura fitted up as a library, Tokio.
- Fig. 138.—Framework for draping room in kura.
- Fig. 139.—Space between dwelling and kura, roofed over and utilized as a kitchen in Tokio.
- Fig. 140.—Doorway of an old kura in Kioto.
- Fig. 141.—Key to kura, and bunch of keys.
- Fig. 142.—Padlock to kura.
- Fig. 143.—Panelled ceiling.
- Fig. 144.—Ramma in Hakòne Village.
- Fig. 145.—Bamboo ramma.
- Fig. 146.—Porcelain ramma in Tokio.
- Fig. 147.—Ramma of bamboo and perforated panel.
- Fig. 148.—Carved wood ramma in Gojio Village, Yamato.
- Fig. 149.—Carved wood ramma in town of Yatsushiro, Higo.
- Fig. 150.—Ramma, composed of two thin boards, in Nagoya, Owari.
- Fig. 151.—Shōji for window.
- Fig. 152.—Shōji-frame for window.
- Fig. 153.—Shōji-frame for window.
- Fig. 154.—Window.
- Fig. 155.—Biyō-bu, or folding screen.
- Fig. 156.—Wrought metallic mounting of screen frame.
- Fig. 157.—Screen-box.
- Fig. 158.—Foot-weight for screen.
- Fig. 159.—Furosaki Biyō-bu.
- Fig. 160.—Model of tsui-tate in pottery.
- Fig. 161.—Tsui-tate.
- Fig. 162.—Bamboo curtains.
- Fig. 163.—Bamboo curtain.
- Fig. 164.—Curtain screen.
- Fig. 165.—Fringed curtains.
- Fig. 166.—Slashed curtain.
- Fig. 167.—Kitchen in old farmhouse at Kabutoyama.
- Fig. 168.—Kitchen range.
- Fig. 169.—Kitchen range, with smoke-conductor.
- Fig. 170.—Kitchen in city house.
- Fig. 171.—Braziers.
- Fig. 172.—Bamboo rack and knife case.
- Fig. 173.—Ji-zai
- Fig. 174.—Fireplace in country house.
- Fig. 175.—The best fireplace.
- Fig. 176.—An adjustable device for supporting a kettle.
- Fig. 177.—Kitchen closet, drawers, cupboard, and stairs combined.
- Fig. 178.—Stair-rail.
- Fig. 179.—Steps to verandah.
- Fig. 180.—Bath-tub with side oven.
- Fig. 181.—Bath-tub with inside flue.
- Fig. 182.—Bath-tub in section, with oven outside the room.
- Fig. 183.—Bath-tub with outside heating-chamber.
- Fig. 184.—Bath-tub with iron base.
- Fig. 185.—Lavatory in country inn.
- Fig. 186.—Lavatory in private house.
- Fig. 187.—Lavatory copied from Japanese book.
- Fig. 188-192.—Forms of towel-racks.
- Fig. 193.—Forms of pillow in common use.
- Fig. 194.—Showing position of head in resting on pillow.
- Fig. 195.—Heating arrangement in floor.
- Fig. 196.—Elbow-rest.
- Fig. 197.—Common hibachi.
- Fig. 198.—Hibachi.
- Fig. 199.—Hibachi.
- Fig. 200.—Hibachi arranged for company.
- Fig. 201.—Tabako-bon.
- Fig. 202.—Tabako-box.
- Fig. 203.—Tabako-box.
- Fig. 204.—Pan for holding burning charcoal.
- Fig. 205.—Iron candlestick.
- Fig. 206.—Lamp.
- Fig. 207.—Lamp.
- Fig. 208.—Lamp and laquered stand.
- Fig. 209.—Wall-lamp.
- Fig. 210.—Lamp.
- Fig. 211.—Pottery lamp.
- Fig. 212.—Pottery lamp.
- Fig. 213.—Pottery candlestick.
- Fig. 214.—Fixed street-lantern.
- Fig. 215.—Household shrine.
- Fig. 216.—Swallows' nests in private house.
- Fig. 217.—Interior of privy.
- Fig. 218.—Privy of inn in Hachi-ishi village, Nikko.
- Fig. 219.—Privy connected with a merchant's house in Asakusa.
- Fig. 220.—Interior of a privy in Asakusa.
- Fig. 221.—Main entrance to house.
- Fig. 222.—Plan of vestibule and hall.
- Fig. 223.—Shoe-closet.
- Fig. 224.—Lantern-shelf in hall.
- Fig. 225.—Grated entrance, with sliding door.
- Fig. 226.—Verandah floor.
- Fig. 227.—Verandah of an old Kioto house.
- Fig. 228.—Balcony rail.
- Fig. 229.—Balcony rail and perforated panels.
- Fig. 230.—Balcony rail.
- Fig. 231.—Balcony rail.
- Fig. 232.—Balcony rail.
- Fig. 233.—Rain-door lock unbolted.
- Fig. 234.—Rain-door lock bolted.
- Fig. 235.—Knob for rain-door.
- Fig. 236.—Corner-roller for rain-door.
- Fig. 237.—Verandah showing swinging closet for rain-doors, and also Chōdzu-bachi.
- Fig. 238.—Chōdzu-bachi.
- Fig. 239.—Chōdzu-bachi.
- Fig. 240.—Chōdzu-bachi.
- Fig. 241.—Chōdzu-bachi and Hisashi-yen.
- Fig. 242.—Gateway in yashiki building.
- Fig. 243.—Gateway of city house from within.
- Fig. 244.—Gate-rattle.
- Fig. 245.—Bolt for little sliding door in gateway.
- Fig. 246.—Gateway to city residence.
- Fig. 247.—Gateway to city residence.
- Fig. 248.—Gateway near Tokio.
- Fig. 249.—Gateway.
- Fig. 250.—Rustic gateway.
- Fig. 251.—Rustic gateway.
- Fig. 252.—Rustic garden gate.
- Fig. 253.—Garden gateway.
- Fig. 254.—Ordinary wooden fence.
- Fig. 255.—Stake fence.
- Fig. 256.—Bamboo fence.
- Fig. 257.—Fence in Hakòne village.
- Fig. 258.—Rustic garden-fence.
- Fig. 259.—Sode-gaki.
- Fig. 260.—Sode-gaki.
- Fig. 261.—Sode-gaki.
- Fig. 262.—Barred opening in a fence.
- Fig. 263.—Garden tablet.
- Fig. 264.—Ishi-dōrō in Tokio
- Fig. 265.—Ishi-dōrō in Miyajima
- Fig. 266.—Ishi-dōrō in Shirako, Musashi.
- Fig. 267.—Ishi-dōrō in Utsunomiya.
- Fig. 268.—Stone foot-bridge.
- Fig. 269.—Stone foot-bridge.
- Fig. 270.—Garden brook and foot-bridge.
- Fig. 271.—Summer-house in private garden, Tokio.
- Fig. 272.—Summer-house in imperial garden, Tokio.
- Fig. 273.—Rustic opening in summer-house, Kobe.
- Fig. 274.—Rustic opening in summer-house, Okazaki.
- Fig. 275.—Various forms of garden paths.
- Fig. 276.—Wooden trough for plants.
- Fig. 277.—Plant-pot of old plank.
- Fig. 278.—Dwarf plum.
- Fig. 279.—Dwarf pine.
- Fig. 280.—Curiously trained pine-tree.
- Fig. 281.—Dwarfed pine.
- Fig. 282.—Shrubs wrapped in straw for winter.
- Fig. 283.—Showing approaches to house. (Reproduced from “Chikusan teizoden”, a Japanese work.)
- Fig. 284.—Little garden belonging to the priests of a buddhist temple. (Reproduced from “Chikusan teizoden”, a Japanese work.)
- Fig. 285.—Garden of a merchant. (Reproduced from “Chikusan teizoden”, a Japanese work.)
- Fig. 286.—Garden of a daimio. (Reproduced from “Chikusan teizoden”, a Japanese work.)
- Fig. 287.—Ancient form of well-curb.
- Fig. 288.—Stone well-curb in private garden.
- Fig. 289.—Wooden well-frame.
- Fig. 290.—Rustic well-frame.
- Fig. 291.—Aqueduct reservoir at Miyajima, Aki.
- Fig. 292.—Aqueducts at Miyajima, Aki.
- Fig. 293.—Well at Kaga Yashiki, Tokio.
- Fig. 294.—Hanging flower-holder of bamboo.
- Fig. 295.—Hanging flower-holder of basket-work.
- Fig. 296.—Cheap bracket for flower-pots.
- Fig. 297.—Curious combination of buckets for flowers.
- Fig. 298.—Framed picture, with supports.
- Fig. 299.—Hashira kakushi.
- Fig. 300.—Writing-desk.
- Fig. 301.—Staging on house-roof, with bucket and brush.
- Fig. 302.—Box for transporting articles.
- Fig. 303.—Malay house near singapore.
- Fig. 304.—Ridge of roof in Cholon, Anam.
- Fig. 305.—Interior of Malay house, showing bed-place. Singapore.
- Fig. 306.—Aino house, Yezo.
- Fig. 307.—Aino house, Yezo.
To William Sturgis Bigelow, M.D. In memory of the delightful experiences in the “Heart of Japan” this volume is affectionately inscribed by the AUTHOR.
To William Sturgis Bigelow, M.D. In memory of the wonderful times in the "Heart of Japan" this book is lovingly dedicated by the AUTHOR.
INTRODUCTION
In an exceedingly interesting article on the early study of the Dutch in Japan, by Professor K. Mitsukuri,1 the author has occasion to refer to the uncle of one of the three famous Japanese scholars who translated into Japanese a Dutch book on anatomy. He says this uncle “Miyada was almost eccentric in his disposition. He held it to be a solemn duty to learn any art or accomplishment that might be going out of the world, and then describe it so fully that it might be preserved to posterity.” The nephew was faithful to his uncle's instructions, and “though following medicine for his profession, he took it upon himself to learn ‘hitoyogiri,’—a certain kind of music which was well-nigh forgotten,—and even went so far as to study a kind of dramatic acting.”
In a very interesting article about the early study of the Dutch in Japan by Professor K. Mitsukuri, 1 the author refers to the uncle of one of the three famous Japanese scholars who translated a Dutch book on anatomy into Japanese. He mentions that this uncle “Miyada had a slightly eccentric personality. He felt a deep responsibility to learn any art or skill that was at risk of disappearing and to document it in detail so it could be preserved for future generations.” The nephew followed his uncle's advice, and "Even though he pursued a career in medicine, he decided to learn ‘hitoyogiri,’ a nearly forgotten type of music, and even studied a style of dramatic acting."
Though not animated by Miyada's spirit when I set about the task of collecting the material embodied in this work, I feel now that the labor has not been altogether in vain, as it may result in preserving many details of the Japanese house,—some of them trivial, perhaps,—which in a few decades of years may be difficult, if not impossible, to obtain. Whether this has been accomplished or not, the praiseworthy ambition of the old Japanese scholar might well be imitated by the ethnological student in his investigations,—since nothing can be of greater importance than the study of those nations and [pg viii] peoples who are passing through profound changes and readjustments as a result of their compulsory contact with the vigorous, selfish, and mercantile nations of the West, accompanied on their part by a propagandism in some respects equally mercenary and selfish.
Though I wasn't inspired by Miyada's spirit when I started gathering the material for this work, I now believe that the effort hasn't been entirely fruitless, as it might help preserve many details about Japanese houses—some of which may seem trivial—that could be hard, if not impossible, to find in a few decades. Whether this has been achieved or not, the admirable goal of the old Japanese scholar should serve as a model for ethnological researchers in their studies, since nothing is more important than understanding the nations and peoples undergoing significant changes and adjustments due to their unavoidable interactions with the vigorous, self-centered, and trade-focused nations of the West, which are also promoting their own sometimes equally profit-driven and selfish agendas.
Thanks to the activity of a number of students of various nationalities in the employ of the Japanese government, and more especially to the scholarly attachés of the English legation in Japan, much information has been obtained concerning this interesting people which might otherwise have been lost. If investigators and students would bear in mind the precept of Miyada, and seize upon those features in social life—forms of etiquette, frames, ceremonies, and other manners and customs—which are the first to change in any contact with alien races, a very important work would be accomplished for the future sociologist. The native Japanese student might render the greatest service in this work by noting down from the older persons, before it is too late, the social features and habits of his own people as they were before the late Revolution. Profound changes have already taken place in Japan, and other changes are still in progress. As an indication of the rapidity of some of these changes, reference might be made to an interesting memoir, by Mr. McClatchie, on “The Feudal Mansions of Yedo;” and though this was written but ten years after the revolution of 1868, he speaks of the yashiki, or fortified mansions where dwelt the feudal nobles of Japan, as in “many cases deserted, ruined, and fallen into decay;” and he describes observances and manners connected with the yashiki, such as “etiquette of the gates,” “exchange of yashiki,” “rules relating to fires,” etc., which were then obsolete at the time of his writing, though in full force but a few years before.
Thanks to the efforts of several students from different countries who worked for the Japanese government, and especially to the knowledgeable attachés of the English legation in Japan, a lot of valuable information about this fascinating culture has been gathered that might have otherwise been lost. If researchers and students remembered Miyada's advice and focused on aspects of social life—like etiquette, rituals, and other customs—that change first during interactions with other cultures, they would achieve significant progress for future sociologists. A local Japanese student could play a crucial role in this task by documenting from older generations, before it’s too late, the social traits and habits of his own people as they were before the recent Revolution. Major changes have already happened in Japan, and others are still underway. To illustrate the speed of some of these changes, we can refer to an intriguing memoir by Mr. McClatchie on “The Feudal Mansions of Yedo;" although this was written just ten years after the 1868 revolution, he describes the yashiki, or fortified castles where Japan's feudal lords used to live, as “in many cases deserted, ruined, and fallen into decay;” he details the customs and behaviors associated with the yashiki, such as “etiquette of the gates,” “exchange of yashiki,” “rules regarding fires,” etc., which were already outdated by the time he wrote, even though they had been common just a few years earlier.
I shall be particularly grateful for any facts concerning the Japanese house beyond those recorded in this book, or which [pg ix] may be already in my possession, as also for the correction of any errors which may have unavoidably been made in the text. Should a second edition of this work be called for, such new information and corrections will be incorporated therein, with due acknowledgments.
I would greatly appreciate any information about the Japanese house that isn’t included in this book or that I might already have, as well as any corrections for mistakes that may have slipped through in the text. If a second edition of this work is needed, I will include that new information and corrections, with proper acknowledgments.
I wish to express my gratitude to Dr. W. S. Bigelow, whose delightful companionship I enjoyed during the collection of many of the facts and sketches contained in this volume, and whose hearty sympathy and judicious advice were of the greatest service to me. To Professor and Mrs. E. F. Fenollosa, also, my thanks are especially due for unnumbered kindnesses during my last visit to Japan.
I want to express my gratitude to Dr. W. S. Bigelow, whose enjoyable company I appreciated while gathering many of the facts and sketches in this book, and whose genuine support and thoughtful advice were incredibly helpful to me. I also owe a special thanks to Professor and Mrs. E. F. Fenollosa for their countless acts of kindness during my last visit to Japan.
I would also here return my thanks to a host of Japanese friends who have at various times, in season and out of season, granted me the privilege of sketching their homes and examining their dwellings from top to bottom in quest of material for this volume; who furthermore have answered questions, translated terms, hunted up information, and in many ways aided me,—so that it may be truly said, that had this assistance been withheld, but little of my special work could have been accomplished. Any effort to recall the names of all these friends would lead to the unavoidable omission of some; nevertheless, I must specially mention Mr. H. Takamine, Director of the Tokio Normal School; Dr. Seiken Takenaka; Mr. Tsunejiro Miyaoka; Mr. S. Tejima, Director of the Tokio Educational Museum; Professors Toyama, Yatabe, Kikuchi, Mitsukuri, Sasaki, and Kozima, and Mr. Ishikawa and others, of the University of Tokio; Mr. Isawa and Mr. Kodzu, Mr. Fukuzawa, the distinguished teacher and author; Mr. Kashiwagi, Mr. Kohitsu, and Mr. Masuda. I must also acknowledge my indebtedness to Mr. H. Kato, Director of the University of Tokio, to Mr. Hattori, Vice-director, and to Mr. Hamao and other officers of the Educational Department, for many courtesies, and for special accommodations during my [pg x] last visit to Japan. Nor must I omit to mention Mr. Tachibana, Director of the nobles' school; Mr. Kikkawa, Mr. Tahara, Mr. Kineko, Mr. Ariga, Mr. Tanada, Mr. Nakawara, Mr. Yamaguchi, Mr. Negishi of Kabutoyama, and many others, who supplied me with various notes of interest. In this country I have been specially indebted to Mr. A. S. Mihara and Mr. S. Fukuzawa, for valuable assistance during the preparation of the text; and to Mr. Arakawa, Mr. Shiraishi, Mr. Shugio, and Mr. Yamada of New York, for timely aid.
I would like to take this opportunity to thank a number of Japanese friends who, at various times—both when it was convenient and when it wasn’t—allowed me to sketch their homes and explore their places from top to bottom in search of material for this book. They also answered my questions, translated terms, found information for me, and helped in many other ways, making it clear that without their support, I wouldn't have accomplished much of my work. While I can’t remember everyone’s names without leaving some out, I have to particularly mention Mr. H. Takamine, Director of the Tokyo Normal School; Dr. Seiken Takenaka; Mr. Tsunejiro Miyaoka; Mr. S. Tejima, Director of the Tokyo Educational Museum; Professors Toyama, Yatabe, Kikuchi, Mitsukuri, Sasaki, and Kozima; and Mr. Ishikawa, among others, from the University of Tokyo. I also want to acknowledge my gratitude to Mr. H. Kato, Director of the University of Tokyo, Mr. Hattori, the Vice-director, and Mr. Hamao along with other officers of the Educational Department for their many kind gestures and special accommodations during my [pg x] last visit to Japan. I must also mention Mr. Tachibana, Director of the nobles' school; Mr. Kikkawa, Mr. Tahara, Mr. Kineko, Mr. Ariga, Mr. Tanada, Mr. Nakawara, Mr. Yamaguchi, Mr. Negishi of Kabutoyama, and many others who provided me with various interesting notes. In this country, I've been especially grateful to Mr. A. S. Mihara and Mr. S. Fukuzawa for their valuable help during the preparation of the text; and to Mr. Arakawa, Mr. Shiraishi, Mr. Shugio, and Mr. Yamada of New York for their timely assistance.
To the Board of Trustees of the Peabody Academy of Science, who, recognizing the ethnological value of the work I had in hand, granted me a release from my duties as Director until I could complete it; and to Professor John Robinson, Treasurer of the Academy, and Mr. T. F. Hunt, for friendly suggestions and helpful interest, as also to Mr. Percival Lowell for numerous courtesies,—my thanks are due. I must not forget to record here my indebtedness to Mr. A. W. Stevens, chief proof-reader of the University Press, for his invaluable assistance in the literary part of my labors, and for his faithful scrutiny of the proof-sheets. At the same time I desire to thank Miss Margarette W. Brooks for much aid given to me in my work; my daughter, Miss Edith O. Morse, for the preliminary tracings of the drawings from my journals; Mr. L. S. Ipsen, who drew the unique and beautiful design for the cover of this book; Mr. A. V. S. Anthony for judicious supervision of the process-work in the illustrations; the University Press for its excellent workmanship in the printing of the book; and the Publishers for the generous manner in which they have supported the undertaking. I will only add, that the excellent Index to be found at the end of this book was prepared by Mr. Charles H. Stevens.
To the Board of Trustees of the Peabody Academy of Science, who recognized the ethnological importance of my project and allowed me to step away from my role as Director until I could finish it; and to Professor John Robinson, Treasurer of the Academy, and Mr. T. F. Hunt, for their friendly suggestions and support, as well as to Mr. Percival Lowell for many kind gestures—thank you. I also want to express my gratitude to Mr. A. W. Stevens, the chief proofreader of the University Press, for his invaluable help with the writing aspect of my project and for his careful review of the proof sheets. Additionally, I wish to thank Miss Margarette W. Brooks for her significant assistance; my daughter, Miss Edith O. Morse, for the initial tracings of the drawings from my journals; Mr. L. S. Ipsen, who created the unique and beautiful design for the cover of this book; Mr. A. V. S. Anthony for his wise supervision of the illustration processes; the University Press for its excellent quality in printing the book; and the Publishers for their generous support of this project. Lastly, I want to acknowledge that the excellent Index found at the end of this book was prepared by Mr. Charles H. Stevens.
November, 1885.
INTRODUCTION
Within twenty years there has gradually appeared in our country a variety of Japanese objects conspicuous for their novelty and beauty,—lacquers, pottery and porcelain, forms in wood and metal, curious shaped boxes, quaint ivory carvings, fabrics in cloth and paper, and a number of other objects as perplexing in their purpose as the inscriptions which they often bore. Most of these presented technicalities in their work as enigmatical as were their designs, strange caprices in their ornamentation which, though violating our hitherto recognized proprieties of decoration, surprised and yet delighted us. The utility of many of the objects we were at loss to understand; yet somehow they gradually found lodgment in our rooms, even displacing certain other objects which we had been wont to regard as decorative, and our rooms looked all the prettier for their substitution. We found it difficult to formulate the principles upon which such art was based, and yet were compelled to recognize its merit. Violations of perspective, and colors in juxtaposition or coalescing that before we had regarded as inharmonious, were continually reminding us of Japan and her curious people. Slowly our methods of decoration became imbued with these ways so new to us, and yet so many centuries old to the people among whom these arts had originated. Gradually yet surely, these arts, at first so little understood, [pg xxvi] modified our own methods of ornamentation, until frescos wall-papers, wood-work and carpets, dishes and table-cloth metal work and book-covers, Christmas cards and even railroad advertisements were decorated, modelled, and designed after Japanese style.
In the past twenty years, a variety of Japanese objects have emerged in our country, known for their uniqueness and beauty—lacquers, pottery and porcelain, wooden and metal forms, oddly shaped boxes, charming ivory carvings, fabrics made from cloth and paper, and many other items whose purposes were as puzzling as the inscriptions they often carried. Most of these items featured techniques as enigmatic as their designs, with strange ornamentation that, while breaking our previously accepted decoration norms, surprised and delighted us. We often struggled to understand the usefulness of many objects; yet, they gradually found their way into our rooms, even replacing some items we used to consider decorative, making our spaces look even more appealing. We found it hard to define the principles behind such art, yet we couldn't ignore its quality. Odd perspectives and color combinations that we previously thought were discordant continually reminded us of Japan and its fascinating people. Slowly, our decoration methods began to adopt these novel styles, which were, in fact, centuries old to the culture from which they originated. Bit by bit, these arts—initially so little understood—transformed our own approaches to decoration. Eventually, frescoes, wallpapers, woodwork, carpets, dishes, tablecloths, metalwork, book covers, Christmas cards, and even train advertisements were created, modeled, and designed in the Japanese style.
It was not to be wondered at that many of our best artists,—men like Coleman, Vedder, Lafarge, and others,—had long fore recognized the transcendent merit of Japanese decorative art. It was however somewhat remarkable that the public at large should come so universally to recognize it, and in so short a time. Not only our own commercial nation, but art-loving France, musical Germany, and even conservative England yielded to this invasion. Not that new designs were evolved by us; on the contrary, we were content to adopt Japanese designs outright, oftentimes with a mixture of incongruities that would have driven Japanese decorator stark mad. Designs appropriate for the metal mounting of a sword blazed out on our ceilings; motives fror a heavy bronze formed the theme for the decoration of friable pottery; and suggestions from light crape were woven into hot carpets to be trodden upon. Even with this mongrel admixture, it was a relief by any means to have driven out of our dwelling the nightmares and horrors of design we had before endured so meekly,—such objects, for example, as a child in dead brass, kneeling in perpetual supplication on a dead brass cushion, while adroitly balancing on its head a receptacle for kerosene oil; and a whole regiment of shapes equally monstrous. Our walls no longer assailed us with designs that wearied our eyes and exasperated our brains by their inanities. We were no longer doomed to wipe our feet on cupids, horns of plenty, restless tigers, or scrolls of architectural magnitudes. Under the benign influence of this new spirit it came to be realized that it was not always necessary to tear a flower in bits to recognize its decorative value; and that the simplest objects in Nature—a spray of [pg xxvii] bamboo, a pine cone, a cherry blossom—in the right place were quite sufficient to satisfy our craving for the beautiful.
It wasn't surprising that many of our top artists—like Coleman, Vedder, Lafarge, and others—had long recognized the incredible value of Japanese decorative art. What was a bit remarkable was that the general public also came to appreciate it so widely and quickly. Not just our own country, but also art-loving France, music-loving Germany, and even conservative England embraced this influence. We didn't create new designs; instead, we were satisfied to adopt Japanese designs directly, often mixing them in ways that would have driven a Japanese decorator completely crazy. Designs meant for metal fittings on swords appeared on our ceilings; themes from heavy bronze inspired decorations for delicate pottery; and ideas from light fabric were woven into heavy carpets used underfoot. Even with this mixed approach, it was a relief to replace the nightmares and horrors of design we had previously endured, like a child in dull brass kneeling in eternal prayer on a brass cushion while awkwardly balancing a kerosene oil holder on its head, among other equally bizarre objects. Our walls no longer assaulted us with designs that tired our eyes and frustrated our minds with their absurdity. We were no longer forced to wipe our feet on cupids, cornucopias, restless tigers, or giant scrolls of architecture. With this new influence, we realized that it wasn't always necessary to break a flower into pieces to appreciate its decorative value; even the simplest objects in nature—a sprig of bamboo, a pine cone, a cherry blossom—in the right spot were enough to satisfy our desire for beauty.
The Japanese exhibit at the Centennial exposition in Philadelphia came to us as a new revelation; and the charming onslaught of that unrivalled display completed the victory. It was then that the Japanese craze took firm hold of us. Books on Japan rapidly multiplied, especially books on decorative art; but it was found that such rare art could be properly represented only in the most costly fashion, and with plates of marvellous elaboration. What the Japanese were able to do with their primitive methods of block-printing and a few colors, required the highest genius of our artists and chromo-lithographers; and even then the subtile spirit which the artist sought for could not be caught.
The Japanese exhibit at the Centennial exposition in Philadelphia was a total revelation for us, and the stunning impact of that amazing display sealed the deal. That's when the fascination with Japan really took hold of us. Books about Japan quickly started to appear, especially those focused on decorative art; however, it was discovered that such exquisite art could only be properly showcased in the most expensive format, with beautifully detailed plates. What the Japanese accomplished with their basic block-printing techniques and a few colors required the highest talents of our artists and chromo-lithographers; and even then, the subtle essence that the artist aimed to capture was unattainable.
The more intelligent among our collectors soon recognized that the objects from Japan divided themselves into two groups,—the one represented by a few objects having great intrinsic merit, with a refinement and reserve of decoration; the other group, characterized by a more florid display and less delicacy of treatment, forming by far the larger number, consisting chiefly of forms in pottery, porcelain, lacquer and metal work. These last were made by the Japanese expressly for the foreign market, many of them having no place in their economy, and with few exceptions being altogether too gaudy and violent to suit the Japanese taste. Our country became flooded with them; even the village grocery displayed them side by side with articles manufactured at home for the same class of customers, and equally out of place in the greater marts of the country. To us, however, these objects were always pretty, and were moreover so much cheaper, with all their high duties and importer's profits, than the stuff to which we had been accustomed, that they helped us out amazingly at every recurring Christmas. Of the better class of objects, nearly all of them were originally [pg xxviii] intended either for personal use or adornment,—such as clasps, little ivory carvings, sectional lacquer-boxes, fans, etc.; or mere objects of household use, such as hanging flower-holders, bronze and pottery vases, incense burners, lacquer cabinets, dishes, etc.
The more intelligent collectors among us soon realized that the items from Japan fell into two categories—one consisting of a few pieces with significant intrinsic value, showcasing refinement and subtle decoration; the other group, featuring a more elaborate style and less delicate craftsmanship, made up the majority and primarily included pottery, porcelain, lacquer, and metalwork. The latter were specifically created by the Japanese for the foreign market, many of which had no place in their own economy, and, with few exceptions, were far too flashy and overwhelming to appeal to Japanese tastes. Our country was flooded with these items; even the local grocery store displayed them alongside products made locally for the same type of customers, both equally out of place in the larger markets of the country. For us, however, these items were always attractive and, despite all the high tariffs and importers' markups, they were much more affordable than what we had been used to, making them a lifesaver come Christmas time. The higher-quality items were mostly originally intended for personal use or decoration—like clasps, small ivory carvings, tiered lacquer boxes, fans, etc.; or simple household items, such as hanging flower holders, bronze and pottery vases, incense burners, lacquer cabinets, dishes, etc.
Naturally great curiosity was awakened to know more about the social life of this remarkable people; and particularly was it desirable to know the nature of the house that sheltered such singular and beautiful works of art. In response to the popular demand, book after book appeared; but with some noteworth exceptions they repeated the same information, usually prefaced by an account of the more than special privileges accorded to their authors by the Japanese government, followed by history of the Japanese empire from its first emperor down the present time,—apparently concise enough, but interminable with its mythologies, wars, decays, restorations, etc. Then we had the record of an itinerary of a few weeks at some treaty port, or of a brief sojourn in the country, where, to illustrate the bravery of the author, imaginary dangers were conjured up; a wild guess at the ethnical enigma, erroneous conceptions of Japanese character and customs,—the whole illustrated by sketches derived from previous works on the same subject, or from Japanese sources, often without due credit being given; and finally we were given a forecast of the future of Japan, with an account of the progress its public were making in adopting outside customs, with no warning of the acts of hara-kiri their arts would be compelled to perform in the presence of so many influences alien to their nature. As an illustration of this, could the force of absurdity go further than the attempt to introduce the Italian school of painting,—and this in the land of a Kano; or the melancholy act of a foreign employé of one of the colleges in Tokio, in inducing or compelling all its pupils to wear hot woollen Scotch caps,—converting a lot of [pg xxix] handsome dark-haired boys, with graceful and picturesque dress, into a mob of ridiculous monkeys?
Naturally, there was a huge curiosity to learn more about the social life of this remarkable people; and especially it was important to understand the kind of house that held such unique and beautiful works of art. In response to this demand, book after book was published; however, with a few notable exceptions, they mostly repeated the same information, usually starting with a description of the special privileges granted to their authors by the Japanese government, followed by a history of the Japanese empire from its first emperor to the present day—seemingly concise, but endless with its myths, wars, declines, restorations, etc. Then we got the accounts of a few weeks' travels at some treaty port or a short stay in the countryside, where, to showcase the author’s bravery, imaginary dangers were invented; inaccurate guesses about the ethnic mystery, flawed perceptions of Japanese character and customs—the whole thing illustrated by sketches taken from earlier works on the same topic or from Japanese sources, often without appropriate credit being given; and finally, we were presented with a prediction about Japan's future, discussing how its people were adopting foreign customs, without any warnings about the sacrifices their arts would have to make in light of so many influences that conflicted with their nature. To illustrate this, could the absurdity go any further than the attempt to introduce the Italian school of painting—in a land known for Kano? Or the sad situation where a foreign employee at one of the colleges in Tokyo persuaded or forced all the students to wear hot woolen Scottish caps—turning a group of handsome, dark-haired boys in elegant and picturesque clothing into a bunch of ridiculous monkeys?
In these books on Japan we look in vain for any but the most general description of what a Japanese home really is; even Rein's work, so apparently monographic, dismisses the house and garden in a few pages.2 The present work is an attempt to fill this deficiency, by describing not only the variety of dwellings seen in Japan, but by specializing more in detail the variety of structure seen within the building.
In these books about Japan, we search in vain for anything more than a general description of what a Japanese home truly is; even Rein's seemingly focused work only briefly covers the house and garden in a few pages.2 This work aims to address that gap by detailing not only the different types of homes found in Japan but also delving deeper into the variety of structures within the buildings.
In the following pages occasion has often led to criticism and comparison. Aside from any question of justice, it would seem as if criticism, to be of any value, should be comparative; that is to say, in any running commentary on Japanese ways and conditions the parallel ways and conditions of one's own people should be as frankly pointed out, or at least recognized. When [pg xxx] one enters your city,—which is fairly clean and tidy—complains of its filthy streets, the assumption is that the streets of his own city are clean; and when these are found to dirty beyond measure, the value of the complaint or criticism is at once lost, and the author immediately set down as a wilful maligner. Either we should follow the dictum of the great moral Teacher, and hesitate to behold the mote in others' eyes or else in so doing we should consider the beam in our own.
In the following pages, various situations have sparked criticism and comparison. Beyond any questions of fairness, it seems that for criticism to be meaningful, it should be comparative. This means that in any ongoing discussion about Japanese customs and conditions, the similar customs and conditions of our own society should be clearly pointed out or at least acknowledged. When someone enters your city—which is quite clean and neat—and complains about its dirty streets, it implies that the streets of their own city are clean. If those streets are found to be extremely dirty, the validity of their complaint or criticism is immediately questioned, and the person is quickly labeled as a spiteful critic. We should either adhere to the advice of a great moral Teacher and refrain from noticing the flaws in others, or if we do, we should be aware of the flaws in ourselves.
This duty, however, even to fair and unprejudiced minds, becomes a matter of great difficulty. It is extraordinary how blind one may be to the faults and crimes of his own people, and how reluctant to admit them. We sing heroic soldier-songs with energy and enthusiasm, and are amazed to find numbers in a Japanese audience disapproving, because of the bloody deeds celebrated in such an exultant way. We read daily our papers the details of the most blood-curdling crimes, and often of the most abhorrent and unnatural ones; and yet we make no special reflections on the conditions of society where such things are possible, or put ourselves much out of the way to arouse the people to a due sense of the degradation and stain on the community at large because of such things. But we go to another country and perhaps find a new species of vice; its novelty at once arrests our attention, and forthwith we howl at the enormity of the crime and the degradation of the nation in which such a crime could originate, send home the most exaggerated accounts, malign the people without stint, and then prate to them about Christian charity!
This obligation, however, even for fair and impartial minds, becomes a significant challenge. It's remarkable how blind people can be to the faults and wrongdoings of their own kind, and how hesitant they are to acknowledge them. We enthusiastically sing heroic soldier songs and are surprised to see many in a Japanese audience disapproving, because of the violent acts celebrated in such a jubilant manner. We read daily in our newspapers about horrific crimes, often the most shocking and unnatural ones; yet we don't reflect much on the societal conditions that allow such things to happen, nor do we make much effort to inspire the public to recognize the degradation and stain on the whole community caused by such issues. But when we go to another country and perhaps encounter a new kind of vice, its novelty immediately captivates our attention, and we promptly condemn the severity of the crime and the moral decay of the nation from which it arises, sending home the most exaggerated reports, slandering the people without hesitation, and then preach to them about Christian charity!
In the study of another people one should if possible look through colorless glasses; though if one is to err in this respect, it were better that his spectacles should be rose-colored than grimed with the smoke of prejudice. The student of Ethnology as a matter of policy, if he can put himself in no more generous attitude, had better err in looking kindly and favorably [pg xxxi] at a people whose habits and customs he is about to study. It is human nature the world over to resist adverse criticism; and when one is prowling about with his eyes darkened by the opaquest of uncorrected provincial glasses, he is repelled on all sides; nothing is accessible to him; he can rarely get more than a superficial glance at matters. Whereas, if he tries honestly to seek out the better attributes of a people, he is only too welcome to proceed with any investigation he wishes to make; even customs and ways that appear offensive are freely revealed to him, knowing that he will not wilfully distort and render more painful what is at the outset admitted on all hands to be bad.
In studying another culture, one should try to view it without bias; however, if there's going to be a mistake, it's better to have a positive outlook than be clouded by prejudice. An Ethnology student, even if he can't adopt a more generous mindset, is better off looking at a culture with kindness and favor as he prepares to study it. It's human nature everywhere to resist negative criticism; when someone is exploring with a mindset clouded by uncorrected biases, they find themselves pushed away from everything; they can rarely see beyond a surface level. On the other hand, if they honestly try to identify the positive qualities of a culture, they're welcomed to conduct any investigation they want; even customs and practices that might seem off-putting are easily shared with them, knowing that they won't intentionally distort or amplify the unpleasant aspects that everyone already acknowledges as negative. [pg xxxi]
We repeat that such investigation must be approached in a spirit of sympathy, otherwise much is lost or misunderstood. This is not only true as to social customs, but also as to studies in other lines of research as well. Professor Fenollosa, the greatest authority on Japanese pictorial art, says most truthfully that “it is not enough to approach these delicate children of the spirit with the eye of mere curiosity, or the cold rigid standard of an alien school. One's heart must be large enough to learn to love, as the Japanese artist loves, before the veil can be lifted to the full splendor of their hidden beauties.”
We emphasize that such investigations should be approached with a sense of understanding; otherwise, a lot can be lost or misinterpreted. This applies not just to social customs but also to studies in other fields. Professor Fenollosa, the leading expert on Japanese pictorial art, rightly says that "It's not enough to view these delicate creations of the spirit with just curiosity or a cold, detached perspective from an outside school. Your heart must be open to learning to love, just like the Japanese artist loves, before the true beauty of their hidden wonders can be revealed."
In this spirit I have endeavored to give an account of Japanese homes and their surroundings. I might have dealt only with the huts of the poorest, with the squalor of their inmates, and given a meagre picture of Japanese life; or a study might have been made of the homes of the wealthy exclusively, which would have been equally one-sided. It seemed to me, however, that a description of the homes of the middle classes, with occasional reference to those of the higher and lower types, would perhaps give a fairer picture of the character and structure of Japanese homes and houses, than had I pursued either of the other courses. I may have erred in looking through spectacles [pg xxxii] tinted with rose; but if so, I have no apology to make. Living for some time among a people with whom I have had only the most friendly relations, and to whom I still owe a thousand debts of gratitude, it would be only a contemptible and jaundiced temperament that could under such circumstances write otherwise than kindly, or fail to make generous allowance for what appear to others as grave faults and omissions.
In this spirit, I have tried to provide an overview of Japanese homes and their surroundings. I could have focused solely on the shacks of the poorest, highlighting the misery of their residents, which would have offered a limited view of Japanese life; or I could have concentrated exclusively on the homes of the wealthy, which would also be one-sided. However, it seemed to me that describing the homes of the middle class, with occasional mentions of those from higher and lower backgrounds, would provide a more accurate representation of the nature and structure of Japanese homes than either of the other options. I may have made a mistake by viewing things through rose-colored glasses; but if that's the case, I don't have any regrets. Having spent some time among a people with whom I have enjoyed only friendly relations, to whom I still owe many debts of gratitude, it would take a truly bitter and biased perspective to write anything other than with kindness or to overlook the generous allowances for what others might see as serious faults and shortcomings.
In regard to Japanese houses, there are many features not to my liking; and in the ordinary language of travellers I might speak of these houses as huts and hovels, cold and cheerless, etc., and give such a generic description of them as would include under one category all the houses on the Pacific coast from Kamtchatka to Java. Faults these houses have; and in criticising them I have endeavored to make my reflections comparative; and I have held up for comparison much that is objectionable in our own houses, as well as the work done by our own artisans. But judging from the rage and disgust expressed in certain English publications, where one writer speaks of “much of the work for wage as positively despicable,” and another of the miseries entailed by the unscientific builder, my comparison may legitimately extend to England also.3
When it comes to Japanese houses, there are many aspects I don't like. In the typical language of travelers, I might refer to these houses as huts and hovels that feel cold and uninviting, and give a blanket description that would lump together all the houses along the Pacific coast from Kamchatka to Java. These houses have their flaws, and in critiquing them, I’ve tried to make my reflections comparative, highlighting much that is lacking in our own houses and the work done by our own craftsmen. However, based on the outrage and disgust shown in some English publications—where one writer calls "much of the work for wage as positively despicable," and another discusses the problems caused by unscientific builders—my comparisons can also be extended to England. 3
In the present volume the attempt has been made to describe the Japanese house and its immediate surroundings in general and in detail. No one realizes better than the author the meagreness in certain portions of this work. It is believed, however, that with the many illustrations, and the classification of the subject-matter, much will be made clear that before was vague. The figures are in every case fac-similes by one of the [pg xxxiii] relief processes of the author's pen-and-ink drawings, and with few exceptions are from his own sketches made on the spot; so that whatever they lack in artistic merit, they make up in being more or less accurate drawings of the objects and features depicted. The material has been gleaned from an illustrated daily journal, kept by the author during three successive residences in that delightful country, embracing travels by land from the northwest coast of Yezo to the southernmost parts of Satsuma.
In this volume, an effort has been made to describe the Japanese house and its surroundings both generally and in detail. No one understands better than the author the shortcomings in certain parts of this work. However, it is believed that with the numerous illustrations and the organization of the subject matter, much that was previously unclear will now be explained. The illustrations are all facsimiles of the author's pen-and-ink drawings, produced using one of the [pg xxxiii] relief processes, and with few exceptions are based on his own sketches made on location; so while they may lack artistic finesse, they compensate by being reasonably accurate representations of the objects and features shown. The content has been compiled from an illustrated daily journal that the author kept during three consecutive stays in that beautiful country, covering land travels from the northwest coast of Yezo to the southernmost regions of Satsuma.
The openness and accessibility of the Japanese house are a distinguishing feature of Japan; and no foreigner visits that country without bringing away delightful memories of the peculiarly characteristic dwellings of the Japanese. On the occasion of the author's last visit to Japan he also visited China, Anam, Singapore, and Java, and made studies of the houses of these various countries, with special reference to the Japanese house and its possible affinities elsewhere.
The openness and accessibility of Japanese homes are a unique aspect of Japan; and no foreigner visits the country without leaving with lovely memories of the distinct and unique dwellings of the Japanese. During the author's most recent visit to Japan, he also traveled to China, Vietnam, Singapore, and Java, studying the houses in these different countries, while paying special attention to the Japanese house and its possible connections to other places.
CHAPTER 1.
THE HOME.
[pg 1]A BIRD'S-EYE view of a large city in Japan presents an appearance quite unlike that presented by any large assemblage of buildings at home. A view of Tokio, for example, from some elevated point reveals a vast sea of roofs,—the gray of the shingles and dark slate-color of the tiles, with dull reflections from their surfaces, giving a sombre effect to the whole. The even expanse is broken here and there by the fire-proof buildings, with their ponderous tiled roofs and ridges and pure white or jet-black walls. These, though in color adding to the sombre appearance, form, with the exception of the temples, one of the most conspicuous features in the general monotony. The temples are indeed conspicuous, as they tower far above the pigmy dwellings which surround them. Their great black roofs, with massive ridges and ribs, and grand sweeps and white or red gables, render them striking objects from whatever point they are viewed. Green [pg 2] masses of tree-foliage springing from the numerous gardens add some life to this gray sea of domiciles.
A BIRD'S-EYE view of a large city in Japan looks completely different from any big collection of buildings back home. For instance, a view of Tokyo from a high point shows a huge expanse of roofs—the gray shingles and dark slate tiles, with dull reflections, create a gloomy overall effect. The even surface is occasionally interrupted by fire-proof buildings, with their heavy tiled roofs and distinct white or jet-black walls. While they add to the somber look, these buildings, aside from the temples, are some of the most noticeable features in the general sameness. The temples stand out even more, rising high above the tiny houses around them. Their large black roofs, with thick ridges and ribs, along with their sweeping shapes and white or red gables, make them eye-catching from any angle. Lush green tree foliage from the many gardens brings some life to this gray sea of homes.
It is a curious sight to look over a vast city of nearly a million inhabitants, and detect no chimney with its home-like streak of blue smoke. There is of course no church spire, with its usual architectural inanities. With the absence of chimneys and the almost universal use of charcoal for heating purposes, the cities have an atmosphere of remarkable clearness and purity; so clear, indeed, is the atmosphere that one may look over the city and see distinctly revealed the minuter details of the landscape beyond. The great sun-obscuring canopy of smoke and fumes that forever shroud some of our great cities is a feature happily unknown in Japan.
It’s a strange sight to look over a huge city of nearly a million people and not see a single chimney with its cozy plume of blue smoke. There’s no church steeple either, with its usual architectural nonsense. Without chimneys and with almost everyone using charcoal for heating, the cities have an atmosphere that is remarkably clear and pure; in fact, the air is so clear that you can look over the city and see the small details of the landscape in the distance. The thick cover of smoke and fumes that often hangs over some of our major cities is something that is thankfully absent in Japan.
Having got such a bird's-eye view of one city, we have seen them all,—the minor variations consisting, for the most part, in the inequalities of the sites upon which they rest. A view of Kioto, for example, as seen from some high point, is remarkably beautiful and varied, as the houses creep out between the hills that hem it in. In Nagasaki the houses literally rise in tiers from the water's edge to the hills immediately back, there to become blended with the city of the dead which caps their summits. A view of Nagasaki from the harbor is one of surpassing interest and beauty. Other large cities, such as Sendai, Osaka, Hiroshima, and Nagoya present the same uniform level of roofs.
Having gained such a broad perspective of one city, we've essentially seen them all—the small differences mainly come from the varying landscapes they sit on. A view of Kyoto, for instance, from a high point is incredibly beautiful and diverse, with houses climbing out between the hills that surround it. In Nagasaki, the houses literally tier up from the water’s edge to the hills behind, merging with the city of the dead that crowns their tops. A view of Nagasaki from the harbor is strikingly interesting and gorgeous. Other large cities like Sendai, Osaka, Hiroshima, and Nagoya showcase the same even skyline of roofs.
The compact way in which in the cities and towns the houses are crowded together, barely separated by the narrow streets and lanes which cross like threads in every direction, and the peculiarly inflammable material of which most of the buildings are composed, explain the lightning-like rapidity with which a conflagration spreads when once fairly under way.
The way houses are packed tightly together in cities and towns, only a small distance apart by the narrow streets and alleys that crisscross in every direction, along with the highly flammable materials that most buildings are made of, explains how quickly a fire can spread once it gets going.
In the smaller villages the houses are stretched along the sides of a single road, nearly all being arranged in this way, [pg 3]
In the smaller villages, the houses are lined up along one road, and almost all of them are set up this way, [pg 3]
[pg 4] sometimes extending for a mile or more. Rarely ever does one see a cross street or lane, or evidences of compactness, save that near the centre of this long street the houses and shops often abut, while those at the end of the streets have ample space between them. Some villages, which from their situation have no chance of expanding, become densely crowded: such for example is the case of Enoshima, near Yokohama, wherein the main street runs directly from the shore, by means of a series of steps at intervals, to a flight of stone steps, which lead to the temples and shrines at the summit of the island. This street is flanked on both sides by hills; and the ravine, of which the street forms the central axis, is densely crowded with houses, the narrowest of alley-ways leading to the houses in the rear. A fire once started would inevitably result in the destruction of every house in the village.
[pg 4] sometimes stretching for a mile or more. It's rare to see a side street or lane, or signs of closeness, except that near the center of this long street, the houses and shops often touch, while those at the ends have plenty of space between them. Some villages, which can’t expand due to their location, become very crowded: one example is Enoshima, near Yokohama, where the main street goes straight from the shore, with a series of steps at intervals, to a flight of stone steps that leads to the temples and shrines at the top of the island. This street is bordered on both sides by hills, and the valley, which the street runs through, is filled with houses, with narrow alleyways leading to homes in the back. If a fire were to start, it would surely destroy every house in the village.
It is a curious fact that one may ride long distances in the country without passing a single dwelling, and then abruptly enter a village. The entrance to a village is often marked by a high mound of earth on each side of the road, generally surmounted by a tree; or perhaps the evidences of an old barrier are seen in the remains of gate-posts or a stone-wall. Having passed through the village one enters the country again, with its rice-fields and cultivated tracts, as abruptly as he had left it. The villages vary greatly in their appearance: some are extremely trim and pretty, with neat flower-plats in front of the houses, and an air of taste and comfort everywhere apparent; other villages present marked evidences of poverty, squalid houses with dirty children swarming about them. Indeed, the most striking contrasts are seen between the various villages one passes through in a long overland trip in Japan.
It’s interesting how you can travel long distances in the countryside without seeing a single house, only to suddenly arrive at a village. The entrance to a village is typically marked by high mounds of earth on either side of the road, often topped with a tree; or you might see the remnants of an old barrier, like gate-posts or a stone wall. Once you pass through the village, you’re back in the countryside with its rice fields and cultivated areas just as suddenly as you left it. The villages vary significantly in appearance: some are tidy and charming, with well-kept flower beds in front of the homes and a general feel of taste and comfort; while others show clear signs of poverty, with rundown houses and dirty children playing around them. The contrasts between the different villages encountered during a long trip across Japan are quite striking.
It is difficult to imagine a more dreary and dismal sight than the appearance of some of these village streets on a rainy night. No brightly-lighted window cheers the traveller; only [pg 5] lines of light glimmer through the chinks of the wooden shutters with which every house is closed at night. On pleasant evenings when the paper screens alone are closed, a ride through a village street is often rendered highly amusing by the grotesque shadow-pictures which the inmates are unconsciously projecting in their movements to and fro.
It’s hard to imagine a more bleak and gloomy scene than some of these village streets on a rainy night. Not a single brightly lit window offers any comfort to travelers; only [pg 5] lines of light flicker through the gaps in the wooden shutters that every house closes at night. On nice evenings when only the paper screens are shut, a ride through a village street can often be quite entertaining because of the funny shadow images created by the people moving around inside.
In the cities the quarters for the wealthier classes are not so sharply defined as with us, though the love for pleasant outlooks and beautiful scenery tends to enhance the value of certain districts, and consequently to bring together the wealthier classes. In nearly all the cities, however, you will find the houses of the wealthy in the immediate vicinity of the habitations of the poorest. In Tokio one may find streets, or narrow [pg 6] alleys, lined with a continuous row of the cheapest shelters; and here dwell the poorest people. Though squalid and dirty as such places appear to the Japanese, they are immaculate in comparison with the unutterable filth and misery of similar quarters in nearly all the great cities of Christendom. Certainly a rich man in Japan would not, as a general thing, buy up the land about his house to keep the poorer classes at a distance, for the reason that their presence would not be objectionable, since poverty in Japan is not associated with the impossible manners of a similar class at home.
In the cities, the areas for the wealthy aren't as distinctly separated as they are with us, but the desire for nice views and beautiful scenery tends to increase the value of certain neighborhoods, which in turn attracts wealthier residents. However, in almost all these cities, you’ll find wealthy homes right next to the poorest houses. In Tokyo, for instance, you can see streets or narrow [pg 6] alleys filled with a continuous line of the cheapest shelters, where the poorest people live. While these places might seem squalid and dirty to the Japanese, they’re remarkably clean compared to the appalling filth and misery found in similar areas in many of the major cities in the West. Generally, a rich person in Japan wouldn’t buy up the land around their house to keep poorer people away, because their presence isn’t seen as a problem; poverty in Japan doesn’t come with the same social issues that a similar class does back home.
Before proceeding with a special description of Japanese homes, a general description of the house may render the chapters that are to follow a little more intelligible.
Before moving on to a detailed description of Japanese homes, a general overview of the house may make the upcoming chapters a bit clearer.
The first sight of a Japanese house,—that is, a house of the people,—is certainly disappointing. From the infinite variety and charming character of their various works of art, as we had seen them at home, we were anticipating new delights and surprises in the character of the house; nor were we on more intimate acquaintance to be disappointed. As an American familiar with houses of certain types, with conditions among them signifying poverty and shiftlessness, and other conditions signifying refinement and wealth, I was not competent to judge the relative merits of a Japanese house.
The first look at a Japanese house—a house of the people—was definitely disappointing. After seeing the endless variety and beauty of their artworks at home, we were expecting new delights and surprises in the house itself; and we were not let down upon getting to know it better. As an American used to certain types of houses, where some reflect poverty and laziness and others reflect refinement and wealth, I wasn't really in a position to judge the relative qualities of a Japanese house.
The first sight, then, of a Japanese house is disappointing; it is unsubstantial in appearance, and there is a meagreness of color. Being unpainted, it suggests poverty; and this absence of paint, with the gray and often rain-stained color of the boards, leads one to compare it with similar unpainted buildings at home,—and these are usually barns and sheds in the country, and the houses of the poorer people in the city. With one's eye accustomed to the bright contrasts of American houses with their white, or light, painted surfaces; rectangular windows, [pg 7] black from the shadows within, with glints of light reflected from the glass; front door with its pretentious steps and portico; warm red chimneys surmounting all, and a general trimness of appearance outside, which is by no means always correlated with like conditions within,—one is too apt at the outset to form a low estimate of a Japanese house. An American finds it difficult indeed to consider such a structure as a dwelling, when so many features are absent that go to make up a dwelling at home,—no doors or windows such as he had been familiar with; no attic or cellar; no chimneys, and within no fire-place, and of course no customary mantle; no permanently enclosed rooms; and as for furniture, no beds or tables, chairs or similar articles,—at least, so it appears at first sight.
The first impression of a Japanese house is underwhelming; it looks insubstantial and lacks color. Its unpainted appearance suggests neglect, and the gray, often rain-stained boards make one think of similar unpainted structures back home—typically barns and sheds in rural areas, or the homes of lower-income people in cities. Accustomed to the bright, contrasting colors of American houses, with their white or light-painted surfaces, rectangular windows that appear dark from the shadows inside, reflecting glimmers of light from the glass; elaborate front doors with grand steps and porches; warm red chimneys topping everything; and a generally neat exterior that doesn’t always reflect what’s inside, one is quick to undervalue a Japanese house at first glance. An American finds it hard to view such a building as a home when it lacks so many of the familiar features—no typical doors or windows; no attic or basement; no chimneys, fireplaces, or customary mantels; no permanently enclosed rooms; and, as for furnishings, no beds, tables, chairs, or similar items—at least, that’s the impression it gives at first.
One of the chief points of difference in a Japanese house as compared with ours lies in the treatment of partitions and outside walls. In our houses these are solid and permanent; and when the frame is built, the partitions form part of the framework. In the Japanese house, on the contrary, there are two or more sides that have no permanent walls. Within, also, there are but few partitions which have similar stability; in their stead are slight sliding screens which run in appropriate grooves in the floor and overhead. These grooves mark the limit of each room. The screens may be opened by sliding them back, or they may be entirely removed, thus throwing a number of rooms into one great apartment. In the same way the whole side of a house may be flung open to sunlight and air. For communication between the rooms, therefore, swinging doors are not necessary. As a substitute for windows, the outside screens, or shōji, are covered with white paper, allowing the light to be diffused through the house.
One of the main differences between a Japanese house and ours is how they handle partitions and exterior walls. In our homes, these are solid and permanent, and when the structure is built, the partitions are part of the framework. In contrast, a Japanese house often has two or more sides without permanent walls. Inside, there are few partitions that are similarly sturdy; instead, there are lightweight sliding screens that glide in grooves on the floor and overhead. These grooves define the boundaries of each room. The screens can be slid open or completely removed, allowing multiple rooms to combine into one large space. Similarly, an entire side of the house can be opened up to let in sunlight and air. Because of this design, swinging doors aren’t needed for connecting the rooms. Instead of traditional windows, the outside screens, or sliding door, are covered with white paper, letting light filter gently throughout the house.
Where external walls appear they are of wood unpainted, or painted black; and if of plaster, white or dark slate colored. In certain classes of buildings the outside wall, to a height of several [pg 8] feet from the ground, and sometimes even the entire wall, may be tiled, the interspaces being pointed with white plaster. The roof may be either lightly shingled, heavily tiled, or thickly thatched. It has a moderate pitch, and as a general thing the slope is not so steep as in our roofs. Nearly all the houses have a verandah, which is protected by the widely-overhanging eaves of the roof, or by a light supplementary roof projecting from beneath the eaves.
Where the exterior walls are visible, they are made of unpainted wood or painted black; if they are plaster, they are white or dark slate colored. In some types of buildings, the outside wall may be tiled up to several [pg 8] feet off the ground, and in some cases, the entire wall may be tiled, with the gaps filled in with white plaster. The roof can be lightly shingled, heavily tiled, or thickly thatched. It has a moderate pitch, and generally, the slope is not as steep as our roofs. Almost all the houses have a verandah, which is sheltered by the widely overhanging eaves of the roof, or by a light additional roof extending from beneath the eaves.
While most houses of the better class have a definite porch and vestibule, or genka, in houses of the poorer class this entrance is not separate from the living room; and since the interior of the house is accessible from two or three sides, one may enter it from any point. The floor is raised a foot and a half or more from the ground, and is covered with thick straw mats, rectangular in shape, of uniform size, with sharp square edges, and so closely fitted that the floor upon which they rest is completely hidden. The rooms are either square or rectangular, and are made with absolute reference to the number of mats they are to contain. With the exception of the guest-room few rooms have projections or bays. In the guest-room there is at one side a more or less deep recess divided into two bays by a slight partition; the one nearest the verandah is called the tokonoma. In this place hang one or more pictures, and upon its floor, which is slightly raised above the mats, rests a flower vase, incense burner, or some other object. The companion bay has shelves and a low closet. Other rooms also may have recesses to accommodate a case of drawers or shelves. Where closets and cupboards occur, they are finished with sliding screens instead of swinging doors. In tea-houses of two stories the stairs, which often ascend from the vicinity of the kitchen, have beneath them a closet; and this is usually closed by a swinging door.
Most nicer homes have a clear porch and entryway, or genka, while in less fortunate homes, this entrance blends with the living room. Since the interior can be accessed from two or three sides, you can enter from almost anywhere. The floor is raised at least a foot and a half off the ground and is covered with thick, rectangular straw mats that are all the same size and fit tightly together, hiding the floor beneath them. The rooms are generally square or rectangular, designed specifically to hold a certain number of mats. Except for the guest room, most spaces lack alcoves or bay windows. In the guest room, there’s a somewhat deep recess split into two areas by a small partition; the area closest to the verandah is called the tokonoma. In this spot, one or more pictures are displayed, and it features a slightly raised floor that holds a flower vase, incense burner, or another decorative item. The adjacent bay has shelves and a low closet. Other rooms might also include recesses for drawers or shelving. When closets and cupboards are present, they typically have sliding screens instead of hinged doors. In two-story tea houses, the stairs often start near the kitchen and have a closet underneath, usually with a swinging door.
The privy is at one corner of the house, at the end of the verandah; sometimes there are two at diagonal corners of the [pg 9] house. In the poorer class of country houses the privy is an isolated building with low swinging door, the upper half of the door-space being open.
The toilet is at one corner of the house, at the end of the porch; sometimes there are two at diagonal corners of the [pg 9] house. In the poorer rural homes, the toilet is a separate building with a low swinging door, the upper half of the door space being open.
In city houses the kitchen is at one side or corner of the house; generally in an L, covered with a pent roof. This apartment is often towards the street, its yard separated from other areas by a high fence. In the country the kitchen is nearly always under the main roof. In the city few out-buildings such as sheds and barns are seen. Accompanying the houses of the better class are solid, thick-walled, one or two storied, fire-proof buildings called kura, in which the goods and chattels are stored away at the time of a conflagration. These buildings, which are known to the foreigners as “godowns,” have one or two small windows and one door, closed by thick and ponderous shutters. Such a building usually stands isolated from the dwelling, though often in juxtaposition; and sometimes, though rarely, it is used as a domicile.
In city homes, the kitchen is typically located at one side or in a corner of the house, often in an L shape and covered with a slanted roof. This room usually faces the street, with its yard enclosed by a high fence, keeping it separate from other areas. In the countryside, the kitchen is almost always under the main roof. In the city, there are few outbuildings like sheds and barns. The homes of the upper class often include strong, thick-walled buildings that are one or two stories high, called kitchen, where valuables are stored during a fire. These buildings, referred to as warehouses have one or two small windows and a single door, secured by heavy shutters. Such a structure usually stands apart from the main house, although it is often close by; sometimes, but rarely, it is used as a living space.
In the gardens of the better classes summer-houses and shelters of rustic appearance and diminutive proportions are often seen. Rustic arbors are also to be seen in the larger gardens. Specially constructed houses of quaint design and small size are not uncommon; in these the ceremonial tea-parties take place. High fences, either of board or bamboo, or solid walls of mud or tile with stone foundations, surround the house or enclose it from the street. Low rustic fences border the gardens in the suburbs. Gateways of various styles, some of imposing design, form the entrances; as a general thing they are either rustic and light, or formal and massive.
In the gardens of wealthier neighborhoods, you often find summer houses and small, charming shelters. Rustic arbors also appear in larger gardens. Quirky little houses specifically designed for tea parties are quite common. The house is usually surrounded by tall fences made of wood or bamboo, or solid walls made of mud or tile with stone foundations, keeping it secluded from the street. In the suburbs, low rustic fences line the gardens. Various styles of gateways serve as entrances, generally being either light and rustic or formal and sturdy.
Whatever is commonplace in the appearance of the house is towards the street, while the artistic and picturesque face is turned towards the garden, which may be at one side or in the rear of the house,—usually in the rear. Within these plain and unpretentious houses there are often to be seen marvels of exquisite carving, [pg 10] and the perfection of cabinet work; and surprise follows surprise, as one becomes more fully acquainted with the interior finish of these curious and remarkable dwellings.
What looks ordinary about the house faces the street, while the artistic and picturesque side is oriented towards the garden, which is usually located at the back of the house. Inside these simple and modest homes, you can often find amazing details of exquisite carving, [pg 10] and perfect cabinetry; and as you explore the interior of these unique and noteworthy houses, each new discovery comes as a surprise.
In the sections which are to follow, an attempt will be made by description and sketches to convey some idea of the details connected with the structure and inside finish of the Japanese house.
In the upcoming sections, we'll try to describe and illustrate the details related to the design and interior finishing of the Japanese house.
There is no object in Japan that seems to excite more diverse and adverse criticism among foreigners than does the Japanese house; it is a constant source of perplexity and annoyance to most of them. An Englishman particularly, whom Emerson says he finds “to be him of all men who stands firmest in his shoes,” recognizes but little merit in the apparently frail and perishable nature of these structures. He naturally dislikes the anomaly of a house of the lightest description oftentimes sustaining a roof of the most ponderous character, and fairly loathes a structure that has no king-post, or at least a queen-post, truss; while the glaring absurdity of a house that persists in remaining upright without a foundation, or at least without his kind of a foundation, makes him furious. The mistake made by most writers in criticising Japanese house-structure, and indeed many other matters connected with that country, is that these writers do not regard such matters from a Japanese stand-point. They do not consider that the nation is poor, and that the masses are in poverty; nor do they consider that for this reason a Japanese builds such a house as he can afford, and one that after all is as thoroughly adapted to his habits and wants as ours is to our habits and wants.
There’s no object in Japan that seems to spark more varied and negative opinions among foreigners than the Japanese house; it’s a constant source of confusion and frustration for many. An Englishman, in particular, who Emerson claims is “the one who stands firmest in his shoes,” sees little value in the seemingly fragile and short-lived nature of these buildings. He typically dislikes the oddity of a very light house often supporting an extremely heavy roof and strongly dislikes a structure without a king-post, or at least a queen-post truss. The outrageousness of a house that manages to stay upright without a foundation, or at least without one that he considers acceptable, drives him wild. The main mistake most writers make when critiquing Japanese house design—and many other aspects of the country—is that they don’t view these issues from a Japanese perspective. They fail to consider that the nation is poor, and that many people live in poverty; therefore, a Japanese person builds a house they can afford, one that is as well-suited to their needs and lifestyle as ours is to ours.
The observation of a Japanese has shown him that from generation to generation the houses of his people have managed to sustain themselves; and if in his travels abroad he has chanced to visit England, he will probably recall the fact that he saw [pg 11] more dilapidated tenements, tumble-down shanties, broken-backed farm-houses, cracked walls, and toppling fences in a single day in that virtuous country where there are no typhoons or earthquakes, than he would see in a year's travel in his own country.
The observation of a Japanese person has shown him that from generation to generation, his people’s houses have managed to endure; and if he has traveled abroad and visited England, he might remember that he saw [pg 11] more run-down buildings, collapsing shacks, damaged farmhouses, cracked walls, and leaning fences in just one day in that supposedly virtuous country, which has no typhoons or earthquakes, than he would see in a year's travel in his own country.
When one of these foreign critical writers contemplates the framework of a Japanese house, and particularly the cross-beams of the roof, and finds no attempt at trussing and bracing, he is seized with an eager desire to go among these people as a missionary of trusses and braces,—it is so obvious that much wood might be saved! In regard to the Japanese house-frame, however, it is probable that the extra labor of constructing braces and trusses would not compensate for the difference saved in the wood.
When a foreign critic looks at the structure of a Japanese house, especially the roof's cross-beams, and notices there's no use of trusses or braces, they feel a strong urge to come to these people as a promoter of trusses and braces—it seems so clear that a lot of wood could be conserved! However, concerning the Japanese house-frame, it's likely that the extra work needed to build braces and trusses wouldn't make up for the amount of wood saved.
Rein, in his really admirable book on Japan, says “the Japanese house lacks chiefly solidity and comfort.” If he means comfort for himself and his people, one can understand him; if he means comfort for the Japanese, then he has not the faintest conception of the solid comfort a Japanese gets out of his house. Rein also complains of the evil odors of the closet arrangements, though his complaints refer more particularly to the crowded inns, which are often in an exceedingly filthy condition as regards these necessary conveniences,—and one is led to inquire what the Japanese would think of similar features in Germany, where in the larger cities the closet may be seen opening directly into the front hall, and in some cases even from the dining-room! Bad as some of these conditions are in Japan, they are mild in comparison with like features in Germany. The filthy state of the larger cities, in this respect, may be indicated by the fact that the death-rate of Munich a few years ago was forty-four, and Kaulbach died of cholera in that city in mid-winter! Indeed, the presence of certain features in every bed-chamber at home and abroad are looked upon as surpassingly filthy by every Japanese,—as they truly are.
Rein, in his really impressive book on Japan, says "The Japanese house mainly lacks solidity and comfort." If he means comfort for himself and his people, that’s understandable; but if he’s talking about comfort for the Japanese, then he doesn’t have the slightest idea of the solid comfort a Japanese person gets from their home. Rein also complains about the unpleasant smells from the bathroom setups, although his complaints are more aimed at the crowded inns, which are often in a very disgusting state regarding these necessary facilities. One might wonder what the Japanese would think of similar setups in Germany, where in larger cities the bathroom can be seen opening directly into the front hallway, and in some cases even from the dining room! As bad as some of these conditions are in Japan, they are mild compared to similar aspects in Germany. The filthy condition of larger cities in this respect can be shown by the fact that the death rate in Munich a few years ago was forty-four, and Kaulbach died of cholera in that city during mid-winter! Indeed, certain features in every bedroom, both at home and abroad, are considered extraordinarily filthy by every Japanese person—and rightly so.
Rein and other writers speak of the want of privacy in Japanese dwellings, forgetting that privacy is only necessary in the midst of vulgar and impertinent people,—a class of which Japan has the minimum, and the so-called civilized races—the English and American particularly—have the maximum.
Rein and other writers talk about the lack of privacy in Japanese homes, not realizing that privacy is only really needed when surrounded by rude and inconsiderate people—a group that is less common in Japan, while the so-called civilized races—the English and Americans in particular—have the most.
For my part, I find much to admire in a Japanese house, and some things not to my comfort. The sitting posture on the floor is painful until one gets accustomed to it; and, naturally, I find that our chairs are painful to the Japanese, until they become accustomed to them. I found the Japanese house in winter extremely cold and uncomfortable; but I question whether their cold rooms in winter are not more conducive to health than are our apartments with our blistering stoves, hot furnaces or steam-heaters; and as to the odors arising from the closet in certain country inns, who does not recall similar offensive features in many of our country inns at home, with the addition of slovenly yards and reeking piggeries? I question, too, whether these odors are more injurious to the health than is the stifling air from a damp and noisome cellar, which not only filters through our floors, but is often served to us hot through scorching furnaces. Whittier's description of the country house,—
For my part, I find a lot to appreciate in a Japanese house, though there are some things that aren't so comfortable for me. Sitting on the floor is painful until you get used to it; and naturally, I find that our chairs are uncomfortable for the Japanese until they adjust to them. I found Japanese houses in winter to be extremely cold and uncomfortable; but I wonder if their chilly rooms in winter are actually better for health than our places with our blazing stoves, hot furnaces, or steam heaters. And regarding the smells coming from the bathroom in some country inns, who doesn’t remember similar unpleasant features in many of our country inns back home, not to mention untidy yards and stinky pig farms? I also question whether these odors are more harmful to health than the stuffy air from a damp and foul cellar, which not only seeps through our floors but is often served to us hot through scorching furnaces. Whittier's description of the country house,—
is only too true of many of our American houses both in the country and city.
is only too true of many of our American homes both in the countryside and the city.
Whether the Japanese house is right or wrong in its plan and construction, it answers admirably the purposes for which it was intended. A fire-proof building is certainly beyond the means of a majority of this people, as, indeed, it is with us; and not being able to build such a dwelling, they have from necessity gone to the other extreme, and built a house whose very structure enables it to be rapidly demolished in the path [pg 13] of a conflagration. Mats, screen-partitions, and even the board ceilings can be quickly packed up and carried away. The roof is rapidly denuded of its tiles and boards, and the skeleton framework left makes but slow fuel for the flames. The efforts of the firemen in checking the progress of a conflagration consist mainly in tearing down these adjustable structures; and in this connection it may be interesting to record the curious fact that oftentimes at a fire the streams are turned, not upon the flames, but upon the men engaged in tearing down the building!
Whether the Japanese house is right or wrong in its design and construction, it effectively serves the purposes for which it was built. A fireproof building is certainly out of reach for most people here, just as it is for us; since they can’t build such a dwelling, they have, out of necessity, taken the opposite approach and created a house whose very structure allows it to be quickly taken down in the path of a fire. Mats, screen partitions, and even the ceiling boards can be swiftly packed up and removed. The roof is quickly stripped of its tiles and boards, and the remaining framework provides little fuel for the flames. The efforts of firefighters in controlling a blaze mainly involve dismantling these movable structures; interestingly, it’s common during a fire for the water to be directed, not at the flames, but at the people who are taking the building down!
The improvements, however, that are imperatively demanded in Japanese house-structure are such modifications as shall render the building less inflammable. While these inflammable houses may be well enough in the suburbs or in country villages, they are certainly quite out of place in cities; and here, indeed, the authorities are justified in imposing such restrictions as shall not bear too heavily upon the people.
The improvements, however, that are urgently needed in Japanese house structure are changes that will make the buildings less flammable. While these flammable houses might be acceptable in the suburbs or rural villages, they are definitely inappropriate in cities; here, the authorities are right to impose regulations that are fair to the people.
The Japanese should clearly understand that insuperable difficulties are to be encountered in any attempt to modify their style of dwellings, and that many of such proposed modifications are neither judicious nor desirable. That slight changes for safety may be effected, however, there can be no doubt. Through the agency of science, means may be found by which outside woodwork may be rendered less inflammable,—either by fire-proof paint or other devices.
The Japanese should realize that there are significant challenges in trying to change their style of homes, and many of the suggested changes are neither wise nor necessary. However, it's definitely possible to make some minor adjustments for safety. With the help of science, we can find ways to make outdoor wooden structures less flammable—whether it's through fireproof paint or other methods.
The mean path of Tokio conflagrations has been ingeniously worked out by Professor Yamakawa, from data extending back two hundred years; and in this path certain areas might be left open with advantage. Fire-proof blocks in foreign style, such as now exist on the Ginza, may be ultimately constructed in this path. Since the last great conflagration, the Tokio authorities have specified certain districts within which shingled roofs shall not be made; and where such roofs existed, the authorities have compelled the substitution of tin, zinc, or tiled roofs. Above all, [pg 14] let there be a reorganization, under Government, of the present corrupt fire-brigades. Such changes will certainly lead to good results; but as to altering the present plan of house-building and present modes of living, it is not only impracticable but well-nigh impossible. If such changes are effected, then will perish many of the best features of true Japanese art, which has been the surprise and admiration of Western nations, and of which in the past they have been the unwitting cause of the modification and degradation it has already undergone.
The typical path of fires in Tokyo has been cleverly analyzed by Professor Yamakawa, using data from the last two hundred years; and within this path, some areas could be left open to benefit. Fireproof buildings in a Western style, like those that currently exist in Ginza, may eventually be built along this path. Since the last major fire, the Tokyo authorities have designated certain neighborhoods where wooden roofs are not allowed; and where such roofs did exist, they have mandated replacements with tin, zinc, or tiled roofs. Above all, [pg 14] there should be a reorganization of the existing corrupt fire departments under Government supervision. These changes will definitely lead to positive outcomes; however, altering the current methods of construction and lifestyles is not only impractical but nearly impossible. If such changes do happen, many of the best elements of authentic Japanese art, which has amazed and intrigued Western nations, will be lost, and they have inadvertently caused the changes and decline it has already faced.
The frame-work of an ordinary Japanese dwelling is simple and primitive in structure; it consists of a number of upright beams which run from the ground to the transverse beams and inclines of the roof above. The vertical framing is held together either by short strips which are let in to appropriate notches in the uprights to which the bamboo lathing is fixed, or by [pg 15] longer strips of wood which pass through mortises in the uprights and are firmly keyed or pinned into place (fig. 4). In larger houses these uprights are held in position by a frame-work near the ground. There is no cellar or excavation beneath the house, nor is there a continuous stone foundation as with us. The uprights rest directly, and without attachment, upon single uncut or rough-hewn stones, these in turn resting upon others which have been solidly pounded into the earth by means of a huge wooden maul worked by a number of men (fig. 5). In this way the house is perched upon these stones, with the floor elevated at least a foot and a half or two feet above the ground. In some cases the space between the uprights is boarded up; this is generally seen in Kioto houses. In others the wind has free play beneath; and while this exposed condition renders the house much colder and more uncomfortable in winter, the inmates are never troubled by the noisome air of the cellar, which, as we have said, too often [pg 16] infects our houses at home. Closed wooden fences of a more solid character are elevated in this way; that is, the lower rail or sill of the fence rests directly upon stones placed at intervals apart of six or eight feet. The ravages of numerous ground-insects, as well as larvae, and the excessive dampness of the ground at certain seasons of the year, render this method of building a necessity.
The structure of a typical Japanese house is simple and basic. It consists of several upright beams that extend from the ground to the horizontal beams and slants of the roof above. The vertical framing is connected either by short strips that fit into notches in the uprights for securing bamboo lathing, or by longer wooden strips that pass through holes in the uprights and are firmly held in place. In larger houses, these uprights are supported by a framework near the ground. There’s no basement or excavation below the house, nor is there a continuous stone foundation like we have. The uprights sit directly on single uncut or rough stones, which are placed on others that have been firmly packed into the earth using a large wooden mallet operated by several men. This way, the house is elevated on these stones, with the floor raised at least a foot and a half or two feet above the ground. In some cases, the space between the uprights is boarded up; this is usually seen in houses in Kyoto. In others, the wind flows freely underneath; although this makes the house much colder and less comfortable in winter, the occupants are never bothered by the foul air from a basement, which often affects our houses back home. Solid wooden fences are also elevated in this way, with the bottom rail or sill resting directly on stones spaced six to eight feet apart. The damage from ground insects and larvae, along with the excessive dampness of the soil during certain seasons, makes this building method necessary.
The accurate way in which the base of the uprights is wrought to fit the inequalities of the stones upon which they rest, is worthy of notice. In the Emperor's garden we saw a two-storied house finished in the most simple and exquisite manner. It was, indeed, like a beautiful cabinet, though disfigured by a bright-colored foreign carpet on its lower floor. The uprights of this structure rested on large oval beach-worn stones buried endwise in the ground; and upon the smooth rounded portions of the stones, which projected above the level of the ground to a height of ten inches or more, the uprights had been most accurately fitted (fig. 6). The effect was extremely light and buoyant, though apparently insecure to the last degree; yet this building had not only withstood a number of earthquake shocks, but also the strain of severe typhoons, which during the summer months sweep over Japan with such violence. If the building be very small, then the frame consists of four corner-posts running to the roof. In dwellings having a frontage of two or more rooms, other uprights occur between the corner-posts. As the rooms [pg 17] increase in number through the house, uprights come in the corners of the rooms, against which the sliding-screens, or fusuma, abut. The passage of these uprights through the room to the roof above gives a solid constructive appearance to the house. When a house has a verandah,—and nearly every house possesses this feature on one or more of its sides,—another row of uprights starts in a line with the outer edge of the verandah. Unless the verandah be very long, an upright at each end is sufficient to support the supplementary roof which shelters it. These uprights support a crossbeam, upon which the slight rafters of the supplementary roof rest.
The precise way the bases of the supports are shaped to fit the uneven stones they sit on is noteworthy. In the Emperor's garden, we saw a two-story house designed in a simple and beautiful way. It really looked like an exquisite cabinet, despite being marred by a bright foreign carpet on its lower floor. The supports of this structure rested on large, oval stones worn smooth by the beach, which were buried upright in the ground; the supports were meticulously fitted to the smooth, rounded parts of the stones that rose above the ground by ten inches or more (fig. 6). The overall effect was very light and airy, though it seemed precarious; yet this building had not only survived several earthquakes but also stood strong against intense typhoons that sweep across Japan during the summer months. If the building is very small, its frame consists of four corner posts that go up to the roof. In houses with two or more rooms, additional supports are placed between the corner posts. As the number of rooms increases throughout the house, supports are placed in the corners of the rooms, against which the sliding screens, or sliding door align. The way these supports extend through the room to the roof above gives the house a sturdy appearance. When a house has a verandah—and nearly every house does on at least one side—another row of supports aligns with the outer edge of the verandah. Unless the verandah is very long, one support at each end is enough to hold up the additional roof that covers it. These supports hold a crossbeam, which supports the light rafters of the extra roof.
This cross-beam is often a straight unhewn stick of timber from which the bark has been removed (fig. 49). Indeed, most of the horizontal framing-timbers, as well as the rafters, [pg 18] are usually unhewn,—the rafters often having the bark on, or perhaps being accurately squared sticks; but in either case they are always visible as they project from the sides of the house, and run out to support the overhanging eaves. The larger beams and girders are but slightly hewn; and it is not unusual to see irregular-shaped beams worked into the construction of a frame, often for their quaint effects (fig. 7), and in many cases as a matter of economy (fig. 39).
This cross-beam is often just a straight, raw piece of wood with the bark stripped off (fig. 49). In fact, most of the horizontal framing beams and rafters, [pg 18] are typically unprocessed—the rafters often still having their bark on or being precisely cut squares; but in either case, they're always visible as they stick out from the sides of the house and extend out to support the overhanging eaves. The larger beams and girders are only lightly processed; and it’s not uncommon to see beams with irregular shapes incorporated into the frame, often for their unique appearance (fig. 7), and in many instances as a cost-saving measure (fig. 39).
For a narrow house, if the roof be a gable, a central upright at each end of the building gives support to the ridge-pole from which the rafters run to the eaves (fig. 8). If the building be wide, a transverse beam traverses the end of the building on a level with the eaves, supported at intervals by uprights from the ground; and upon this short uprights rest, supporting [pg 19] another transverse beam above, and often three or more tiers are carried nearly to the ridge. Upon these supports rest the horizontal beams which run parallel with the ridge-pole, and which are intended to give support to the rafters (fig. 9).
For a narrow house, if the roof is a gable, a central post at each end of the building supports the ridge-pole from which the rafters extend to the eaves (fig. 8). If the building is wide, a horizontal beam runs across the end of the building at eave level, supported at intervals by vertical posts from the ground; short verticals rest on this beam, supporting [pg 19] another horizontal beam above, and often three or more tiers extend almost to the ridge. The horizontal beams, which run parallel to the ridge-pole, rest on these supports and are intended to support the rafters (fig. 9).
In the case of a wide gable-roof there are many ways to support the frame, one of which is illustrated in the following outline (fig. 10). Here a stout stick of timber runs from one end of the house to the other on a vertical line with the ridge-pole, and on a level with the eaves. This stick is always crowning, in order to give additional strength. A few thick uprights start from this to support the ridge-pole above; from these uprights beams run to the eaves; these are mortised into the uprights, but at different levels on either side in order not to weaken the uprights by the mortises. From these beams run short supports to the horizontal rafters above.
In the case of a wide gable roof, there are several ways to support the frame, one of which is shown in the following outline (fig. 10). Here, a strong piece of timber runs vertically from one end of the house to the other, aligned with the ridge pole and level with the eaves. This timber is always crowned to provide extra strength. A few thick vertical posts come off this timber to support the ridge pole above; from these posts, beams extend to the eaves. These beams are fitted into the posts but at different heights on either side to avoid weakening the posts from the cuts. Short supports then connect these beams to the horizontal rafters above.
The roof, if it be of tile or thatch, represents a massive weight,—the tiles being thick and quite heavy, and always bedded in a thick layer of mud. The thatch, though not so heavy, often becomes so after a long rain. The roof-framing consequently has oftentimes to support a great weight; and though in its structure looking weak, or at least primitive in design, yet experience must have taught the Japanese carpenter that their methods were not only the simplest and most economical, but that they answered all requirements. One is amazed [pg 20] to see how many firemen can gather upon such a roof without its yielding. I have seen massive house-roofs over two hundred years old, and other frame structures of a larger size and of far greater age, which presented no visible signs of weakness. Indeed, it is a very unusual sight to see a broken-backed roof in Japan.
The roof, whether it's made of tiles or thatch, carries a heavy load—the tiles are thick and quite heavy, always set in a thick layer of mud. Although thatch isn’t as heavy, it can become quite heavy after prolonged rain. As a result, the roof framing often has to support a significant weight; and while its design might appear weak or at least basic, experience has likely taught Japanese carpenters that their techniques are not only the simplest and most cost-effective, but they also meet all necessary requirements. It's impressive to see how many firefighters can stand on such a roof without it giving way. I've seen large house roofs that are over two hundred years old, along with other larger frame structures that are much older, showing no visible signs of weakness. In fact, it's quite rare to see a sagging roof in Japan.
The beams that support the roofs of the fire-proof buildings, or kura, are usually rough-hewn and of ponderous dimensions. It would seem that here, at least, the foreign method of trussing might be an economy of material, besides giving much greater strength; and yet the expense of reducing these beams to proper dimensions, in the absence of saw-mills and other labor-saving machinery, with the added expense of iron rods, bolts, etc., would more than counterbalance the saving of material (fig. 11). In Fig. 11 is shown the universal method of roof support; namely, horizontal beams resting upon perpendicular walls, these in turn supporting vertical beams, which again give support to horizontal beams. That the Japanese have been familiar with the arch is seen in some of their old stone bridges; but they seem as [pg 21] averse to using this principle in their house-architecture as were the Egyptians and Hindus. Fergusson, in his illustrated Handbook of Architecture, page xxxv, says: “So convinced were the Egyptians and Greeks of this principle, that they never used any other construction-expedient than a perpendicular wall or prop, supporting a horizontal beam; and half the satisfactory effect of their buildings arises from their adhering to this simple though expensive mode of construction. They were perfectly acquainted with the use of the arch and its properties, but they knew that its employment would introduce complexity and confusion into their designs, and therefore they wisely rejected it. Even to the present day the Hindus refuse to use the arch, though it has long been employed in their country by the Mahometans. As they quaintly express it, ‘an arch never sleeps;’ and it is true that by its thrusting and pressure it is always tending to tear a building to pieces. In spite of all counterpoises, whenever the smallest damage is done it hastens the ruin of a building which, if more simply constructed, might last for ages.”
The beams that support the roofs of the fireproof buildings, or kura, are usually rough-cut and quite heavy. It seems that here, at least, using foreign methods of trussing could save materials and provide much more strength; however, the cost of reducing these beams to proper sizes, without sawmills or other labor-saving equipment, along with the added expense of iron rods, bolts, etc., would likely offset the material savings (fig. 11). In Fig. 11, you can see the common method of roof support; specifically, horizontal beams resting on vertical walls, which then support vertical beams that again support horizontal beams. The fact that the Japanese were familiar with the arch is evident in some of their old stone bridges; however, they seem as [pg 21] reluctant to use this principle in their house design as the Egyptians and Hindus were. Fergusson, in his illustrated Handbook of Architecture, page xxxv, states: The Egyptians and Greeks were so convinced of this principle that they only used a vertical wall or support to hold up a horizontal beam. Much of the beauty of their buildings comes from sticking to this straightforward yet expensive method of construction. They understood the arch and its properties but realized that using it would complicate their designs, so they wisely avoided it. Even today, Hindus choose not to use the arch, even though it has been present in their country for a long time due to Muslim influence. As they humorously say, ‘an arch never sleeps;’ and it's true that its pressure constantly works to pull a building apart. No matter the counterbalances in place, even minor damage can hasten the collapse of a building that, if built more simply, could last for centuries.
When the frame is mortised, the carpenter employs the most elaborate methods of mortising, of which there are many different formulas; yet I was informed by an American architect that their ways had no advantage as regards strength over those employed by our carpenters in doing the same work. There certainly seems to be much unnecessary work about many of their framing-joints. This same gentleman greatly admired the way in which the Japanese carpenter used the adze, and regretted that more of this kind of work was not done in America. In scarfing beams a common form of joint is made, precisely similar to that made by our carpenters (fig. 4). This joint is called a Samisen tsugi, it being similar to the joint in the handle of a guitar-like instrument called a samisen.4
When the frame is mortised, the carpenter uses some of the most complex mortising techniques, which come in various forms; however, an American architect told me that their methods don't have any strength advantage over those used by our carpenters for the same tasks. It definitely looks like there's a lot of unnecessary work involved in many of their framing joints. This architect really appreciated how Japanese carpenters use the adze and wished that more of that style of work was done in America. When scarfing beams, a common type of joint is created that's exactly like the one our carpenters make (fig. 4). This joint is called a Samisen continuation, since it's similar to the joint found in the handle of a guitar-like instrument called a shamisen.4
Diagonal bracing in the frame-work of a building is never seen. Sometimes, however, the uprights in a weak frame are supported by braces running from the ground at an acute angle, and held in place by wooden pins (fig. 13). Outside diagonal braces are sometimes met with as an ornamental feature. In the province of Ise one often sees a brace or bracket made out of an unhewn piece of timber, generally the proximal portion of some big branch. This is fastened to an upright, and appears to be a brace to hold up the end of a horizontal beam that projects beyond the eaves. These braces, however, are not even notched [pg 24] into the upright, but held in place by square wooden pins, and are of little use as a support for the building, though answering well to hold fishing-rods and other long poles, which find here convenient lodgment (fig. 14).
Diagonal bracing in a building's framework is usually hidden from view. Sometimes, though, the upright supports in a weak frame are reinforced by braces that run from the ground at an angle, secured with wooden pins (fig. 13). Outside diagonal braces can occasionally be found as decorative elements. In the Ise province, it's common to see a brace or bracket made from a rough, uncut piece of wood, typically the thicker part of a large branch. This is attached to an upright and seems to serve as a brace to support the end of a horizontal beam that extends beyond the eaves. However, these braces aren’t even notched [pg 24] into the upright, but are instead held in place with square wooden pins, offering little support for the building, although they are quite handy for holding fishing rods and other long poles, which find a convenient spot here (fig. 14).
In the village of Naruge, in Yamato, I noticed in an old inn a diagonal brace which made a pleasing ornamental feature to a solid frame-work, upon which rested a ponderous supplementary roof, heavily tiled. As the horizontal beams were supported by uprights beyond the ends of the brackets, no additional strength was gained by these braces in question, except as they might prevent fore and aft displacement. They were placed here solely for their ornamental appearance; or at least that was all the function they appeared to perform (fig. 15).
In the village of Naruge, in Yamato, I noticed an old inn with a diagonal brace that added a nice decorative touch to a sturdy framework, which supported a heavy, tiled roof. Since the horizontal beams were held up by supports that extended beyond the ends of the brackets, those braces didn't actually add any extra strength, except maybe to stop movement from front to back. They were there just for their decorative look; at least, that seemed to be their only purpose (fig. 15).
The frame-work of a building is often revealed in the room in a way that would delight the heart of an Eastlake. Irregularities in the form of a stick are not looked upon as a hindrance in the construction of a building. From the way such crooked beams are brought into use, one is led to believe that the builder prefers them. The desire for rustic effects leads to the selection of odd-shaped timber. Fig. 7 represents the end of a room, wherein is seen a crooked cross-piece passing through a central upright, which sustains the ridge-pole.
The framework of a building is often showcased in the room in a way that would please an admirer of Eastlake style. Irregularities in the shape of wood are not seen as obstacles in building construction. The way such crooked beams are utilized makes it seem like the builder actually prefers them. A preference for rustic looks drives the choice of uniquely shaped timber. Fig. 7 shows the end of a room, where a twisted cross-beam runs through a central post that supports the ridge-beam.
In the finish of the rooms great care is shown in the selection and preparation of the wood. For the better rooms the wood is [pg 25] selected as follows: First, a stick of timber is sawed (fig. 16),—the central piece (A) being rejected as liable to split. Second, in the round upright post that in most instances forms the front of the shallow partition that divides one end of the best room into two bays or recesses, a deep groove is cut, to admit the edge of the partition (fig. 17). By this treatment the wood is not so apt to check or split.
In the finishing of the rooms, great care is taken in choosing and preparing the wood. For the better rooms, the wood is [pg 25] selected as follows: First, a piece of timber is sawed (fig. 16), with the central piece (A) being discarded because it's likely to split. Second, in the round upright post that usually forms the front of the shallow partition dividing one end of the best room into two bays or recesses, a deep groove is cut to fit the edge of the partition (fig. 17). This approach reduces the chances of the wood checking or splitting.
Special details of the room will be described in other chapters. It may be well to state here, however, that in the finish of the interior the daiku, or carpenter, has finished his work, and a new set of workmen, the sashi-mono-ya, or cabinetmakers, come in,—the rough framing and similar work being done by the carpenter proper. Great care is taken to secure wood that matches in grain and color; and this can be done only by getting material that has come from the same log. In the lumberyard one notices boards of uniform lengths tied up in bundles,—in fact tied up in precisely the same position that the wood [pg 26] occupied in the trunk before it was sawed into boards (fig. 18). So with other wood material,—the pieces are kept together in the same manner. One never sees in a lumber-yard a promiscuous pile of boards, but each log having been cut into boards is securely tied without displacement. As the rooms are made in sizes corresponding to the number of mats they are to contain, the beams, uprights, rafters, flooring-boards, boards for the ceiling, and all strips are got out in sizes to accommodate these various dimensions. The dimensions of the mats from one end of the Empire to the other are approximately three feet wide and six feet long; and these are fitted compactly on the floor. The architect marks on his plan the number of mats each room is to contain,—this number defining the size of the room; hence the lumber used must be of definite lengths, and the carpenter is sure to find these lengths at the lumber-yard. It follows from this that but little waste occurs in the construction of a Japanese house. Far different is it with us in our extravagant and senseless methods of house-building. In our country, a man after building a wooden house finds his cellar and shed choked to repletion with the waste of his new house, and for a year or more at least has the grim comfort of feeding [pg 27] his fireplaces and kitchen stove with rough and finished woods which have cost him at the rate of four to eight cents per square foot!
Special details of the room will be described in other chapters. However, it's worth mentioning here that the interior work has been finished by the carpenter, or carpenter, and now a new crew, the cabinetmakers, or sashi shop, has come in. The rough framing and similar work have been completed by the carpenter. Great care is taken to select wood that matches in grain and color, which can only be achieved by obtaining material from the same log. In the lumberyard, you can see boards of uniform lengths bundled together—actually tied in the exact position they occupied in the trunk before being cut into boards. The same goes for other wood materials; the pieces are kept together in the same way. You never see a random pile of boards in a lumberyard; instead, each log is cut into boards and securely tied without any displacement. The rooms are sized according to the number of mats they will contain, so the beams, uprights, rafters, flooring boards, ceiling boards, and all strips are cut to fit these various dimensions. Mats across the Empire measure approximately three feet wide and six feet long, fitting neatly on the floor. The architect notes on the plans the number of mats each room should have, determining the room's size; thus, the lumber used must be of specific lengths, which the carpenter can find at the lumberyard. Because of this, there is very little waste involved in constructing a Japanese house. This contrasts sharply with our wasteful and irrational house-building methods. In our country, after a person builds a wooden house, their cellar and shed are overflowing with the leftover materials from the construction, and for a year or more, they can grimly find solace in burning rough and finished woods in their fireplaces and kitchen stoves, which cost them four to eight cents per square foot!
The ordinary ceiling in a Japanese house consists of wide thin boards, with their edges slightly overlapping. These boards at first sight appear to be supported by narrow strips of wood like slender beams, upon which the boards rest (fig. 96). On reflection, however, it soon becomes apparent that these diminutive cross-beams, measuring in section an inch square or less, are altogether inadequate to support the ceiling, thin and light as the boards composing it really are. As one examines the ceiling, he finds no trace of pin or nail, and finally comes to wonder how the strips and boards are held in place, and why the whole ceiling does not sag.5 The explanation is that the strips upon which the boards are to rest are first stretched across the room at distances apart varying from ten to eighteen [pg 28] inches. The ends of these strips are supported by a moulding which is secured to the uprights of the wall. In cheap houses this moulding in section is angular; notches are cut in the uprights, and into these notches the sharp edge of the angular moulding rests and is secured (fig. 19). The moulding is cut in this way to economize material. The strips having been adjusted, they are brought to a uniform level, but crowning slightly,—that is, the centre is a little higher than the sides,—and are held in place either by a long board being placed temporarily beneath them, and propped up from the floor below; or else a long stick is placed beneath them, which is supported by a stout string from the rafters above (fig. 20). A low staging is then erected on the floor (the stud of the room rarely being over seven or eight feet); and the carpenter standing between the cross-strips, while elevated upon the staging, adjusts [pg 29] the boards, one after the other, as they are passed up to him. The first board is placed against the wall, its edge fitting into a groove in the uprights; the next board is placed with its edge on the first board, and then nailed from above, with wooden or bamboo pegs, to the cross-strips. Thus it is that no nail or peg holes appear in the ceiling from below. Board after board is thus placed in position, each board lapping slightly over the one before it, and each in turn being slightly nailed to the strips. Each board has a deep wide groove ploughed out near its lapping edge, so that it bends very readily, and is thus brought down on the strip below. When the boards are carried in this manner half way across the room, a long, narrow, and thick piece of wood, say six feet in length, is placed on the last board laid, within an inch of its free edge and parallel to it. This piece is firmly nailed to the board upon which it rests, and into the cross-strips below. To the edge of this piece two or three long strips of wood are nailed vertically, the upper ends being nailed to the nearest rafters above. In this way is the ceiling suspended (fig. 21). After this has been done, the remaining boards of the ceiling are placed in position and secured, one [pg 30] after another, until the last is reached. To secure the last one in position the carpenter gets down from his position and adopts other methods. One method is to place this board on the last one secured and weight it with a few heavy stones, and then it is moved along from below and placed in position, where it remains quite as firm as if it had been lightly nailed (fig. 22). In case there is a closet in the room or a recess, the last board is sawed into two or three lengths, and these are placed in position, one after another, and nailed from above to the cross-strips,—care being taken to have these sections come directly over the cross-strips, so that from below the appearance is that of a continuous board. The sections are so arranged, as to length, that the last piece comes in the closet; and this may either be weighted with stones or left out altogether (fig. 23)
The typical ceiling in a Japanese house is made of wide, thin boards that slightly overlap at the edges. At first glance, these boards seem to be supported by narrow wooden strips that act like slender beams, which the boards rest upon (fig. 96). However, upon closer inspection, it quickly becomes clear that these small cross-beams, measuring about an inch square or less, are not strong enough to hold up the ceiling, even though the boards are thin and light. As one looks at the ceiling, there are no visible pins or nails, leading to the question of how the strips and boards stay in place and why the entire ceiling doesn't sag.5 The answer is that the strips that support the boards are first stretched across the room, spaced between ten to eighteen inches apart. The ends of these strips rest on moldings that are attached to the wall uprights. In budget homes, the molding is angular, with notches cut into the uprights, allowing the sharp edge of the angular molding to rest and fit securely into these notches (fig. 19). This design is used to save material. Once the strips are adjusted, they are leveled out, but with a slight crown—meaning the center is a bit higher than the edges—and are held in place either by a long board temporarily propping them up from below or by a long stick resting beneath them, supported by a sturdy string from the rafters above (fig. 20). A low platform is then built on the floor (the room’s studs rarely exceeding seven or eight feet); the carpenter stands between the cross strips on the platform, adjusting [pg 29] the boards as they are handed to him. The first board is placed against the wall, its edge fitting into a groove in the uprights; the next board is placed on top of the first and then nailed down with wooden or bamboo pegs to the cross strips from above. This way, there are no visible nail or peg holes in the ceiling from below. Board after board is positioned, each overlapping slightly over the previous one and each getting nailed to the strips. Each board has a deep groove cut near its overlapping edge, allowing it to bend easily and fit down onto the strip beneath. When boards are moved this way halfway across the room, a long, narrow, thick piece of wood—around six feet long—is placed on the last laid board, just an inch from its edge and parallel to it. This piece is firmly nailed to the board below and to the cross strips underneath. Vertically, two or three long wood strips are nailed to the edge of this piece, with the upper ends nailed to the nearest rafters above. This is how the ceiling is suspended (fig. 21). After this, the remaining ceiling boards are put in place and secured, one [pg 30] after another, until the last one is reached. To secure the final board, the carpenter steps down and uses different methods. One way is to place this board on the last secured one and weigh it down with heavy stones, then move it into position from below, where it stays as securely as if it had been lightly nailed (fig. 22). If there's a closet in the room or a recess, the last board is sawed into two or three sections, which are then placed one after another and nailed from above to the cross strips while ensuring that these pieces align directly over the cross strips so that it looks like a continuous board from below. The sections are measured in such a way that the last piece fits into the closet; this piece may be weighted down with stones or left out altogether (fig. 23)
We have been thus explicit in describing the ceiling, because so few even among the Japanese seem to understand precisely the manner in which it is suspended.
We have been very clear in describing the ceiling because so few, even among the Japanese, seem to understand exactly how it is suspended.
In long rooms one is oftentimes surprised to see boards of great width composing the ceiling, and apparently continuous from one end of the room to the other. What appears to be a [pg 31] single board is in fact composed of a number of short lengths. The matching of the grain and color is accomplished by taking two adjacent boards in a bundle of boards, as previously figured and described, and placing them so that the same ends come together (fig. 24),—care being taken, of course, to have the joints come directly over the cross-pieces. The graining of the wood becomes continuous, each line of the grain and the color being of course duplicated and matched in the other board. Sometimes a number of lengths of board may be continued in this way, and yet from below the appearance is that of a single long piece.
In long rooms, it's often surprising to see wide boards making up the ceiling, seemingly stretching from one end of the room to the other. What looks like a [pg 31] single board is actually made of several shorter pieces. The matching of the grain and color is done by taking two adjacent boards from a bundle and placing them so that the same ends align (fig. 24), making sure, of course, that the joints are directly over the cross-pieces. The wood grain appears continuous, with each line of grain and color duplicated and matched in the other board. Sometimes several board lengths can be arranged this way, giving the appearance of one long piece from below.
The advantage of keeping all the boards of a given log in juxtaposition will be readily understood. In our country a carpenter has to ransack a lumber-yard to find wood of a similar grain and color; and even then he generally fails to get wood of precisely the same kind.
The benefit of keeping all the boards from the same log together is easy to see. In our country, a carpenter has to search through a lumber yard to find wood that matches in grain and color; and even then, he usually can't find wood that's exactly the same type.
The permanent partitions within the house are made in various ways. In one method, bamboo strips of various lengths take the place of laths. Small bamboos are first nailed in a vertical position to the wooden strips, which are fastened from one upright to another; narrow strips of bamboo are then secured across these bamboos by means of coarse cords of straw, or bark fibre (fig. 4). This partition is not unlike our own plaster-and-lath partition. Another kind of partition may be of boards; and against these small bamboo rods are nailed quite close together, and upon this the plaster is put. Considerable pains are taken as to the plastering. The plasterer brings to the house samples of various-colored [pg 32] sands and clays, so that one may select from these the color of his wall. A good coat of plaster comprises three layers. The first layer, called shita-nuri, is composed of mud, in which chopped straw is mixed; a second layer, called chu-nuri, of rough lime, mixed with mud; the third layer, called uwa-nuri, has the colored clay or sand mixed with lime,—and this last layer is always applied by a skilful workman. Other methods of treating this surface will be given in the chapter on interiors.
The permanent partitions in the house are made in different ways. One method uses bamboo strips of various lengths instead of laths. Small bamboo pieces are first nailed vertically to wooden strips that are secured from one upright to another; then, narrow strips of bamboo are attached across these pieces using coarse straw or bark fiber cords (fig. 4). This type of partition is similar to our plaster-and-lath partitions. Another type of partition can be made of boards, onto which small bamboo rods are nailed closely together, and then plaster is applied. A lot of effort goes into the plastering. The plasterer brings samples of various-colored [pg 32] sands and clays to the house, allowing you to choose the color of your wall. A good plaster coat consists of three layers. The first layer, called shita-nuri is made of mud mixed with chopped straw; the second layer, called chu-nuri, is rough lime mixed with mud; the third layer, called uwa-nuri, incorporates colored clay or sand mixed with lime—this last layer is always applied by a skilled worker. Other methods for finishing this surface will be discussed in the chapter on interiors.
Many of the partitions between the rooms consist entirely of light sliding screens, which will be specially described farther on. Often two or more sides of the house are composed entirely of these simple and frail devices. The outside permanent walls of a house, if of wood, are made of thin boards nailed to the frame horizontally,—as we lay clapboards on our houses. These may be more firmly held to the house by long strips nailed against the boards vertically. The boards may also be secured to the house vertically, and weather-strips nailed over the seams,—as is commonly the way with certain of our houses. In the southern provinces a rough house-wall is made of wide slabs of bark, placed vertically, and held in place by thin strips of bamboo nailed cross-wise. This style is common among the poorer houses in Japan; and, indeed, in the better class of houses it is often used as an ornamental feature, placed at the height of a few feet from the ground.
Many of the partitions between the rooms are made up of light sliding screens, which will be described in more detail later. Often, two or more sides of the house are completely constructed with these simple and delicate features. The exterior walls of a wooden house consist of thin boards nailed horizontally to the frame, similar to how we install clapboards. These may be secured more firmly with long strips nailed vertically against the boards. The boards can also be fastened vertically to the house, with weather-strips nailed over the seams, as is common in some of our homes. In the southern provinces, a rough house-wall is built with wide slabs of bark placed vertically and held together by thin strips of bamboo nailed across them. This style is typical of poorer houses in Japan, and even in higher-quality homes, it is often used as an ornamental feature placed a few feet off the ground.
Outside plastered walls are also very common, though not of a durable nature. This kind of wall is frequently seen in a dilapidated condition. In Japanese picture-books this broken condition is often shown, with the bamboo slats exposed, as a suggestion of poverty.
Outside plastered walls are also very common, though they're not very durable. This type of wall is often found in a rundown state. In Japanese picture books, this broken condition is frequently depicted, with the bamboo slats visible, hinting at poverty.
In the cities, the outside walls of more durable structures, such as warehouses, are not infrequently covered with square tiles, a board wall being first made, to which the tiles are secured by being nailed at their corners. These may be placed in diagonal [pg 33] or horizontal rows,—in either case an interspace of a quarter of an inch being left between the tiles, and the seams closed with white plaster, spreading on each side to the width of an inch or more, and finished with a rounded surface. This work is done in a very tasteful and artistic manner, and the effect of the dark-gray tiles crossed by these white bars of plaster is very striking (fig. 25).
In the cities, the outside walls of more durable buildings, like warehouses, are often covered with square tiles. A board wall is first put up, and the tiles are secured by nailing them at their corners. These tiles can be arranged in diagonal [pg 33] or horizontal rows, leaving a quarter-inch gap between them. The seams are filled with white plaster, spreading on each side by an inch or more, and finished with a rounded surface. This work is done in a very stylish and artistic way, and the contrast between the dark-gray tiles and the white plaster lines is quite striking (fig. 25).
As the fire-proof buildings, or kura, are often used as dwelling—places, a brief mention of their structure may be proper here. These buildings are specially designed for fire-proof storehouses. They are generally two stories in height, with walls eighteen inches to two feet or more in thickness, composed of mud plastered on to a frame-work of great strength and solidity. The beams are closely notched, and bound with a coarse-fibred rope; and small bamboos are closely secured to the beams. Short coarse-fibred ropes, a foot in length, are secured in close rows to the crossbeams and uprights. All these preparations are made for the purpose of more securely holding the successive layers of mud [pg 34] to be applied. As a preliminary to this work a huge and ample staging is erected to completely envelop the building. The staging, indeed, forms a huge cage, and upon this straw mattings are hung so that the mud plastering shall not dry too quickly. This cage is sufficiently ample to allow the men to work freely around and beneath it. Layer after layer is applied, and a long time elapses between these applications, in order that each layer may dry properly. Two years or more are required in the proper construction of one of these fire-proof buildings. The walls having been finished, a coat of plaster, or a plaster mixed with lamp-black, is applied, and a fine polished surface, like black lacquer, is produced. This polished black surface is made by first rubbing with a cloth, then with silk, and finally with the hand.
As fireproof buildings, or kura, are often used as homes, it's worth mentioning their structure briefly. These buildings are specifically designed to be fireproof storage spaces. They usually have two stories, with walls that are eighteen inches to two feet thick, made of mud plastered onto a very strong and sturdy framework. The beams are closely notched and tied together with a rough fiber rope, and small bamboos are securely attached to the beams. Short coarse-fiber ropes, about a foot long, are arranged in tight rows along the crossbeams and uprights. All of these preparations are made to hold the successive layers of mud [pg 34] that are applied. Before starting this work, a large staging is built to completely surround the building. This staging effectively acts as a massive cage, onto which straw matting is hung to prevent the mud plaster from drying too quickly. The cage is spacious enough to allow workers to move freely around and underneath it. Layers of mud are applied one after another, with a considerable time between each application to ensure each layer dries properly. It takes two years or more to properly construct one of these fireproof buildings. Once the walls are finished, a coat of plaster, or a plaster mixed with lamp-black, is applied to create a smooth, polished surface that resembles black lacquer. This shiny black surface is achieved by first rubbing it with a cloth, then with silk, and finally with the hand.
A newly-finished kura presents a remarkably solid and imposing appearance. The roofs are of immense thickness, with enormous ridges ornamented with artistic designs in stucco, and the ridges terminating with ornamental tiles in high-relief. The fine polish of these buildings soon becomes impaired, and they finally assume a dull black or slaty color; sometimes a coat of white plaster is applied. Upon the outside of the wall a series of long iron hooks are seen; these are to hold an adjustable wooden casing which is often used to cover the walls, and thus to protect them from the eroding action of the elements. These wooden casings are placed against the buildings, proper openings being left through which the iron hooks project, and long slender bars of wood stretch across the wall, held in place by the upturned ends of the iron hooks, and in turn holding the wooden casing in place.
A newly completed kura looks incredibly solid and impressive. The roofs are very thick, featuring massive ridges decorated with artistic stucco designs, and the ridges are topped with ornamental tiles in high relief. The smooth finish of these buildings quickly becomes worn, and they eventually take on a dull black or slate color; sometimes, a layer of white plaster is applied. On the outside of the wall, you can see a series of long iron hooks; these hooks are meant to hold an adjustable wooden casing that is often used to cover the walls, protecting them from the damaging effects of the weather. These wooden casings are placed against the buildings, with proper openings left for the iron hooks to stick out, and long, slender wooden bars cross the wall, secured by the upturned ends of the iron hooks, which, in turn, hold the wooden casing in place.
The windows of the buildings are small, and each is closed either by a sliding-door of great thickness and solidity, or by double-shutters swinging together. The edges of these shutters have a series of rabbets, or steps, precisely like those seen [pg 35] in the heavy doors of a bank-safe. At the time of a fire, additional precautions are taken by stopping up the chinks of these closed shutters with mud, which is always at hand, ready mixed for such an emergency. These buildings, when properly constructed, seem to answer their purpose admirably; and after a conflagration, when all the surrounding territory is absolutely flat;—for there are no tottering chimneys or cavernous cellars and walls to be seen, as with us,—these black, grimy kura stand conspicuous in the general ruin. They do not all survive, however, as smoke is often seen issuing from some of them, indicating that, as in our own country, safes are not always fire-proof.
The windows of the buildings are small, and each one is closed either by a thick, solid sliding door or by double shutters that swing together. The edges of these shutters have a series of grooves, or steps, just like those found in the heavy doors of a bank vault. When there's a fire, extra precautions are taken by sealing the gaps in these closed shutters with mud, which is always ready to use for emergencies. These buildings, when built properly, seem to serve their purpose very well; and after a fire, when the surrounding area is completely flat—because there are no leaning chimneys or deep cellars and walls to be seen, unlike where we are—these black, grimy kura stand out against the devastation. However, not all of them make it through, as smoke is often seen coming from some, showing that, just like in our own country, safes aren’t always fireproof.
A somewhat extended experience with the common everyday carpenter at home leads me to say, without fear of contradiction, that in matters pertaining to their craft the Japanese carpenters are superior to American. Not only do they show their superiority in their work, but in their versatile ability in making new things. One is amazed to see how patiently a Japanese carpenter or cabinet-maker will struggle over plans, not only drawn in ways new and strange to him, but of objects equally new,—and struggle successfully. It is a notorious fact that most of the carpenters in our smaller towns and villages are utterly incompetent to carry out any special demand made upon them, outside the building of the conventional two-storied house and ordinary roof. They stand bewildered in the presence of a window-projection or cornice outside the prescribed ruts with which they and their fathers were familiar. Indeed, in most cases their fathers were not carpenters, nor will their children be; and herein alone the Japanese carpenter has an immense advantage over the American, for his trade, as well as other trades, have been perpetuated through generations of families. The little children have been brought up amidst the odor of [pg 36] fragrant shavings,—have with childish hands performed the duties of an adjustable vise or clamp; and with the same tools which when children they have handed to their fathers, they have in later days earned their daily rice.
A somewhat extended experience with the typical everyday carpenter at home leads me to say, without fear of disagreement, that in matters related to their craft, Japanese carpenters are better than American ones. They not only demonstrate their superiority in their work but also in their ability to create new things. It’s impressive to see how diligently a Japanese carpenter or cabinetmaker will work through plans, not only drawn in ways unfamiliar to them but also for objects that are equally new—and they succeed. It’s well-known that many carpenters in our smaller towns and villages often struggle to meet any specific requests made of them beyond building the standard two-story house with a basic roof. They are often confused when faced with window projections or cornices that go beyond the familiar patterns their families have always known. In fact, in many cases, their fathers weren't carpenters, and their children won't be either. This alone gives the Japanese carpenter a significant advantage over the American one, as their trade, like many others, has been passed down through generations. The little children grow up among the scent of fragrant shavings—learning to use tools like a vise or clamp with their small hands; and with the same tools they handed to their fathers when they were kids, they later earn their living.
When I see one of our carpenters' ponderous tool-chests, made of polished woods, inlaid with brass decorations, and filled to repletion with several hundred dollars' worth of highly polished and elaborate machine-made implements, and contemplate the work often done with them,—with everything binding that should go loose, and everything rattling that should be tight, and much work that has to be done twice over, with an indication everywhere of a poverty of ideas,—and then recall the Japanese carpenter with his ridiculously light and flimsy tool-box containing a meagre assortment of rude and primitive tools,—considering the carpentry of the two people, I am forced to the conviction that civilization and modern appliances count as nothing unless accompanied with a moiety of brains and some little taste and wit.
When I see one of our carpenters' heavy tool chests, made of polished wood, decorated with brass, and packed with several hundred dollars' worth of shiny, complex machine-made tools, and think about the work often done with them—where everything that should be loose is tight, everything that should be tight rattles, and a lot of work has to be redone, all showing a lack of creativity—and then remember the Japanese carpenter with his surprisingly light and flimsy toolbox containing a small selection of simple, basic tools—when I compare the carpentry of the two, I am convinced that civilization and modern tools mean nothing without a bit of intelligence and some taste and cleverness.
It is a very serious fact that now-a-days no one in our country is acquiring faithfully the carpenter's trade. Much of this lamentable condition of things is no doubt due to the fact that machine-work has supplanted the hand-work of former times.6 Doors, blinds, sashes, mouldings are now turned out by the cord and mile, and all done in such greedy haste, and with the greenest of lumber, that if it does not tumble to pieces in transportation it is sure to do so very soon after entering into the house-structure. Nevertheless, the miserable truth yet remains that any man who has nailed up a few boxes, or stood in front of a circular [pg 37] saw for a few months, feels competent to exercise all the duties of that most honorable craft,—the building of a house.7
It’s a serious fact that nowadays, no one in our country is properly learning the carpenter's trade. A lot of this unfortunate situation is definitely because machine work has taken the place of traditional handwork. Doors, blinds, sashes, and moldings are now cranked out fast and in huge quantities, often made with cheap lumber. If they don’t fall apart during shipping, they’re sure to break down soon after being put into a house. Yet, the sad truth remains that any guy who has nailed together a few boxes or stood in front of a circular [pg 37] saw for a few months feels qualified to take on all the responsibilities of that noble craft—the building of a house.
It may be interesting, in this connection, to mention a few of the principal tools one commonly sees in use among the Japanese carpenters. After having seen the good and serviceable carpentry, the perfect joints and complex mortises, done by good Japanese workmen, one is astonished to find that they do their work without the aid of certain appliances considered indispensable by similar craftsmen in our country. They have no bench, no vise, no spirit-level, and no bit-stock; and as for labor-saving machinery, they have absolutely nothing. With many places which could be utilized for water-power, the old country saw-mill has not occurred to them.8 Their tools appear to be roughly made, and of primitive design, though evidently of the best-tempered steel. The only substitute for the carpenter's bench is a plank [pg 38] on the floor, or on two horses; a square, firm, upright post is the nearest approach to a bench and vise, for to this beam a block of wood to be sawed into pieces is firmly held (fig. 26). A big wooden wedge is bound firmly to the post with a stout rope, and this driven down with vigorous blows till it pinches the block which is to be cut into the desired proportions.
It might be interesting to point out a few of the main tools that you often see used by Japanese carpenters. After witnessing the high-quality and practical carpentry, the precise joints, and intricate mortises crafted by skilled Japanese workers, you might be surprised to learn that they accomplish their tasks without some of the tools considered essential by similar craftsmen in our country. They lack a bench, a vise, a spirit level, and a bit stock; and when it comes to machinery that saves labor, they have absolutely nothing. Even with many opportunities for water power, they haven’t adopted the traditional country sawmill.8 Their tools seem to be roughly made and of a simple design, yet they’re clearly forged from high-quality steel. The only alternative to a carpenter's bench is a plank on the floor or on two horses; a square, sturdy, upright post comes closest to a bench and vise because a block of wood that needs to be sawed is securely held against this beam (fig. 26). A large wooden wedge is tightly bound to the post with a strong rope, and it is driven down with considerable force until it secures the block, ready to be cut into the desired sizes.
In using many of the tools, the Japanese carpenter handles them quite differently from our workman; for instance, he draws the plane towards him instead of pushing it from him. The planes are very rude-looking implements. Their bodies, instead of being thick blocks of wood, are quite wide and thin (fig. 27, D, E), and the blades are inclined at a greater angle than the blade in our plane. In some planes, however, the blade stands vertical; this is used in lieu of the steel scrapers in giving wood a smooth finish, and might be used with advantage by our carpenters as a substitute for the piece of glass or thin plate of steel with which they usually scrape the surface of the wood. A huge plane is often seen, five or six feet long. This plane, however, is fixed in an inclined position, upside down; that is, with the blade uppermost. The board, or piece to be planed, is moved back and forth upon it.
In using many of the tools, the Japanese carpenter handles them quite differently from our workers; for example, he pulls the plane towards him instead of pushing it away. The planes look pretty basic. Their bodies aren’t thick blocks of wood but are instead wide and thin (fig. 27, D, E), and the blades are set at a steeper angle than the blades on our planes. However, in some planes, the blade is vertical; this is used instead of steel scrapers to give wood a smooth finish, and it could be beneficial for our carpenters as a replacement for the glass piece or thin steel plate they usually use to scrape the wood's surface. A large plane is often seen, five or six feet long. This plane is set at an incline, upside down, meaning the blade is facing up. The board, or piece to be planed, is moved back and forth on it.
Draw-shaves are in common use. The saws are of various kinds, with teeth much longer than those of our saws, and cut in different ways. Some of these forms reminded me of the teeth seen in certain recently patented saws in the United States. Some saws have teeth on the back as well as on the front, one edge being used as a cross-cut saw (fig. 27 B, C). The hand-saw, instead of having the curious loop-shaped handle made to accommodate only one hand as with us, has a simple straight cylindrical handle as long as the saw itself, and sometimes longer. Our carpenters engage one hand in holding the stick to be sawed, while driving the saw with the other hand; the Japanese carpenter, on the contrary, holds the piece with his foot, and stooping over, with his two hands drives the saw by quick and rapid cuts through the wood. This style of working and doing many other things could never be adopted in this country without an importation of Japanese backs. It was an extraordinary sight to see the attitudes these people [pg 40] assumed in doing work of various kinds. A servant girl, for example, in wiping up the floor or verandah with a wet cloth, does not get down on her knees to do her work, but bending over while still on her feet, she pushes the cloth back and forth, and thus in this trying position performs her task.
Draw-shaves are commonly used. The saws come in various types, with teeth much longer than those of our saws, and they cut in different ways. Some of these designs reminded me of the teeth found in certain recently patented saws in the United States. Some saws have teeth on both the back and the front, with one edge serving as a cross-cut saw (fig. 27 B, C). The hand-saw has a simple straight cylindrical handle as long as the saw itself, sometimes even longer, instead of the unusual loop-shaped handle made for single-handed use like ours. Our carpenters use one hand to hold the piece to be sawed while operating the saw with the other hand; on the other hand, the Japanese carpenter holds the piece with his foot and leans over, using both hands to drive the saw through the wood with quick, rapid cuts. This way of working, along with many other activities, could never be adopted here without importing Japanese backs. It was an extraordinary sight to see the positions these people [pg 40] took while doing different kinds of work. For example, when a servant girl wipes the floor or verandah with a wet cloth, she doesn't get down on her knees; instead, she bends over while still on her feet, pushing the cloth back and forth and performing her task in this awkward position.
The adze is provided with a rough handle bending considerably at the lower end, not unlike a hockey-stick (fig. 27, A). In summer the carpenters work with the scantiest clothing possible, and nearly always barefooted. It is a startling sight to a nervous man to see a carpenter standing on a stick of timber, hacking away in a furious manner with this crooked-handled instrument having an edge as sharp as a razor, and taking off great chips of the wood within an inch of his naked toes. Never having ourselves seen a toeless carpenter, or one whose feet showed the slightest indication of his ever having missed the mark, we regarded as good evidence of the unerring accuracy with which they use this serviceable tool.
The adze has a rough handle that bends quite a bit at the lower end, kind of like a hockey stick (fig. 27, A). In the summer, carpenters work in minimal clothing and usually go barefoot. It's quite a shocking sight for someone nervous to see a carpenter standing on a piece of timber, aggressively chopping away with this crooked-handled tool that has a razor-sharp edge, taking large chunks of wood off just inches from his bare toes. Since we've never seen a carpenter without toes or one whose feet showed any sign of having missed, we considered this strong evidence of how accurately they use this handy tool.
For drilling holes a very long-handled awl is used. The carpenter seizing the handle at the end, between the palms of his hands, and moving his hands rapidly back and forth, pushing down at the same time, the awl is made rapidly to rotate back and forth; as his hands gradually slip down on the handle he quickly seizes it at the upper end again, continuing the motion as before. One is astonished to see how rapidly holes are drilled in this simple, yet effective way. For large holes, augers similar to ours are used. Their chisel is also much like ours in shape. For nailing in places above the easy reach of both hands they use a hammer, one end of which is prolonged to a point; holding, then, a nail between the thumb and finger with the hammer grasped in the same hand, a hole is made in the wood with the pointed end of the hammer, the nail inserted and driven in.
To drill holes, a long-handled awl is used. The carpenter grips the handle at the end with both hands and moves his hands rapidly back and forth while pushing down. This causes the awl to rotate quickly. As his hands slide down the handle, he quickly grabs it at the top again and keeps going. It's impressive to see how fast holes can be drilled with this simple yet effective method. For larger holes, they use augers similar to the ones we have. Their chisels are also shaped like ours. For nailing in places that are out of easy reach, they use a hammer with a pointed extension on one end; by holding a nail between their thumb and finger with the hammer in the same hand, they make a hole in the wood with the pointed end of the hammer, insert the nail, and drive it in.
A portable nail-box is used in the shape of a round basket, to which is attached a short cord with a button of wood or [pg 41] bamboo at the end; this is suspended from a sash or cord that encircles the waist (fig. 28). The shingler's nail-box has the bottom prolonged and perforated, so that it may be temporarily nailed to the roof (fig. 64).
There are three implements of the Japanese carpenter which are inseparable companions; these are the magari-gane, sumi-sashi, and sumi-tsubo. The magari-gane is an iron square rather narrower than our square. The sumi-sashi is a double-ended brush made out of fibrous wood, rounded at one end, and having a wide sharp edge at the other (fig. 29). The carpenter always has with him a box containing cotton saturated with ink; by means of the sumi-sashi and ink the carpenter can mark characters and signs with the rounded end, or fine black lines with the sharp edge. One, advantage attending this kind of a brush is that the carpenter can make one at a moment's notice. The sumi-tsubo(fig. 30, A, B) is the substitute for our carpenter's chalk-line; it is made of wood, often curiously wrought, having at one end a cavity scooped out and filled with cotton saturated with ink, and the other end has a reel with a little crank. Upon the reel is wound a long cord, the free end of which passes through the cotton and out through a hole at the end of the instrument. To the end of the cord is secured an object resembling an awl. To make a line on a plank or board the awl is driven into the wood, the cord is unreeled, and in this act it becomes blackened with ink; by snapping the cord in the usual way, [pg 42] a clear black line is left upon the surface of the wood. It is then quickly reeled up again by means of a little crank. This instrument is an improvement in every way over the chalk-line, as it is more convenient, and by its use a clear black line is left upon the wood, instead of the dim chalk-line which is so easily effaced. This implement is often used as a plumb-line by giving a turn to the cord about the handle, thus holding it firmly, and suspending the instrument by means of the awl.
There are three tools that a Japanese carpenter always has with him; these are the magari-gane, sumi-sashi, and sumi tsubo. The magari-gane is an iron square that's a bit narrower than our typical square. The sumi-sashi is a double-ended brush made from fibrous wood, rounded at one end and having a wide sharp edge at the other (fig. 29). The carpenter always carries a box with cotton soaked in ink; using the sumi-sashi and ink, the carpenter can mark characters and signs with the rounded end or fine black lines with the sharp edge. One benefit of this type of brush is that the carpenter can easily make one whenever needed. The sumi tsubo(fig. 30, A, B) replaces our carpenter's chalk-line; it’s made of wood, often intricately crafted, with one end having a cavity filled with cotton soaked in ink, and the other end features a reel with a small crank. A long cord is wound on the reel, and the free end passes through the cotton and out through a hole at the end of the tool. An object that looks like an awl is attached to the end of the cord. To draw a line on a plank or board, the awl is driven into the wood, the cord is unreeled, and during this process, it gets covered in ink; by snapping the cord as usual, [pg 42] a clear black line is left on the wood's surface. It is then quickly reeled back using the little crank. This tool is much better than the chalk-line because it's more convenient and leaves a clear black line on the wood instead of a faint chalk line that’s easily erased. It can also be used as a plumb line by wrapping the cord around the handle to secure it and suspending the tool by means of the awl.
A plumb-line is made with a strip of wood four or five feet in length, to each end of which is nailed, at right angles, a strip of wood four or five inches long, projecting an inch on one side. These two transverse strips are of exactly the same length, and are so adjusted to the longer strip as to project the same distance. From the longer arm of one of these pieces is suspended a cord with a weight at the lower end. In plumbing a wall, the short ends of the transverse pieces are brought against the wall or portion to be levelled, and an adjustment is made till the cord just touches the edge of the lower arm. The accompanying sketch (fig. 31) will make clear the appearance and method of using this simple device.
A plumb line is made with a piece of wood that's four or five feet long, with a shorter piece of wood, also four or five inches long, nailed at a right angle to each end, sticking out an inch on one side. These two shorter pieces are exactly the same length and are positioned on the longer piece so they stick out the same distance. A cord with a weight is attached to the longer arm of one of these pieces. To check if a wall is vertical, the short ends of the pieces are pressed against the wall or area to be leveled, and you adjust it until the cord just touches the edge of the lower arm. The accompanying sketch (fig. 31) will clarify the appearance and method of using this simple tool.
In gluing pieces of wood together, more especially veneers, the Japanese resort to a device which is common with American cabinet-makers,—of bringing into play a number of elastic or bamboo rods, one end [pg 43] coming against a firm ceiling or support, and the other end pressing on the wood to be united. In polishing and grinding, the same device is used in getting pressure.
In gluing pieces of wood together, especially veneers, the Japanese use a method that's also common among American cabinet-makers—utilizing a series of elastic or bamboo rods, one end resting against a solid ceiling or support, and the other end applying pressure on the wood being joined. The same technique is used during polishing and grinding to create pressure.
This necessarily brief description is not to be regarded in any way as a catalogue of Japanese carpenters' tools, but is intended simply to describe those more commonly seen as one watches them at their work. The chief merit of many of these tools is that they can easily be made by the users; indeed, with the exception of the iron part, every Japanese carpenter can and often does make his own tools.
This brief description shouldn't be seen as a complete list of Japanese carpenters' tools; it's meant to highlight those tools that are more commonly observed during their work. The main advantage of many of these tools is that users can easily make them; in fact, aside from the iron components, every Japanese carpenter can and often does create their own tools.
By an examination of old books and pictures one gets an idea of the antiquity of many objects still in use in Japan. I was shown, at the house of a Japanese antiquary, a copy of a very old maki-mono (a long scroll of paper rolled up like a roll of wall-paper, on which continuous stories or historical events are written or painted). This maki-mono in question was painted by Takakana, of Kioto, five hundred and seventy years ago, and represented the building of a temple, from the preliminary exercises to its completion. One sketch showed the carpenters at work hewing out the wood and making the frame. There were many men at work; a few were eating and drinking; tools were lying about. In all the tools represented in the picture,—of which there were chisels, mallets, hatchets, adzes, squares, and saws,—there was no plane or long saw. A piece of timber was being cut longitudinally with a chisel. The square was the same as that in use to-day. The tool which seemed to take the place of a [pg 44] plane was similar to a tool still used by coopers, but I believe by no other class of workmen, though I remember to have seen a man and a boy engaged in stripping bark from a long pole with a tool similar to the one seen in the sketch (fig. 32).
By looking through old books and pictures, you can get a sense of how many objects still in use in Japan have such a long history. At the home of a Japanese antiquities collector, I was shown a very old sushi roll (a long scroll of paper rolled up like wallpaper, on which continuous stories or historical events are written or painted). This particular sushi roll was painted by Takakana from Kioto five hundred and seventy years ago, depicting the construction of a temple, from the initial stages to its completion. One illustration showed carpenters working on cutting the wood and building the frame. There were many men at work; a few were taking breaks to eat and drink; tools were scattered around. Among all the tools shown in the image—chisels, mallets, hatchets, adzes, squares, and saws—there was no plane or long saw. A piece of timber was being cut lengthwise with a chisel. The square was the same as the one we use today. The tool replacing a plane looked like a tool still used by coopers, but I believe no other tradespeople use it, although I do recall seeing a man and a boy stripping bark from a long pole with a tool similar to the one in the illustration (fig. 32).
The sumi-tsubo was much more simple and primitive in form in those times, judging from the sketch given on page 42 (fig. 30, C). A carpenter's tool-box is shown quite as small and light as similar boxes in use to-day. To the cover of this box (fig. 32) is attached a curious hand-saw with a curved edge. Large saws with curved edges, having handles at both ends, to be worked by two men, are in common use; but I have never seen a hand-saw of this shape. All the saws represented in the picture had the same curved edge.
The sumi tsubo was much simpler and more primitive back then, based on the sketch shown on page 42 (fig. 30, C). A carpenter's toolbox looks just as small and light as similar boxes in use today. Attached to the lid of this box (fig. 32) is an interesting hand-saw with a curved edge. Large saws with curved edges, which have handles on both ends for two-person operation, are commonly used; however, I have never seen a hand-saw with this shape. All the saws depicted in the image had the same curved edge.
Nothing is more to be commended than the strong, durable, and sensible way in which the Japanese carpenter erects his staging. The various parts of a staging are never nailed together, as this would not only weaken the pieces through which spikes and nails have been driven, but gradually impair its integrity. All the pieces, upright and transverse, are firmly tied together with tough, strong rope. The rope is wound about, again and again, in the tightest possible manner. Buddhist temples of lofty proportions are reared and finished, and yet one never hears of the frightful accidents that so often occur at home as the results of stagings giving way in the erection of similar lofty structures. How exceedingly dull and stupid it must appear to a Japanese carpenter when he learns that his Christian brother constructs a staging that is liable, sooner or later, to precipitate him to the ground.
Nothing is more praiseworthy than the strong, durable, and practical way in which the Japanese carpenter builds his scaffolding. The different parts of a scaffolding are never nailed together, as this would not only weaken the sections where spikes and nails are driven, but gradually compromise its stability. All the pieces, both vertical and horizontal, are securely tied together with tough, strong rope. The rope is wrapped around tightly, again and again, in the strongest possible way. Tall Buddhist temples are constructed and completed, and yet you never hear about the terrible accidents that often happen at home due to scaffolding collapsing while building similar tall structures. How dull and foolish it must seem to a Japanese carpenter when he finds out that his Christian counterpart builds a scaffolding that is bound to eventually let him fall to the ground.
CHAPTER II. TYPES OF HOMES.
[pg 45]Writers on Japan have often commented upon the absence of any grand or imposing architectural edifices in that country; and they have offered in explanation, that in a country shaken by frequent earthquakes no stately structures or buildings of lofty proportions can endure. Nevertheless, many such structures do exist, and have existed for centuries,—as witness the old temples and lofty pagodas, and also the castles of the Daimios, notably the ones at Kumamoto and Nagoya. If the truth were known, it would be found that revolution and rebellion have been among the principal destructive agencies in nearly obliterating whatever may have once existed of grand architectural structures in Japan.
Writers about Japan have often pointed out the lack of any grand or impressive buildings in the country. They explain that in a place frequently shaken by earthquakes, no majestic structures or tall buildings can survive. However, many such structures do exist and have stood for centuries—like the old temples and tall pagodas, as well as the castles of the Daimios, especially those in Kumamoto and Nagoya. If the real story were told, it would reveal that revolution and rebellion have been the main forces that have nearly destroyed whatever grand architectural structures might have once existed in Japan.
Aimé Humbert finds much to admire in the castles of the Daimios, and says, with truth: “In general, richness of detail is less aimed at than the general effect resulting from the grandeur and harmony of the proportions of the buildings. In this respect some of the seigniorial residences of Japan deserve to figure among the architectural monuments of Eastern Asia.”
Aimé Humbert finds a lot to admire in the castles of the Daimios, and says, truthfully: "Overall, the emphasis is more on the general effect created by the scale and harmony of the building proportions rather than on fine details. In this way, some aristocratic residences in Japan should be acknowledged as architectural landmarks of Eastern Asia."
In regard to the architecture of Japan, as to other matters, one must put himself in an attitude of sympathy with her people, or at least he must become awakened to a sympathetic appreciation of their work and the conditions under which it [pg 46] has arisen. Above all, he must rid himself of all preconceived ideas as to what a house should be, and judge the work of a Japanese builder solely from the Japanese stand-point. Architectural edifices, such as we recognize as architectural, do not exist outside her temples and castles. Some reason for this condition of things may be looked for in the fact that the vast majority of the Japanese are poor,—very poor; and further, in the fact that the idea of co-operative buildings, with the exception of the Yashiki barracks, has never entered a Japanese mind,—each family, with few exceptions, managing to have a house of its own. As a result of this, a vast number of the houses are shelters merely, and are such from necessity; though even among these poorer shelters little bits of temple architecture creep in,—quite as scanty, however, in that respect as are similar features in our two-storied wooden boxes at home, which may have a bit of Grecian suggestion in the window caps, or of Doric in the front door-posts.
When it comes to the architecture of Japan, like with everything else, you need to approach it with an open mind and a genuine appreciation for their culture, or at least be aware of the context in which their work has developed. Most importantly, you need to let go of any preconceived notions of what a house should be and evaluate the efforts of a Japanese builder purely from their perspective. The types of architectural structures we're used to seeing aren't found outside of their temples and castles. One reason for this might be that the majority of Japanese people are very poor, and the idea of communal buildings, aside from the Yashiki barracks, has never really caught on—most families, with few exceptions, manage to have their own homes. Consequently, many houses serve merely as shelters out of necessity; even among these simpler homes, elements of temple architecture sneak in, though not much more than what you might find in our two-story wooden houses back home, which might have a hint of Greek style in the window trim or a dash of Doric design in the front door columns.
In considering the temples of the Japanese, moreover, one should take into account their methods of worship, and precisely what use the worshippers make of these remarkable edifices. And so with intelligent sympathy finally aroused in all these matters, they begin to wear a new aspect; and what appeared grotesque and unmeaning before, now becomes full of significance and beauty. We see that there is something truly majestic in the appearance of the broad and massive temples, with the grand upward sweep of their heavily-tiled roofs and deep-shaded eaves, with intricate maze of supports and carvings beneath; the whole sustained on colossal round posts locked and tied together by equally massive timbers. Certainly, to a Japanese the effect must be inspiring beyond description; and the contrast between these structures and the tiny and perishable dwellings that surround them renders the former all the more grand and impressive. Foreigners, though familiar with the cathedral architecture of Europe, must [pg 47] yet see much to admire in these buildings. Even in the smaller towns and villages, where one might least expect to find such structures, the traveller sometimes encounters these stately edifices. Their surroundings are invariably picturesque; no sterile lot, or worthless sand-hill outside the village, will suit these simple people, but the most charming and beautiful place is always selected as a site for their temples of worship.
When considering Japanese temples, it's important to think about their worship practices and how worshippers interact with these impressive buildings. With a thoughtful perspective on these aspects, the temples reveal a new beauty; what once seemed strange or meaningless now becomes rich with significance. The broad and sturdy temples have a majestic appearance, with their grand, sloping roofs and deep eaves, all adorned with complex supports and carvings. These structures stand on massive round posts, joined together by equally strong beams. For a Japanese person, the impact must be indescribably inspiring. The contrast between these grand temples and the small, fragile homes around them makes the temples even more striking. Even foreigners, who may be used to European cathedral architecture, can find much to admire in these buildings. In smaller towns and villages, where you might not expect such structures, travelers often discover these stately edifices. They are always set in picturesque environments; these simple people won’t settle for a barren lot or an unremarkable sand dune - they always choose the most beautiful and charming places for their places of worship.
Whatever may be said regarding the architecture of Japan, the foreigner, at least, finds it difficult to recognize any distinct types of architecture among the houses, or to distinguish any radical differences in the various kinds of dwellings he sees in his travels through the country. It may be possible that these exist, for one soon gets to recognize the differences between the ancient and modern house. There are also marked differences between the compact house of the merchant in the city and the country house; but as for special types of architecture that would parallel the different styles found in our country, there are none. Everywhere one notices minor details of finish and ornament which he sees more fully developed in the temple architecture, and which is evidently derived from this source; and if it can be shown, as it unquestionably can, that these features were brought into the country by the priests who brought one of the two great religions, then we can trace many features of architectural detail to their home, and to the avenues through which they came.
No matter what people say about Japanese architecture, foreigners find it hard to identify any distinct architectural styles among the houses or to notice significant differences in the various types of homes they encounter while traveling through the country. It's possible that such differences exist; people quickly learn to tell apart ancient homes from modern ones. There are also clear contrasts between the tidy homes of city merchants and those in the countryside. However, there aren't any specific architectural styles that compare to the different styles seen in our country. Everywhere you look, you can spot small details in the finishes and decorations that are more prominently featured in temple architecture, which clearly comes from that source. If we can demonstrate, as can certainly be done, that these elements were introduced to Japan by the priests who brought one of the two major religions, then we can trace many architectural details back to their origins and the paths through which they arrived.
In connection with the statement just made, that it is difficult to recognize any special types of architecture in Japanese dwellings, it may be interesting to mention that we found it impossible to get books in their language treating of house architecture. Doubtless books of this nature exist,—indeed, they must exist; but though the writer had a Japanese bookseller, and a number of intelligent friends among the Japanese, looking for such books, he never had the good fortune to [pg 48] secure any. Books in abundance can be got treating of temple architecture, from the plans of the framing to the completed structure; also of kura, or go-downs, gateways, tori-i, etc. Plans of buildings for their tea-ceremonies, and endless designs for the inside finish of a house,—the recesses, book-shelves, screens, and indeed all the delicate cabinet-work,—are easily obtainable; but a book which shall show the plans and elevations of the ordinary dwelling the writer has never yet seen. A number of friends have given him the plans of their houses as made by the carpenter, but there were no elevations or details of outside finish represented. It would seem as if, for the ordinary houses at least, it were only necessary to detail in plan the number and size of the rooms, leaving the rest of the structure to be completed in any way by the carpenter, so long as he contrived to keep the rain out.
In relation to the previous statement about the difficulty of identifying specific architectural styles in Japanese homes, it's worth noting that we found it impossible to find books in their language that discuss house architecture. Surely, such books must exist; however, even with the help of a Japanese bookseller and several knowledgeable friends among the Japanese, I was never fortunate enough to obtain any. There are plenty of books available on temple architecture, covering everything from the framing plans to the finished structure, as well as works on kura, warehouses, gates, tori-i, and so on. Plans for buildings used in tea ceremonies and countless designs for interior finishes—like recesses, bookshelves, screens, and intricate cabinet work—are easily found; but I have yet to see a book that presents the plans and elevations of regular homes. Several friends have shared their carpenters' plans for their houses, but these lacked elevations or details of the exterior finish. It seems that for ordinary houses at least, it is sufficient to provide a detailed plan showing the number and size of the rooms, leaving the rest of the structure for the carpenter to complete in any manner he sees fit, as long as he manages to keep the rain out.
If there is no attempt at architectural display in the dwelling-houses of Japan the traveller is at least spared those miserable experiences he so often encounters in his own country, where to a few houses of good taste he is sure to pass hundreds of perforated wooden boxes with angular roofs and red chimneys unrelieved by a single moulding; and now and then to meet with one of those cupola-crowned, broad-brimmed, corinthian-columned abominations, as well as with other forms equally grotesque and equally offending good taste.
If there’s no effort at architectural beauty in Japanese homes, at least travelers are spared the awful experiences they often have in their own country, where they’re bound to see hundreds of unattractive wooden boxes with sharp roofs and red chimneys, lacking any decorative detail. Now and then, they might encounter those hideous buildings with dome tops, wide brims, and Corinthian columns, as well as other equally bizarre forms that also clash with good taste.
Owing to the former somewhat isolated life of the different provinces, the style of building in Japan varies considerably; and this is more particularly marked in the design of the roof and ridge. Though the Japanese are conservative in many things concerning the house, it is worthy of note that changes have taken place in the house architecture within two hundred and fifty years; at all events, houses of the olden times have much heavier beams in their frame and wider planks in their structure, than have the houses of more recent times. [pg 49] A probable reason is that wood was much cheaper in past times; or it is possible that experience has taught them that sufficiently strong houses can be made with lighter material.
Due to the previously somewhat isolated lives of the different provinces, the architectural style in Japan varies significantly; this is especially evident in the design of roofs and ridges. While the Japanese tend to be conservative about many aspects of housing, it’s important to note that there have been changes in house architecture over the past two hundred and fifty years. In any case, older houses have much thicker beams in their frames and wider planks in their structures compared to more modern houses. [pg 49] One likely reason for this is that wood was much cheaper in the past; or it’s possible that experience has shown them that strong houses can be built with lighter materials.
The Japanese dwellings are always of wood, usually of one story and unpainted. Rarely does a house strike one as being specially marked or better looking than its neighbors; more substantial, certainly, some of them are, and yet there is a sameness about them which becomes wearisome. Particularly is this the case with the long, uninteresting row of houses that border a village street; their picturesque roofs alone save them from becoming monotonous. A closer study, however, reveals some marked differences between the country and city houses, as well as between those of different provinces.
Japanese homes are always made of wood, usually just one story and unpainted. It's rare for a house to stand out as especially unique or more attractive than its neighbors; some are definitely sturdier, but overall, they all look quite similar, which can get tedious. This is especially true for the long, dull line of houses along a village street; only their charming roofs keep them from being completely boring. However, a closer look shows some noticeable differences between rural and urban houses, as well as among those from different regions.
The country house, if anything more than a shelter from the elements, is larger and more substantial than the city house, and with its ponderous thatched roof and elaborate ridge is always picturesque. One sees much larger houses in the north,—roofs of grand proportions and an amplitude of space beneath, that farther south occurs only under the roofs of temples. We speak now of the houses of the better classes, for the poor farm-laborer and fisherman, as well as their prototypes in the city, possess houses that are little better than shanties, built, as a friend has forcibly expressed it, of “chips, paper, and straw.” But even these huts, clustered together as they oftentimes are in the larger cities, are palatial in contrast to the shattered and filthy condition of a like class of tenements in many of the cities of Christian countries.
The country house, if it’s more than just a shelter from the weather, is bigger and sturdier than the city house, and with its heavy thatched roof and fancy ridge, it always looks good. You see much larger houses up north—roofs of impressive size and plenty of space underneath that, further south, you usually only find under temple roofs. We're talking about the homes of the upper classes here, because the poor farmworker and fisherman, and their city counterparts, live in houses that are barely more than shacks, built, as a friend has strongly put it, of “chips, paper, and straws.” But even these shanties, often grouped together in bigger cities, seem luxurious compared to the broken-down and filthy state of similar rundown buildings in many cities in Christian countries.
In travelling through the country the absence of a middle class, as indicated by the dwellings, is painfully apparent. It is true that you pass, now and then, large comfortable houses with their broad thatched roofs, showing evidences of wealth and abundance in the numerous kura and outbuildings surrounding them; but where you find one of these you pass hundreds [pg 50] which are barely more than shelters for their inmates; and within, the few necessary articles render the evidences of poverty all the more apparent.
While traveling through the countryside, it’s painfully obvious that there’s a lack of a middle class, as reflected in the homes. It’s true that now and then you come across large, comfortable houses with their wide thatched roofs, showcasing signs of wealth and abundance in the various kitchen and outbuildings around them; however, for every one of these, you’ll pass hundreds that are little more than basic shelters for their occupants, and inside, the few essential items make the signs of poverty all the more noticeable.
Though the people that inhabit such shelters are very poor, they appear contented and cheerful notwithstanding their poverty. Other classes, who though not poverty-stricken are yet poor in every sense of the word, occupy dwellings of the simplest character. Many of the dwellings are often diminutive in size; and as one looks in at a tiny cottage containing two or three rooms at the most, the entire house hardly bigger than a good-sized room at home, and observes a family of three or four persons living quietly and in a cleanly manner in this limited space, he learns that in Japan, at least, poverty and constricted quarters are not always correlated with coarse manners, filth, and crime.
Even though the people living in these shelters are very poor, they seem happy and cheerful despite their hardship. Other groups, who aren’t destitute but are still struggling, live in very basic homes. Many of these homes are quite small; when you look into a little cottage with only two or three rooms, no bigger than a decent-sized room back home, and see a family of three or four living peacefully and keeping it clean in this limited space, you realize that in Japan, at least, poverty and small living conditions don’t always go hand in hand with bad behavior, dirtiness, and crime.
Country and city houses of the better class vary as greatly as with us,—the one with its ponderous thatched roof and smoke-blackened interior, the other with low roof neatly tiled, or shingled, and the perfection of cleanliness within.
Country and city houses of the upper class differ just as much as they do with us—the country one has a heavy thatched roof and a smoke-stained interior, while the city one features a low roof that's neatly tiled or shingled, and everything inside is spotless.
In Tokio, the houses that abut directly on the street have a close and prison-like aspect. The walls are composed of boards or plaster, and perforated with one or two small windows lightly barred with bamboo, or heavily barred with square wood-gratings. The entrance to one of these houses is generally at one corner, or at the side. The back of the house and one side, at least, have a verandah. I speak now of the better class of houses in the city, but not of the best houses, which almost invariably stand back from the street and are surrounded by gardens.
In Tokyo, the houses that sit right next to the street have a cramped, prison-like look. The walls are made of boards or plaster and have one or two small windows, either lightly barred with bamboo or heavily barred with wooden grates. The entrance to one of these houses is usually at a corner or on the side. The back of the house and at least one side have a verandah. I'm talking about the better quality houses in the city, but not the finest ones, which almost always stand back from the street and are surrounded by gardens.
The accompanying sketch (fig. 33) represents a group of houses bordering a street in Kanda Ku, Tokio. The windows are in some cases projecting or hanging bays, and are barred with bamboo or square bars of wood. A sliding-screen covered with stout white paper takes the place of our glass-windows. Through [pg 51] these gratings the inmates of the house do their bargaining with the street venders. The entrance to these houses is usually by means of a gate common to a number. This entrance consists of a large gate used for vehicles and heavy loads, and by the side of this is a smaller gate used by the people. Sometimes the big gate has a large square opening in it, closed by a sliding-door or grating,—and through this the inmates have ingress and egress.
The sketch (fig. 33) shows a row of houses along a street in Kanda Ku, Tokyo. Some of the windows are projecting or hanging bays, and they are barred with bamboo or wooden bars. Instead of glass, they use sliding screens covered with thick white paper. Through [pg 51] these grates, the residents bargain with street vendors. The entrance to these houses is usually through a gate shared by several homes. This entrance features a large gate for vehicles and heavy loads, with a smaller gate next to it for people. Sometimes, the large gate has a big square opening covered by a sliding door or grate, allowing residents to come and go.
The houses, if of wood, are painted black; or else, as is more usually the case, the wood is left in its natural state, and this gradually turns to a darker shade by exposure. When painted, a dead black is used; and this color is certainly agreeable to the eyes, though the heat-rays caused by this black surface become almost unendurable on hot days, and must add greatly to the heat and discomfort within the house. With a plastered outside wall the surface is often left white, while the frame-work of the building is painted black,—and this treatment gives it a decidedly funereal aspect.
The houses, if they're made of wood, are painted black; or more commonly, the wood is left in its natural state, which gradually darkens over time due to exposure. When painted, a flat black is used, and this color is definitely pleasing to the eye, although the heat generated by this black surface can become almost unbearable on hot days, contributing significantly to the heat and discomfort inside the house. For houses with plastered exterior walls, the surface is often left white, while the framework of the building is painted black—this combination gives it a notably gloomy appearance.
In fig. 34 two other houses in the same street are shown, one having a two-storied addition in the rear. The entrance to this house is by means of a gate, which in the sketch is open. The farther house has the door on the street.
In fig. 34 there are two other houses on the same street, one featuring a two-story addition at the back. The entrance to this house is through a gate, which is shown as open in the sketch. The farther house has its door facing the street.
It is not often that the streets are bordered by such well-constructed ditches on the side, as is represented in the last two figures; in these cases the ditches are three or four feet wide, with well-built stone-walls and stone or wooden bridges spanning them at the doors and gateways. Through these ditches the water is running, and though vitiated by the water from the kitchen and baths is yet sufficiently pure to support quite a number of creatures, such as snails, frogs, and even fishes. In the older city dwellings of the poorer classes a number of tenements often occur in a block, and the entrance is by means of a gateway common to all.
It’s not common for the streets to have such well-built ditches on the side, like in the last two figures; in these cases, the ditches are three or four feet wide, with strong stone walls and stone or wooden bridges crossing them at the doors and gateways. Water runs through these ditches, and although it's contaminated by kitchen and bath waste, it's still clean enough to support various creatures like snails, frogs, and even fish. In older city buildings for the poorer classes, you often find several apartments in a block, with a shared entrance for all.
Since the revolution of 1868 there has appeared a new style of building in Tokio, in which a continuous low of tenements [pg 53] is under one roof, and each tenement has its own separate entrance directly upon the street. Fig. 35 gives a sketch of a row of these tenements. These blocks, nearly always of one story, are now quite common in various parts of Tokio. In the rear is provided a small plot for each tenement, which may be used for a garden. People of small means, but by no means the poorer classes, generally occupy these dwellings. I was informed by an old resident of Tokio that only since the revolution have houses been built with their doors or main entrances opening directly on the street. This form of house is certainly convenient and economical, and is destined to be a common feature of house-building in the future.
Since the revolution of 1868, a new style of building has emerged in Tokyo, where a continuous row of tenement houses is under one roof, and each tenement has its own separate entrance directly onto the street. Fig. 35 provides a sketch of a row of these tenements. These blocks, usually just one story high, are now quite common in various parts of Tokyo. Behind each tenement is a small plot that can be used as a garden. People with modest means, but not necessarily the poorer classes, typically occupy these homes. An old resident of Tokyo told me that only since the revolution have houses been built with their doors or main entrances opening directly onto the street. This type of house is definitely convenient and economical, and it is likely to become a standard feature in future house construction.
On the business streets similar rows of buildings are seen, though generally each shop is an independent building, abutting directly to the next; and in the case of all the smaller shops, and indeed of many of the larger ones, the dwelling and shop are one, the goods being displayed in the room on the street, while the family occupy the back rooms. While one is bartering at a shop, the whole front being open, he may often catch a glimpse of the family in the back room at dinner, and may look [pg 54] entirely through a building to a garden beyond. It is a source of amazement to a foreigner to find in the rear of a row of dull and sombre business-houses independent dwellings, with rooms of exquisite taste and cleanliness. I remember, in one of the busiest streets of Tokio, passing through a lithographer's establishment, with the inky presses and inky workmen in full activity, and coming upon the choicest of tiny gardens and, after crossing a miniature foot-bridge, to a house of rare beauty and finish. It is customary for the common merchant to live under the same roof with the shop, or in a closely contiguous building; though in Tokio, more than elsewhere, I was informed it is the custom among the wealthy merchants to have their houses in the suburbs of the city, at some distance from their place of business.
On the business streets, you can see rows of similar buildings, although usually every shop is its own separate structure, directly next to the one next to it. In many of the smaller shops, and even some of the larger ones, the shop and the home are combined, with products displayed in the front room while the family lives in the back. While shopping at a store with the front wide open, you might often catch a glimpse of the family having dinner in the back room, and you could see straight through the building to a garden behind it. It's surprising to a foreigner to discover that behind a line of dull and plain business buildings are independent houses, featuring beautifully decorated and clean rooms. I remember walking through a busy street in Tokyo and entering a lithographer's shop, buzzing with ink-covered presses and workers, only to find a lovely little garden and, after crossing a tiny footbridge, a house of exceptional beauty and craftsmanship. It's common for regular merchants to live right above their shops or in nearby buildings; however, in Tokyo, more than in other places, I was told that wealthy merchants often have their homes in the suburbs, a bit farther from their businesses.
The sketch shown in Fig. 36 is a city house of one of the better classes. The house stands on a new street, and the lot on one side is vacant; nevertheless, the house is surrounded on all sides by a high board-fence,—since, with the open character of a Japanese house, privacy, if desired, can be secured only by high [pg 55] fences or thick hedges. The house is shown as it appears from the street. The front-door is near the gate, which is shown on the left of the sketch. There is here no display of an architectural front; indeed, there is no display anywhere. The largest and best rooms are in the back of the house; and what might be called a back-yard, upon which the kitchen opens, is parallel with the area in front of the main entrance to the house, and separated from it by a high fence. The second story contains one room, and this may be regarded as a guest-chamber. Access to this chamber is by means of a steep flight of steps, made out of thick plank, and unguarded by hand-rail of any kind. The roof is heavily tiled, while the walls of the house are outwardly composed of broad thin boards, put on vertically, and having strips of wood to cover the joints. A back view of this house is shown in Fig. 37. Here all the rooms open directly on the garden. Along the verandah are three rooms en suite. The [pg 56] balcony of the second story is covered by a light supplementary roof, from which hangs a bamboo screen to shade the room from the sun's rays. Similar screens are also seen hanging below.
The sketch shown in Fig. 36 is of a city house belonging to a more affluent class. The house is situated on a new street, and there's an empty lot on one side; however, it's enclosed on all sides by a tall board fence — since, given the open layout typical of a Japanese house, privacy can only be achieved with high fences or thick hedges if desired. The house is depicted as it looks from the street. The front door is located near the gate, which is shown on the left side of the sketch. There's no extravagant architectural front; in fact, there's no ostentation anywhere. The largest and most well-appointed rooms are at the back of the house, and what could be considered a backyard, accessible from the kitchen, runs parallel to the area in front of the main entrance, separated by a tall fence. The second story has one room, which can be seen as a guest room. You reach this room via a steep flight of steps made from thick planks, without any handrail. The roof is heavily tiled, while the walls of the house are covered with broad, thin boards arranged vertically, with wooden strips to conceal the joints. A back view of this house is shown in Fig. 37. Here, all the rooms open directly onto the garden. There are three rooms along the verandah ensuite. The [pg 56] balcony on the second story is topped with a light extra roof, and a bamboo screen hangs down to shield the room from the sun. Similar screens are also visible below.
The verandah is quite spacious; and in line with the division between the rooms is a groove for the adjustment of a wooden screen or shutter when it is desired to separate the house into two portions temporarily. At the end of the verandah to the left of the sketch is the latrine. The house is quite open beneath, and the air has free circulation.
The verandah is pretty spacious, and along the division between the rooms, there's a groove to adjust a wooden screen or shutter when needed to temporarily separate the house into two areas. At the end of the verandah, to the left of the sketch, is the bathroom. The house is completely open underneath, allowing for good airflow.
Another type of a Tokio house is shown in Fig. 38. This is a low, one-storied house, standing directly upon the street, its tiled roof cut up into curious gables. The entrance is protected by a barred sliding door. A large hanging bay-window is also barred. Just over the fence a bamboo curtain may be seen, which shades the verandah. The back of the house was open, and probably looked out on a pretty garden,—though this I did [pg 57] not see, as this sketch, like many others, was taken somewhat hastily.
Another type of Tokio house is shown in Fig. 38. This is a low, single-story house right on the street, with a tiled roof featuring interesting gables. The entrance has a barred sliding door. There's also a large barred bay window. You can see a bamboo curtain over the fence that provides shade for the verandah. The back of the house was open and probably overlooked a nice garden—although I didn’t see this, as this sketch, like many others, was done somewhat quickly. [pg 57]
From this example some idea may be got of the diminutive character of many of the Japanese dwellings, in which, nevertheless, families live in all cleanliness and comfort.
From this example, you can get an idea of the small size of many Japanese homes, where families still live in cleanliness and comfort.
In the northern part of Japan houses are often seen which possess features suggestive of the picturesque architecture of Switzerland,—the gable ends showing, in their exterior, massive timbers roughly hewn, with all the irregularities of the tree-trunk preserved, the interstices between these beams being filled with clay or plaster. The eaves are widely overhanging, with projecting rafters. Oftentimes delicately-carved wood is seen about the gable-ends and projecting balcony. As a still further suggestion of this resemblance, the main roof, if shingled, as well as the roof that shelters the verandah, is weighted with stones of various sizes to prevent its being blown away by the high [pg 58] winds that often prevail. This feature is particularly common in the Island of Yezo.
In northern Japan, you often come across houses that remind you of the charming architecture of Switzerland. The gable ends display massive timbers that are roughly shaped, preserving the irregularities of the tree trunks, with clay or plaster filling the gaps between the beams. The eaves hang out widely, with rafters that extend out. You will often see intricately carved wood around the gable ends and on the projecting balconies. To emphasize this resemblance even more, the main roof, as well as the roof over the verandah if it’s shingled, is weighed down with stones of various sizes to keep it from being blown away by the strong winds that are common there. This feature is especially typical on the Island of Yezo.
Fig. 39 gives a house of this description near Matsushima, in Rikuzen. An opening for the egress of smoke occurs on the side of the roof, in shape not unlike that of a round-topped dormer window. This opening in almost every instance is found on the gable end, directly beneath the angle formed at the peak of the roof.
Fig. 39 describes a house like this near Matsushima, in Rikuzen. There's a spot on the side of the roof for smoke to escape, shaped somewhat like a rounded dormer window. This opening is usually located on the gable end, right under the peak of the roof.
Another house of this kind, seen in the same province, is shown in fig. 40. Here the smoke-outlet is on the ridge in the shape of an angular roof, with its ridge running at right angles to the main ridge; in this is a latticed window. This ventilator, as well as the main roof, is heavily thatched, while the supplementary ridge is of boards and weighted with stones. A good example of a heavily-tiled and plastered wooden fence is seen on the left of the sketch. In the road a number of laborers are shown in the act of moving a heavy block of stone.
Another house of this type, located in the same area, is shown in fig. 40. Here, the smoke outlet is on the ridge with an angular roof, and its ridge runs perpendicular to the main ridge; it features a latticed window. This ventilator, along with the main roof, is thatched thickly, while the additional ridge is made of boards and weighed down with stones. To the left of the sketch, you can see a good example of a heavily-tiled and plastered wooden fence. In the road, several laborers are depicted as they move a heavy block of stone.
Another house, shown in fig. 41, was seen on the road to Mororan, in Yezo. Here the smoke-outlet was in the form of a low supplementary structure on the ridge. The ridge itself was flat, and upon it grew a luxuriant mass of lilies. This roof was unusually large and capacious.
Another house, shown in fig. 41, was seen on the road to Mororan, in Yezo. Here, the chimney was a low addition on the roof. The roof itself was flat, and a lush cluster of lilies grew on it. This roof was unusually large and spacious.
At the place where the river Kitakami empties into the Bay of Sendai, and where we left our boat in which we had come down the river from Morioka, the houses were all of the olden-style,—a number of these presenting some good examples of projecting windows. Fig. 42 represents the front of a house in this place. This shows a large gable-roof, with broad overhanging eaves in front,—the ends of the rafters projecting to support the eaves and the transverse-beams of the gable ends being equally in sight. The projecting window, which might perhaps be called a bay, runs nearly the entire length of the gable. The panels in the frieze were of [pg 60] dark wood, and bore perforated designs of pine and bamboo alternating.
At the spot where the Kitakami River flows into the Bay of Sendai, and where we left our boat after coming down the river from Morioka, all the houses were built in the traditional style—many of them featuring some great examples of jutting windows. Fig. 42 shows the front of a house in this area. It displays a large gable roof with wide overhanging eaves in front—the ends of the rafters stick out to support the eaves, and the crossbeams of the gable ends are also clearly visible. The projecting window, which could be called a bay, extends almost the entire length of the gable. The panels in the frieze were made of [pg 60] dark wood and featured perforated designs of pine and bamboo alternately.
The larger houses of this description are always inns. They usually abut directly upon the road, and have an open appearance and an air of hospitality about them which at once indicates their character. One encounters such places so frequently in Japan, that travelling in the interior is rendered a matter of ease and comfort as compared with similar experiences in neighboring countries. The larger number of these inns in the north are of one-story, though many may be seen that are two-storied. Very rarely does a three-storied building occur. Fig. 43 represents one of this nature, that was seen in a small village north of Sendai.
The larger houses of this type are always inns. They typically sit right along the road and have an open look and a welcoming vibe that clearly show their purpose. You come across these places so often in Japan that traveling in the countryside is much more relaxed and comfortable compared to similar experiences in nearby countries. Most of these inns in the north are single-story, though you can find quite a few that are two stories tall. It's very rare to see a building with three stories. Fig. 43 represents one of these inns, which was spotted in a small village north of Sendai.
Houses of the better classes stand back from the road, and have bordering the road high and oftentimes ponderous ridged walls, with gateways of similar proportions and character, or fences of various kinds with rustic gateways. Long, low [pg 61] out-buildings, for servants' quarters, also often form portions of the boundary wall. In the denser part of larger cities it is rare to find an old house,—the devastating conflagrations that so often sweep across the cities rendering the survival of old houses almost an impossibility. In the suburbs of cities and in the country, however, it is not difficult to find houses one hundred, and even two or three hundred years old. The houses age as rapidly as the people, and new houses very soon turn gray from the weather; the poorer class of houses in particular appear much older than they really are.
Houses of the upper classes sit back from the road and are often surrounded by tall, heavy walls, with gateways that match in style and proportions, or various types of fences with rustic entrances. Long, low outbuildings for staff quarters often make up part of the boundary wall. In the busier parts of larger cities, it’s uncommon to find an old house, as devastating fires frequently sweep through cities, making the survival of historical homes nearly impossible. However, in the suburbs and rural areas, it's not hard to find houses that are one hundred, or even two or three hundred years old. Houses age as quickly as the people, and new homes quickly fade to gray from the weather; in particular, the poorer houses often look much older than they actually are.
In entering Morioka, at the head of navigation on the Kitakami River, the long street presents a remarkably pretty appearance, with its odd low-roofed houses (fig. 44), each standing with its end to the street,—the peak of the thatched roof overhanging the smoke-outlet like a hood. The street is bordered by a high, rustic, bamboo fence; and between the houses are little plats filled with bright-colored flowers, and shrubbery clustering within the fences, even sending its sprays into the footpath bordering the road.
In entering Morioka, at the head of navigation on the Kitakami River, the long street looks really beautiful, with its unique low-roofed houses (fig. 44), each positioned sideways to the street—the peak of the thatched roof hanging over the smoke outlet like a hood. The street has a high, rustic bamboo fence along the side, and between the houses are small plots filled with colorful flowers and shrubs that spill over the fences, even reaching out onto the footpath next to the road.
The country house of an independent samurai, or rich farmer, is large, roomy, and thoroughly comfortable. I recall with the keenest pleasure the delightful days enjoyed under the roof of one of these typical mansions in Kabutoyama, in the western part of the province of Musashi. The residence consisted of a group of buildings shut in from the road by a high wall. Passing through a ponderous gateway, one enters a spacious court-yard, flanked on either side by long, low buildings used as store-houses and servants' quarters. At the farther end of the yard, and facing the entrance, was a comfortable old farmhouse, having a projecting gable-wing to its right (fig. 45). The roof was a thatched one of unusual thickness. At the end of the wing was a triangular latticed opening, from which thin blue wreaths of smoke were curling. This building contained a few rooms, including an unusually spacious kitchen,—a sketch of which is given farther on. The kitchen opened directly into a larger and unfinished portion of the house, having the earth [pg 63] for its floor, and used as a wood-shed. The owner informed me that the farm-house was nearly three hundred years old. To the left of the building was a high wooden fence, and passing through a gateway one came into a smaller yard and garden. In this area was another house quite independent of the farmhouse; this was the house for guests. Its conspicuous feature consisted of a newly-thatched roof, surmounted by an elaborate and picturesque ridge,—its design derived from temple architecture. Within were two large rooms opening upon a narrow verandah. These rooms were unusually high in stud, and the mats and all the appointments were most scrupulously clean. Communication with the old house was by means of a covered passage. Back of this dwelling, and some distance from it, was still another house, two stories in height, and built in the most perfect taste; and here lived the grandfather of the family,—a fine old gentleman, dignified and courtly in his manners.
The country house of an independent warrior or wealthy farmer is large, spacious, and very comfortable. I fondly remember the wonderful days spent under the roof of one of these typical homes in Kabutoyama, located in the western part of Musashi province. The residence was made up of a group of buildings enclosed by a high wall. Passing through a heavy gate, you enter a large courtyard, flanked on both sides by long, low buildings used for storage and as staff quarters. At the far end of the yard, facing the entrance, stood a cozy old farmhouse, with a gable wing protruding to its right (fig. 45). The roof was thatched and unusually thick. At the end of the wing was a triangular lattice opening, from which thin blue curls of smoke were rising. This building contained several rooms, including a surprisingly spacious kitchen—a sketch of which will be shown later. The kitchen led directly into a larger, unfinished area of the house, which had an earthen floor and served as a wood-shed. The owner told me that the farmhouse was nearly three hundred years old. To the left of the building was a tall wooden fence, and passing through a gate brought you into a smaller yard and garden. In this area was another house entirely separate from the farmhouse, designated for guests. Its standout feature was a newly-thatched roof, topped with an intricate and picturesque ridge, inspired by temple architecture. Inside were two large rooms that opened onto a narrow verandah. These rooms had unusually high ceilings, and the tatami mats and all the furnishings were meticulously clean. A covered passage connected this guest house to the old house. Behind this dwelling, some distance away, was another two-story home, beautifully designed, where the family’s grandfather lived—a distinguished old gentleman, dignified and gracious in his manners.
The farm-house yard presented all the features of similar areas at home. A huge pile of wood cut for the winter's supply was piled up against the L. Basket-like coops, rakes, and the customary utensils of a farmer's occupation were scattered about. The sketch of this old house gives but a faint idea of the massive and top-heavy appearance of the roof, or of the large size of the building. The barred windows below, covered by a narrow tiled roof, were much later additions to the structure.
The farmhouse yard looked just like similar areas back home. A huge pile of wood for winter was stacked against the L. There were basket-like coops, rakes, and the usual tools a farmer uses scattered around. The drawing of this old house only somewhat captures the heavy and awkward look of the roof, or the large size of the building. The barred windows below, covered by a narrow tiled roof, were added to the structure much later.
In the city houses of the better class much care is often taken to make the surroundings appear as rural as possible, by putting here and there quaint old wells, primitive and rustic arbors, fences, and gateways. The gateways receive special attention in this way, and the oddest of entrances are often seen in thickly-settled parts of large cities.
In the city homes of the upper class, a lot of effort is often put into making the surroundings look as rural as possible by placing charming old wells, simple rustic arbors, fences, and gateways here and there. The gateways are given special attention, and you can often find the most unique entrances in densely populated areas of big cities.
Houses with thatched roofs, belonging to the wealthiest classes, are frequently seen in the suburbs of Tokio and Kioto, and, strange as it may appear, even within the city proper. One might be led [pg 64] to suppose that such roofs would quickly fall a prey to the sparks of a conflagration; but an old thatched roof gets compacted with dust and soot to such an extent that plants and weeds of various kinds, and large clumps of mosses, are often seen flourishing in luxuriance upon such surfaces, offering a good protection against flying sparks. In Kioto we recall a house of this description which was nearly three centuries old; and since we made sketches of its appearance from the street, from just within the gateway, and from the rear, we will describe these views in sequence.
Houses with thatched roofs, owned by the wealthiest families, are often found in the suburbs of Tokyo and Kyoto, and surprisingly, even within the city itself. One might think that such roofs would quickly catch fire from sparks during a blaze, but an old thatched roof becomes so compacted with dust and soot that plants, weeds, and large patches of moss often thrive on it, providing good protection against flying sparks. In Kyoto, we remember a house like this that was nearly three centuries old; since we took sketches of its appearance from the street, just inside the gate, and from the back, we will describe these views in order.
The first view, then (fig. 46), is from the street, and represents a heavily-roofed gateway, with a smaller gateway at the side. The big gates had been removed, and the little gateway was permanently closed. This ponderous structure was flanked on one side by a low stretch of buildings, plastered on the outside, having small barred windows on the street, and a barred look-out commanding the gateway both outside and within. On the other side of the gateway was a high, thick wall, also furnished with a [pg 65] window or lookout. The outer walls rose directly from the wall forming the gutter, or, more properly speaking, a diminutive moat that ran along the side of the street. Blocks of worked stone formed a bridge across this moat, by which access was gained to the enclosure. The old dwelling, with its sharp-ridged roof, may be seen above the buildings just described.
The first view, then (fig. 46), is from the street and shows a heavily-roofed gateway, with a smaller one to the side. The large gates had been taken out, and the small gateway was permanently shut. This massive structure was next to a low stretch of plastered buildings that had small barred windows facing the street and a barred lookout overseeing the gateway from both the outside and inside. On the other side of the gateway was a high, thick wall, also equipped with a [pg 65] window or lookout. The outer walls rose straight from the wall forming the gutter, or more accurately, a tiny moat that ran along the side of the street. Blocks of cut stone formed a bridge across this moat, providing access to the enclosure. The old residence, with its sharply ridged roof, can be seen above the previously described buildings.
Fig. 47 represents the appearance of this old house from just within the gateway. The barred window to the left of the sketch may be seen through the open gateway in fig. 46, and the tree which showed over the top of the gateway in that sketch is now in full view. The old house has a thatched roof with a remarkably steep pitch, surmounted by a ridge of tiles; a narrow tiled roof runs about the house directly below the eaves of the thatched roof. Suspended below this roof is seen a ladder and fire-engine, to be ready in case of emergency. The truth must be [pg 66] told, however, that these domestic engines are never ready; for when they are wanted, it is found that the square cylinders are so warped and cracked by the hot summers that when they are brought into action their chief accomplishment consists in squirting water through numerous crevices upon the men who are frantically endeavoring to make these engines do their duty properly.
Fig. 47 shows how this old house looks just inside the gateway. You can see the barred window to the left of the sketch through the open gateway in fig. 46, and the tree that peeked over the top of the gateway in that sketch is now clearly visible. The old house has a thatched roof with a surprisingly steep pitch, topped with a row of tiles; a narrow tiled roof runs around the house just below the eaves of the thatched roof. Hanging below this roof is a ladder and a fire engine, ready for emergencies. The truth must be [pg 66] told, though, that these home fire engines are never really ready; when they are needed, it turns out that the square cylinders are so warped and cracked from the hot summers that when they’re used, their main achievement is spraying water through various gaps onto the people who are desperately trying to get them to work properly.
The yard was well swept, and quite free from weeds, though at one side a number of shrubs and a banana tree were growing in a luxuriant tangle. A single tree, of considerable age, rose directly in a line with the entrance to the yard.
The yard was neatly swept and clear of weeds, although on one side, a bunch of shrubs and a banana tree were growing in a lush tangle. A single, fairly old tree stood directly aligned with the entrance to the yard.
The house, like all such houses, had its uninteresting end toward the street; and here, attached to the house, was a “lean-to,” or shed, with a small circular window. This was [pg 67] probably a kitchen, as a gateway is seen in the sketch, which led to the kitchen-garden.
The house, like all similar houses, had its dull side facing the street; and here, connected to the house, was a “lean-to” or shed, with a small round window. This was [pg 67] probably a kitchen, as a gate is shown in the sketch, leading to the kitchen garden.
In Fig. 48 a sketch of this house is given from the garden in the rear. The house is quite open behind, and looks out on the garden and fish-pond, which is seen in the foreground. The tiled roof which covers the verandah, and the out-buildings as well, was a subsequent addition to the old house. The sole occupants consisted of the mother and maiden sister of the famous antiquarian Ninagawa Noritani. The garden, with its shrubs, plats of flowers, stepping-stones leading to the fish-pond filled with lotus and lilies, and the bamboo trellis, is a good specimen of an old garden upon which but little care has been bestowed.
In Fig. 48, there's a sketch of this house taken from the garden in the back. The house is pretty open at the back, overlooking the garden and the fish pond, which you can see in the foreground. The tiled roof covering the verandah and the outbuildings was added later to the old house. The only residents were the mother and unmarried sister of the famous antiquarian Ninagawa Noritani. The garden, with its shrubs, flower beds, stepping stones leading to the fish pond filled with lotuses and lilies, and the bamboo trellis, is a great example of an old garden that hasn't received much attention.
In the cities nothing is more surprising to a foreigner than to go from the dust and turmoil of a busy street directly into a rustic yard and the felicity of quiet country life. On one of the busy streets of Tokio I had often passed a low shop, the barred front of which was never opened to traffic, nor was there ever any one present with whom to deal. I used often to peer between the bars; and from the form of the wooden boxes on the step-like shelves within, I knew that the occupant was a dealer in old pottery. One day I called through the bars several times, and finally a man pushed back the screen in the rear of the shop and bade me come in by way of a narrow alley a little way up the street. This I did, and soon came to a gate that led me into one of the neatest and cleanest little gardens it is possible to imagine. The man was evidently just getting ready for a tea-party, and, as is customary in winter, the garden had been liberally strewn with pine-needles, which had then been neatly swept from the few paths and formed in thick mats around some of the shrubs and trees. The master had already accosted me from the verandah, and after bringing the customary hibachi, over which I warmed my hands, and tea and cake, he brought forth some rare old pottery.
In the cities, nothing surprises a foreigner more than stepping from the dust and chaos of a busy street into a peaceful yard and the bliss of quiet country life. On one of the bustling streets of Tokyo, I often passed a small shop with a barred front that was never open to customers, and there was never anyone there to talk to. I used to peek through the bars, and from the shapes of the wooden boxes on the tiered shelves inside, I could tell that the owner dealt in old pottery. One day, I called through the bars a few times, and eventually, a man pushed aside the screen at the back of the shop and told me to come in through a narrow alley a little ways up the street. I did, and soon arrived at a gate leading into one of the neatest and cleanest little gardens you could imagine. The man was clearly preparing for a tea party, and, as is customary in winter, the garden had been generously covered with pine needles, which had then been neatly swept from the few paths and laid in thick mats around some of the shrubs and trees. The owner had already greeted me from the veranda, and after bringing the usual teppanyaki over which I warmed my hands, along with tea and cake, he revealed some rare old pottery.
The verandah and a portion of this house as it appeared from the garden are given in fig. 49. At the end of the verandah is seen a narrow partition, made out of the planks of an old [pg 69] ship; it is secured to the side of the house by a huge piece of bamboo. One is greatly interested to see how curiously, and oftentimes artistically, the old worm-eaten and blackened fragments of a shipwreck are worked into the various parts of a house,—this being an odd fancy of the Japanese house-builder. Huge and irregular-shaped logs will often form the cross-piece to a gateway; rudder-posts fixed in the ground form the support of bronze or pottery vessels to hold water. But fragments of a shipwreck are most commonly seen. This wood is always rich in color, and has an antique appearance,—these qualities commending it at once to the Japanese eye, and rendering it, with its associations, an attractive object for their purposes.
The verandah and part of this house as it looked from the garden are shown in fig. 49. At the end of the verandah, there’s a narrow partition made from the planks of an old [pg 69] ship; it’s held in place against the side of the house by a large piece of bamboo. It’s fascinating to see how creatively, and often artistically, the old, worm-eaten, and blackened pieces of a shipwreck are integrated into various parts of a house—this is a unique habit of Japanese builders. Big, oddly shaped logs often serve as the crosspiece for a gateway; rudder-posts anchored in the ground support bronze or pottery vessels for holding water. But pieces of a shipwreck are the most commonly used. This wood is always vibrant in color and has an antique look—qualities that immediately appeal to the Japanese eye, making it a desirable object for their use.
In the house above mentioned a portion of a vessel's side or bottom had been used bodily for a screen at the end of the verandah,—for just beyond was the latrine, from the side of which is seen jutting another wing, consisting of a single weatherworn plank bordered by a bamboo-post. This was a screen to shut out the kitchen-yard beyond. Various stepping-stones of irregular shape, as well as blackened planks, were arranged around the yard in picturesque disorder. The sketch conveys, with more or less accuracy, one of the many phases of Japanese taste in these matters.
In the house mentioned above, part of a ship's side or bottom had been used as a screen at the end of the verandah—because just beyond it was the latrine, from the side of which another wing jutted out, consisting of a single weathered plank bordered by a bamboo post. This served as a barrier to block the view of the kitchen yard beyond. Various stepping stones of irregular shapes, along with charred planks, were arranged around the yard in a charmingly haphazard way. The sketch captures, with varying degrees of accuracy, one of the many aspects of Japanese taste in these matters.
The wood-work from the rafters of the verandah roof above, to the planks below, was undefiled by oil, paint, wood-filling, or varnish of any kind. The carpentry was light, yet durable and thoroughly constructive; while outside and inside every feature was as neat and clean as a cabinet. The room bordering this verandah is shown in fig. 125.
The woodwork from the rafters of the verandah roof above to the planks below was untouched by oil, paint, wood filler, or any kind of varnish. The carpentry was light but strong and very well made; both outside and inside, every detail was as tidy and clean as a cabinet. The room next to this verandah is shown in fig. 125.
Fig. 50 gives a view from the L of a gentleman's house in Tokio, from which was seen the houses and gardens of the neighborhood. The high and close fence borders a roadway which runs along the bank of the Sumida-gawa. A short fence of brush juts out obliquely from the latrine, and forms a screen [pg 70] between the house and the little gate. From this sketch some idea may be formed of the appearance of the balcony and verandah, and how well they are protected by the overhanging roofs.
Fig. 50 shows a view from the left of a gentleman's house in Tokyo, where you can see the houses and gardens of the neighborhood. The tall, close fence lines a road that runs along the bank of the Sumida River. A short brush fence sticks out at an angle from the bathroom, creating a screen [pg 70] between the house and the small gate. From this sketch, you can get an idea of what the balcony and veranda look like and how well they are sheltered by the overhanging roofs.
The inns, particularly the country inns, have a most cosey and comfortable air about them. One always has the freedom of the entire place; at least a foreigner generally makes himself at home everywhere about the public houses, and in this respect [pg 71] impress a Japanese with his boorish ways, since the native guests usually keep to their own rooms. The big, capacious kitchen, with its smoke-blackened rafters overhead, its ruddy glow of wood-fire (a sight rarely seen in the cities, where charcoal is the principal fuel), and the family busy with their various domestic duties, is a most cosey and agreeable region.
The inns, especially the country inns, have a really cozy and comfortable vibe. You always have the run of the entire place; at least a foreigner usually feels at home anywhere in the pubs, which can make a Japanese person see him as rude, since local guests typically stick to their own rooms. The large, spacious kitchen, with its smoke-stained beams overhead, its warm glow from the wood fire (something you rarely see in the cities where charcoal is the main fuel), and the family engaged in their various household tasks, is a very cozy and pleasant area.
On the ride across Yezo, from Otarunai to Mororan, one passes a number of inns of the most ample proportions; and their present deserted appearance contrasts strangely with their former grandeur, when the Daimio of the province, accompanied by swarms of samurai and other attendants, made his annual pilgrimage to the capital.
On the journey across Yezo, from Otarunai to Mororan, you'll pass several large inns, and their current empty look is a stark contrast to their earlier splendor when the Daimio of the province, along with a crowd of samurai and other attendants, made his annual pilgrimage to the capital.
At Mishima, in the province of Suruga, a curious old inn was seen (fig. 51). The second story overhung the first story in front, [pg 72] and the eaves were very widely-projecting. At the sides of the building a conspicuous feature was the verge boards, which were very large, with their lower margins cut in curious sweeps. This may have been intended for an architectural adornment, or possibly for a wind or sun screen; at all events it was, as we saw it, associated with buildings of considerable antiquity. In the middle and southern provinces of Japan the feature of an over-hanging second story is by no means uncommon.
At Mishima, in the province of Suruga, there was a curious old inn (fig. 51). The second story jutted out over the first story in the front, [pg 72], and the eaves extended quite far. A striking characteristic of the building was the verge boards, which were quite large with their lower edges cut into interesting shapes. This might have been meant as an architectural decoration, or maybe as a wind or sun barrier; either way, it definitely gave off a vibe of considerable age. In the central and southern regions of Japan, an overhanging second story is not at all rare.
A group of houses in a village street is shown in fig. 52. The nearest house is a resting-place for travellers; the next is a candle-shop, where the traveller and jinrikisha man may replenish their lanterns; the third is a jinrikisha stand, and beyond this is a light board-structure of some kind. All of these are dwellings as well. This street was in the village of Nagaike, between Nara and Kioto.
A group of houses on a village street is shown in fig. 52. The closest house serves as a rest stop for travelers; the next one is a candle shop, where travelers and their rickshaw drivers can refill their lanterns; the third is a rickshaw stand, and beyond that is a light board structure of some kind. All of these buildings are also homes. This street was in the village of Nagaike, between Nara and Kyoto.
The country houses on the east coast of Kagoshima Gulf, in the province of Osumi, as well as in the province of Satsuma, have thatched roofs of ponderous proportions, while the walls supporting them are very low. These little villages along the [pg 73] coast present a singular aspect, as one distinguishes only the high and thick roofs. Fig. 53 is a sketch of Mototaru-midsu as from the water, and fig. 54 represents the appearance of a group of houses seen in the same village, which is on the road running along the gulf coast of Osumi. The ridge is covered by a layer of bamboo; and the ends of the ridge, where it joins the hip of the roof, are guarded by a stout matting of bamboo and straw. In this sketch a regular New England well-sweep is seen, though it is by no means an uncommon object in other parts of Japan. Where the well is [pg 74] under cover, the well-sweep is so arranged that the well-pole goes through a hole in the roof.
The country houses on the east coast of Kagoshima Gulf, in the Osumi region, as well as in Satsuma, have very large thatched roofs, while the walls holding them up are quite low. These small villages along the [pg 73] coast have a unique look, with only the tall, thick roofs being easily noticeable. Fig. 53 is a drawing of Mototaru-midsu seen from the water, and fig. 54 shows a group of houses in the same village, located on the road that runs along the gulf coast of Osumi. The ridges are topped with a layer of bamboo, and the ends of the ridge, where it meets the roof's hip, are secured with a strong matting of bamboo and straw. In this drawing, a typical New England well-sweep is visible, although it's also quite common in other parts of Japan. Where the well is [pg 74] covered, the well-sweep is designed so that the well-pole passes through a hole in the roof.
The fishermen's houses are oftentimes nothing more than the roughest shelters from the elements, and being more closed than the peasants' houses are consequently darker and dirtier. In the neighborhood of larger towns, where the fishermen are more prosperous, their houses compare favorably with those of the peasant class. Fig. 55 shows a group of fishermen's huts on the neck of sand which connects Hakodate with the main island. The high stockade fences act as barriers to the winds which blow so furiously across the bar at certain seasons. Fig. 56 represents a few fishermen's huts at Enoshima, a famous resort a little south of Yokohama. Here the houses are comparatively large and comfortable, though poor and dirty at best. The huge baskets seen in the sketch are used to hold and transport fish from the boat to the shore.
The fishermen's houses are often just basic shelters from the weather, and since they are more enclosed than the peasants' homes, they tend to be darker and dirtier. In areas near larger towns, where the fishermen are doing better, their homes measure up favorably against those of the peasant class. Fig. 55 shows a group of fishermen's huts on the sandbar that connects Hakodate to the main island. The tall stockade fences serve as barriers to the strong winds that blow fiercely across the bar during certain seasons. Fig. 56 depicts a few fishermen's huts at Enoshima, a famous resort just south of Yokohama. Here, the houses are relatively large and comfortable, though still poor and dirty overall. The large baskets seen in the sketch are used to hold and transport fish from the boat to the shore.
In the city no outbuildings, such as sheds and barns, are seen. Accompanying the houses of the better class are solid, thick-walled, fire-proof buildings called kura, in which the goods and chattels are stowed away in times of danger from conflagrations. These buildings, which are known to the foreigner as “go-downs,” are usually two stories in height, and have one or two small windows, and one door, closed by thick and ponderous shutters. Such a building usually stands isolated from the dwelling, and sometimes, though rarely, they are converted into domiciles. Of such a character is the group of buildings in Tokio represented in fig. 57, belonging to a genial antiquary, in which he has stored a rare collection of old books, manuscripts, paintings, and other antique objects.
In the city, there are no outbuildings like sheds or barns. Alongside the nicer houses, there are strong, thick-walled, fireproof structures called kura where valuable items are kept safe during fire emergencies. These structures, known to foreigners as warehouses are typically two stories high, featuring one or two small windows and a single door secured by heavy, solid shutters. Such buildings are usually separate from the main house, and although it’s uncommon, sometimes they are turned into living spaces. An example of this type of building can be seen in fig. 57, which belongs to a friendly antiquarian who has stored a unique collection of old books, manuscripts, paintings, and other valuable antiques.
Fig. 58, copied from a sketch made by Mr. S. Koyama, represents another group of these buildings in Tokio. These kura belonged to the famous [pg 76] antiquarian Ninagawa Noritani. In these buildings were stored his treasures of pottery and painting. Often light wooden extensions are built around the kura, and in such cases the family live in the outside apartments. An example of this kind is shown in fig. 59, which is an old house in a poor quarter of the city of Hakodate. The central portion represents the two-storied kura, and around it is built an additional shelter having a tiled roof. In case of fire the contents of the outer rooms are hurriedly stowed within the fire-proof portion, the door closed, and the crevices chinked with mud. These buildings usually survive in the midst of a wide-spread conflagration, while all the outer wooden additions are consumed. Further reference will be made to these structures in other portions of the work. It may be proper to state, however, that nearly every shop has connected with it a fire-proof building of this nature.
Fig. 58, taken from a sketch by Mr. S. Koyama, shows another group of these buildings in Tokyo. These kura belonged to the well-known antiquarian Ninagawa Noritani. Inside these buildings were stored his valuable pottery and paintings. Often, light wooden extensions are added around the kura, where the family lives in the outer apartments. An example of this type can be seen in fig. 59, which is an old house in a poorer area of Hakodate. The central part represents the two-story kura with an additional shelter featuring a tiled roof built around it. In case of fire, the contents of the outer rooms are quickly moved inside the fireproof section, the door is closed, and the cracks are sealed with mud. These buildings often survive during widespread fires, while all the outer wooden additions are destroyed. Further details about these structures will be mentioned in other sections of this work. It’s worth noting that almost every shop has a fireproof building of this kind connected to it.
It hardly comes within the province of this work to describe or figure buildings which are not strictly speaking homes; for this reason no reference will be made to the monotonous rows of buildings so common in Tokio, which form portions of the boundary-wall [pg 77] wall of the yashiki; and, indeed, had this been desirable, it would have been somewhat difficult to find the material, in their original condition, for study. Many of the yashikis have been destroyed by fire; others have been greatly modified, and are now occupied by various Government departments. In Tokio, for example, the yashiki of the Daimio of Kaga is used by the educational department, the Mito yashiki for the manufacture of war material, and still others are used for barracks and other Government purposes. As one rides through the city he often passes these yashikis, showing from the street as long monotonous rows of buildings, generally two stories in height, with heavy tiled roofs. The wall of the first story is generally tiled or plastered. The second-story wall may be of wood or plaster. This wall is perforated at intervals with small heavily-barred windows or hanging bays. The entrance, composed of stout beams, is closed by ponderous gates thickly studded with what appear to be massive-headed bolts, but which are, however, of fictitious solidity. The buildings rest on stone foundations abutting directly on the street, or interrupted by a ditch which often assumes the dignity of a castle moat. These buildings in long stretches formed a portion of the outer walls of the yashikis within which were the separate residences of the Daimios and officers, while the buildings just alluded to were used by the soldiers for barracks.
It doesn't really fit the scope of this work to describe or illustrate buildings that aren't, strictly speaking, homes. For this reason, I won't mention the dull rows of buildings that are so common in Tokyo, which make up parts of the boundary wall of the *yashiki.* Even if it were necessary, it would be somewhat challenging to find material to study them in their original condition. Many of the *yashikis* have been destroyed by fire; others have been significantly altered and are now occupied by various government departments. In Tokyo, for instance, the *yashiki* of the Daimyo of Kaga is used by the education department, the Mito *yashiki* is for manufacturing war materials, and others are used for barracks and other government purposes. As one rides through the city, they often pass these *yashikis*, which appear from the street as long, monotonous rows of buildings, typically two stories high, with heavy tiled roofs. The wall of the first story is usually tiled or plastered, while the second-story wall may be made of wood or plaster. This wall has small, heavily barred windows or hanging bays at intervals. The entrance, made of strong beams, is closed with massive gates thickly studded with what look like large-headed bolts, but which are actually not as solid as they seem. The buildings sit on stone foundations that either touch the street directly or are separated by a ditch that often resembles a castle moat. These structures form the outer walls of the *yashikis,* inside of which were the separate residences of the Daimios and officers, while the buildings just mentioned were used as barracks for soldiers.
The great elaboration and variety in the form and structure of the house-roof almost merit the dignity of a separate section. For it is mainly to the roof that the Japanese house owes its picturesque appearance; it is the roof which gives to the houses that novelty and variety which is so noticeable among them in different parts of the country. The lines of a well-made thatched roof are something quite remarkable in their proportions. A great deal of taste and skill is displayed in the proper trimming of the eaves; and the graceful way in which the [pg 78] eaves of the gable are made to join the side eaves is always attractive and a noticeable feature in Japanese architecture, and the admirable way in which a variety of gables are made to unite with the main roof would excite praise from the most critical architect.
The great variety in the form and structure of house roofs deserves its own section. The roof is what gives the Japanese house its picturesque look; it’s the roof that adds the novelty and diversity that stands out in different regions of the country. The lines of a well-crafted thatched roof are truly remarkable in their proportions. A lot of taste and skill goes into the careful trimming of the eaves, and the elegant way the gable eaves connect with the side eaves is always appealing and a distinctive feature of Japanese architecture. The impressive design of various gables connecting with the main roof would impress even the most discerning architect.
The elaborate structure of the thatched and tiled roofs, and the great variety in the design and structure of the ridges show what might be done by a Japanese architect if other portions of the house-exterior received an equal amount of ingenuity and attention.
The intricate structure of the thatched and tiled roofs, along with the wide variety in the design and structure of the ridges, demonstrates what a Japanese architect could achieve if the other parts of the house's exterior received the same level of creativity and care.
Japanese roofs are either shingled, thatched, or tiled. In the country, tiled roofs are the exception, the roofs being almost exclusively thatched,—though in the smaller houses, especially in the larger country villages, the shingled and tiled roofs are often seen. In the larger towns and cities the houses are usually tiled; yet even here shingled roofs are not uncommon, and though cheaper than the tiled roofs, are by no means confined to the poorer houses. In the suburbs, and even in the outskirts of the cities, thatched roofs are common: in such cases the thatched roof indicates either the presence of what was at one time an old farm-house to which the city has extended, or else it is the house of a gentleman who prefers such a roof on account of its picturesqueness and the suggestions of rural life that go with it.
Japanese roofs are either shingled, thatched, or tiled. In the countryside, tiled roofs are unusual; most roofs are thatched, although in smaller houses, especially in bigger rural villages, you'll often see shingled and tiled roofs. In larger towns and cities, houses are typically tiled, but shingled roofs are also quite common. Even though shingled roofs are cheaper than tiled ones, they're not just found on poorer houses. In the suburbs and on the outskirts of cities, thatched roofs are common. In these cases, a thatched roof usually indicates either an old farmhouse that the city has expanded around, or a home of someone who prefers that style because of its charm and the rural vibes it brings.
The usual form of the roof is generally that of a hip or gable. In the thatched roof, the portion coming directly below the ridge-pole is in the form of a gable, and this blends into a hip-roof. A curb-roof is never seen. Among the poorer classes a simple pent roof is common; and additions or attachments to the main building are generally covered with a pent roof. A light, narrow, supplementary roof is often seen projecting just below the eaves of the main roof; it is generally made of wide thin boards (fig. 60). This roof is called hisashi. [pg 79] It commonly shelters from the sun and rain an open portion of the house or a verandah. It is either supported by uprights from the ground, or by slender brackets which are framed at right angles to the main uprights of the building proper. Weak and even flimsy as this structure often appears to be, it manages to support itself, in violation of all known laws of structure and gravitation. After a heavy fall of damp snow one may see thick accumulations covering these slight roofs, and yet a ride through the city reveals no evidences of their breaking down. One recalls similar structures at home yielding under like pressure, and wonders whether gravitation behaves differently in this land of anomalies.
The typical shape of roofs is usually either hip or gable. In thatched roofs, the part directly under the ridge-pole is shaped like a gable, which transitions into a hip roof. Curb roofs are rarely seen. Among the lower-income groups, a simple pent roof is common, and any extensions or additions to the main building are usually covered with a pent roof. A light, narrow supplementary roof often extends just below the eaves of the main roof; it's typically made of wide, thin boards (fig. 60). This roof is called hisashi. [pg 79] It usually provides shade and shelter from rain for an open part of the house or a verandah. It's either supported by posts from the ground or by slender brackets that are placed at right angles to the main supports of the building. Although this structure often looks weak and flimsy, it manages to stand on its own, defying all known laws of structure and gravity. After a heavy snowfall, you can see thick layers covering these delicate roofs, yet a trip through the city shows no signs of them collapsing. One remembers similar structures back home that would give way under the same pressure and wonders if gravity acts differently in this land of oddities.
In the ordinary shingled roof a light boarding is first nailed to the rafters, and upon this the shingles are secured in close courses. The shingles are always split, and are very thin,—being about the thickness of an ordinary octavo book-cover, and not much larger in size, and having the same thickness throughout. They come in square bunches (fig. 61, A), each bunch containing about two hundred and twenty shingles, and costing about forty cents.
In a typical shingled roof, a light board is first nailed to the rafters, and then the shingles are secured closely on top of this. The shingles are always split and quite thin—about the same thickness as a standard octavo book cover, and not much bigger in size, maintaining the same thickness throughout. They come in square bundles (fig. 61, A), with each bundle containing around two hundred and twenty shingles, costing roughly forty cents.
Bamboo pins, resembling attenuated shoe-pegs, are used as shingle-nails. The shingler takes a mouthful of these pegs, and with quick motions works precisely and in the same rapid manner as a similar class of workmen do at home. The shingler's hammer is a curious implement (fig. 61, B, C). The iron portion is in the shape of a square block, with its roughened face nearly on a level with its handle. Near the end of the [pg 80] handle, and below, is inserted an indented strip of brass (fig. 61, B). The shingler in grasping the handle brings the thumb and forfinger opposite the strip of brass; he takes a peg from his mouth with the same hand with which he holds the hammer, and with the thumb and forefinger holding the peg against the brass strip (fig. 62), he forces it into the shingle by a pushing blow. By this movement the peg is forced half-way down; an oblique blow is then given it with the hammer-head, which bends the protruding portion of the peg against the shingle,—this broken-down portion representing the head of our shingle-nail. The bamboo being tough and fibrous can easily be broken down without separating. In this way is the shingle held to the roof. The hammer-handle has marked upon it the smaller divisions [pg 81] of a carpenter's measure, so that the courses of shingles may be properly aligned. The work is done very rapidly,—for with one hand the shingle is adjusted, while the other hand is busily driving the pegs.
Bamboo pins, resembling long shoe pegs, are used as shingle nails. The shingler takes a mouthful of these pegs and works quickly and precisely, just like similar workers do at home. The shingler's hammer is an interesting tool (fig. 61, B, C). The iron part is shaped like a square block, with its rough face almost level with the handle. Near the end of the [pg 80] handle, there's an indented strip of brass (fig. 61, B). When the shingler grabs the handle, his thumb and forefinger are positioned around the brass strip. He takes a peg from his mouth with the same hand that holds the hammer, and with his thumb and forefinger holding the peg against the brass strip (fig. 62), he pushes it into the shingle with a quick blow. This motion drives the peg halfway in; then he hits it with the hammer’s head, bending the part of the peg sticking out against the shingle—this bent part acts as the head of our shingle nail. The bamboo is tough and fibrous, making it easy to break down without completely separating. This is how the shingle is secured to the roof. The hammer handle has smaller divisions marked on it [pg 81] like a carpenter's measuring tool, so the rows of shingles can be aligned correctly. The work is done very quickly—one hand adjusts the shingle while the other drives in the pegs.
That the shingles are not always held firmly to the roof by this method of shingling is seen in the fact that oftentimes long narrow strips of bamboo are nailed obliquely across the roof, from the ridge-pole to the eaves (fig. 63). These strips are placed at the distance of eighteen inches or two feet apart. Yet even in spite of this added precaution, in violent gales the roof is often rapidly denuded of its shingles, which fill the air at such times like autumn leaves.
That the shingles aren't always securely attached to the roof using this method of shingling is evident in the fact that long, narrow strips of bamboo are often nailed diagonally across the roof, from the ridge pole to the eaves (fig. 63). These strips are positioned eighteen inches to two feet apart. Even with this additional precaution, however, during strong gales, the roof frequently loses its shingles quickly, which swirl through the air like autumn leaves.
Fig. 64, A, represents a portion of a shingled roof with courses of shingles partially laid, and a shingler's nail-box held to the roof. The box has two compartments,—the larger compartment holding the bamboo pegs; and the smaller containing iron nails, used for nailing down the boards and for other purposes.
Fig. 64, A, shows a section of a shingled roof with layers of shingles partially installed, and a shingler's nail box resting on the roof. The box has two sections—the larger section holds bamboo pegs, while the smaller one contains iron nails, which are used for fastening the boards and for other tasks.
There are other methods of shingling, in which the courses of shingles are laid very closely together, and also in many layers. Remarkable examples of this method may be seen in some of the temple roofs, and particularly in the roofs of certain temple gateways in Kioto, where layers of the thinnest shingles, forming a mass a foot or more in thickness, are compactly laid, with the many graceful contours of the roof delicately preserved. The edges of the roof are beautifully rounded, and the eaves squarely and accurately trimmed. On seeing one of these roofs [pg 82] one is reminded of a thatched roof, which this style seems evidently intended to imitate. The rich brown bark of the hi-no-ki tree is also used in a similar way; and a very compact and durable roof it appears to make. In better shingled house-roofs it is customary to secure a wedge-shaped piece of wood parallel to the eaves, to which the first three or four rows of shingles are nailed; other courses of shingles are then laid on very closely, and thus a thicker layer of shingles is secured (fig. 64, B).
There are other methods of roofing, where the shingles are placed very close together and in multiple layers. You can see impressive examples of this technique in some temple roofs, especially in the roofs of certain temple gates in Kyoto, where layers of thin shingles, creating a mass over a foot thick, are tightly laid to preserve the elegant shapes of the roof. The edges of the roof are beautifully rounded, and the eaves are neatly and accurately trimmed. Seeing one of these roofs [pg 82] reminds you of a thatched roof, which this style clearly aims to emulate. The rich brown bark of the hinoki tree is also used in a similar way, creating a compact and durable roof. In better shingled house roofs, it’s common to secure a wedge-shaped piece of wood parallel to the eaves, to which the first three or four rows of shingles are attached; then, more layers of shingles are closely placed on top, resulting in a thicker layer of shingles (fig. 64, B).
But little variety of treatment of the ridge is seen in a shingled roof. Two narrow weather-strips of wood nailed over the ridge answer the purpose of a joint, as is customary in our shingled roofs. A more thorough way is to nail thin strips of wood of a uniform length directly over the ridge and at right angles to it. These strips are thin enough to bend readily. Five or six layers are fastened in this way, and then, more firmly to secure them to the roof, two long narrow strips of wood or bamboo are nailed near the two edges of this mass, parallel to the ridge (fig. 65).
But there’s not much variety in how the ridge is treated on a shingled roof. Two narrow weather strips of wood nailed over the ridge serve as a joint, which is standard for our shingled roofs. A more effective method is to nail thin strips of wood of equal length directly over the ridge and at right angles to it. These strips are thin enough to bend easily. Five or six layers are secured this way, and then, to make sure they stay attached to the roof, two long narrow strips of wood or bamboo are nailed near the two edges of this mass, parallel to the ridge (fig. 65).
The shingled roof is the most dangerous element of house-structure in the cities. The shingles are nothing more than thick shavings, and curved and warped by the sun are ready to spring into a blaze by the contact of the first spark that falls upon them, and then to be sent flying by a high wind to scatter the fire for miles. A very stringent law should be passed, prohibiting the use of such material for roofing in cities and large villages.
The shingled roof is the most dangerous part of house structures in cities. The shingles are just thick pieces of wood, and warped by the sun, they're ready to ignite at the first spark that touches them, potentially causing flames to spread for miles when carried by the wind. A strict law should be enacted to ban the use of such materials for roofing in cities and large towns.
The usual form of gutter for conveying water from the roof consists of a large bamboo split lengthwise, with the natural partitions broken away. This is held to the eaves by iron hooks, or by long pieces of wood nailed to the rafters,—their upper edges being notched, in which the bamboo rests. This leads to a conductor, consisting also of a bamboo, in which the natural partitions have likewise been broken through. The upper end of this bamboo is cut away in such a manner as to leave four long spurs; between these spurs a square and tapering tunnel of thin wood is forced,—the elasticity of the bamboo holding the tunnel in place (fig. 66).
The typical way to channel water from the roof is by using a large piece of bamboo that's split down the middle, with the natural dividers removed. It's secured to the eaves with iron hooks or long wooden pieces nailed to the rafters, which have notches on their upper edges to hold the bamboo. This leads to a downspout, which is also made from bamboo, with the natural dividers removed as well. The top end of this bamboo is shaped to create four long prongs; a square, tapered wooden tunnel is then inserted between these prongs, with the flexibility of the bamboo keeping the tunnel in position (fig. 66).
Attention has so often been drawn, in books of travels, to the infinite variety of ways in which Eastern nations use the bamboo, that any reference to the subject here would be superfluous. I can only say that the importance of this wonderful plant in their domestic economy has never been exaggerated. The more one studies the ethnographical peculiarities of the Japanese, as displayed in their houses, utensils, and countless other fabrications, the more fully is he persuaded that they could more easily surrender the many devices and appliances adopted from European nations, than to abandon the ubiquitous bamboo.
Attention has often been drawn, in travel books, to the endless ways Eastern countries use bamboo, so mentioning it here would be unnecessary. I can only say that the significance of this incredible plant in their daily lives has never been overstated. The more one studies the unique characteristics of the Japanese, as seen in their homes, tools, and countless other creations, the more convinced one becomes that they could give up the many devices and tools borrowed from European nations more easily than they could abandon the ever-present bamboo.
In tiling a roof, the boarded roof is first roughly and thinly shingled, and upon this surface is then spread a thick layer of mud, into which the tiles are firmly bedded. The mud is scooped up from some ditch or moat, and is also got from the canals. In the city one often sees men getting the mud for this purpose from the deep gutters which border many of the streets. This is kneaded and worked with hoe and spade till it acquires the consistency of thick dough. In conveying this mass to the roof no hod is used. The material is worked into large lumps by the laborer, and these are tossed, one after another, to a man who stands on a staging or ladder, who in turn pitches it to the man on the roof, or, if the roof be high, to another man on a still higher staging. The mud having been got to the roof, is then spread over it in a thick and even layer. Into this the tiles are then bedded, row after row. There seems to be no special adhesion of the tiles to this substratum of mud, and high gales often cause great havoc to a roof of this nature. In the case of a conflagration, when it becomes necessary to tear down buildings in its path, the firemen appear to have no difficulty in shovelling the tiles off a roof with ease and rapidity.
When tiling a roof, the boarded roof is first covered with a rough, thin layer of shingles. On top of this surface, a thick layer of mud is spread, into which the tiles are firmly set. The mud is taken from a ditch or moat and can also be obtained from the canals. In the city, you often see workers collecting mud from the deep gutters that line many of the streets. This mud is mixed and worked with a hoe and spade until it reaches a thick dough-like consistency. When transporting this mass to the roof, no hod is used. The laborer shapes it into large lumps, which are tossed one by one to a person on a staging or ladder, who then throws it to another person on the roof, or if the roof is high, to someone on an even higher staging. Once the mud is on the roof, it is spread out in a thick and even layer. The tiles are then bedded into this layer, row by row. There doesn’t seem to be a strong bond between the tiles and the mud underneath, and strong winds often cause significant damage to this type of roof. In the event of a fire, when it becomes necessary to demolish buildings in its path, firefighters appear to have no trouble quickly shoveling the tiles off the roof.
The ridge-pole often presents an imposing combination of tiles and plaster piled up in square ridges and in many ornamental ways. In a hip-roof the four ridges are also made thick and ponderous by successive layers of tiles being built up, and forming great square ribs. In large fire-proof buildings the ridge may be carried up to a height of three or four feet. In such ridges white plaster is freely used, not only as a cement, but as a medium in which the artist works out various designs in high-relief. One of the most favorite subjects selected is that of dashing and foaming waves. A great deal of art and skill is often displayed in the working out of this design,—which is generally very conventional, though at times great freedom of expression is shown in the work. It certainly seems an extraordinary design for the crest of a roof, though giving a very light and buoyant appearance to what would otherwise appear top-heavy. Fig. 67 is a very poor sketch of the appearance of this kind of a ridge. From the common occurrence of this design, it would seem as if some sentiment or superstition led to using this watery subject as suggesting a protection from fire; whether this be so or not, one may often notice at the end of the ridge in the thatched roofs in the country [pg 86] the Chinese character for water deeply cut in the straw and blackened (fig. 82),—and this custom, I was told, originated in a superstition that the character for water afforded a protection against fire.
The ridge-pole often shows an impressive mix of tiles and plaster stacked in square ridges and various ornate styles. On a hip roof, the four ridges also become thick and heavy due to layers of tiles being stacked, forming large square ribs. In big fireproof buildings, the ridge can rise to three or four feet high. In these ridges, white plaster is commonly used, not just as a cement but as a medium where artists create different high-relief designs. One of the most popular themes is dynamic, foaming waves. A lot of art and skill is displayed in crafting this design, which is usually quite conventional, although there are times when the work exhibits significant artistic freedom. It definitely seems like a unique design for the top of a roof, giving a light and airy vibe to what would otherwise look too heavy. Fig. 67 is a very poor sketch of how this type of ridge looks. Given the frequent use of this design, it seems like there might be a sentiment or superstition behind using this watery theme to symbolize protection from fire; whether this is true or not, you can often see at the end of the ridge on thatched roofs in the countryside [pg 86] the Chinese character for water deeply engraved in the straw and blackened (fig. 82),—and I was told this custom started from a superstition that the water character provided protection against fire.
The tiled ridges always terminate in a shouldered mass of tiles specially designed for the purpose. The smaller ribs of tiles that run down to the eaves, along the ridges in a hip-roof, or border the verge in a gable-roof, often terminate in some ornamental tile in high-relief. The design may be that of a [pg 87] mask, the head of a devil, or some such form. In the heavier ridges much ingenuity and art are shown in the arrangement of semi-cylindrical or other shaped tiles in conventional pattern. Figs. 68, 69, 70 will illustrate some of the designs made in this way. These figures, however, represent copings of walls in Yamato.
The tiled ridges always end in a shouldered mass of tiles specifically made for this purpose. The smaller ribs of tiles that extend down to the eaves, along the ridges of a hip roof, or trim the edge of a gable roof, often finish with some decorative tile in high-relief. The design could be that of a [pg 87] mask, a devil's head, or something similar. In the heavier ridges, a lot of creativity and craftsmanship are displayed in the arrangement of semi-cylindrical or other shaped tiles in a traditional pattern. Figs. 68, 69, 70 will show some of these designs. However, these figures depict the copings of walls in Yamato.
Many of the heavier ridges are deceptive, the main body consisting of a frame of wood plastered over, and having the appearance externally of being a solid mass of tile and plaster The tiles that border the eaves are specially designed for the purpose. The tile has the form of the ordinary tile, but its free edge is turned down at right angles and ornamented with some conventional design. Fig. 71 illustrates this form of tile. In the long panel a design of flowers or conventional scrolls in relief is often seen. The circular portion generally contains the crest of some family: the crest of the Tokugawa family is rarely seen on tiles (see fig. 73).
Many of the heavier ridges can be misleading; the main structure is actually a wooden frame covered with a layer of plaster, which makes it look like a solid mass of tile and plaster from the outside. The tiles that line the eaves are specifically designed for this purpose. They resemble regular tiles but have their free edge bent down at a right angle and decorated with a conventional design. Fig. 71 illustrates this type of tile. In the long panel, you often see a design of flowers or conventional scrolls in relief. The circular part usually features the crest of a family, but the crest of the Tokugawa family is rarely found on tiles (see fig. 73).
In the better class of tiled roof it is common to point off with white mortar the joints between the rows of tiles near the eaves, and also next the ridge; and oftentimes the entire roof is treated in this manner. In some photographs of Korean houses taken by Percival Lowell, Esq., the same method of closing the seams of the bordering rows of tiles with white plaster is shown.
In higher-quality tiled roofs, it’s typical to finish the joints between the rows of tiles near the eaves and next to the ridge with white mortar. Often, the whole roof is done this way. Some photographs of Korean houses taken by Percival Lowell show the same approach of sealing the seams of the outer rows of tiles with white plaster.
The older a tile is, the better it is considered for roofing purposes. My attention was called to this fact by a friend stating to me with some pride that the tiles used in his house, [pg 88] just constructed, were over forty years old. Second-hand tiles therefore are always in greater demand. A new tile, being very porous and absorbent, is not considered so good as one in which time has allowed the dust and dirt to fill the minute interstices, thus rendering it a better material for shedding water.
The older a tile is, the more it's valued for roofing. A friend proudly pointed out that the tiles used in his newly built house, [pg 88], were over forty years old. That's why used tiles are always in higher demand. A new tile is quite porous and absorbent, making it less effective than one that has aged, allowing dust and dirt to fill the tiny gaps, which makes it a better choice for repelling water.
A tiled roof cannot be very expensive, as one finds it very common in the cities and larger villages. The price of good tiles for roofing purposes is five yen for one hundred (one yen at par equals one dollar). Cheap ones can be got for from two and one-half yen to three yen for one hundred. In another measurement, a tsulo of tiles, which covers an area of six feet square; can be laid for from two and one-half to three yen. The form of tile varies in different parts of Japan. The tile in common use in Nagasaki (fig. 72, A) is similar in form [pg 89] to those used in China, Korea, Singapore, and Europe. These tiles are slightly curved, and are laid with their convex surface downwards. Another form of tile, narrower and semi-cylindrical in section, is laid with its convex side upwards, covering the seams between the lower rows of tiles.
A tiled roof can't be very expensive since it's quite common in cities and larger villages. Good tiles for roofing cost about five yen for one hundred (one Japanese yen equals one dollar). Cheaper options can be found for around two and a half Japanese yen to three Japanese yen for one hundred. In another measure, a tsulo of tiles, covering an area of six square feet, can be installed for about two and a half to three Japanese currency. The shape of the tile differs in various regions of Japan. The commonly used tile in Nagasaki (fig. 72, A) is similar in shape to those used in China, Korea, Singapore, and Europe. These tiles are slightly curved and are laid with their convex side facing down. Another type of tile, which is narrower and semi-cylindrical in shape, is laid with its convex side facing up, covering the seams between the lower rows of tiles.
This is evidently the most ancient form of tile in the East, and in Japan is known by the name of hon-gawara, or true tile. Fig. 73 represents the form of the hon-gawara used in Tokio.
This is clearly the oldest type of tile in the East, and in Japan, it’s referred to as hon-gawara meaning true tile. Fig. 73 shows the version of the hon-gawara that is used in Tokyo.
The most common form of tile used in Tokio is represented in fig. 71, called the yedo-gawara, or yedo tile. With this tile the upper convex tile is dispensed with, as the tile is constructed in such a way as to lap over the edge of the one next to it. Fig. 74 illustrates the eaves of a roof in which a yedo tile is used, having the bordering tiles differing in form from those shown in fig. 71. A modification of this form is seen farther south in Japan (fig. 72, B), and also in Java.
The most common form of tile used in Tokyo is represented in fig. 71, called the yedo-gawara, or yedo tile. With this tile, the upper convex tile is removed because the tile is designed to overlap the edge of the one next to it. Fig. 74 shows the eaves of a roof where a yedo tile is used, with the bordering tiles having a different shape from those shown in fig. 71. A variation of this style can be seen further south in Japan (fig. 72, B), and also in Java.
A new form of tile, called the French tile, has been introduced into Tokio within a few years (fig. 75). It is not in common use, however; and I can recall only a few buildings roofed with this tile. These are the warehouses of the [pg 90] Mitsu Bishi Steamship Company near the post-office, a building back of the Art Museum at Uyeno, and a few private houses.
A new type of tile, known as French tile, has been introduced in Tokyo in the past few years (fig. 75). However, it isn't commonly used; I can only remember a few buildings that are roofed with this tile. These include the warehouses of the [pg 90] Mitsu Bishi Steamship Company near the post office, a building behind the Art Museum at Ueno, and a few private homes.
Other forms of tiles are made for special purposes. In the province of Iwami, for example, a roof-shaped tile is made specially for covering the ridge of thatched roofs (fig. 76, A). The true tile is also used for the same purpose (fig. 76, B).
Other types of tiles are created for specific purposes. In the province of Iwami, for instance, there's a roof-shaped tile designed specifically for covering the ridge of thatched roofs (fig. 76, A). The true tile is also used for the same purpose (fig. 76, B).
In this province the tiles are glazed,—the common tiles being covered with a brown glaze, while the best tiles are glazed with iron sand. In digging the foundations for a library building at Uyeno Park, a number of large glazed tiles were dug up which were supposed to have been brought from the province of Bizen two hundred years ago. These were of the hon-gawara pattern.
In this province, the tiles are glazed—the regular tiles have a brown glaze, while the top-quality tiles are finished with iron sand. While digging the foundations for a library building at Uyeno Park, several large glazed tiles were uncovered that are believed to have been brought from the province of Bizen two hundred years ago. These were of the hon-gawara pattern.
In the province of Shimotsuke, and doubtless in adjacent provinces, stone kura (fire-proof store-houses) are seen; and these buildings often have roofs of the same material. The stone appears to be a light-gray volcanic tufa, and is easily wrought. The slabs of stone covering the roof are wrought into definite shapes, so that the successive rows overlap and interlock in a way that gives the appearance of great solidity and strength. Fig. 77 illustrates a portion of a roof of this description seen on the road to Nikko. I was told by a Korean friend that stone roofs were also to be found in the northern part of Korea, though whether made in this form could not be ascertained.
In the Shimotsuke province, and probably in nearby provinces, you can find stone kitchen (fireproof storage buildings); these structures often have roofs made from the same material. The stone looks like light-gray volcanic tufa, which is easy to shape. The stone slabs covering the roof are shaped so that each row overlaps and interlocks, creating a look of great solidity and strength. Fig. 77 illustrates a section of a roof like this on the road to Nikko. A Korean friend told me that stone roofs can also be found in the northern part of Korea, but I couldn't confirm if they were made in the same style.
The thatched roof is by far the most common form of roof in Japan, outside the cities. The slopes of the roof vary but little; but in the design and structure of the ridge the greatest variety of treatment is seen. South of Tokio each province seems to have its own peculiar style of ridge; at least, as the observant traveller passes from one province to another his attention is attracted by a new form of ridge, which though occasionally seen in other provinces appears to be characteristic of that particular province. This is probably due to the partially isolated life of the provinces in feudal times; for the same may be said also in regard to the pottery and many other products of the provinces.
The thatched roof is definitely the most common type of roof in Japan, especially outside the cities. The angles of the roof don’t change much, but there’s a lot of variety in how the ridge is designed and built. South of Tokyo, each province seems to have its own unique style of ridge; at least, as an observant traveler moves from one province to another, they notice a different ridge style that, although seen in other areas, seems to be specific to that province. This is likely due to the somewhat isolated way of life in the provinces during feudal times; the same can be said about pottery and many other local products.
For thatching, various materials are employed. For the commonest thatching, straw is used; better kinds of thatch are made of a grass called Kaya. A kind of reed called yoshi is used for this purpose, and also certain species of rush. The roof requires no special preparation to receive the thatch, save that the rafters and frame-work shall be close enough together properly to secure and support it. If the roof be small, a bamboo frame-work is sufficient for the purpose.
For thatching, different materials are used. The most common thatching material is straw, while higher-quality thatch comes from a type of grass called Kaya. A type of reed known as Yoshi is also used for this, along with certain kinds of rush. The roof doesn't need any special preparation for the thatch, as long as the rafters and framework are close enough together to properly secure and support it. For smaller roofs, a bamboo framework is sufficient.
The thatch is formed in suitable masses, combed with the fingers and otherwise arranged so that the straws all point in the same direction. These masses are then secured to the rafters and bound down to the roof by bamboo poles (fig. 78, A), which are afterwards removed. While the thatch is bound down in this way it is beaten into place by a wooden mallet of peculiar shape (fig. 78, B). The thatch is then trimmed into shape by a pair of long-handled shears (fig. 78, C) similar to the shears used for trimming grass in our country.
The thatch is formed in suitable clusters, smoothed out with fingers and arranged so that all the straws point in the same direction. These clusters are then secured to the rafters and held down to the roof with bamboo poles (fig. 78, A), which are removed later. While the thatch is secured this way, it is pounded into place with a uniquely shaped wooden mallet (fig. 78, B). The thatch is then shaped using a pair of long-handled shears (fig. 78, C) similar to the ones used for trimming grass in our country.
This is only the barest outline of the process of thatching; there are doubtless many other processes which I did not see. Suffice it to say, however, that when a roof is finished it presents a clean, trim, and symmetrical appearance, which seems [pg 92] surprising when the nature of the material is considered. The eaves are trimmed off square or slightly rounding, and often very thick,—being sometimes two feet or more in thickness. This does not indicate, however, that the thatch is of the same thickness throughout. The thatch trimmed in these various ways is thus seen in section, and one will often notice in this section successive layers of light and dark thatch. Whether it is old thatch worked in with the new for the sake economy, or different kinds of thatching material, I did not ascertain.
This is just a brief overview of the thatching process; there are probably many other methods I didn’t see. That said, once the roof is done, it looks neat, tidy, and symmetrical, which is surprising considering the type of material used. The eaves are cut off either square or slightly rounded, and are often quite thick—sometimes two feet or more. However, that doesn’t mean the thatch is the same thickness all the way through. The thatch is shaped in these various ways, and you can often see different layers of light and dark thatch when looking at a cross-section. I couldn’t tell if this was old thatch mixed in with the new for cost reasons, or if it was different types of thatching material.
In old roofs the thatch becomes densely filled with soot and dust, and workmen engaged in repairing such roofs have the appearance of coal-heavers. While a good deal of skill and patience is required to thatch a roof evenly and properly, vastly more skill must be required to finish the ridge, which is often very intricate in its structure; and of these peculiar ridges there [pg 93] are a number of prominent types. In presenting these types, more reliance will be placed on the sketches to convey a general idea of their appearance than on descriptions.
In old roofs, the thatch gets packed with soot and dust, making workers who repair these roofs look like coal miners. While a lot of skill and patience is needed to thatch a roof evenly and correctly, it takes even more skill to finish the ridge, which is often very detailed in its design. There are several distinct types of these unique ridges. When showcasing these types, more emphasis will be placed on the sketches to provide a general idea of how they look rather than on descriptions.
In that portion of Japan lying north of Tokio the ridge is much more simple in its construction than are those found in the southern part of the Empire. The roofs are larger, but their ridges, with some exceptions, do not show the artistic features, or that variety in form and appearance, that one sees in the ridges of the southern thatched roof. In many cases the ridge is flat, and this area is made to support a luxuriant growth of iris, or the red lily (fig. 41). A most striking feature is often seen in the appearance of a brown sombre-colored village, wherein all the ridges are aflame with the bright-red blossoms of the lily; or farther south, near Tokio, where the purer colors of the blue and white iris form floral crests of exceeding beauty.
In the part of Japan north of Tokyo, the ridges are much simpler in structure compared to those in the southern region of the country. The roofs are larger, but their ridges, with a few exceptions, lack the artistic elements and variety in shape and appearance found in the southern thatched roofs. Often, the ridge is flat, and this area supports a lush growth of iris or the red lily (fig. 41). A particularly striking sight can be found in a dark, muted village where all the ridges burst with the vibrant red flowers of the lily; or further south, near Tokyo, where the bright blue and white irises create incredibly beautiful floral crests.
In some cases veritable ridge-poles, with their ends freely projecting beyond the gable and wrought in a gentle upward curve, are seen (fig. 39). This treatment of the free ends of beams in ridge-poles, gateways, and other structures, notably in certain forms of tori-i9 is a common feature in Japanese architecture, and is effective in giving a light and buoyant appearance to what might otherwise appear heavy and commonplace.
In some cases, true ridge-poles, with their ends extending beyond the gable and shaped in a gentle upward curve, are seen (fig. 39). This design of the free ends of beams in ridge-poles, gates, and other structures, especially in certain types of tori-i9, is a common feature in Japanese architecture and effectively gives a light and airy look to what might otherwise seem heavy and ordinary.
At Fujita, in Iwaki, and other places in that region, a roof is often seen which shows the end of a round ridge-pole [pg 94] projecting through the thatch at the gable-peak; and at this point a flat spur of wood springs up from the ridge, to which is attached, at right angles, a structure made of plank and painted black, which projects two feet or more beyond the gable. This appears to be a survival of an exterior ridge-pole, and is retained from custom. Its appearance, however, is decidedly flimsy and insecure, and from its weak mode of attachment it must be at the mercy of every high gale (fig. 79). After getting south of Sendai, ridges composed of tile are often to be seen,—becoming more common as one approaches Tokio. The construction of this kind of ridge is very simple and effective; semi-cylindrical tiles, or the wider forms of hon-gawara, are used for the crest, and these in turn cap a row of similar tiles placed on either side of the ridge (fig. 80). The tiles appear to be bedded in a layer of clay or mud and chopped straw, which is first piled on to the thatched ridge. In some cases a large bamboo holds the lower row of tiles in place (fig. 81). What other means there are of holding the tiles I did not learn. They must be fairly secure, however, as it is rare to see them displaced, even in old roofs.
At Fujita, in Iwaki, and other places in that region, you often see a roof with the end of a round ridge-pole [pg 94] sticking out through the thatch at the gable peak. At this point, a flat piece of wood extends from the ridge, and attached at a right angle is a structure made of planks painted black, which hangs out two feet or more beyond the gable. This looks like a leftover from an external ridge-pole and is kept out of tradition. However, it definitely seems flimsy and insecure, and because of its weak attachment, it’s vulnerable to any strong winds (fig. 79). Once you get south of Sendai, you often see ridges made of tiles, which become more common as you get closer to Tokyo. The design of this type of ridge is very simple and effective; semi-cylindrical tiles, or the wider forms of hon-gawara, are used for the top, and these cap a row of similar tiles placed on either side of the ridge (fig. 80). The tiles seem to be set in a layer of clay or mud mixed with chopped straw, which is piled onto the thatched ridge first. In some cases, a large bamboo holds the lower row of tiles in place (fig. 81). I didn’t find out what else is used to keep the tiles secure, but they must be quite stable since it’s rare to see them displaced, even in old roofs.
A very neat and durable ridge (fig. 82) is common in Musashi and neighboring provinces. This ridge is widely rounded. It [pg 95] is first covered with a layer of small bamboos; then narrow bands of bamboo or bark are bent over the ridge at short intervals, and these are kept in place by long bamboo-strips or entire bamboos, which run at intervals parallel to the ridge. These are firmly bound down to the thatch. In some cases these outer bamboos form a continuous layer. The ends of the ridge, showing a mass of projecting thatch in section, are abruptly cut vertically, and the free border is rounded in a bead-like moulding and closely bound by bamboo, appearing like the edge of a thick basket. This finish is done in the most thorough and workman-like manner. It is upon the truncate end of this kind of a ridge that the Chinese character for water is often seen, allusion to which has already been made.
A very neat and durable ridge (fig. 82) is common in Musashi and neighboring provinces. This ridge is widely rounded. It [pg 95] is first covered with a layer of small bamboos; then narrow strips of bamboo or bark are bent over the ridge at short intervals, and these are held in place by long bamboo strips or whole bamboos, which run parallel to the ridge at intervals. These are firmly secured to the thatch. In some cases, these outer bamboos form a continuous layer. The ends of the ridge, showing a mass of protruding thatch in section, are cut straight across, and the free edge is rounded in a bead-like shape and tightly bound with bamboo, looking like the edge of a thick basket. This finish is executed in the most thorough and skilled manner. It is on the flat end of this type of ridge that the Chinese character for water is often seen, which has already been referenced.
When there is no window at the end of the roof for the egress of smoke, the roof comes under the class of hip-roofs. In the northern provinces the opening for the smoke is built in various ways upon the ridge or side of the roof. By referring to figs. 39, 40, 41, various methods of providing for this window may be seen.
When there isn't a window at the top of the roof for smoke to escape, the roof is categorized as a hip roof. In the northern regions, the smoke opening is constructed in different ways along the ridge or side of the roof. You can see various methods for creating this window by looking at figs. 39, 40, and 41.
Smoke-outlets do occur at the ends of the roof in the north, as may be seen by referring to fig. 44. The triangular opening for the outlet of smoke is a characteristic feature of the thatched [pg 96] roofs south of Tokio; on some of them a great deal of study and skill is bestowed by the architect and builder. Sometimes an additional gable is seen, with its triangular window (fig. 83). This sketch represents the roof of a gentleman's house near Tokio, and is a most beautiful example of the best form of thatched roof in Musashi. Another grand old roof of a different type is shown in fig. 84. Where these triangular windows occur the opening is protected by a lattice of wood. The roof partakes of the double nature of a gable and hip roof combined,—the window [pg 97] being in the gable part, from the base of which runs the slope of the hip-roof.
Smoke outlets are found at the ends of the roof in the north, as you can see by referring to fig. 44. The triangular opening for the smoke outlet is a distinctive feature of the thatched roofs south of Tokyo; architects and builders often invest a lot of effort and skill into them. Sometimes, an extra gable with a triangular window can be seen (fig. 83). This sketch illustrates the roof of a gentleman's house near Tokyo and is a stunning example of the best style of thatched roof in Musashi. Another impressive old roof of a different type is shown in fig. 84. Where these triangular windows are present, the opening is protected by a wooden lattice. The roof combines characteristics of both a gable and hip roof, with the window [pg 97] located in the gable section, from the base of which the slope of the hip roof extends.
Great attention is given to the proper and symmetrical trimming of the thatch at the eaves and at the edges of the gable. By referring to figs. 83 and 84 some idea may be got of the clever way in which this is managed. Oftentimes, at the peak of the gable, a cone-like enlargement with a circular depression is curiously shaped out of the thatch (fig. 84). A good deal of skill is also shown in bringing the thick edges of the eaves, which are on different levels, together in graceful curves. An example of this kind may be seen in fig. 39.
Great care is taken in properly and symmetrically trimming the thatch at the eaves and the edges of the gable. By looking at figs. 83 and 84, you can get an idea of the skillful way this is done. Often, at the peak of the gable, a cone-shaped enlargement with a circular dip is cleverly created from the thatch (fig. 84). A lot of skill is also evident in uniting the thick edges of the eaves, which are at different levels, into graceful curves. An example of this can be seen in fig. 39.
In Musashi a not uncommon form of ridge is seen, in which there is an external ridge-pole wrought like the upper transverse beam of a tori-i. This beam has a vertical thickness of twice or three times its width; resting transversely upon it, and at short intervals, are a number of wooden structures shaped like the letter X,—the lower ends of these pieces resting on the [pg 98] slopes of the roof, the upper ends projecting above the ridgepole. The ridge at this point is matted with bark; and running parallel with the ridge a few bamboos are fastened, upon which these cross-beams rest, and to which they are secured (fig. 45).
In Musashi, there's a common type of ridge where you can see an external ridge-pole shaped like the upper beam of a tori-i. This beam is about two or three times thicker than it is wide. Placed across it at short intervals are several wooden structures that look like the letter X— the lower ends resting on the [pg 98] slopes of the roof, with the upper ends extending above the ridgepole. At this point, the ridge is covered with bark, and a few bamboos are attached parallel to the ridge, supporting these cross-beams and holding them in place (fig. 45).
Modifications of this form of ridge occur in a number of southern provinces, and ridges very similar to this I saw in Saigon and Cholon, in Anam. The curious Shin-tō temple, at Kamijiyama, in Ise, said to be modelled after very ancient types of roof, has the end-rafters of the gable continuing through the roof and beyond the peak to a considerable distance. It was interesting to see precisely the same features in some of the Malay houses in the neighborhood of Singapore. In Musashi, and farther south, a ridge is seen of very complex structure,—the entire ridge forming a kind of supplementary roof, its edges thick and squarely trimmed, and presenting the appearance of a smaller roof having been made independently and dropped upon the large roof like a saddle. This style of roof, with many modifications, is very common in Yamashiro, Mikawa, and neighboring provinces. A very elaborate roof of this description is shown in [pg 99] fig. 85. This roof was sketched in Kabutoyama, a village nearly fifty miles west of Tokio. In this ridge the appearance of a supplementary roof is rendered more apparent by the projection beneath of what appears to be a ridge-pole, and also parallel sticks of the roof proper. This roof had a remarkably picturesque and substantial appearance. This style of roof is derived from temple architecture.
Modifications of this type of ridge can be found in several southern provinces, and I noticed very similar ridges in Saigon and Cholon, in Anam. The intriguing Shin-tō temple at Kamijiyama, in Ise, which is said to be modeled after ancient roof designs, features end-rafters of the gable that extend through the roof and beyond the peak for quite a distance. It was fascinating to observe the same features in some Malay houses near Singapore. In Musashi and further south, there’s a ridge with a very complex structure—the entire ridge acts as a sort of supplementary roof, with thick, squarely trimmed edges, resembling a smaller roof placed independently on top of the larger roof like a saddle. This style of roof, with various adaptations, is very common in Yamashiro, Mikawa, and nearby provinces. A particularly elaborate roof of this type is shown in [pg 99] fig. 85. This roof was sketched in Kabutoyama, a village nearly fifty miles west of Tokyo. In this ridge, the appearance of a supplementary roof is highlighted by the projection beneath that looks like a ridge-pole, along with parallel sticks of the main roof. This roof had a remarkably picturesque and sturdy look. This style of roof is inspired by temple architecture.
A very simple form of ridge is common in the province of Omi; this is made of thin pieces of board, three feet or more in length, secured on each slope of the roof and at right angles to the ridge; and these are bound down by long strips of wood, two resting across the ridge, and another strip resting on the lower edge of the boards (fig. 86). In the provinces of Omi and Owari tiled ridges are often seen, and some ridges in which wood and tile are combined. At Takatsuki-mura, in Setsu, a curious ridge prevails. The ridge is very steep, and is covered by a close mat of bamboo, with saddles of tiles placed at intervals along the ridge (fig. 87). A very picturesque form of ridge occurs in the province of Mikawa; the roof is a hip-roof, with the ridge-roof having a steep slope trimmed off squarely at the eaves. On this portion strips of brown bark are placed across the ridge, resting on the slopes of the roof; a number of bamboos rest on the bark, parallel to the ridge; on the top of these, stout, semi-cylindrical saddles, sometimes sheathed with bark, rest across the ridge, with [pg 100] an interspace of three or four feet between them. Fig. 88 represents a roof with three of these saddles, which is the usual number. These saddles are firmly bound to the roof, and on their crests and directly over the ridge a long bamboo is secured by a black-fibred cord, which is tied to the ridge between each saddle. The smoke-outlet at the end of the ridge-gable is protected by a mass of straw hanging down from the apex of the window, in shape and appearance very much like a Japanese straw rain-coat. The smoke filters out through this curtain, though the rain cannot beat in.
A very simple type of ridge is common in the Omi region; it's made of thin boards that are three feet or longer, attached to each side of the roof and perpendicular to the ridge. These boards are secured with long strips of wood, two running across the ridge and another strip along the lower edge of the boards (fig. 86). In the Omi and Owari regions, tiled ridges are often seen, as well as some that combine wood and tile. In Takatsuki-mura, located in Setsu, a unique ridge design is prominent. This ridge is very steep and covered with a tight mat of bamboo, with tile saddles placed at intervals along the ridge (fig. 87). A particularly picturesque ridge appears in the Mikawa province; it features a hip roof with the ridge having a steep slope cut off squarely at the eaves. On this section, strips of brown bark are laid across the ridge, resting on the roof slopes; several bamboo poles lie parallel to the ridge on the bark; on top of these, sturdy, semi-cylindrical saddles, sometimes covered with bark, rest across the ridge, spaced about three or four feet apart. Fig. 88 shows a roof with three of these saddles, which is the typical number. These saddles are securely fastened to the roof, and on their peaks and directly over the ridge, a long bamboo pole is tied down with a black-fibred cord, connecting to the ridge between each saddle. The smoke outlet at the end of the ridge gable is protected by a bundle of straw hanging down from the apex of the window, resembling a Japanese straw raincoat in shape and appearance. Smoke filters out through this curtain, but rain cannot get in.
Roofs of a somewhat similar construction may be seen in other provinces. In the suburbs of Kioto a form of roof and ridge, after a similar design, may be often seen. In this form the supplementary roof is more sharply defined; the corners of it are slightly turned up as in the temple-roof. To be more definite, the main roof, which is a hip-roof, has built upon it a low upper-roof, which is a gable; and upon this rests, like a separate structure, a continuous saddle of thatch, having upon its back a few bamboos running longitudinally, [pg 101] and across the whole a number of thick narrow saddles of thatch sheathed with bark, and over all a long bamboo bound to the ridge with cords (fig. 89). These roofs, broad and thick eaved, with their deep-set, heavily latticed smoke-windows, and the warm brown thatch, form a pleasing contrast to the thin-shingled roofs of the poorer neighboring houses.
Roofs with a somewhat similar design can be found in other regions. In the suburbs of Kyoto, a roof and ridge in a similar style can often be seen. In this style, the additional roof is more distinctly defined; its corners are slightly turned up like those of a temple roof. To be more specific, the main roof, which is a hip roof, has a low upper roof built on it that is a gable; and on this rests, like a separate structure, a continuous saddle of thatch, with a few bamboos running lengthwise along its back, [pg 101] and across the entire length are several thick, narrow saddles of thatch covered with bark, topped by a long bamboo tied to the ridge with cords (fig. 89). These roofs, wide and with thick eaves, along with their deeply set, heavily latticed smoke windows and warm brown thatch, create a pleasing contrast to the thin-shingled roofs of the poorer neighboring houses.
Another form of Mikawa roof, very simple and plain in structure, is shown in fig. 90. Here the ridge-roof is covered with a continuous sheathing of large bamboos, with rafter-poles at the ends coming through the thatch and projecting beyond the peak.
Another type of Mikawa roof, very simple and straightforward in design, is shown in fig. 90. Here, the ridge roof is covered with a continuous layer of large bamboo, with rafter poles at the ends coming through the thatch and extending beyond the peak.
In the provinces of Kii and Yamato the forms of ridges [pg 102] are generally very simple. In one form, common in the province of Kii, the ridge-roof, which has a much sharper incline than the roof proper, is covered with bark, this being bound down by parallel strips, or whole rods of bamboo; and spanning the ridge at intervals are straw saddles sheathed with bark. These are very narrow at the ridge, but widen at their extremities.
In the regions of Kii and Yamato, the shapes of the ridges [pg 102] are usually quite straightforward. One common design in Kii features a ridge roof that tilts at a much steeper angle than the main roof. This is covered with bark, which is secured using parallel strips or whole bamboo rods. At intervals along the ridge, there are straw saddles wrapped in bark. These saddles are narrow at the top but flare out at the ends.
The smoke-outlet is a small triangular opening (fig. 91). In the province of Yamato there are two forms of roof very common. In one of these the roof is a gable, the end-walls, plastered with clay and chopped straw, projecting above the roof a foot or more, and capped with a simple row of tiles (fig. 92),—the ridge in this roof being made as in the last one described. In another form of roof with a similar ridge, the thatch on the [pg 103] slopes of the roof is trimmed in such a way as to present the appearance of a series of thick layers, resting one upon another like shingles, only each lap being eighteen inches to two feet apart, with thick edges. It was interesting and curious to find in the ancient province of Yamato this peculiar treatment of the slopes of a thatched roof, precisely like certain roofs seen among the houses of the Ainos of Yezo.
The smoke outlet is a small triangular opening (fig. 91). In the province of Yamato, there are two common types of roofs. In one type, the roof is gabled, with the end walls plastered with clay and chopped straw, extending above the roof by a foot or more, and topped with a simple row of tiles (fig. 92). The ridge of this roof is constructed like the one described previously. In the other type of roof, which has a similar ridge, the thatch on the slopes is trimmed to create the look of thick layers resting on top of one another like shingles, but each overlap is spaced eighteen inches to two feet apart, with thick edges. It’s interesting and unusual to see this unique treatment of thatched roof slopes in the ancient province of Yamato, which is exactly like some roofs found among the Ainos of Yezo.
In the provinces of Totomi and Suruga a form of ridge was observed, unlike any encountered elsewhere in Japan. The ridge-roof was large and sharply angular. Resting upon the thatch, from the ridge-pole half way down to the main roof, were bamboos placed side by side, parallel to the ridge. Upon this layer of bamboos were wide saddles of bark a foot or more in length, with an interspace of nearly two feet between each saddle, these reaching down to the main roof. On each side of the ridge-roof, and running parallel to the ridge, were large bamboo poles resting on the saddles, and bound down firmly with cords. On the sharp crest of the roof rested a long round ridge-pole. This pole was kept in place by wide [pg 104] bamboo slats, bent abruptly into a yoke, in shape not unlike a pair of sugar-tongs, and these spanning the pole were thrust obliquely into the thatch. These were placed in pairs and crosswise in the interspaces between the bark saddles. On the ends of the ridge there were two bamboo yokes together. The sketch of this roof (fig. 93) will give a much clearer idea of its appearance and structure than any description. This style of roof was unique, and appeared to be very strong and durable.
In the provinces of Totomi and Suruga, a type of ridge was spotted that was unlike anything else found in Japan. The ridge roof was large and sharply angled. Resting on the thatch, from the ridge pole halfway down to the main roof, were bamboos placed side by side, parallel to the ridge. On top of this layer of bamboos were wide bark saddles, each about a foot or more in length, with nearly two feet of space between each saddle, reaching down to the main roof. On each side of the ridge roof, and running parallel to the ridge, were large bamboo poles resting on the saddles, firmly secured with cords. At the peak of the roof was a long round ridge pole. This pole was held in place by wide bamboo slats bent sharply into a yoke, resembling a pair of sugar tongs, which spanned the pole and were angled into the thatch. These were arranged in pairs and crisscrossed in the spaces between the bark saddles. At the ends of the ridge, there were two bamboo yokes together. The sketch of this roof (fig. 93) provides a much clearer idea of its appearance and structure than any description could. This style of roof was unique, and it seemed to be very strong and durable.
In the province of Osumi, on the eastern side of Kagoshima Gulf, the vertical walls of the buildings are very low; but these support thatched roofs of ponderous proportions. These roofs [pg 105] are somewhat steeper than the northern roof, and their ridges are wide and bluntly rounded. The ends of the ridge are finished with a wide matting of bamboo, and this material is used in binding down the ridge itself (fig. 54).
In the Osumi region, on the eastern side of Kagoshima Gulf, the walls of the buildings are quite low, but they support heavy thatched roofs. These roofs are a bit steeper than those in the north, and their ridges are wide and rounded. The ends of the ridge are finished with a broad mat of bamboo, which is also used to secure the ridge itself. [pg 105]
There are doubtless many other forms of thatched roof, but it is believed that the examples given present the leading types.
There are definitely many other types of thatched roofs, but it's believed that the examples provided showcase the main ones.
As one becomes familiar with the picturesqueness and diversity in the Japanese roof and ridge, he wonders why the architects of our own country have not seen fit to extend their taste and ingenuity to the roof, as well as to the sides of the house. There is no reason why the ridge of an ordinary wooden house should invariably be composed of two narrow weather-strips, or why the roof itself should always be stiff, straight, and angular. Certainly our rigorous climate can be no excuse for this, for on the upper St. John, and in the northern part of Maine, one sees the wooden houses of the French Canadians having roofs widely projecting, with the eaves gracefully turning upward, presenting a much prettier appearance than does the stiff angular roof of the New England house.
As you get familiar with the beauty and variety of Japanese roofs and ridges, you start to wonder why architects in our country haven't chosen to apply their taste and creativity to the roofs, just like they do with the sides of houses. There's no reason why the ridge of a typical wooden house has to be made up of just two narrow weather strips, or why the roof itself always has to be rigid, flat, and angular. Our harsh climate can't be an excuse for this, because in upper St. John and northern Maine, you can see wooden houses belonging to French Canadians that have roofs that extend out widely, with eaves that curve gracefully upwards, looking much nicer than the stiff, angular roofs of New England homes.
It is indeed a matter of wonder that some one in building a house in this country does not revert to a thatched roof. Our architectural history shows an infinite number of reversions, and if a thatched roof were again brought into vogue, a new charm would be added to our landscape. The thatched roof is picturesque and warm, and makes a good rain-shed. In Japan an [pg 106] ordinary thatched roof will remain in good condition from fifteen to twenty years; and I have been told that the best kinds of thatched roof will endure for fifty years, though this seems incredible. As they get weather-worn they are often patched and repaired, and finally have to be entirely renewed. Old roofs become filled with dust, assume a dark color, and get matted down; plants, weeds, and mosses of various kinds grow upon them, as well as masses of gray lichen. When properly constructed they shed water very promptly, and do not get water-soaked, as one might suppose.
It’s truly surprising that no one building a house in this country is considering a thatched roof. Our architectural history shows countless trends coming back, and if thatched roofs were to make a comeback, they would add a unique charm to our landscape. A thatched roof is not only picturesque and warm but also provides excellent protection from the rain. In Japan, an [pg 106] ordinary thatched roof can last between fifteen to twenty years; I’ve even heard that the highest quality types can last up to fifty years, though that seems hard to believe. As they age and weather, they are often patched and repaired, but eventually, they need to be completely replaced. Old roofs collect dust, darken in color, and become matted down; various plants, weeds, and mosses grow on them, along with patches of gray lichen. When built properly, they shed water quickly and don’t get waterlogged like you might think.
It is customary in the better class of houses having thatched roofs to pave the ground with small cobble-stones, for a breadth of two feet or more immediately below the eaves, to catch the drip, as in a thatched roof it is difficult to adjust any sort of a gutter or water-conductor. Fig. 95 illustrates the appearance of the paved space about a house, the roof of which is shown in fig. 85. It is customary in the better class of houses having thatched roofs to pave the ground with small cobble-stones, for a breadth of two feet or more immediately below the eaves, to catch the drip, as in a thatched roof it is difficult to adjust any sort of a gutter or water-conductor. Fig. 95 illustrates the appearance of the paved space about a house, the roof of which is shown in fig. 85.
It’s common in nicer homes with thatched roofs to cover the ground with small cobblestones for a width of two feet or more right below the eaves, to catch the dripping water, since it’s tough to set up any kind of gutter or water drainage in a thatched roof. Fig. 95 shows what the paved area around a house looks like, where the roof is depicted in fig. 85. It’s common in nicer homes with thatched roofs to cover the ground with small cobblestones for a width of two feet or more right below the eaves, to catch the dripping water, since it’s tough to set up any kind of gutter or water drainage in a thatched roof. Fig. 95 shows what the paved area around a house looks like, where the roof is depicted in fig. 85.
The translation of the terms applied to many parts of the house is quite curious and interesting. The word mune, signifying the [pg 107] ridge of the house, has the same meaning as with us; the same word is applied to the back of a sword and to the ridge of a mountain. In Korea the ridge of the thatched roof is braided, or at least the thatch seems to be knotted or braided at this point; and the Korean word for the ridge means literally back-bone, from its resemblance to the back-bone of a fish.
The translation of the terms used for various parts of the house is pretty fascinating. The word mood, which means the
In Japan the roof of a house is called yane. Now, yane literally means house-root; but how such a term could be applied to the roof is a mystery. I have questioned many intelligent Japanese in regard to this word, and have never received any satisfactory answer as to the reason of its application to the roof of a house. A Korean friend has suggested that the name might have been applied through association: a tree without a root dies, and a house without a roof decays. He also told me that the Chinese character ne meant origin.
In Japan, the roof of a house is called yane. Now, yane literally means home base but how this term relates to the roof is a mystery. I've asked many knowledgeable Japanese people about this word, and I've never received a satisfying explanation for why it refers to the roof of a house. A Korean friend suggested that the name might be linked through association: a tree without a root dies, and a house without a roof falls apart. He also mentioned that the Chinese character ne means origin.
In Korea the foundation of a house is called the foot of the house, and the foundation stones are called shoe-stones.
In Korea, the foundation of a house is called the foot of the house, and the foundation stones are called shoe-stones.
The Japanese word for ceiling is ten-jō,—literally, “heaven's well.” It is an interesting fact that the root of both words, ceiling and ten-jō, means “heaven.”
The Japanese word for ceiling is ten-jō,—which literally means "heaven's well." It's interesting that the root of both words, ceiling and ten-jō has the meaning “heaven.”
CHAPTER 3. INTERIORS
The interior of a Japanese house is so simple in its construction, and so unlike anything to which we are accustomed in the arrangement of details of interiors in this country, that it is difficult to find terms of comparison in attempting to describe it. Indeed, without the assistance of sketches it would be almost impossible to give a clear idea of the general appearance, and more especially the details, of Japanese house-interiors. We shall therefore mainly rely on the various figures, with such aid as description may render.
The inside of a Japanese house is so simple in its design and so different from what we're used to in our homes that it's hard to find ways to compare them. In fact, without sketches, it would be nearly impossible to clearly convey the overall look, especially the finer details, of Japanese interiors. Therefore, we will primarily depend on the various illustrations, along with some descriptions, to help us out.
The first thing that impresses one on entering a Japanese house is the small size and low stud of the rooms. The ceilings are so low that in many cases one can easily touch them, and in going from one room to another one is apt to strike his head against the kamoi, or lintel. He notices also the constructive features everywhere apparent,—in the stout wooden posts, supports, cross-ties, etc. The rectangular shape of the rooms, and the general absence of all jogs and recesses save the tokonoma and companion recess in the best room are noticeable features. These recesses vary in depth from two to three feet or more, depending on the size of the room, and are almost invariably in that side of the room which runs at a right angle with the verandah (fig. 96); or if in the second story, at a right [pg 109] [pg 110] angle with the balcony. The division between the recesses consists of a light partition, partly or wholly closed, which generally separates the recesses into two equal bays. The bay nearest the verandah is called the tokonoma. In this recess hang one or two pictures, usually one; and on its floor, which is slightly raised above the level of the mats of the main floor, stands a vase or some other ornament. The companion bay has usually a little closet or cupboard closed by sliding screens, and one or two shelves above, and also another long shelf near its ceiling, all closed by sliding screens. At the risk of some repetition, more special reference will be made farther on to these peculiar and eminently characteristic features of the Japanese house.
The first thing that stands out when you enter a Japanese house is the small size and low height of the rooms. The ceilings are so low that in many cases you can easily touch them, and when moving from one room to another, you might bump your head against the kamoi, or lintel. You also notice the structural features everywhere—sturdy wooden posts, supports, cross-ties, and more. The rectangular shape of the rooms, along with the general lack of jogs and recesses except for the tokonoma and the adjacent recess in the main room, are striking features. These recesses can vary in depth from two to three feet or more, depending on the room's size, and are typically located on the side of the room that faces the verandah (fig. 96); or if on the second floor, at a right angle to the balcony. The division between the recesses is made by a light partition, partially or fully closed, which usually separates the recesses into two equal sections. The section closest to the verandah is called the tokonoma In this recess, one or two pictures are hung, usually just one; and on its floor, which is slightly raised above the level of the mats on the main floor, stands a vase or some other ornament. The other section typically has a small closet or cupboard with sliding screens, along with one or two shelves above, and another long shelf near the ceiling, all enclosed by sliding screens. There will be further specific references to these unique and highly characteristic features of the Japanese house later on.
In my remarks on Japanese house-construction, in Chapter I., allusion was made to the movable partitions dividing the rooms, consisting of light frames of wood covered with paper. These are nearly six feet in height, and about three feet in width. The frame-work of a house, as we have already said, is arranged with special reference to the sliding screens, as well as to the number of mats which are to cover the floor. In each corner of the room is a square post, and within eighteen inches or two feet of the ceiling cross-beams ran from post to post. These cross-beams have grooves on their under side in which the screens are to run. Not only are most of the partitions between the rooms made up of sliding screens, but a large portion of the exterior partitions as well are composed of these light and adjustable devices. A house may have a suite of three or four rooms in a line, and the outside partitions be made up entirely of these movable screens and the necessary posts to support the roof,—these posts coming in the corners of the rooms and marking the divisions between the rooms. The outer screens are covered with white paper, and when closed, a subdued and diffused light enters the room. They may be quickly removed, leaving the entire front of the house open to the air and sunshine. The screens between [pg 111] the rooms are covered with a thick paper, which may be left plain, or ornamented with sketchy or elaborate drawings.
In my discussion about Japanese house construction in Chapter I, I mentioned the movable partitions that divide the rooms, which consist of lightweight wooden frames covered with paper. These screens are nearly six feet tall and about three feet wide. As I noted earlier, the framework of the house is specifically designed with the sliding screens in mind, along with the number of tatami mats that will cover the floor. In each corner of the room, there's a square post, and about eighteen inches to two feet from the ceiling, cross-beams connect the posts. These cross-beams have grooves on their underside where the screens slide. Most of the partitions between rooms consist of sliding screens, and a significant portion of the exterior walls also uses these lightweight and adjustable panels. A house can have a row of three or four rooms, with the outside walls entirely made up of these movable screens and the necessary posts to support the roof, which are located in the corners of the rooms and indicate the divisions between them. The outer screens are covered with white paper, allowing soft, diffused light to enter the room when they’re closed. They can be quickly taken down, leaving the entire front of the house open to fresh air and sunlight. The interior screens are covered with thick paper, which can be left plain or decorated with simple or intricate designs.
The almost entire absence of swinging doors is at once noticeable, though now and then one sees them in other portions of the house. The absence of all paint, varnish, oil, or filling, which, too often defaces our rooms at home, is at once remarked; and the ridiculous absurdity of covering a good grained wood-surface with paint, and then with brush and comb trying to imitate Nature by scratching in a series of lines, the Japanese are never guilty of. On the contrary, the wood is left in just the condition in which it leaves the cabinet-maker's plane, with a simple surface, smooth but not polished,—though polished surfaces occur, however, which will be referred to in the proper place. Oftentimes in some of the parts the original surface of the wood is left, sometimes with the bark retained. Whenever the Japanese workman can leave a bit of Nature in this way he is delighted to do so. He is sure to avail himself of all curious features in wood: it may be the effect of some fungoid growth which marks a bamboo curiously; or the sinuous tracks produced by the larvae of some beetle that oftentimes traces the surface of wood, just below the bark, with curious designs; or a knot or burl. His eye never misses these features in finishing a room.
The almost complete lack of swinging doors is immediately noticeable, although now and then you can find them in other parts of the house. The absence of paint, varnish, oil, or filler, which often ruin our rooms at home, stands out. The absurdity of covering a beautifully grained wood surface with paint, and then trying to imitate Nature with brush and comb by scratching in lines, is something the Japanese never do. Instead, they leave the wood in the exact condition it comes from the cabinet maker's plane, with a simple, smooth but not glossy surface—though there are polished surfaces, which will be mentioned later. Often, in some areas, the original surface of the wood is preserved, sometimes even with the bark still attached. Whenever a Japanese craftsman can preserve a bit of Nature like this, he is more than happy to do so. He keenly utilizes all the unique features in the wood: it could be the interesting effects of some fungal growth on bamboo, or the winding patterns made by beetle larvae that create intriguing designs just under the bark, or a knot or burl. His eye never misses these characteristics when finishing a room.
The floors are often roughly made, for the reason that straw mats, two or three inches in thickness, cover them completely. In our remarks on house-construction, allusion has already been made to the dimensions of these mats.
The floors are often pretty basic because they are completely covered by straw mats that are two or three inches thick. We've already mentioned the size of these mats when discussing house construction.
Before proceeding further into the details of the rooms, it will be well to examine the plans of a few dwellings copied directly from the architect's drawings. The first plan given (fig. 97) is that of a house built in Tokio a few years ago, in which the writer has spent many pleasant hours. The main house measures [pg 112] twenty-one by thirty-one feet; the L measures fifteen by twenty-four feet. The solid black squares represent the heavier upright beams which support the roof. The solid black circles represent the support for the L as well as for the verandah roof. The areas marked with close parallel lines indicate the verandah, while the double parallel lines indicate the sliding screens,—the solid black lines showing the permanent partitions. The kitchen, bathroom, and certain platforms are indicated by parallel lines somewhat wider apart than those that indicate the verandah. The lines running obliquely indicate an area where the boards run towards a central gutter slightly depressed below the common level of the floor. Here stands the large earthen water-jar or the wooden bath-tub; and water spilled upon the floor finds its way out of the house by the gutter. The small areas on the outside of the house, shaded in section, represent the closets or cases in which the storm-blinds or wooden shutters, which so effectually close the house at night, are stowed away in the day-time. The house contains a vestibule, a hall, seven rooms, not including the kitchen, and nine closets. These rooms, if named after our nomenclature, would be as follows: study, library, parlor, sitting-room, dining-room, bed-room, servants'-room, and kitchen. As no room contains any article of furniture like a bedstead.—the bed consisting of wadded comforters, being made up temporarily upon the soft mats,—it is obvious that the bedding can be placed in any room in the house. The absence of nearly all furniture gives one an uninterrupted sweep of the floor, so that the entire floor can be covered with sleepers if necessary,—a great convenience certainly when one has to entertain unexpectedly a crowd of guests over-night. Certain closets are used as receptacles for the comforters, where they are stowed away during the day-time.
Before moving on to the details of the rooms, it's a good idea to look at the plans of a few homes taken directly from the architect's drawings. The first plan shown (fig. 97) is of a house built in Tokyo a few years ago, where the writer has spent many enjoyable hours. The main house is [pg 112] twenty-one by thirty-one feet; the L-shaped part is fifteen by twenty-four feet. The solid black squares represent the heavier vertical beams that support the roof. The solid black circles indicate the supports for the L and the verandah roof. The areas marked with close parallel lines show the verandah, while the double parallel lines indicate the sliding screens—the solid black lines depict the permanent partitions. The kitchen, bathroom, and certain platforms are shown by parallel lines that are a bit wider apart than those that indicate the verandah. The lines that run diagonally indicate an area where the boards slope toward a central gutter that is slightly lower than the overall floor level. Here you'll find the large earthen water jar or the wooden bathtub; any water spilled on the floor drains out of the house through the gutter. The small shaded areas outside the house represent the closets or cases where the storm blinds or wooden shutters, which effectively close the house at night, are stored away during the day. The house includes a vestibule, a hall, seven rooms, not counting the kitchen, and nine closets. If we named these rooms according to our terminology, they would be: study, library, parlor, sitting room, dining room, bedroom, servants' room, and kitchen. Since no room has any furniture like a bed frame—the bed is made temporarily on the soft mats with comforters—it’s clear that the bedding can be placed in any room of the house. The lack of nearly all furniture allows for an unobstructed floor space, enabling the entire floor to be filled with sleepers if needed—a definite advantage when unexpectedly hosting a lot of guests overnight. Some closets are used to store the comforters, where they are kept during the daytime.
The absence of all barns, wood-sheds, and other out-houses is particularly noticeable, and as the house has no cellar, one wonders where the fuel is stowed. In certain areas of the kitchen [pg 114] floor the planks are removable, the edges of special planks being notched to admit the finger, so that they can be lifted up one by one; and beneath them a large space is revealed, in which wood and charcoal are kept. In the vestibule, which has an earth floor, is a narrow area of wood flush with the floor within, and in this also the boards may be lifted up in a similar way, disclosing a space below, wherein the wooden clogs and umbrellas may be stowed out of sight. These arrangements in the hall are seen in the houses of the moderately well-to-do people, but not, so far as I know, in the houses of the wealthy.
The lack of barns, wood sheds, and other outbuildings is especially noticeable, and since the house has no basement, it makes one curious about where the fuel is stored. In some parts of the kitchen [pg 114], the floorboards can be removed; the edges of certain planks are notched so they can be lifted up one by one. Underneath them, there's a large space where wood and charcoal are kept. In the entryway, which has a dirt floor, there's a narrow strip of wood that’s level with the floor inside, and the boards there can also be lifted in the same way, revealing a space below where wooden clogs and umbrellas can be tucked away out of sight. These features are typically found in the homes of middle-class people, but not, as far as I know, in the homes of the wealthy.

In this house the dining-room and library are six-mat rooms, the parlor is an eight-mat room, and the sitting-room a four and one-half mat room; that is, the floor of each room accommodates the number of mats mentioned. The last three named rooms are bordered by the verandah.
In this house, the dining room and library are six-mat rooms, the parlor is an eight-mat room, and the sitting room is a four-and-a-half mat room; that is, the floor of each room fits the number of mats mentioned. The last three rooms are adjacent to the verandah.
The expense of this house complete was about one thousand dollars. The land upon which it stood contained about 10,800 square feet, and was valued at three hundred and thirty dollars. Upon this the Government demanded a tax of five dollars. The house furnished with these mats, requires little else with which to begin house-keeping.
The total cost of this house was around one thousand dollars. The land it was on measured about 10,800 square feet and was valued at three hundred and thirty dollars. The Government charged a tax of five dollars on this. The house, equipped with these mats, needs very little else to start up housekeeping.
A comfortable house, fit for the habitation of a family of four or five, may be built for a far less sum of money, and the fewness and cheapness of the articles necessary to furnish it surpass belief. In mentioning such a modest house and furnishing, the reader must not imagine that the family are constrained for want of room, or stinted in the necessary furniture; on the contrary, they are enabled to live in the most comfortable manner. Their wants are few, and their tastes are simple and refined. They live without the slightest ostentation; no false display leads them into criminal debt. The monstrous bills for carpets, curtains, furniture, silver, dishes, etc., often entailed upon young house-keepers at home in any attempt at [pg 115] house-keeping,—the premonition even of such bills often preventing marriage,—are social miseries that the Japanese happily know but little about.
A comfortable house, suitable for a family of four or five, can be built for a much lower cost, and the limited and affordable items needed to furnish it are beyond belief. When discussing such a simple house and furnishings, readers shouldn't think the family is lacking in space or basic furniture; instead, they can live very comfortably. Their needs are few, and their tastes are straightforward and refined. They live without any showiness; no unnecessary display leads them into debt. The huge bills for carpets, curtains, furniture, silverware, dishes, and so on that often burden young homeowners back home in any attempt at house-keeping—just the thought of such expenses often discouraging marriage—are social hardships that the Japanese are happily mostly unaware of.
Simple as the house just given appears to be, there is quite as much variety in the arrangement of their rooms as with us. There are cheap types of houses in Japan, as in our country, where room follows room in a certain sequence; but the slightest attention to these matters will not only show great variety in their plans, but equally great variety in the ornamental finishing of their apartments.
As simple as the house just given seems, there is just as much variety in the layout of their rooms as there is in ours. There are affordable types of houses in Japan, just like in our country, where rooms are arranged in a specific order; however, paying even a little attention to these details will reveal not only a wide range of designs but also a significant variety in the decorative finishes of their rooms.
The plan shown in fig. 98 is that of the house represented in figs. 36 and 37. The details are figured as in the previous plan. This house has on the ground-floor seven rooms besides the kitchen, hall, and bath-room. The kitchen and bath-room are indicated, as in the former plan, by their floors being ruled in wide parallel lines,—the lines running obliquely, as in the former case, indicating the bath-room or wash-rooms.
The plan shown in fig. 98 is for the house illustrated in figs. 36 and 37. The details are shown as in the previous plan. This house has seven rooms on the ground floor, in addition to the kitchen, hall, and bathroom. The kitchen and bathroom are marked, as in the earlier plan, with their floors depicted in wide parallel lines—the lines running at an angle, like before, indicating the bathroom or washrooms.
The owner of this house has often welcomed me to its soft mats and quiet atmosphere, and in the enjoyment of them I have often wondered as to the impressions one would get if he could be suddenly transferred from his own home to this unpretentious house, with its quaint and pleasant surroundings. The general nakedness, or rather emptiness, of the apartments would be the first thing noticed; then gradually the perfect harmony of the tinted walls with the wood finish would be observed. The orderly adjusted screens, with their curious free-hand ink-drawings, or conventional designs on the paper of so subdued and intangible a character that special attention must be directed to them to perceive their nature; the clean and comfortable mats everywhere smoothly covering the floor; the natural woods composing the ceiling and the structural finishing of the room everywhere apparent; the customary recesses with their cupboard and shelves, and the room-wide lintel with its elaborate lattice or carving [pg 116] above,—all these would leave lasting impressions of the exquisite taste and true refinement of the Japanese.
The owner of this house has often invited me to enjoy its soft mats and peaceful atmosphere, and while I’m here, I frequently wonder what impressions someone would have if they were suddenly transported from their own home to this simple house, with its charming and pleasant surroundings. The first thing noticed would be the general emptiness of the rooms; then, gradually, the perfect harmony of the colored walls with the wooden finishes would catch one's eye. The neatly arranged screens, featuring unique freehand ink drawings or conventional designs on paper that are so subtle they require focused attention to be noticed; the clean and comfortable mats that smoothly cover the floors; the natural wood making up the ceiling and the structural details of the room visible everywhere; the usual alcoves with their cupboards and shelves, and the wide lintel with its intricate lattice or carving above—these all leave lasting impressions of the exquisite taste and true refinement of the Japanese.
I noticed that a peculiarly agreeable odor of the wood used in the structure of this house seemed to fill the air of the rooms with a a delicate perfume;12 and [pg 117] in this connection I was led to think of the rooms I had seen in America encumbered with chairs, bureaus, tables, bedsteads, wash-stands, etc., and of the dusty carpets and suffocating wall-paper, hot with some frantic design, and perforated with a pair of quadrangular openings, wholly or partially closed against light and air. Recalling this labyrinth of varnished furniture, I could but remember how much work is entailed upon some one properly to attend to such a room; and enjoying by contrast the fresh air and broad flood of light, limited only by the dimensions of the room, which this Japanese house afforded, I could not recall with any pleasure the stifling apartments with which I had been familiar at home.
I noticed that a strangely nice smell from the wood used in this house filled the air of the rooms with a light fragrance;12 and [pg 117] because of this, I thought about the rooms I had seen in America, filled with chairs, dressers, tables, beds, washstands, and so on, along with dusty carpets and heavy, suffocating wallpaper with some frantic pattern, and covered with a pair of square openings, either fully or partially shut against light and air. Remembering that maze of polished furniture, I couldn't help but think about how much effort it takes for someone to keep such a room in order; and contrasting that with the fresh air and bright light, only limited by the size of this Japanese house, I couldn't find any enjoyment in recalling the stuffy rooms I was used to back home.

If a foreigner is not satisfied with the severe simplicity, and what might at first strike him as a meagreness, in the appointments of a Japanese house, and is nevertheless a man of taste, he is compelled to admit that its paucity of furniture and carpets spares one the misery of certain painful feelings that incongruities always produce. He recalls with satisfaction certain works on household art, in which it is maintained that a table with carved cherubs beneath, against whose absurd contours one knocks his legs, is an abomination; and that carpets which have depicted upon them winged angels, lions, or tigers,—or, worse still, a simpering and reddened maiden being made love to by an equally ruddy shepherd,—are hardly the proper surfaces to tread upon with comfort, though one may take a certain grim delight in wiping his soiled boots upon them. In the Japanese house the traveller is at least not exasperated with such a medley of dreadful things; he is certainly spared the pains that “civilized” styles of appointing and furnishing often produce. Mr. Lowell truthfully remarks on “the waste, and aimlessness of our American luxury, which is an abject enslavement to tawdry upholstery.”
If a foreigner isn’t pleased with the stark simplicity, and what might initially seem like a lack of furnishings in a Japanese house, and is still someone with good taste, they have to admit that the limited furniture and absence of carpets relieve one from the discomfort that mismatched designs always cause. They recall with approval certain discussions on home decor that argue a table with carved cherubs underneath, which one bumps their legs against, is terrible; and carpets displaying winged angels, lions, or tigers—or, even worse, a smirking, rosy-cheeked maiden being courted by an equally flushed shepherd—are hardly pleasant to walk on, though one might find a certain grim satisfaction in wiping their dirty boots on them. In a Japanese house, the traveler at least isn’t annoyed by such a jumble of dreadful items; they are definitely spared the frustrations that “civilized” styles of decoration and furnishing often bring. Mr. Lowell accurately comments on “the waste, and aimlessness of our American luxury, which is an abject enslavement to tawdry upholstery.”
We are digressing, however. In the plan referred to, an idea of the size of the rooms may be formed by observing the [pg 118] number of mats in each room, and recalling the size of the mats, which is about three feet by six. It will be seen that the rooms are small, much smaller than those of a similar class of American houses, though appearing more roomy from the absence of furniture. The three rooms bordering the verandah and facing the garden are readily thrown into one, and thus a continuous apartment is secured, measuring thirty-six feet in length by twelve in width; and this is uninterrupted, with the exception of one small partition.13
We're getting off track, though. In the mentioned plan, you can get an idea of the room sizes by looking at [pg 118] the number of mats in each room and remembering that the mats are about three feet by six. You’ll see that the rooms are small, much smaller than similar American houses, although they seem more spacious because there’s no furniture. The three rooms that open onto the porch and face the garden can easily be combined into one space, creating a continuous area that measures thirty-six feet long and twelve feet wide, with just one small partition in the way. 13
In the manner of building, one recognizes the propriety of constructive art as being in better taste; and in a Japanese house one sees this principle carried out to perfection. The ceiling of boards, the corner posts and middle posts and transverse ties are in plain sight. The corner posts which support the roof play their part as a decorative feature, as they pass stoutly upward from the ground beneath. A fringe of rafters rib the lower surface of the wide overhanging eaves, and these in turn rest firmly on an unhewn beam which runs as a girder from one side of the verandah to the other. The house is simply charming in all its appointments, and as a summer-house during the many long hot months it is incomparable. In the raw and rainy days of winter, however, it is not so pleasant, at least to a foreigner,—though I question whether to a Japanese it is more unpleasant than the ordinary houses at home are with us, with some of the apartments hot and stifling, and things cracking with the furnace heat, while other parts are splitting with the cold; with gas from the furnace, and chimneys that often refuse to draw, and an impalpable though tangible soot and coal-dust settling on every object, and many other [pg 119] abominations that are too well known. The Japanese do not suffer from the cold as we do. Moreover, when in the house they clothe themselves much more warmly; and for what little artificial warmth they desire, small receptacles containing charcoal are provided, over which they warm themselves, at the same time keeping their feet warm, as a hen does her eggs, by sitting on them. Their indifference to cold is seen in the fact that in their winter-parties the rooms will often be entirely open to the garden, which may be glistening with a fresh snowfall. Their winters are of course much milder than our Northern winters. At such seasons, however, an American misses in Japan the cheerful open fireplace around which the family in his own country is wont to gather; indeed, with the social character of our family life a Japanese house to us would be in winter comfortless to the last degree.
In terms of architecture, one can appreciate that good design has a refined quality, and this principle is exemplified perfectly in a Japanese house. The wooden ceiling, the corner posts, the center posts, and the cross beams are all visible. The corner posts that support the roof also serve as attractive elements, standing strong from the ground below. A series of rafters decorate the underside of the wide overhanging eaves, which rest securely on a rough beam that runs across the verandah. The house is simply lovely in all its details, and as a summer retreat during the long, hot months, it's unmatched. However, during the harsh and rainy winter days, it isn't as enjoyable, at least for a foreigner—though I doubt it's much worse for a Japanese person than their typical homes are for us, with some rooms being hot and stuffy and things cracking from the heat of the furnace, while other areas are freezing; with gas from furnaces that sometimes fail to vent, and an annoying layer of soot and coal dust settling on everything, along with many other horrors we know too well. The Japanese handle the cold better than we do. Additionally, when inside, they dress much more warmly, and for the little artificial heat they need, they use small containers filled with charcoal, warming themselves while also keeping their feet cozy, much like a hen sitting on her eggs. Their indifference to the cold is clear in how they often keep their winter-party spaces completely open to the garden, even if it’s sparkling with fresh snow. Their winters are definitely milder than our northern winters. However, during such times, an American in Japan misses the cozy open fireplace where families in their own country gather; honestly, a Japanese house would feel incredibly uncomfortable for us in winter.
The differences between the houses of the nobles and the samurai are quite as great as the differences between these latter houses and the rude shelters of the peasant class. The differences between the interior finish of the houses of the first two mentioned classes are perhaps not so marked, as in both cases clean wood-work, simplicity of style, and purity of finish are aimed at; but the house of the noble is marked by a grander entrance, a far greater extent of rooms and passages, and a modification in the arrangement of certain rooms and passages not seen in the ordinary house.
The differences between the homes of the nobles and the samurai are just as significant as the differences between these two types of homes and the simple shelters of the peasant class. The interior designs of the first two kinds of homes might not be as distinct, since both aim for clean woodwork, simplicity in style, and a refined finish. However, the noble's house is characterized by a more impressive entrance, a much larger number of rooms and hallways, and a different layout of certain rooms and corridors that you don't find in a typical home.
The accompanying plan of a Daimio's house (fig. 99)14 is from a drawing made by Mr. Miyasaki, a student in the Kaikoshia, a private school of architecture in Tokio, and exhibited with other plans at the late International Health and Education Exhibition held in London. Through the kindness of Mr. S. Tejima the Japanese commissioner, I have been enabled to examine and study these plans.
The accompanying plan of a Daimio's house (fig. 99)14 is from a drawing created by Mr. Miyasaki, a student at Kaikoshia, a private architecture school in Tokyo. This drawing was displayed along with other plans at the recent International Health and Education Exhibition held in London. Thanks to the generosity of Mr. S. Tejima, the Japanese commissioner, I have been able to review and study these plans.
The punctilious way in which guests or official callers were received by the Daimio is indicated by a curious modification [pg 120] of the floor of one of a suite of rooms, which is raised a few inches above the level of the other floors, forming a sort of dais. These rooms are bordered by a sort of passage-way, or intermediate portion, called the iri-kawa, which comes between the room and the verandah. To be more explicit: within the boundary of the principal guest-room there appears to be a suite of smaller rooms marked off by shōji; one of these rooms called the ge-dan has its floor on a level with the other floors of the house. The other room, called the jō-dan, has its floor raised to a height of three or four inches above that of the ge-dan, its boundary or border being marked by a polished plank forming a frame, so to speak, for the mats. On that side of the jō-dan away from the ge-dan are the tokonoma and chigai-dana. On entering such a room from the verandah one passes through the usual shōji, and then across a matted area called the iri-kawa, the width of one mat or more; here he comes to another line of sliding screens, which open into the apartments just described. When the Daimio receives the calls from those who come to congratulate him on New Year's day, and other important occasions, he sits in great dignity in the jō-dan; his chief minister and other attendants occupy the iri-kawa, while the visitors enter the ge-dan, and there make their obeisance to the Worshipful Daimio Sama. In the same plan there is another suite of rooms called the kami-noma and tsugi-noma surrounded by iri-kawa, probably used for similar purposes.
The meticulous way in which guests or official visitors were welcomed by the Daimyo is shown by a unique change [pg 120] in the floor of one of the rooms, which is elevated a few inches above the other floors, creating a kind of platform. These rooms are bordered by a passageway, or an intermediary space, called the iri-kawa, which lies between the room and the veranda. To clarify: within the main guest room, there seems to be a series of smaller rooms separated by sliding door one of these rooms, known as the ge-dan, has its floor level with the other floors of the house. The other room, named the joke, has its floor raised three or four inches above that of the ge-dan. Its boundary is marked by a polished plank that serves as a sort of frame for the mats. On the side of the joke that is away from the ge-dan are the tokonoma and chigai-dana. When entering such a room from the veranda, one goes through the usual sliding door and then across a matted area called the iri-kawa, which is the width of one mat or more; here they encounter another line of sliding screens that open into the previously described rooms. When the Daimyo receives visitors who come to congratulate him on New Year's Day and other significant occasions, he sits with great dignity in the joke; his chief minister and other attendants take their place in the iri-kawa, while the visitors enter the ge-dan and pay their respects to the Honorable Daimyo Sama. Similarly, there is another set of rooms called the kaminoma and next floor surrounded by iri-kawa, likely used for comparable purposes.
In this plan the close parallel lines indicate the verandahs; the thick lines, permanent partitions; and the small black squares, the upright posts. The lines of shōji and fusuma are shown by the thin lines, which with the thick lines represent the boundaries of the rooms, passage-ways, etc.
In this plan, the close parallel lines represent the verandas; the thick lines indicate permanent walls; and the small black squares denote the upright posts. The lines of sliding door and sliding door are depicted by the thin lines, which, along with the thick lines, outline the boundaries of the rooms, hallways, and so on.
A more minute description of the mats may be given at this point. A brief allusion has already been made to them in the [pg 121] remarks on house-construction. These mats, or tatami, are made very carefully of straw, matted and bound together with stout [pg 122] string to the thickness of two inches or more,—the upper surface being covered with a straw-matting precisely like the Canton matting we are familiar with, though in the better class of mats of a little finer quality. The edges are trimmed true and square, and the two longer sides are bordered on the upper surface and edge with a strip of black linen an inch or more in width (fig. 100).
A more detailed description of the mats can be provided at this point. A brief mention has already been made about them in the [pg 121] comments on house construction. These mats, or tatami mats are crafted with care from straw, matted and secured together with sturdy [pg 122] string to a thickness of two inches or more. The top surface is covered with straw matting similar to the Canton matting we know, though the higher quality mats are made of slightly finer materials. The edges are cut straight and square, and both longer sides are trimmed along the upper surface and edge with a strip of black linen that is an inch or more wide (fig. 100).
The making of mats is quite a separate trade from that of making the straw-matting with which they are covered. The mat-maker may often be seen at work in front of his door, crouching down to a low frame upon which the mat rests.
The making of mats is a completely different trade from making the straw-matting that covers them. The mat-maker can often be seen working in front of his door, crouching down to a low frame where the mat rests.
As we have before remarked, the architect invariably plans his rooms to accommodate a certain number of mats; and since these mats have a definite size, any indication on the plan of the number of mats a room is to contain gives at once its dimensions also. The mats are laid in the following numbers,—two, three, four and one-half, six, eight, ten, twelve, fourteen, sixteen, and so on. In the two-mat room the mats are laid side by side. In the three-mat room the mats may be laid side by side, or two mats in one way and the third mat crosswise at the end. In the four and one-half mat room the mats are laid with the half-mat in one corner. The six and eight mat rooms are the most common-sized rooms; and this gives some [pg 123] indication of the small size of the ordinary Japanese room and house,—the six-mat room being about nine feet by twelve; the eight-mat room being twelve by twelve; and the ten-mat room being twelve by fifteen. The accompanying sketch (fig. 101) shows the usual arrangements for these mats.
As we've mentioned before, architects typically design their rooms to fit a specific number of mats. Since these mats come in standard sizes, knowing how many mats a room should hold automatically reveals its dimensions. The mats are arranged in quantities of two, three, four and a half, six, eight, ten, twelve, fourteen, sixteen, and so on. In a two-mat room, the mats are placed side by side. In a three-mat room, the mats can be arranged side by side, or you might have two mats laid one way and the third mat placed crosswise at the end. In a four and a half mat room, the half mat goes in one corner. The six and eight mat rooms are the most common sizes, which indicates how small typical Japanese rooms and houses are—the six-mat room measures about nine feet by twelve; the eight-mat room is twelve by twelve; and the ten-mat room is twelve by fifteen. The accompanying sketch (fig. 101) illustrates the usual arrangements for these mats.
In adjusting mats to the floor, the corners of four mats are never allowed to come together, but are arranged so that the corners of two mats abut against the side of a third. They are supposed to be arranged in the direction of a closely-wound spiral (see dotted line in fig. 101). The edges of the longer sides of the ordinary mats are bound with a narrow strip of black linen, as before remarked. In the houses of the nobles this border strip has figures worked into it in black and white, as may be seen by reference to Japanese illustrated books showing interiors. These mats fit tightly, and the floor upon which they rest, never being in sight, is generally made of rough boards with open joints. The mat, as you step upon it, yields slightly to the pressure of the foot; and old mats get to be slightly uneven and somewhat hard from continual use. From the nature of this soft-matted floor shoes are never worn upon it,—the Japanese invariably leaving their wooden clogs outside the house, either on the stepping-stones or on the earth-floor at the entrance. The wearing of one's shoes in the house is one of the many coarse and rude ways in which a foreigner is likely to offend these people. The hard heels of a boot or [pg 124] shoe not only leave deep indentations in the upper matting, but oftentimes break through. Happily, however, the act of removing one's shoes on entering the house is one of the very few customs that foreigners recognize,—the necessity of compliance being too obvious to dispute. In spring-time, or during a rain of long duration, the mats become damp and musty; and when a day of sunshine comes they are taken up and stacked, like cards, in front of the house to dry. They are also removed at times and well beaten. Their very nature affords abundant hiding-places for fleas, which are the unmitigated misery of foreigners who travel in Japan; though even this annoyance is generally absent in private houses of the better classes, as is the case with similar pests in our country.
In arranging mats on the floor, the corners of four mats should never touch; instead, two mats should meet the side of a third. They are typically set up in a tight spiral pattern (see dotted line in fig. 101). The edges of the longer sides of the regular mats are trimmed with a narrow strip of black linen, as previously mentioned. In noble households, this border strip features designs in black and white, as shown in Japanese illustrated books depicting interiors. These mats fit snugly, and the floor underneath, which isn’t visible, is usually made of rough boards with gaps. When you step on the mat, it gives a little underfoot pressure; older mats become uneven and somewhat hard from constant use. Because of the soft mats, shoes are never worn inside; the Japanese typically leave their wooden clogs outside, either on the stepping stones or on the earth floor at the entrance. Wearing shoes indoors is one of many ways a foreigner might offend the locals. The hard soles of boots or shoes not only leave deep impressions on the mat but can also break through it. Fortunately, taking off shoes before entering is one of the few customs that foreigners tend to recognize, as it’s too clear to argue against. In spring or after prolonged rain, the mats can become damp and musty; when sunny weather returns, they are taken up and stacked like cards in front of the house to dry. They are also occasionally removed and thoroughly beaten. The nature of these mats offers plenty of hiding spots for fleas, which are a major nuisance for foreigners traveling in Japan; however, this problem is usually less common in private homes of the upper class, similar to similar pests in our country.
Upon these mats the people eat, sleep, and die; they represent the bed, chair, lounge, and sometimes table, combined. In resting upon them the Japanese assume a kneeling position,—the legs turned beneath, and the haunches resting upon the calves of the legs and the inner sides of the heels; the toes turned in so that the upper and outer part of the instep bears directly on the mats. Fig. 102 represents a woman in the attitude of sitting. In old people one often notices a callosity on that part of the foot which comes in contact with the mat, and but for a knowledge of the customs of the people in this matter might well wonder how such a hardening of the flesh could occur in such an odd place. This position is so painful to a foreigner that it is only with a great deal of practice he can become accustomed to it. Even the Japanese who have been abroad for several years find it [pg 125] excessively difficult and painful to resume this habit. In this attitude the Japanese receive their company. Hand-shaking is unknown, but bows of various degrees of profundity are made by placing the hands together upon the mats and bowing until the head oftentimes touches the hands. In this ceremony the back is kept parallel with the floor, or nearly so.
On these mats, people eat, sleep, and die; they serve as a bed, chair, lounge, and sometimes table all in one. When resting on them, the Japanese adopt a kneeling position, with their legs folded under them and their thighs resting on their calves and the inner sides of their heels; their toes point inward so that the upper and outer part of the instep presses directly against the mats. Fig. 102 represents a woman sitting. In older people, you often notice calluses on the part of the foot that contacts the mat, and without knowing the customs of the people, one might wonder how such a hardening of the flesh could occur in such a strange spot. This position is so uncomfortable for foreigners that it takes a lot of practice to get used to it. Even Japanese people who have been abroad for several years find it [pg 125] extremely difficult and painful to return to this habit. In this position, the Japanese receive their guests. Handshakes are not common; instead, they bow to varying degrees of depth by placing their hands together on the mats and bowing until their heads often touch their hands. During this ceremony, their backs are kept nearly parallel to the floor.
At meal-times the food is served in lacquer and porcelain dishes on lacquer trays, placed upon the floor in front of the kneeling family; and in this position the repast is taken.
At mealtimes, the food is served in lacquer and porcelain dishes on lacquer trays, placed on the floor in front of the kneeling family; and in this position, the meal is eaten.
At night a heavily wadded comforter is placed upon the floor; another equally thick is provided for a blanket, a pillow of diminutive proportions for a head-support,—and the bed is made. In the morning these articles are stowed away in a large closet. Further reference will be made to bedding in the proper place.
At night, a thick comforter is laid on the floor; another equally thick one is used as a blanket, along with a small pillow for head support—and the bed is set up. In the morning, these items are put away in a large closet. More details about the bedding will be discussed later.
A good quality of mats can be made for one dollar and a half a-piece; though they sometimes cost three or four dollars, and even a higher price. The poorest mats cost from sixty to eighty cents a-piece. The matting for the entire house represented in plan fig. 97 cost fifty-two dollars and fifty cents.
A decent quality of mats can be made for $1.50 each; although they sometimes cost $3 or $4, or even more. The cheapest mats cost between $0.60 and $0.80 each. The matting for the whole house shown in plan fig. 97 cost $52.50.
Reference has already been made to the sliding screens, and as they form so important and distinct a feature in the Japanese house, a more special description of them is necessary. In our American houses a lintel is the horizontal beam placed over the door; this is cased with wood, and has a jamb or recess corresponding to the vertical recesses into which the door shuts. For the sake of clearness, we may imagine a lintel running entirely across the room from one corner to the other, and this is the kamoi of the Japanese room. The beam is not cased. On its under surface run two deep and closely parallel grooves, and directly beneath this kamoi on the floor a surface of wood shows in which are two exceedingly shallow grooves. This surface is level with the mats; and in these grooves the screens run. The grooves in [pg 126] the kamoi are made deep, in order that the screens may be lifted out of the floor-grooves and then dropped from the upper ones, and thus removed. In this way a suite of rooms can be quickly turned into one, by the removal of the screens. The grooves are sufficiently wide apart to permit the screens being pushed by each other. From the adjustable nature of these sliding partitions one may have the opening between the rooms of any width he desires.
Reference has already been made to the sliding screens, and since they are such an important and distinctive feature in the Japanese house, a more detailed description of them is necessary. In American homes, a lintel is the horizontal beam placed over the door; it is framed with wood and features a jamb or recess that matches the vertical recesses where the door closes. To clarify, we can picture a lintel running fully across the room from one corner to the other, which is the kamoi of the Japanese room. The beam isn’t framed. On its underside, there are two deep and closely parallel grooves, and directly beneath this kamoi, the floor shows a wooden surface with two very shallow grooves. This surface is level with the mats; and the screens slide in these grooves. The grooves in [pg 126] the kamoi are made deep so that the screens can be lifted out of the floor grooves and then dropped from the upper ones, allowing them to be removed. This way, a series of rooms can quickly be turned into one by taking out the screens. The grooves are spaced far enough apart to allow the screens to move past each other. Because of the adjustable nature of these sliding partitions, one can create an opening between the rooms of any desired width.
There are two forms of these sliding screens,—the one kind, called fusuma, forming the partitions between rooms; the other kind, called shōji, coming on the outer sides of the rooms next to the verandah, and forming the substitutes for windows (fig. 103).
There are two types of these sliding screens: one type, called sliding door, acts as room partitions; the other type, called sliding door, is located on the outer sides of the rooms next to the verandah, serving as substitutes for windows (fig. 103).
The fusuma forming the movable partitions between the rooms are covered on both sides with thick paper; and as it was [pg 127] customary in past times to use Chinese paper for this purpose, these devices are also called kara-kami,—“China-paper.” The frame is not unlike the frame used for the outside screens, consisting of thin vertical and horizontal strips of wood forming a grating, with the meshes four or five inches in width, and two inches in height. The outside frame or border is usually left plain, as is the case with most of their wood-work. It is not uncommon, however, to see these frames lacquered. The material used for covering them consists of a stout, thick, and durable paper; and this is often richly decorated. Sometimes a continuous scene will stretch like a panorama across the whole side of a room. The old castles contain some celebrated paintings on these fusuma, by famous artists. The use of heavy gold-leaf in combination with the paintings produces a decorative effect rich beyond description. In the commoner houses the fusuma are often undecorated save by the paper which covers them; and the material for this purpose is infinite in its variety,—some kinds being curiously wrinkled, other kinds seeming to have interwoven in their texture the delicate green threads of some sea-weed; while other kinds still will have the rich brown sheaths of bamboo shoots worked into the paper, producing a quaint and pleasing effect. Often the paper is perfectly plain; and if by chance an artist friend comes to the house, he is asked to leave some little sketch upon these surfaces as a memento of his visit: others perhaps may have already covered portions of the surface with some landscape or spray of flowers. In old inns one has often pointed out to him the work of some famous artist, who probably paid his score in this way.
The sliding door that create the movable partitions between the rooms are covered on both sides with thick paper; and since it was [pg 127] common in the past to use Chinese paper for this, these partitions are also called kara-kami,—"Chinese paper." The frame is similar to the one used for the outside screens, made of thin vertical and horizontal strips of wood forming a grid, with the openings four or five inches wide and two inches tall. The outer frame or border is typically left plain, as is common with most of their woodwork. However, it’s not unusual to see these frames lacquered. The material used for covering them is sturdy, thick, and durable paper, often richly decorated. Sometimes an entire scene stretches like a panorama across one side of a room. The old castles have some famous paintings on these sliding door created by renowned artists. The use of heavy gold-leaf alongside the paintings creates an indescribably rich decorative effect. In regular houses, the sliding door are often undecorated except for the paper covering them; and the choices for this are endless—some papers are interestingly wrinkled, others seem to have delicate green threads of seaweed woven into their texture, while some have rich brown bamboo shoot sheaths incorporated into the paper, producing a charming and unique effect. Often the paper is completely plain; and if an artist friend visits, they're often asked to leave a small sketch on these surfaces as a keepsake of their visit: others may have already added some landscape or floral design to portions of the surface. In old inns, one might often see the work of some famous artist, who likely paid their bill in this way.
While the fusuma are almost invariably covered with thick and opaque paper, it occurs sometimes that light is required in a back-room; in that case, while the upper and lower third of the fusuma retains its usual character, the central third has a shōji inserted,—that is, a slight frame-work covered with white paper, through which light enters as in the outside screens. This frame [pg 128] is removable, so that it can be re-covered with paper when required. This frame-work is often made in ornamental patterns, geometrical or natural designs being common. In summer another kind of frame may be substituted in the fusuma, termed a yoshi-do, in which a kind of rush called yoshi takes the place of paper; the yoshi is arranged in a close grating through which the air has free access and a little light may enter. The fusuma may be entirely composed of yoshi and the appropriate frame-work to hold it. One of this kind is represented in fig. 104. The lower portion consists of a panel of dark cedar, in which are cut or perforated the figures of bats; above this panel are transverse bars of light cedar, and filling up the border of the frame is a close grating of brown reeds or rushes placed vertically; at the top is a wide interspace crossed by a single root of bamboo. The yoshi resembles miniature bamboo, the rods being the size of an ordinary wheat-straw, and having a warm brown tint. This is employed in many ways in the decoration of interiors, and the use of so fragile and delicate a material in house-finish is one of the many indications of the quiet and gentle manners of the Japanese.
While the sliding doors are usually covered with thick, opaque paper, sometimes light is needed in a back room; in that case, the upper and lower third of the sliding door keeps its usual look, but the central third has a sliding door inserted — a lightweight framework covered with white paper that lets light in like the outside screens. This frame [pg 128] can be removed so it can be re-covered when needed. This framework often features decorative patterns, either geometric or natural designs. In summer, a different kind of frame called a yoshi-do may be used in the sliding door, where a type of rush known as yoshi replaces the paper; the Yoshi is arranged in a tight grid that allows for airflow and a bit of light. The sliding doors can be fully made of Yoshi and the frame to hold it. One example of this type is shown in fig. 104. The lower part has a panel of dark cedar with cut or perforated designs of bats; above this panel are horizontal bars of light cedar, and the border of the frame is filled with a tight grid of brown reeds or rushes placed vertically; at the top is a wide gap crossed by a single bamboo stalk. The Yoshi looks like miniature bamboo, with the rods about the size of regular wheat straws and a warm brown hue. This material is used in various ways to decorate interiors, and the use of such fragile and delicate material in home finishing reflects the gentle and subtle nature of Japanese culture.
Oftentimes a narrow permanent partition occurs in which is an opening,—the width of one fusuma,— which takes the place of our swinging and slamming door. In this case the [pg 129] fusuma is a more solid and durable structure. The one shown in fig. 105 is of the nature of a door, since it guards the opening which leads from the hall to the other apartments of the house. A rich and varied effect is produced by the use and arrangement of light and dark bamboo and heavily-grained wood, the central panels being of dark cedar. In the vestibule one often sees sliding screens consisting of a single panel of richly-grained cedar.
Oftentimes, there’s a narrow permanent partition with an opening the width of one fusuma— which replaces our swinging and slamming door. In this case, the [pg 129] sliding door is a more solid and durable structure. The one shown in fig. 105 acts like a door, as it secures the opening that connects the hall to the other rooms of the house. A rich and varied effect is created by the use and arrangement of light and dark bamboo and heavily-grained wood, with the central panels made of dark cedar. In the vestibule, you often see sliding screens made from a single panel of richly-grained cedar.
Conveniences for pushing back the fusuma are secured in a variety of ways; the usual form consists of an oval or circular plate of thin metal, having a depressed area, inserted in the fusuma in about the same position a doorknob would be with us. These are called hikite, and often present beautiful examples of metal-work, being elaborately carved and sometimes enamelled. The same caprices and delights in ornamentation seen elsewhere in their work find full play in the designs of the hikite. Fig. 106 shows one from the house of a noble; its design represents an inkstone and two brushes,—the brushes being silvered and tipped with lacquer, while in the recessed portion is engraved a dragon. Fig. 107 represents one made of copper, in which the leaves and berries are enamelled; the leaves green, and the berries red and white. Figs. 108 and 109 show more pretentious as well as cheaper forms, the designs being stamped and not cut by hand. Sometimes hikite are made of porcelain. In the cheaper forms of fusuma, the hikite consists [pg 130] of a depressed area in the paper formed by a modification of the frame itself. In illustrations of fine interiors one often notices a form of hikite from which hang two short cords of silk tied in certain formal ways, on the ends of which are tassels. From the almost universal presence of these in old illustrated books, one is led to believe that formerly the cord was the usual handle by which the fusuma was pulled back and forth, and that these gradually fell into disuse, the recessed plate of metal alone remaining. This form of hikite is rarely seen to-day, though a few of the old Daimios' houses still possess it. Fig. 110 represents two forms copied from a book entitled “Tategu Hinagata.”
Conveniences for pushing back the sliding door are secured in various ways; the typical design features an oval or circular plate of thin metal with a recessed area, placed in the sliding door about where a doorknob would be for us. These are called hikite and they often showcase beautiful metalwork, being intricately carved and sometimes enamelled. The same whimsical and decorative elements found elsewhere in their work are fully expressed in the designs of the pulling. Fig. 106 shows one from a noble's house; its design features an inkstone and two brushes—the brushes are silver-plated and tipped with lacquer, while the recessed area is engraved with a dragon. Fig. 107 depicts one made of copper, where the leaves and berries are enamelled; the leaves are green and the berries are red and white. Figs. 108 and 109 display fancier as well as more affordable versions, with designs being stamped rather than hand-cut. Sometimes, pulling are made of porcelain. In the cheaper versions of sliding door the pulling consists of an indented area in the paper shaped by a modification of the frame itself. In illustrations of elegant interiors, one often sees a type of pulling with two short silk cords tied in specific formal styles, ending with tassels. The almost universal presence of these in old illustrated books suggests that previously the cord was the common handle used to slide the sliding door back and forth, which gradually fell out of use, leaving just the recessed metal plate. This type of pulling is rarely seen today, although a few of the old Daimyo houses still have it. Fig. 110 shows two kinds copied from a book titled “Tategu Designs.”
The outside screens, or shōji, which take the place of our windows, are those screens which border the verandah, or come on that side of the room towards the exterior wall of the house. These consist of a light frame-work made of thin bars of wood crossing and matched into each other, leaving small rectangular interspaces. The lower portion of the shōji, to the height of a foot from the floor, is usually a wood-panel, as a protection against careless feet as well as to strengthen the frame. The shōji are covered on the outside with white paper. The only light the room receives when the [pg 131] shōji are closed comes through this paper, and the room is flooded with a soft diffused light which is very agreeable. The hikite for pushing the shōji back is arranged by one of the rectangular spaces being papered on the opposite side, thus leaving a convenient recess for the fingers.
The outside screens, or sliding door which replace our windows, line the verandah or are placed on the side of the room facing the exterior wall of the house. They consist of a lightweight framework made of thin wooden bars that intersect, creating small rectangular openings. The lower part of the sliding door extending about a foot above the floor, is usually a wood panel, providing protection against carelessness and adding strength to the frame. The sliding door is covered on the outside with white paper. The only light the room gets when the [pg 131] sliding door are closed comes through this paper, which fills the space with a soft, diffused light that's very pleasant. The hikite for sliding the sliding door open is designed so that one of the rectangular openings is covered with paper on the opposite side, leaving a convenient space for fingers to grip.
Sometimes little holes or rents are accidentally made in this paper-covering of the shōji; and in the mending of these places the Japanese, ever true in their artistic feeling, repair the damage, not by square bits of paper as we should probably, but by cutting out pretty designs of cherry or plum blossoms and patching the rents with these. When observing this artistic device I have often wondered how the broken panes of some of our country houses must look to a Japanese,—the repairs being effected by the use of dirty bags stuffed with straw, or more commonly by battered hats jammed into the gaps. Sometimes the frame of a shōji gets sprung or thrown out of its true rectangular shape; this is remedied by inserting at intervals in the meshes of the frame-work elastic strips of bamboo, and the constant pressure of these strips in one direction tends to bring the [pg 132] frame straight again. Fig. 111 illustrates the appearance of this; the curved lines representing the elastic strips.
Sometimes little holes or tears accidentally occur in the paper covering of the shoji and when mending these spots, the Japanese, true to their artistic sensibility, repair the damage not with square pieces of paper as we might do, but by cutting out beautiful designs of cherry or plum blossoms and using these patches. Observing this artistic approach, I have often wondered how broken windows in some of our country houses must appear to a Japanese person—where repairs are made with dirty bags stuffed with straw, or more often with battered hats shoved into the openings. Sometimes the frame of a sliding door gets warped or thrown out of its proper rectangular shape; this is fixed by inserting elastic strips of bamboo at intervals in the framework's mesh, and the constant pressure of these strips in one direction helps bring the [pg 132] frame back to straight. Fig. 111 illustrates what this looks like; the curved lines represent the elastic strips.
There are innumerable designs employed in the shōji; and in this, as in many other parts of the interior, the Japanese show an infinite amount of taste and ingenuity. Fig. 112 illustrates one of these ornamental forms. At present in the cities it is common to see a narrow strip of window glass inserted across the shōji about two feet from the floor. It seems odd at first sight to see it placed so low, until one recalls the fact that the inmates sit on the mats, and the glass in this position is on a level with their line of vision. As a general rule the designs for the shōji are more simple than those employed for certain exterior openings which may be regarded as windows, while those which cover the openings between the rooms are most complex and elaborate. Further reference, however, will be made to these in the proper place.
There are countless designs used in the screen door and in this, as in many other areas of the interior, the Japanese display an incredible amount of taste and creativity. Fig. 112 illustrates one of these decorative styles. Nowadays in the cities, it’s common to see a narrow strip of window glass installed about two feet from the floor on the Japanese sliding door. It may look strange at first to have it so low, but then you remember that people sit on mats, and the glass is positioned at their eye level. Generally, the designs for the sliding door are simpler than those used for some exterior openings that can be seen as windows, while the designs that cover the openings between rooms are usually more complex and ornate. Further details will be covered in the appropriate section.
It has been necessary to anticipate the special description of the details of a room in so far as a description of the mats and screens were concerned, since a general idea of the interior [pg 133] could not be well understood without clearly understanding the nature of those objects which form inseparable elements of every Japanese room, and which are so unlike anything to which we are accustomed. Having given these features, it may be well to glance at a general view of the few typical rooms before examining farther into the details of their finish.
It has been necessary to anticipate the specific description of the details of a room, especially regarding the mats and screens, since a general idea of the interior [pg 133] can’t be fully understood without a clear understanding of these items, which are essential elements of every Japanese room and are quite different from what we’re used to. Having covered these features, it makes sense to take a general look at a few typical rooms before diving deeper into the details of their finishes.
The room shown in fig. 96 gives a fair idea of the appearance of the guest-room with its two bays or recesses, the tokonoma and chigai-dana,—one of which, the tokonoma, is a clear recess, in which usually hangs a picture; and in the other is a small closet and shelf, and an additional shelf above, closed by sliding doors. The sketch was taken from the adjoining room, the fusuma between the two having been removed. The grooves for the fusuma may be seen in the floor and in the kamoi overhead. The farther recess is called the tokonoma, which means literally, “bed-space.” This recess, or at least its raised platform, is supposed to have been anciently used for the bed-place.15
The room shown in fig. 96 gives a good idea of how the guest room looks with its two recesses, the tokonoma and chigai-dana—one of which, the tokonoma is an open recess that usually has a picture hanging in it; the other has a small closet and a shelf, along with an additional shelf above, all closed off by sliding doors. The sketch was taken from the adjoining room, with the sliding door between the two removed. You can see the grooves for the sliding door in the floor and in the kamoi above. The further recess is called the tokonoma which literally means, "sleeping area." This recess, or at least its raised platform, is believed to have been used as a sleeping area in ancient times.15
Let us pause for a moment to consider the peculiar features of this room. The partition separating the two recesses has for its post a stick of timber, from which the bark only has been removed; and this post, or toko-bashira as it is called, is almost invariably a stick of wood in its natural state, or with the bark only removed; and if it is gnarled, or tortuous in grain, or if it presents knots or burls, it is all the more desirable. Sometimes the post may be hewn in such a way that in section it has an octagonal form,—the cutting being done in broad scarfs, giving it a peculiar appearance as shown in fig. 113. Sometimes the post may have one or two branches above, which are worked into the structure as an ornamental feature. The ceiling of the tokonoma is usually, if not always, [pg 134] flush, with the ceiling of the room, while that of the chigai-dana is much lower. The floor of the tokonoma is higher than that of the chigai-dana, and its sill may be rough or finished; and even when finished squarely, some natural surface may be left through the curvature of the stick from which it has been hewn, and which had been selected for this very peculiarity,—a feature, by the way, that our carpenters would regard as a blemish. The floor of the tokonoma is in nearly every case a polished plank; the floor of the chigai-dana is also of polished wood. A large and deep tokonoma may have a mat, or tatami, fitted into the floor; and this is generally bordered with a white strip, and not with black as in the floor tatami. The tatami in this place is found in the houses of the Daimios.
Let’s take a moment to think about the unique features of this room. The divider between the two nooks is supported by a timber post, from which only the bark has been removed; this post, known as toko-bashira, is typically a piece of wood left in its natural state or with only the bark stripped away. If it has twists, turns, or shows knots and burls, it’s even more desirable. Sometimes the post might be cut so that it has an octagonal shape in cross-section, with broad scarf cuts that give it a distinctive look as shown in fig. 113. Occasionally, the post may feature one or two branches above that are incorporated into the design as decoration. The ceiling of the alcove is generally level with the room's ceiling, while the chigai-dana ceiling is noticeably lower. The floor of the tokonoma is elevated compared to that of the chigai-dana, and its threshold can be rough or smooth. Even when it’s perfectly finished, some natural surface may remain due to the curvature of the wood it was crafted from, which was specifically chosen for this characteristic—a detail our carpenters might see as a flaw. The floor of the niche is almost always a polished plank; similarly, the floor of the chigai-dana is also made of polished wood. A large, deep alcove may have a mat, or tatami mat, fitted into the floor; this is usually framed with a white border rather than black, as is common with the floor tatami mats. The tatami mats found in this area is typically located in the houses of the Daimyos.
Spanning the tokonoma above is a finished beam a foot or more below the ceiling, the interspace above being plastered, as are the walls of both recesses. A similar beam spans the chigai-dana at a somewhat lower level. When the cross-beam of the chigai-dana connects with the toko-bashira, as well as in the joining of other horizontal beams with the uprights, ornamental-headed nails are used. These are often of elaborately-wrought metal, representing a variety of natural or [pg 135] conventional forms. Figs. 114, 115, 116, and 117 present a few of the cheaper forms used; these being of cast metal, the finer lines only having been cut by hand. These nails, or kazari-kugi, are strictly ornamental, having only a spur behind to hold them into the wood.
Spanning the alcove above is a beam that hangs about a foot below the ceiling, with the space above it plastered, just like the walls of both recesses. A similar beam crosses the chigai-dana at a slightly lower level. When the cross-beam of the chigai-dana meets the toko-bashira, and also where other horizontal beams connect with the uprights, decorative-headed nails are used. These nails are often made of intricately designed metal, showcasing various natural or [pg 135] abstract forms. Figs. 114, 115, 116, and 117 display a few of the less expensive types available; these are made from cast metal, with finer details cut by hand. These nails, or kazari-kugi are purely decorative, featuring only a small spur on the back to secure them in the wood.
The partition dividing these two recesses often has an ornamental opening, either in the form of a small window barred with bamboo, or left open; or this opening may be near the floor, with its border made of a curved stick of wood, as in the figure we are now describing.
The partition separating these two recesses often has a decorative opening, either as a small window covered with bamboo or left open; or this opening might be closer to the floor, framed with a curved piece of wood, like the image we are currently describing.
In the chigai-dana there are always one or more shelves ranged in an alternating manner, with usually a continuous shelf above closed by sliding doors. A little closet on the floor in the corner of the recess is also closed by screens, as shown in the figure. The wood-work of this may be quaintly-shaped sticks or highly-polished wood.
In the chigai-dana, there are typically one or more shelves arranged in an alternating pattern, often with a continuous shelf above that is closed off by sliding doors. There’s also a small closet on the floor in the corner of the recess, which is covered by screens, as shown in the figure. The woodwork can be made of uniquely shaped sticks or highly polished wood.
This room illustrates very clearly a peculiar feature in Japanese decoration,—that of avoiding, as far as possible, bi-lateral symmetry. Here are two rooms of the same size and shape, the only difference consisting in the farther room having two recesses, while the room nearer has a large closet closed by sliding screens. It will be observed, however, that in the farther room the narrow strips of wood, upon which the boards of the ceiling rest, run parallel to the tokonoma, while in the nearer room the strips run at right angles. The mats in the two rooms, while arranged in the usual manner for an eight-mat room, are placed in opposite ways; that is to say, as the mats in front of the tokonoma and chigai-dana are always parallel to these recesses, the other mats are arranged in accordance with these. In the room coming next, the arrangement of mats, while being the same, have the two mats running parallel to the line dividing the rooms, and of course the other mats in accordance with these. This asymmetry is carried out, of course, in the two [pg 136] recesses, which are unlike in every detail,—their floors as well as the lower borders of their hanging partitions being at different levels. And in the details of the chigai-dana symmetrical arrangement is almost invariably avoided, the little closet on the floor being at one side, while a shelf supported on a single prop runs from the corner of this closet to the other side of the recess; and if another shelf is added, this is arranged in an equally unsymmetrical manner. In fact everywhere, in mats, ceiling, and other details, a two-sided symmetry is carefully avoided.
This room clearly shows a unique aspect of Japanese design: the avoidance of, as much as possible, bilateral symmetry. Here are two rooms that are the same size and shape, with the only difference being that the back room has two recesses, while the front room has a large closet closed by sliding screens. However, it should be noted that in the back room, the narrow strips of wood, which support the ceiling boards, run parallel to the tokonoma while in the front room, the strips run at right angles. The mats in both rooms, while arranged in the usual way for an eight-mat room, are laid out oppositely; that is, the mats in front of the alcove and chigai-dana are always parallel to these recesses, so the other mats are arranged accordingly. In the next room, the mat arrangement is the same, but the two mats run parallel to the line that divides the rooms, and the other mats follow this layout. This asymmetry is also reflected in the two [pg 136] recesses, which differ in every detail—their floors and the lower edges of their hanging partitions are at different heights. Additionally, in the details of the chigai-dana symmetrical arrangement is almost always avoided; the small closet on the floor is positioned to one side, while a shelf supported by a single leg stretches from the corner of this closet to the opposite side of the recess; if another shelf is added, it is arranged in an equally asymmetrical way. In fact, everywhere—be it mats, ceiling, or other details—careful attention is given to avoiding any form of two-sided symmetry.
How different has been the treatment of similar features in the finish of American rooms! Everywhere in our apartments, halls, school-houses, inside and out, a monotonous bi-lateral symmetry is elaborated to the minutest particular, even to bracket and notch in pairs. The fireplace is in the middle of the room, the mantel, and all the work about this opening, duplicated with painful accuracy on each side of a median line; every ornament on the mantel-shelf is in pairs, and these are arranged in the same way; a single object, like a French clock, is adjusted in the dead centre of this shelf, so that each half of the mantel shall get its half of a clock; a pair of andirons below, and portraits of ancestral progenitors on each side above keep up this intolerable monotony; and opposite, two windows with draped curtains parted right and left, and a symmetrical table or cabinet between the two, are in rigid adherence to this senseless scheme. And outside the monotony is still more dreadful, even to the fences, carriage-way and flower-beds; indeed, false windows are introduced in adherence to this inane persistency in traditional methods. Within ten years some progress has been made among the better class of American houses in breaking away from this false and tiresome idea, and our houses look all the prettier for these changes. In decoration, as well, we have made great strides in the same direction, thanks to the influence of Japanese methods.
How different the treatment of similar features has been in American interiors! All over our homes, hallways, schools, both inside and outside, there’s a tedious bi-lateral symmetry carried out in even the smallest details, right down to brackets and notches in pairs. The fireplace sits in the center of the room, with the mantel and all the surrounding work duplicated with painful precision on either side of a central line; every ornament on the mantel-shelf is in pairs and arranged the same way; a single item, like a French clock, is placed at the exact center of the shelf, so that each side of the mantel gets its half of the clock; a pair of andirons below and portraits of ancestral relatives on each side above maintain this unbearable monotony; opposite, two windows with draped curtains split right and left, and a symmetrical table or cabinet in between, strictly follow this senseless scheme. Outside, the monotony is even more dreadful, extending to the fences, driveways, and flower beds; indeed, fake windows have been added to conform to this ridiculous insistence on traditional methods. In the past ten years, some progress has been made among the better class of American homes in moving away from this false and tiresome idea, and our houses look all the better for these changes. In decoration too, we've made significant strides in the same direction, thanks to the influence of Japanese styles.
While the general description just given of the tokonoma and chigai-dana may be regarded as typical of the prevailing features of these recesses, nevertheless their forms and peculiarities are infinitely varied. It is indeed rare to find the arrangement of the shelves and cupboards in the chigai-dana alike in any two houses, as will be seen by a study of the figures which are to follow. Usually these two recesses are side by side, and run at right angles with the verandah, the tokonoma almost invariably coming next to the verandah. Sometimes, however, these two recesses may stand at right angles to one another, coming in a corner of the room away from the verandah. The tokonoma may be seen also without its companion recess, and sometimes it may occupy an entire side of the room, in which case it not infrequently accommodates a set of two or three pictures. When these recesses come side by side, it is usual to have an entire mat in front of each recess. The guest of honor is seated on the mat in front of the tokonoma, while the guest next in honor occupies a mat in front of the chigai-dana.
While the general description provided of the alcove and chigai shelf can be considered typical of these features, their designs and details vary immensely. It's quite rare to find two homes where the arrangement of the shelves and cupboards in the chigai-dana is the same, as you will see in the upcoming figures. Typically, these two recesses are located next to each other and run at right angles to the verandah, with the alcove almost always positioned next to the verandah. However, sometimes these two recesses can be at right angles to each other, forming a corner of the room that’s away from the verandah. The alcove can also exist on its own and, at times, may take up an entire side of the room, often featuring two or three pictures. When these recesses are side by side, it's usual to have a full mat in front of each one. The guest of honor sits on the mat in front of the tokonoma, while the next honored guest sits on a mat in front of the chigai-dana.
This recess has a variety of names, according to the form and arrangement of the shelves. It is usually called chigai-dana,— the word chigai meaning “different,” and dana, “shelf,” as the shelves are arranged alternately. It is also called usukasumi-dana, which means “thin mist-shelf,”—the shelves in this case being arranged in a way in which they often conventionally represent mist or clouds, as shown in their formal designs of these objects (fig. 118), in which the upper outline shows the form of shelf, and the lower outline the conventional drawing of cloud. When only one shelf is seen it may be called ichi-yo-dana; the form of the shelf [pg 138] suggests such names as willow-leaf shelf, fish-shelf, etc. In this recess, as we have seen, are usually shelves and a cupboard; and the arrangements of these are almost as numberless as the houses containing them,—at least it is rare to see two alike. A shelf in the chigai-dana, having a rib or raised portion on its free end, is called a maki-mono-dana. On this shelf the long picture-scrolls called maki-mono are placed; the ceremonial hat was also placed on one of the shelves. It was customary to place on top of the cupboard a lacquer-box, in which was contained an ink-stone, brushes, and paper. This box was usually very rich in its gold lacquer and design. In the houses of the nobles the top of the cupboard was also used to hold a wooden tablet called a shaku,—an object carried by the nobles in former times, when in the presence of the Emperor. It was anciently used to make memoranda upon, but in later days is carried only as a form of court etiquette. The sword-rack might also be placed on the cupboard. In honor of distinguished guests the sword-rack was placed in the [pg 139] tokonoma in the place of honor; that is, in the middle of its floor, or toko, in front of the hanging picture,—though if an incense-burner occupied this position, then the sword-rack was placed at one side. While these recesses were usually finished with wood in its natural state or simply planed, in the houses of the nobles this finish was often richly lacquered.
This recess has various names, depending on the shape and arrangement of the shelves. It's usually called chigai-dana, where chigai means “different” and dana, shelf since the shelves are arranged alternately. It's also referred to as usukasumi-dana, meaning “thin mist shelf,”—in this case, the shelves are arranged to often symbolically represent mist or clouds, as demonstrated in the formal designs of these objects (fig. 118), where the upper outline shows the shelf's shape, and the lower outline represents a conventional drawing of a cloud. When only one shelf is visible, it may be called ichi-yo-dana the shape of the shelf suggests names like willow-leaf shelf, fish-shelf, etc. In this recess, as we’ve seen, there are usually shelves and a cupboard; and their arrangements are nearly as varied as the houses they’re found in—at least it's uncommon to see two that are the same. A shelf in the chigai-dana, featuring a rib or raised edge at its free end, is called a maki-mono shelf. On this shelf, long picture-scrolls called rolls are displayed; a ceremonial hat was also placed on one of the shelves. It was customary to put a lacquer box on top of the cupboard, which contained an ink stone, brushes, and paper. This box was usually elaborately decorated with rich gold lacquer and design. In noble houses, the top of the cupboard was also used to hold a wooden tablet called a shaku an item formerly carried by nobles in the presence of the Emperor. It was originally used for making notes but later was used only as a form of court etiquette. The sword rack might also be placed on the cupboard. To honor distinguished guests, the sword rack was positioned in the [pg 139] alcove in the place of honor; specifically, in the center of its floor, or shop, in front of the hanging picture—although if an incense burner was in that spot, then the sword rack would be placed to one side. While these recesses were typically finished in natural wood or simply planed, in noble houses, this finish was often richly lacquered.
Resuming our description of interiors, a peculiar form of room is shown in the house of a gentleman of high rank (fig. 119). Here the tokonoma was much larger than its companion recess, which in this case was next to the verandah. The chigai-dana was small and low, and the spaces beneath the shelves were enclosed by sliding screens forming cupboards. The tokonoma was large and deep, and its floor was covered by a mat or tatami; the flower-vase was at one side.
Resuming our description of interiors, a unique type of room is found in the home of a gentleman of high rank (fig. 119). Here, the tokonoma was much larger than its adjacent recess, which was next to the verandah. The chigai-dana was small and low, and the spaces beneath the shelves were enclosed by sliding screens that formed cupboards. The display alcove was large and deep, and its floor was covered with a mat or tatami mat the flower vase was positioned to one side.
The depth of the tokonoma is generally governed by the size of the room. The appointments of this recess are also always in [pg 140] proportion,—the pictures and flower-vase being of large size in the one just described.
The depth of the alcove is typically determined by the size of the room. The items in this alcove are also always in [pg 140] proportion,—the artwork and flower vase being of large size in the one just mentioned.
In a spacious hall in Tokio is a tokonoma six feet in depth, and very wide. The flower-vases and pictures in this recess were colossal. In an adjoining room to the one last figured the tokonoma came in one corner of the room, and the chigai-dana was at right angles with it. To the right of the tokonoma was a permanent partition, in the centre of which was a circular window closed by shōji which parted right and left. The shōji may have run within the partition, or rested in a grooved frame on the other side of the wall. Above this circular window and near the ceiling was a long rectangular window, also having shōji, which could be open for ventilation. To the left of the chigai-dana was a row of deep cupboards enclosed by a set of [pg 141] sliding screens; above was a broad shelf, upon the upper surface of which ran shōji, which when opened revealed another room beyond. The frieze of this recess had a perforated design of waves (fig. 120).
In a large hall in Tokyo, there's a display alcove that is six feet deep and very wide. The flower vases and pictures in this alcove were huge. In a nearby room, the niche occupied one corner, and the chigai shelf was positioned at a right angle to it. To the right of the alcove was a permanent partition with a circular window in the center, covered by sliding door that opened to the right and left. The sliding door may have slid within the partition or been set in a grooved frame on the other side of the wall. Above this circular window, near the ceiling, there was a long rectangular window with sliding door that could be opened for ventilation. To the left of the chigai shelf was a row of deep cupboards enclosed by a set of [pg 141] sliding screens; above them was a wide shelf, and on the surface ran sliding door, which when opened revealed another room beyond. The frieze of this recess had a perforated design of waves (fig. 120).
Severe and simple as a Japanese room appears to be, it may be seen by this figure how many features for decorative display come in. The ornamental openings or windows with their varied lattices, the sliding screens and the cupboards with their rich sketches of landscapes and trees, the natural woods, indeed many of these features might plainly be adopted without modification for our rooms.
Severe and simple as a Japanese room looks, this figure shows how many decorative features come into play. The ornamental openings or windows with their various lattices, the sliding screens, and the cupboards adorned with beautiful sketches of landscapes and trees, the natural woods—many of these elements could easily be incorporated into our rooms without any changes.
In another room (fig. 121) of a gentleman famous for his invention of silk-reeling machinery the tokonoma, instead of being open to the verandah, was protected by a permanent [pg 142] partition filling half the side of the room bordering the verandah. In this partition was a large circular window, having a graceful bamboo frame-work. This opening was closed on the outside by a shōji, which hung on hooks and could be removed when required. In this case the honored guest, when seated in front of the tokonoma, is protected from the wind and sun while the rest of the room may be open. In the place of this partition there is often seen, in houses of the better class, a recess having a low shelf, with cupboards beneath and an ornamental window above. This is the writing-place (fig. 122); and upon the shelf are placed the ink-stone, water-bottle, brush-rest and brushes, paper-weight, and other conveniences of a literary man. Above are often suspended a bell and wooden hammer, to call the servants when required. A hanging vase of flowers is often suspended from the partition above. For [pg 143] want of an original sketch showing this recess I have adapted one from a Japanese book, entitled “Daiku Tana Hinagata,” Vol. II. Those who have chanced to see the club rooms of the Koyokuan will recall the elaborate and beautiful panel of geometric work that fills the window of a recess of this nature.
In another room (fig. 121) belonging to a gentleman famous for his invention of silk-reeling machinery, the tokonoma instead of being open to the verandah, was separated by a permanent [pg 142] partition that filled half the side of the room adjacent to the verandah. This partition featured a large circular window with a graceful bamboo frame. The opening was covered on the outside by a sliding door which hung on hooks and could be removed when needed. In this setup, the honored guest, when seated in front of the tokonoma is shielded from the wind and sun while the rest of the room remains open. Instead of this partition, houses of higher quality often have a recess with a low shelf, cupboards underneath, and an ornamental window above. This is the writing area (fig. 122); and on the shelf are placed an inkstone, water bottle, brush rest, brushes, paper weight, and other tools of a literary person. Above, there are often bells and wooden hammers to summon the servants when needed. A hanging vase of flowers is frequently suspended from the partition above. For [pg 143] lack of an original sketch of this recess, I adapted one from a Japanese book titled “Daiku Tana Hinagata,” Vol. II. Those who have had the chance to see the club rooms of the Koyokuan will remember the intricate and beautiful panel of geometric work that fills the window of a recess like this.
In Fig. 123 the tokonoma occupies almost the entire side of the room, the chigai-dana being reduced to an angular cupboard placed in the corner and a small hooded partition hanging down from above; the small window near by, with bamboo lattice, opened into another room beyond. A tokonoma of this kind is available for the display of sets of three or four pictures. This room was in the house of a former Daimio.
In Fig. 123, the alcove takes up nearly the whole side of the room, with the chigai-dana reduced to a corner cupboard and a small hooded partition hanging from above; the small nearby window, fitted with bamboo lattice, opened into another room. A tokonoma like this is suitable for displaying sets of three or four pictures. This room was in the house of a former Daimyo.
In the next figure (fig. 124) we have the sketch of a small room with the tokonoma facing the verandah, and with no companion recess. The little window near the floor opened into the tokonoma, which extended behind the partition as far as the upright beam. The post which formed one side of the tokonoma was a rough and irregular-shaped stick. The treatment of cutting away a larger portion of it, though hardly constructive, yet added a quaint effect to the room; while the cross-beam of the tokonoma. usually a square and finished [pg 145] beam, in this case was in a natural state, the bark only being removed.
In the next figure (fig. 124) we have a sketch of a small room with the alcove facing the verandah, and no recess on the side. The small window near the floor opened into the display nook which extended behind the partition as far as the upright beam. The post that formed one side of the tokonoma was a rough and irregular-looking stick. The way a larger portion of it was cut away, though not very structural, still gave a charming touch to the room; while the cross-beam of the tokonoma. Typically a square and polished [pg 145] beam, in this case it was left in its natural state, with just the bark removed.
In fig. 125 is shown a room of the plainest description; it was severe in its simplicity. Here the tokonoma, though on that side of the room running at right angles with the verandah, was in the corner of the room, while the chigai-dana was next to the verandah. The recesses were quite deep,—the chigai-dana having a single broad shelf, as broad as the depth of the recess, this forming the top of a spacious closet beneath. In the partition dividing these two recesses was a long narrow rectangular opening. The little bamboo flower-holder hanging to the post of the toko-bashira had, besides a few flowers, two long twigs of willow, which were made to bend gracefully in front of the tokonoma. The character of this room indicated that its owner was a lover of the tea-ceremonies.
In fig. 125 is shown a room that is very simple; it was striking in its minimalism. The tokonoma which runs at right angles to the verandah, is located in the corner of the room, while the chigai-dana is next to the verandah. The recesses are quite deep, with the chigai-dana featuring a single broad shelf that matches the recess's depth, creating a spacious closet underneath. There is a long narrow rectangular opening in the partition that divides these two recesses. The small bamboo flower holder hanging from the post of the toko-bashira had a few flowers, along with two long willow twigs, gracefully bending in front of the tokonoma The character of this room suggests that its owner was a lover of tea ceremonies.
The next figure (fig. 126) is that of a room in the second story of the house of a famous potter in Kioto. This room [pg 146] was remarkable for the purity of its finish. The toko-bashira consisted of an unusually twisted stick of some kind of hard wood, the bark having been removed, exposing a surface of singular smoothness. The hooded partition over the chigai-dana had for its lower border a rich dark-brown bamboo; the vertical piece forming the other side of the chigai-dana was a black post hewn in an octagonal shape, with curious irregular crosscuts on the faces. The sliding doors closing the shelf in this recess were covered with gold paper. The hikite consisted of sections of bamboo let in to the surface. The plaster of both recesses was a rich, warm, umber color. The ceiling consisted [pg 147] of large square panels of old cedar richly grained. This room was comparatively modern, having been built in 1868.
The next figure (fig. 126) shows a room on the second floor of a famous potter's house in Kyoto. This room [pg 146] stood out for its sleek finish. The toko-bashira was made from a uniquely twisted stick of hard wood, with the bark removed to reveal a remarkably smooth surface. The hooded partition above the chigai-dana featured a deep dark-brown bamboo along its lower edge; the vertical piece on the other side of the chigai-dana was a black post shaped like an octagon, marked by interesting irregular cuts on the faces. The sliding doors that closed off the shelf in this recess were covered with gold paper. The pulling was made of bamboo sections embedded in the surface. The plaster in both recesses had a rich, warm umber color. The ceiling featured large square panels of beautifully grained old cedar. This room was relatively modern, constructed in 1868.
Fig. 127 represents a room in the second story of a house in Tokio. The recesses were remarkably rich and effective. The entire end of the room formed a recess, having a plaited ceiling; and within this recess were the tokonoma and chigai-dana, each having its own hooded partition at a different level and depth,—the vertical partition usually dividing these recesses being represented only by a square beam against the wall. A reference, however, to the figure will convey a clearer idea of these features than any description. The ceiling, which was quite remarkable in its way, will be described later.
Fig. 127 represents a room on the second floor of a house in Tokyo. The recesses were impressively rich and effective. The whole end of the room created a recess with a woven ceiling, and inside this recess were the tokonoma and chigai-dana, each featuring its own hooded partition at different levels and depths—the vertical partition that usually divides these recesses was simply represented by a square beam against the wall. However, looking at the figure will give a clearer idea of these features than any description. The ceiling, which is quite notable in its own way, will be described later.
The next interior (fig. 128) represents a room in a country house of the poorer class. The recesses were of the plainest description. The tokonoma was modified in a curious way by a break in the partition above, and beneath, this modification was a shelf wrought out of a black, worm-eaten plank from [pg 148] some old shipwreck. The chigai-dana had an angular-shaped shelf in one of its corners, and in the other corner two little shelves supported by a post. The floor of this recess was on a level with the mats, while the floor of the tokonoma was only slightly raised above this level.
The next interior (fig. 128) represents a room in a country house of the lower class. The recesses were very simple. The display alcove was adapted in an unusual way by a break in the partition above, and beneath this alteration was a shelf made from a black, worm-eaten plank from [pg 148] some old shipwreck. The chigai-dana had an angled shelf in one corner, and in the other corner, two small shelves supported by a post. The floor of this recess was at the same level as the mats, while the floor of the nook was just slightly raised above this level.
The figures of interiors thus far given present some idea of the infinite variety of design seen in the two recesses which characterize the best room in the house. The typical form having been shown in fig. 96, it will be seen how far these bays may vary in form and structure while still possessing the distinguishing features of the tokonoma and chigai-dana. In the first recess hangs the ever present scroll, upon which may be a picture; or it may present a number of Chinese characters which convey some moral precept, or lines from some classical poem. On its floor rests the vase for flowers, a figure in pottery, an incense burner, a fragment of quartz, or other object, these being often supported by a lacquer stand. In the chigai-dana convenient shelves and closets are arranged in a variety of ways, to be used for a variety of purposes.
The interior designs we've looked at so far give a glimpse into the endless variety of styles found in the two recesses that define the best room in the house. The typical form shown in fig. 96 highlights how much these bays can differ in shape and structure while still showcasing the key features of the tokonoma and chigai shelf. In the first recess, a scroll always hangs, which may feature a picture or display several Chinese characters conveying a moral lesson or lines from a classic poem. At the bottom, there’s usually a vase for flowers, a pottery figure, an incense burner, a piece of quartz, or another object, often placed on a lacquer stand. The chigai shelf has shelves and closets arranged in various ways to serve multiple purposes.
The arrangement of the cross-ties in relation to the tokonoma and shōji is illustrated in fig. 129, which shows the corner of a room with the upper portion of the tokonoma and shōji showing. The use made of the ornamental-headed nail is seen where the kamoi joins the corner post.
The layout of the cross-ties in relation to the alcove and sliding door is shown in fig. 129, which depicts the corner of a room with the upper part of the alcove and sliding door visible. The use of the ornamental-headed nail is evident where the kamoi meets the corner post.
In houses of two stories greater latitude is shown in the arrangement of these recesses. They may come opposite the balcony, and the chigai-dana may have in its back wall an opening either circular, crescent-shaped, or of some other form, from which a pleasing view is obtained either of the garden below or some distant range beyond.
In two-story houses, there's more freedom in how these recesses are arranged. They might face the balcony, and the chigai-dana might have an opening in its back wall that’s circular, crescent-shaped, or another shape, providing a nice view of the garden below or a distant mountain range beyond.
Thus far we have examined the room which would parallel our drawing-room or parlor; the other rooms vary from this in being smaller, and having, of course, no recesses such as have been described. By an examination of the plans given in the first part of this chapter, it will be seen how very simple many of the rooms are,—sometimes having a recess for a case of drawers or shelves; a closet, possibly, but nothing else to break the rectangular outline, which may be bounded on all sides by the sliding fusuma, or have one or more permanent partitions.
So far, we have looked at the room that would be equivalent to our living room or parlor. The other rooms differ from this one by being smaller and, of course, lacking any recesses like those previously described. By examining the plans provided in the first part of this chapter, you'll notice how straightforward many of the rooms are—sometimes featuring a recess for a set of drawers or shelves, maybe a closet, but nothing else to disrupt the rectangular shape, which can be surrounded on all sides by the sliding sliding door, or may have one or more fixed partitions.
Another class of rooms may here be considered, the details of which are more severely simple even than those of the rooms just described. These apartments are constructed expressly for ceremonial tea-parties. A volume might be filled with a description of the various forms of buildings connected with these observances; and indeed another volume might be filled with the minor details associated with their different schools.
Another type of rooms can be considered here, the details of which are even more simply designed than those of the rooms just mentioned. These spaces are specifically built for ceremonial tea parties. One could easily fill a book describing the various types of buildings related to these customs; and indeed, another book could be dedicated to the finer details linked to their different traditions.
In brief, the party comes about by the host inviting a company of four to attend the tea-ceremony, and in their presence making the tea in a bowl after certain prescribed forms, and offering it to the guests. To be more explicit as to the mode of conducting this ceremony,—the tea is first prepared by grinding it to a fine, almost impalpable, powder. This may be done by a servant before the assemblage of the guests, or may be ordered ground from a tea shop; indeed, the host may grind it himself. This material, always freshly ground for each party, is usually kept in a little earthen jar, having an ivory cover,—the [pg 150] well-known cha-ire of the collector. Lacquer-boxes may also be used for this purpose. The principal utensils used in the ceremony consist of a furo, or fire-pot, made of pottery (or use may be made of a depression in the floor partially filled with ashes, in which the charcoal may be placed); an iron kettle to boil the water in; a bamboo dipper of the most delicate construction, to dip out the water; a wide-mouthed jar, from which to replenish the water in the kettle; a bowl, in which the tea is made; a bamboo spoon, to dip out the powdered tea; a bamboo stirrer, not unlike certain forms of egg-beaters, by which the tea is briskly stirred after the hot water has been added; a square silk cloth, with which to wipe the jar and spoon properly; a little rest for the tea-kettle cover, made of pottery or bronze or section of bamboo; a shallow vessel, in which the rinsings of the tea-bowl are poured after washing; a brush, consisting of three feathers of the eagle or some other large bird, to dust the edge of the fire-vessel; and finally a shallow basket, in which is not only charcoal to replenish the fire, but a pair of metal rods or hibashi to handle the coal, two interrupted metal rings by which the kettle is lifted off the fire, a circular mat upon which the kettle is placed, and a small box containing incense, or bits of wood that give out a peculiar fragrance when burned. With the exception of the fire-vessel and an iron kettle, all these utensils have to be brought in by the host with great formality and in a certain sequence, and placed with great precision upon the mats after the prescribed rules of certain schools. In the making of the tea, the utensils are used in a most exact and formal manner.
In short, the gathering happens when the host invites a group of four to join the tea ceremony. In front of them, the host prepares the tea in a bowl following specific steps, then serves it to the guests. To clarify how this ceremony is conducted: the tea is first ground into a fine, almost powdery consistency. This can be done by a servant before the guests arrive, or it can be ordered from a tea shop; in fact, the host might grind it themselves. This freshly ground tea is typically stored in a small earthen jar with an ivory lid, the well-known cha-ire of the collector. Lacquer boxes may also be used for this purpose. The main tools used in the ceremony include a furoshiki, or fire pot, made of pottery (or a depression in the floor partially filled with ashes for the charcoal); an iron kettle to boil water; a delicately crafted bamboo dipper to scoop out the water; a wide jar to refill the kettle; a bowl for mixing the tea; a bamboo spoon for measuring out the powdered tea; a bamboo whisk, similar to certain egg beaters, to vigorously stir the tea after adding hot water; a square silk cloth for properly wiping the jar and spoon; a small rest for the kettle lid made of pottery, bronze, or bamboo; a shallow vessel for pouring out the rinsings of the tea bowl after washing; a brush made of three feathers from an eagle or another large bird to clean the edge of the fire pot; and finally, a shallow basket containing not only charcoal for the fire but also a pair of metal rods or hibashi for handling the coals, two metal rings for lifting the kettle off the fire, a circular mat for the kettle, and a small box with incense or fragrant wood pieces for burning. Except for the fire vessel and the iron kettle, all these tools need to be carefully brought in by the host in a specific order and arranged precisely on the mats according to the rules of certain schools. The utensils are used in very precise and formal ways during the tea preparation.
The making of the tea, watched by one knowing nothing about the ceremony, seems as grotesque a performance as one can well imagine. Many of the forms connected with it seem uselessly absurd; and yet having taken many lessons in the art of tea-making, I found that with few exceptions it was natural [pg 151] and easy; and the guests assembled on such an occasion, though at first sight appearing stiff, are always perfectly at their ease. The proper placing of the utensils, and the sequence in handling them and making the tea are all natural and easy movements, as I have said. The light wiping of the tea-jar, and the washing of the bowl and its wiping with so many peripheral jerks, the dropping of the stirrer against the side of the bowl with a click in rinsing, and a few of the other usual movements are certainly grotesquely formal enough; but I question whether the etiquette of a ceremonious dinner-party at home, with the decorum observed in the proper use of each utensil, does not strike a Japanese as equally odd and incomprehensible when experienced by him for the first time.
Making tea, for someone who knows nothing about the ceremony, looks like a pretty bizarre performance. Many of the rituals involved seem ridiculously pointless; yet after taking several lessons in the art of tea-making, I found that, with a few exceptions, it was quite natural and straightforward. The guests at such an occasion, though they might seem stiff at first, are actually perfectly relaxed. The proper placement of the utensils and the order in which they’re handled and the tea is made are all natural and easy movements, as I mentioned. The gentle wiping of the tea jar, washing the bowl and wiping it with quick motions, the clinking of the stirrer against the side of the bowl while rinsing, and a few other usual movements do seem awkwardly formal. However, I wonder if the etiquette of a formal dinner party at home, with the proper behavior associated with using each utensil, doesn’t seem just as strange and confusing to a Japanese person experiencing it for the first time.
This very brief and imperfect allusion has been made in order to explain, that so highly do the Japanese regard this ceremony that little isolated houses are specially constructed for the express purpose of entertaining tea-parties. If no house is allotted for the purpose, then a special room is fitted for it. Many books are devoted to the exposition of the different schools of tea-ceremonies, illustrated with diagrams showing the various ways of placing the utensils, plans of the tea-rooms, and all the details involved in the observances.
This quick and imperfect reference is meant to explain how much the Japanese value this ceremony. They even build small, separate houses specifically to host tea parties. If there’s no house set aside for this, a special room is arranged instead. Numerous books focus on the different styles of tea ceremonies, complete with diagrams that illustrate how to arrange the utensils, layouts of the tea rooms, and all the details involved in the rituals.
The tea-ceremonies have had a profound influence on many Japanese arts. Particularly have they affected the pottery of Japan; for the rigid simplicity, approaching an affected roughness and poverty, which characterizes the tea-room and many of the utensils used in the ceremony, has left its impress upon many forms of pottery. It has also had an influence on even the few rustic and simple adornments allowed in the room, and has held its sway over the gardens, gateways, and fences surrounding the house. Indeed, it has had an effect on the Japanese almost equal to that of Calvinistic doctrines on the early Puritans. The one suppressed the exuberance of an [pg 152] art-loving people, and brought many of their decorative impulses down to a restful purity and simplicity; but in the case of the Puritans and their immediate descendants, who had but little of the art-spirit to spare, their sombre dogmas crushed the little love for art that might have dawned, and rendered intolerably woful and sepulchral the lives and homes of our ancestors; and when some faint groping for art and adornment here and there appeared, it manifested itself only in wretched samplers and hideous tomb-stones, with tearful willow or death-bed scenes done in cold steel. Whittier gives a good picture of such a home, in his poem “Among the Hills”:—
The tea ceremonies have significantly influenced many Japanese arts. They have particularly impacted Japanese pottery; the strict simplicity, which almost seems intentionally rough and poor, found in tea rooms and many of the utensils used in the ceremony, has left its mark on various pottery styles. It has also influenced the few rustic and simple decorations permitted in the room and has shaped the gardens, gates, and fences around the house. In fact, its effect on the Japanese is almost comparable to that of Calvinistic beliefs on the early Puritans. The former suppressed the enthusiasm of an art-loving people, bringing their decorative impulses down to a calm purity and simplicity; whereas for the Puritans and their immediate descendants, who had little artistic spirit to begin with, their grim doctrines stifled any budding love for art and made the lives and homes of our ancestors painfully gloomy and grave. Whenever there was a slight attempt to reach for art and decoration, it only appeared in miserable samplers and ugly tombstones, featuring mournful willows or deathbed scenes done in cold metal. Whittier offers a vivid depiction of such a home in his poem “Among the Hills”:—
But we are digressing. Having given some idea of the formal character of the tea-ceremonies, it is not to be wondered at that special rooms, and even special buildings, should be designed and built expressly for those observances. We give a few illustrations of the interiors of rooms used for this purpose.
But we are getting off track. After providing an overview of the formal nature of tea ceremonies, it's not surprising that special rooms, and even dedicated buildings, were designed and constructed specifically for these rituals. Here are a few examples of the interiors of rooms used for this purpose.
Fig. 130 is that of a room in Nan-en-ji temple, in Kioto, said to have been specially designed, in the early part of the seventeenth century, by Kobori Yenshiu,—a famous master of tea-ceremonies, and a founder of one of its schools. The room was exceedingly small, a four and a half mat room I believe, which is the usual size. The drawing, from necessity of perspective, makes it appear much larger. The ceiling was of rush and bamboo; the walls were roughly plastered with bluish-gray clay; the cross-ties and uprights were of pine, with the bark retained. The room had eight small windows of various sizes, placed at various [pg 154] heights in different parts of the room; and this was in accordance with Yenshiu's taste. Only one recess, the tokonoma, is seen in the room,—in which may hang at the time of a party a picture, to be replaced, at a certain period of the ceremony, by a hanging basket of flowers. The ro, or fireplace, is a depressed area in the floor, deep enough to hold a considerable amount of ashes, as well as a tripod upon which the kettle rests.
Fig. 130 is a room in the Nan-en-ji temple in Kyoto, which is said to have been specially designed in the early seventeenth century by Kobori Yenshiu—a renowned tea ceremony master and founder of one of its schools. The room is extremely small, about four and a half tatami mats, which is the typical size. The drawing, due to perspective, makes it look much larger. The ceiling is made of rush and bamboo; the walls are roughly plastered with bluish-gray clay; the crossbeams and uprights are made of pine, with the bark left on. The room features eight small windows of various sizes, positioned at different heights throughout the space, reflecting Yenshiu's taste. There is only one recess, the alcove where a picture may hang during a gathering, and at a certain time during the ceremony, it can be replaced by a hanging basket of flowers. The ro, or fireplace, is a sunken area in the floor, deep enough to hold a significant amount of ashes, as well as a tripod for the kettle.
Fig. 131 represents an odd-looking tearoom, at the Fujimi pottery, in Nagoya, where tea was made and served to us by the potter's daughter. The room was simple enough, yet quite ornate compared with the one first described. The ceiling consisted of a matting of thin wood-strips, bamboo and red pine being used for the cross-ties and uprights. The tokonoma, having a bamboo post, is seen at the left of the figure. The ro, in this case, was triangular.
Fig. 131 is a unique-looking tearoom at the Fujimi pottery in Nagoya, where the potter's daughter prepared and served tea to us. The room was simple but much more elaborate compared to the one previously described. The ceiling was made of thin wooden strips, with bamboo and red pine used for the cross-ties and supports. The tokonoma featuring a bamboo post, is located on the left side of the image. The ro, in this case, was triangular.
In fig. 132 is represented a view of a small tea-room at Miyajima; the chasteness of its finish is but feebly conveyed in the figure. Here the ro was circular, and was placed in a wide plank of polished wood. The room was connected with other apartments of the house, and did not constitute a house by itself.
In fig. 132, there's a depiction of a small tea room at Miyajima; the simplicity of its design is only weakly captured in the image. Here, the ro was round and situated on a broad plank of polished wood. The room was linked to other parts of the house and didn't stand alone as a separate dwelling.
In some houses there is a special place or room adjoining the tea-room, in which the tea-utensils are kept properly arranged, and from which they are brought when tea is made, and to which they are afterwards returned with great formality. Fig. 133 represents one of these rooms in a house in Imado, Tokio. In this room the same simplicity of finish was seen. It was furnished [pg 156] with shelves, a little closet to contain the utensils, and a depressed area in the floor, having for its bottom a bamboo grating through which the water ran when emptied into it. Resting upon this bamboo grating were a huge pottery-vessel for water and a common hand-basin of copper. The floor was of polished wood. At the farther end was the entrance, by means of a low door, closed by fusuma.
In some homes, there’s a special area or room next to the tea room where the tea utensils are neatly organized. These items are taken from this room when tea is prepared, and returned there afterwards with much ceremony. Fig. 133 shows one of these rooms in a house in Imado, Tokio. This room also had the same simple design. It featured shelves, a small closet for the utensils, and a recessed area in the floor with a bamboo grate at the bottom to allow water to drain away when poured in. On this bamboo grate sat a large pottery water vessel and a standard copper basin. The floor was made of polished wood. At the far end, there was a low door that led to the entrance, secured by fusuma.
In fig. 134 is given the view of a room in a Tokio house that was extremely ornate in its finish. The owner of the house had built it some thirty years before, and had intended carrying out Chinese ideas of design and furnishing. Whether he had got his ideas from books, or had evolved them from his inner consciousness, I do not know; certain it is, that although he had worked into its structure a number of features actually [pg 157] brought from China, I must say that in my limited observations in that country I saw nothing approaching such an interior or building. The effect of the room was certainly charming, and the most elaborate finish with expensive woods had been employed in its construction. It seemed altogether too ornamental for the tea-ceremonies to suit the Japanese taste. The ceiling was particularly unique; for running diagonally across it from one corner to the other was a stout bamboo in two curves, and upon this bamboo was engraved a Chinese poem. The ceiling on one side of the bamboo was finished in large square panels of an elaborately-grained wood; on the other side were small panels of cedar. Exotic woods, palms, bamboo, and red-pine were used for cross-ties [pg 158] and uprights. The panels of the little closet in some cases had beautiful designs painted upon them; other panels were of wood, with the designs inlaid in various colored woods,—the musical instrument, the biwa, shown in the sketch, being inlaid in this way. The walls were tinted a sober brown. It was certainly one of the most unique interiors that I saw in Japan. To the right of the tokonoma the apartment opened into a small entry which led to a flight of stairs,—for this room was in the second story of the house. The corner of the room, as it appeared from the tokonoma, is shown in fig. 135. The long, low window (which also shows in fig. 134) opened on the roof of the entrance below; another narrower and higher window opened on the roof of an L. In the little recess, which has for a corner-post a crooked stick,—the crook forming one border of an opening in the corner.—was hung a picture or a basket of flowers.
In fig. 134, we see a room in a Tokyo house that was incredibly ornate. The house's owner had built it about thirty years earlier, intending to incorporate Chinese design and furnishings. Whether he got his ideas from books or developed them from his imagination, I can't say; however, despite incorporating several features actually [pg 157] brought from China, I must admit that during my limited time in that country, I didn't encounter anything quite like this interior or building. The room was undeniably charming, showcasing an elaborate finish with expensive woods. It felt way too ornate for the tea ceremonies to cater to Japanese tastes. The ceiling was especially unique; from one corner to another, it featured a thick bamboo in two curves, engraved with a Chinese poem. One side of the bamboo had large square panels made of intricately-grained wood, while the other side had smaller cedar panels. Exotic woods, palms, bamboo, and red pine were used for cross-ties [pg 158] and uprights. Some panels of the little closet had beautiful painted designs; others were made of wood with designs inlaid in different colored woods—like the musical instrument, the biwa, illustrated in the sketch, which was inlaid this way. The walls were painted a muted brown. It was certainly one of the most unique interiors I encountered in Japan. To the right of the alcove, the room opened into a small entry leading to a staircase, as this room was located on the second floor of the house. The corner of the room, as seen from the alcove is depicted in fig. 135. The long, low window (also featured in fig. 134) opened onto the roof of the entrance below; another, narrower and taller window opened onto the roof of an L-shaped section. In the little recess, which had a crooked stick as a corner post—the crook forming one side of an opening—there was a picture or a basket of flowers hung.
The second stories of shops are often used as living rooms. Fig. 136 represents a room of this nature in a shop in Kawagoye, in Musashi, nearly three hundred years old. Two long, low windows, opening on the street, were deeply recessed and heavily barred; above these openings were low deep cupboards, closed by long sliding doors. The room was dusty and unused, but I could not help noticing in this old building, as in the old buildings at home, the heavy character of the framework where it appeared in sight.
The second floors of shops are often used as living rooms. Fig. 136 represents a room like this in a shop in Kawagoye, in Musashi, nearly three hundred years old. Two long, low windows facing the street were set deep into the walls and were heavily barred; above these openings were low, deep cupboards with long sliding doors. The room was dusty and unused, but I couldn’t help but notice in this old building, like in the old buildings back home, the sturdy character of the framework where it was exposed.
Reference has been made to the fact that kura, or fire-proof buildings, are often fitted up for living-rooms. Fig. 137 (see page 160) represents the lower room of the corner building shown on page 75 (fig. 57). It has already been stated that the walls of such a building are of great thickness, and that one small window and doorway are often the only openings in the room. The walls are consequently cold and damp at certain seasons of the year.
Reference has been made to the fact that kura, or fireproof buildings, are often equipped for living rooms. Fig. 137 (see page 160) shows the lower room of the corner building displayed on page 75 (fig. 57). It has already been mentioned that the walls of such a building are very thick and that one small window and doorway are often the only openings in the room. As a result, the walls can be cold and damp during certain seasons of the year.
For the fitting up of such a room, to adapt it for a living-place, a light frame-work of bamboo is constructed, which stands away from the walls at a distance of two or three feet; upon this, cloth is stretched like a curtain. The frame-work forms a ceiling as well, so that the rough walls and beams of the floor above are concealed by this device. At one side the cloth is arranged to be looped up like a curtain, so that one may pass outside the drapery.
For setting up such a room and making it livable, a light framework of bamboo is built, positioned a couple of feet away from the walls. On this frame, fabric is stretched like a curtain. The framework also creates a ceiling, hiding the rough walls and beams of the floor above. On one side, the fabric is designed to be looped up like a curtain, allowing someone to pass through the drapery.
The owner of this apartment was an eminent antiquarian, and the walls of the room were lined with shelves and cases which were filled with old books and pictures, rare scrolls, and bric-a-brac. A loft above, to which access was gained by a perilous flight of steps, was filled with ancient relics of all kinds,—stone implements, old pottery, quaint writing-desks, and rare manuscripts. The cloth which formed this supplementary partition was of a light, thin texture; and when the owner went in search of some object on the other side of it, I could trace him by his candle-light [pg 160] as he wandered about behind the curtain. The furniture us in the room, and shown in the sketch,—consisting of bookshelves, table, hibachi, and other objects,—was in nearly every case precious antiques.
The owner of this apartment was a well-known antiquarian, and the walls of the room were lined with shelves and cases filled with old books, pictures, rare scrolls, and various collectibles. An upper loft, accessible by a tricky set of stairs, was crammed with all sorts of ancient relics—stone tools, old pottery, unique writing desks, and rare manuscripts. The fabric that made up this extra partition was light and thin, so when the owner went to look for something on the other side, I could see him by his candlelight as he moved around behind the curtain. The furniture in the room, shown in the sketch—comprising bookshelves, a table, a hibachi grill and other items—was mostly valuable antiques. [pg 160]
That the rooms of kura were fitted up in this way in past times is evident in the fact that old books not only represent this method in their pictures, but special details of the construction of the framework are given. In an old book in the possession of Mr. K——, published one hundred and eighty years ago, a figure of one of these frames is given, with all the details of its structure, metal sockets, key-bolts, etc., a copy of which may be seen in fig. 138.
That the rooms of kura were set up like this in the past is clear from the fact that old books not only show this method in their images but also provide specific details of the framework's construction. In an old book owned by Mr. K——, published one hundred and eighty years ago, there is a depiction of one of these frames, highlighting all the details of its structure, including metal sockets, key-bolts, and more, a copy of which can be found in fig. 138.
In connection with this room, and the manner of looping up the curtains at the side, I got from this scholar the first rational explanation of the meaning of the two narrow bands which hang down from the upper part of the usual form of a Japanese [pg 161] picture,—the kake-mono. That these were survivals of useful appendages,—rudimentary organs, so to speak, there could be no doubt. Mr. K——told me that in former times the pictures, mainly of a religious character, were suspended from a frame. Long bands trailed down behind the picture; and shorter ones, so as not to obscure it, hung down in front. When the picture was rolled up, it was held in position by tying these bands. When the custom came to hang these pictures permanently against the wall, the long bands were finally discarded, while the shorter ones in front survived. In old books there are illustrated methods by which curtain-like screens hanging on frames were tied up in this way,—the long bands being behind, and the short ones showing in front. When the wind blew through the apartment the curtains were tied up; and, curiously enough, the bands on a kake-mono are called fū-tai, or kaze-obi, which literally means “wind-bands.” This is the explanation given me; but it is quite probable that large pictures hanging against the walls, when disturbed by the wind, were tied up by these bands.
In relation to this room and how the curtains are looped up at the sides, I learned from this scholar the first sensible explanation of the two narrow bands that hang down from the top of the typical Japanese [pg 161] picture—the cake. There's no doubt that these are remnants of practical features—kind of like rudimentary organs. Mr. K—— explained that in the past, pictures, mostly of a religious nature, were hung from a frame. Long bands would hang down behind the picture, while shorter ones, to avoid blocking it, hung down in front. When the picture was rolled up, these bands were used to keep it in place. As the tradition shifted to hanging these pictures permanently on the wall, the long bands were eventually removed, while the shorter ones in front remained. Old books show methods for tying up curtain-like screens on frames in this way—the long bands behind and the short ones visible in front. When the wind blew through the room, the curtains were tied up; interestingly, the bands on a cake are called fū-tai, or kaze-obi, which literally translates to “wind bands.” This is the explanation given to me, but it’s quite likely that large pictures hanging on the walls were tied up with these bands when they were disturbed by the wind.
While the kura generally stands isolated from the dwelling-house, it is often connected with the house by a light structure of [pg 162] wood, roofed over, and easily demolished in case of a fire. Such an apartment may be used for a kitchen, or porch to a kitchen, or store-room for household utensils. A figure is here given (fig. 139) showing the appearance of a structure of this kind, which is lightly attached to the sides of the kura. This [pg 163] apartment was used as a store-room, and in the sketch is shown a wooden case, lanterns, and buckets, and such objects as might accumulate in a shed or store-room at home.
While the kitchen usually stands apart from the house, it is often connected to it by a light wooden structure, roofed and easily taken down in case of a fire. This space can be used as a kitchen, a porch for the kitchen, or a storage room for household items. A figure is shown here (fig. 139) depicting the look of this kind of structure, which is lightly attached to the sides of the kura. This [pg 163] space was used as a storage area, and in the sketch, you can see a wooden box, lanterns, buckets, and other items that might gather in a shed or storage room at home.
The ponderous doors of the kura, which are kept permanently open, have casings of boards held in place by a wooden pin, which passes through an iron staple in the door. This casing is to protect the door—which, like the walls of the kura, is composed of mud and plaster supported by a stout frame—from being scarred and battered; and at the same time it is so arranged that in case of fire it can be instantly removed and the door closed. The light structure forming this porch may quickly burn down, leaving the kura intact.
The heavy doors of the kura, which are always kept open, have frames made of boards secured with a wooden pin that goes through an iron staple in the door. This frame protects the door—which, like the walls of the kura is made of mud and plaster supported by a sturdy frame—from being damaged; and it is designed so that in case of fire, it can be quickly removed and the door closed. The lightweight structure of this porch could easily burn down, leaving the kura unharmed.
Oftentimes the outside of the kura has a board-casing kept in place by long wooden strips, which drop into staples that [pg 164] are firmly attached to the walls of the kura. These hooks may be seen in fig. 57, though in the case of this building the wooden casing had never been applied. Casings of this nature are provided the better to preserve the walls from the action of the weather.
Often, the outside of the kura has a wooden board casing held in place by long strips that fit into staples firmly attached to the walls of the kura. You can see these hooks in fig. 57, but in this building, the wooden casing was never applied. Casings like these are meant to help protect the walls from the effects of the weather.
In fig. 139 (see page 162) the kura had been originally built some fifteen feet from the main house, and subsequently the intervening space had been roofed over as shown in the drawing.
In fig. 139 (see page 162) the kitchen was originally built about fifteen feet away from the main house, and later, the space in between was covered with a roof, as illustrated in the drawing.
The doors of the kura are ponderous structures, and are usually left open for ventilation; a heavily grated sliding-door, however, closes the entrance effectually when the thick doors are left open. Fig. 140 represents the doorway of an old kura in Kioto illustrating these features. In fig. 141 the large key is the one belonging to the inner grated door, while fig. 142 shows the padlock to the outer doors.
The doors of the kura are heavy and typically left open for ventilation; however, a heavily grated sliding door effectively closes off the entrance when the thick doors are open. Fig. 140 shows the doorway of an old kura in Kyoto, highlighting these features. In fig. 141, the large key is for the inner grated door, while fig. 142 displays the padlock for the outer doors.
The upper room of the kura is often utilized as a store-room, taking the place of the country attic; and one may find here bundles of dried herbs, corn, an old spinning-wheel, chests, and indeed just such objects as ultimately find a resting-place in our attics at home. In this section it would have been more systematic to deal with the tokonoma and chigai-dana separately; but in the [pg 165] description of interiors, it was difficult to describe them without including under the same consideration these recesses, as they form an integral part of the principal room.
The upper room of the kitchen is often used as a storage room, similar to an attic in the countryside; and one might find bundles of dried herbs, corn, an old spinning wheel, chests, and indeed items that typically end up in our attics at home. In this section, it would have been more organized to discuss the tokonoma and chigai shelf separately; but in the [pg 165] description of interiors, it was challenging to describe them without including these recesses, as they are an essential part of the main room.
In my remarks on house-construction, reference was made to the ceiling and the way in which it is made and held in place, the form of ceiling there described being the almost universal one throughout the country. The Japanese word for ceiling is tenjo,—literally, “heaven's well.”
In my comments on house construction, I mentioned the ceiling and how it’s constructed and secured. The type of ceiling described here is the nearly standard one found throughout the country. The Japanese word for ceiling is tenjo—literally, "heaven's well."
In selecting wood for the ceiling, great care is taken to secure boards in which the grain is perfectly even and regular, with no signs of knots. A wood much prized for the ceiling, as well as for other interior finish, is a kind of cedar dug up from swamps in Hakone, and other places in Japan. It is of a rich, warm gray or brown color; and oftentimes planks of enormous thickness are secured for this purpose. This wood is called Jin-dai-sugi, meaning “cedar of God's age.” A wood called hi-no-ki is often used for ceilings.
In choosing wood for the ceiling, great care is taken to select boards that have an even and regular grain without any knots. One highly valued type of wood for ceilings, as well as for other interior finishes, is a kind of cedar that is excavated from swamps in Hakone and other locations in Japan. It has a rich, warm gray or brown color, and often, very thick planks are used for this purpose. This wood is called Jin-dai-sugi, which means “cedar of God's era.” Another type of wood known as hi-no-ki is frequently used for ceilings.
It is rare to see a ceiling differing from the conventional form, consisting of light, thin, square strips as ceiling-beams, upon which rest crosswise thin planks of wood with their edges overlapping. One sees this form of ceiling everywhere, from north to south, in inns, private dwellings, and shops. This form is as universal in Japan as is the ordinary white plaster-ceiling with us. In many other forms of ceiling, however, wood of the most tortuous grain is preferred.
It’s uncommon to find a ceiling that strays from the usual design, which features light, thin, square strips as beams, supporting crosswise thin wooden planks that overlap along their edges. This ceiling style is prevalent everywhere, from inns to private homes and shops, all across Japan. It’s as universal there as the standard white plaster ceiling is here. However, many other ceiling styles often favor wood with highly twisted grain.
In the little houses made for the tea-parties the ceiling is often of some rustic design,—either a layer of rush resting on bamboo rafters, or thin, wide strips of wood braided or matted like basket-work.
In the small houses built for tea parties, the ceiling often has a rustic design—either a layer of reeds resting on bamboo rafters or thin, wide strips of wood woven or matted like a basket.
Sometimes the ceiling instead of being flat is arching; that is, the sides run up like a roof, and meet above in a flat panel, or the ceiling may be made up of panels either square or angular.
Sometimes the ceiling, instead of being flat, is arched; that is, the sides slope up like a roof and meet above in a flat panel, or the ceiling can be made up of either square or angular panels.
A very elaborate and beautiful ceiling is seen in fig. 127 (see page 146). The structure is supposed to be in imitation of country thatched roof. The centre panel consists of a huge plank of cedar, the irregular grain cut out in such a way as to show the lines in high-relief, giving it the appearance of very old wood, in which the softer lines have been worn away. The round sticks which form the frame for the plank, and those bordering the ceiling, as well as those running from the corners of the ceiling to the corners of the plank, are of red pine with the bark unremoved. The radiating rafters are of large yellow bamboo, while the smaller beams running parallel to the sides of the room consist of small dark-brown and polished bamboo; the body of the ceiling is made up of a brown rush, called hagi,—this representing the thatch. This ceiling was simply charming; it was clean, pure, and effective; it gave the room a lofty appearance, and was moreover thoroughly constructive. Our architects might well imitate it without the modification of a single feature.
A very elaborate and beautiful ceiling can be seen in fig. 127 (see page 146). The design is meant to mimic a country thatched roof. The center panel features a large cedar plank, with the uneven grain cut to highlight the lines in high relief, making it look like very old wood, where the softer lines have worn away. The round sticks that frame the plank, border the ceiling, and extend from the corners of the ceiling to the corners of the plank are made of red pine with the bark left on. The radiating rafters are made from large yellow bamboo, while the smaller beams running parallel to the room's sides are composed of small, dark brown, polished bamboo; the main body of the ceiling is made of a brown rush, called hagi, representing the thatch. This ceiling was simply charming; it was clean, pure, and effective; it gave the room a lofty feel and was also thoroughly well-constructed. Our architects could easily draw inspiration from it without altering a single feature.
The ceiling figured on page 156 (fig. 134) consisted of square panels of cedar, arranged on either side of a double curved bamboo, which ran across the ceiling diagonally from one corner of the room to another. Upon the bamboo was engraved a Chinese poem, in beautiful characters. The beauty of this ceiling consisted not only in its general quaint effect, but in the rich woods and good workmanship everywhere displayed in its construction. The same might be said of the ceiling shown in fig. 126 (see page 145); here, indeed, the whole room was like [pg 167] a choice cabinet. Lately, these panelled ceilings have come more into use. Fig. 143 represents a form of ceiling which may be occasionally seen, consisting of large, square planks of sugi, with a framework of bamboo or keyaki wood.
The ceiling shown on page 156 (fig. 134) was made up of square panels of cedar, arranged on either side of a double curved bamboo beam that ran diagonally across the ceiling from one corner of the room to the other. Engraved on the bamboo was a Chinese poem in beautiful characters. The beauty of this ceiling came not only from its overall charming design but also from the rich woods and excellent craftsmanship evident throughout its construction. The same can be said for the ceiling shown in fig. 126 (see page 145); indeed, the entire room resembled [pg 167] a fine cabinet. Recently, these paneled ceilings have become more popular. Fig. 143 shows a type of ceiling that can occasionally be seen, consisting of large, square planks of sugi, with a framework of bamboo or keyaki wood.
It seems a little curious that the space enclosed under the roof (a garret in fact) is rarely, if ever, utilized. Here the rats hold high carnival at night; and one finds it difficult to sleep, on account of the racket these pests keep up in racing and fighting upon the thin and resonant boards composing the ceiling. The rats make a thoroughfare of the beam which runs across the end of the house from one corner to the other; and this beam is called the nedzumi-bashira,—literally, “rat-post.”
It’s a bit strange that the space under the roof (a small attic, really) is hardly ever used. At night, the rats throw wild parties up there; it’s hard to sleep because of all the noise they make while racing and fighting on the thin, echoing boards of the ceiling. The rats have made a path along the beam that stretches from one corner of the house to the other; this beam is called the nedzumi-bashira,—which literally means "rat post."
In my remarks on house-construction I made mention of the plaster walls, and of the various colored sands used in the plaster. There are many ways of treating this surface, by which curious effects are obtained. Little gray and white pebbles are sometimes mixed with the plaster. The shells of a little fresh-water bivalve (Corbicula) are pounded into fragments and mixed with the plaster. In the province of Mikawa I saw an iron-gray plaster, in which had been mixed the short fibres of finely-chopped hemp, the fibres glistening in the plaster; the effect was odd and striking. In the province of Omi it was not unusual to see white plastered surfaces smoothly finished, in which iron-dust had been blown evenly upon the surface while the plaster was yet moist, and, oxidizing, had given a warm brownish-yellow tint to the whole.
In my comments about house construction, I mentioned the plaster walls and the different colored sands used in the plaster. There are many techniques for treating this surface that create interesting effects. Tiny gray and white pebbles are sometimes mixed into the plaster. The shells of a small freshwater bivalve (Corbicula) are crushed into fragments and blended with the plaster. In the Mikawa province, I saw a dark gray plaster mixed with short fibers of finely chopped hemp, which glimmered in the plaster; the effect was unusual and eye-catching. In Omi province, it was common to find smooth white plastered surfaces where iron dust had been evenly blown onto the wet plaster, oxidizing and giving a warm brownish-yellow tint to the entire surface.
In papering plaster-walls rice-paste is not used, as the larvae of certain insects are liable to injure the surface. In lieu of this a kind of seaweed similar to Iceland moss is used, the mucilaginous portion of which forms the cement. This material is used in sizing paper, and also in the pasteboard or stiff paper which is made by sticking a number of sheets together.
In wallpapering plaster walls, rice paste isn't used because the larvae of certain insects can damage the surface. Instead, a type of seaweed like Iceland moss is used, and its slimy part acts as the adhesive. This material is used for sizing paper and also in making pasteboard or heavy paper, which is created by gluing several sheets together.
Plastered rooms are often papered; and even when the plaster is tinted and the plastered surface is left exposed, is customary to use a paper called koshi-bari, which is spread on the wall to a height of two feet or more in order to protect the clothes from the plaster. This treatment is seen in common rooms.
Plastered rooms are usually covered with wallpaper; even when the plaster is colored and the surface is left bare, it’s common to use a paper called koshi bari, which is applied to the wall up to a height of two feet or more to protect clothes from the plaster. This method is commonly found in living areas.
Simple and unpretending as the interior of a Japanese house appears to be, it is wonderful upon how many places in their apparently naked rooms the ingenuity and art-taste of the cabinet-maker can be expended. Naturally, the variety of design and finish of the tokonoma and chigai-dana is unlimited save by the size of their areas; for with the sills and upright posts, the shelves and little closets, sliding-doors with their surfaces for the artists' brush, and the variety of woods employed, the artisan has a wide field in which to display his peculiar skill. The ceiling, though showing less variety in its structure, nevertheless presents a good field for decorative work, though any exploits in this direction outside the conventional form become very costly, on account of the large surface to deal with and the expensive cabinet-work required. Next to the chigai-dana in decorative importance (excepting of course the ceiling, which, as we have already seen, rarely departs from the almost universal character of thin boards and transverse strips), I am inclined to believe that the ramma receives the most attention from the designer, and requires more delicate work from the cabinet-maker. It is true that the areas to cover are small, yet the designs which may be carved or latticed,—geometric designs in fret-work, or perforated designs in panel,—must have a strength and prominence not shown in the other interior finishings of the room.
Simple and unpretentious as the inside of a Japanese house may seem, it’s impressive how much creativity and artistic flair a cabinet-maker can put into their seemingly bare rooms. Naturally, the variety in design and finish of the alcove and chigai-dana is virtually limitless, restricted only by their sizes. With the sills and upright posts, shelves and small closets, sliding doors that provide surfaces for artists' work, and the variety of woods used, artisans have a broad canvas on which to showcase their unique talents. The ceiling, while offering less variety in its structure, still provides a good opportunity for decorative work; however, any innovations beyond the conventional style can become quite expensive due to the large surface area to cover and the intricate cabinet-work required. Following the chigai-dana in terms of decorative importance (except, of course, for the ceiling, which rarely deviates from the standard of thin boards and cross strips), I believe the ramma captures the most attention from designers and demands more delicate craftsmanship from the cabinet-maker. It’s true that the areas to cover are small, yet the designs that can be carved or latticed—geometric patterns in fretwork or perforated designs in panels—need to be strong and prominent, unlike the other interior finishes in the room.
The kamoi, or lintel, as we have seen, is a beam that runs entirely across the side of the room at the height of nearly [pg 169] six feet from the floor (fig. 103). On its under surface are the grooves in which the fusuma run; between this beam and the ceiling is a space of two feet or more depending, of course, upon the height of the room. The height of the beam itself from the floor, a nearly constant factor, is always lower than are our doorways, because the average height of the Japanese people is less than ours; and aggravatingly low to many foreigners is this beam, as can be attested by those who have cracked their heads against it in passing from one room to another. The space between the kamoi and the ceiling is called the ramma, and offers another field for the exercise of that decorative faculty which comes so naturally to the Japanese. This space may be occupied simply by a closed plastered partition, just as in our houses we invariably fill up a similar space which comes over wide folding doors between a suite of rooms. In the Japanese room, however, it is customary to divide this space into two or more panels,—usually two; and in this area the designer and wood-worker have ample room to carry out those charming surprises which are to be seen in Japanese interiors.
The kamoi, or lintel, as we've noted, is a beam that runs all the way across one side of the room about [pg 169] six feet above the floor (fig. 103). Underneath it are the grooves where the sliding door slide; there’s a gap of two feet or more between this beam and the ceiling, depending on the room's height. The height of the beam itself from the floor, which tends to stay consistent, is always lower than our doorways because the average height of Japanese people is shorter than ours; this beam can be very low for many foreigners, as those who have bumped their heads on it while moving between rooms can confirm. The area between the kamoi and the ceiling is known as the ramma which provides another opportunity for the decorative talent that is so innate to the Japanese. This space can be simply filled with a closed plaster partition, much like we do with similar spaces above wide folding doors between rooms in our homes. However, in Japanese rooms, it’s normal to divide this area into two or more panels—usually two. In this area, designers and woodworkers have plenty of space to showcase the delightful surprises often found in Japanese interiors.
The designs are of course innumerable, and may consist of diaper-work and geometric designs; or each panel may consist of a single plank of wood with the design wrought out, while the remaining wood is cut away, leaving the dark shadows of the room beyond as a back-ground to the design; or the design may be in the form of a thin panel of cedar, in which patterns [pg 170] of birds, flowers, waves, dragons, or other objects are cut out in perforated work. Fret-work panels are very often used in the decoration of the ramma, of designs similar to the panels now imported from Japan; but the figures are worked out larger patterns.
The designs are countless and can include diaper patterns and geometric designs; each panel might be a single piece of wood with the design carved out, while the rest of the wood is cut away, leaving the dark shadows of the room behind as a backdrop for the design. Alternatively, the design can be a thin cedar panel with patterns of birds, flowers, waves, dragons, or other objects cut out in perforated work. Fretwork panels are often used to decorate the ramma, featuring designs similar to the panels currently imported from Japan, but the figures are created in larger patterns.
Light and airy as the work seems to be, it must nevertheless be strongly made, as it is rare to see any displaced or broken portions in panels of this nature.
Light and airy as the work may appear, it still needs to be well-constructed, as it's uncommon to find any shifted or broken parts in panels like these.
The design represented in fig. 144 is from a ramma in an old house in the village of Hakòne. The room was very large, and there were four panels in the ramma, which was nearly twenty-four feet long. A light trellis of bamboo is a favorite and common device for this area. Fig. 145 gives a simple The design represented in fig. 144 is from a ramma in an old house in the village of Hakòne. The room was very large, and there were four panels in the ramma, which was nearly twenty-four feet long. A light trellis of bamboo is a favorite and common device for this area. Fig. 145 gives a simple form of this nature, which may be often seen. In a house in Tokio we saw a similar design carried out in porcelain (fig. 146),—the central vertical rod having a dark-blue glaze, while the lighter horizontal rods were white in color. It should be understood that in every case the interspaces between the designs, except in the perforated ones, are freely open to the next room. By means of these open ramma much better ventilation of the rooms is secured when the fusuma [pg 171] is closed. A combination of perforated panels and a grating of bamboo is often seen (fig. 147).
The design represented in fig. 144 is from a ramma in an old house in the village of Hakòne. The room was quite large, and it featured four panels in the ramma which was almost twenty-four feet long. A lightweight bamboo trellis is a popular and typical feature in this region. Fig. 145 shows a simple form of this nature, which can often be seen. In a house in Tokyo, we observed a similar design made of porcelain (fig. 146), with the central vertical rod finished in dark-blue glaze, while the lighter horizontal rods were white. It's important to note that in every case, the spaces between the designs, except for the perforated ones, are fully open to the next room. These open ramma significantly improve the ventilation of the rooms when the sliding door [pg 171] is closed. A mix of perforated panels and a bamboo grating is commonly seen (fig. 147).
The ramma requiring great skill in design and execution are those in which the wood-carver, having his design drawn upon a solid plank, cuts away all the wood about it, leaving the design free; and this is then delicately wrought.
The ramma that demand significant skill in design and execution are those where the wood-carver sketches the design on a solid plank and then carves away all the surrounding wood, leaving the design intact; after that, it is carefully detailed.
In an old house at Gojio, Yamato, is a ramma having a single panel the length of the room. Fig. 148 illustrates this design, which consists of chrysanthemums supported on a bamboo trellis, and was carved out of a single plank, the flowers and delicate tracery of the leaves being wrought with equal care on both sides; in fact, the ramma in every case is designed to be seen from both rooms. I have often noticed that in quite old houses the ramma was of this description. In an old house at Yatsushiro, in Higo, I saw a very beautiful form of this nature (fig. 149). The ramma was divided into two panels, and the design was continuous from one panel to the other. It represented a rustic method of conducting water by means of wooden troughs, propped up by branched sticks, and sticks tied together. The representation of long leaves of some aquatic plant, with their edges ragged by partial decay, was remarkably well rendered. The plank out of which the design was wrought must have been less than an inch in thickness, and yet the effect of relief was surprising. A white substance like chalk filled the interstices of the carving, giving the appearance that at one time the whole design had been whitened and the coloring [pg 172] matter had subsequently worn away. The house was quite old, and the work had been done by a local artist.
In an old house in Gojio, Yamato, there is a ramma that spans the length of the room. Fig. 148 illustrates this design, which features chrysanthemums supported by a bamboo trellis, carved from a single plank, with the flowers and fine details of the leaves meticulously crafted on both sides; in fact, the ramma is always intended to be viewed from both rooms. I've often noticed that in older houses, the ramma has this kind of design. In an old house in Yatsushiro, Higo, I saw a stunning example of this (fig. 149). The ramma was divided into two panels, with a continuous design flowing from one to the other. It depicted a rustic way of channeling water using wooden troughs supported by branched sticks and tied-together twigs. The long leaves of some aquatic plant, with their edges frayed by decay, were exceptionally well depicted. The plank used for the design was less than an inch thick, yet the relief effect was impressive. A white material like chalk filled the gaps in the carving, suggesting that the entire design had once been painted white, and the coloring had since worn away. The house was quite old, and the work was done by a local artist.
It is a remarkable fact, and one well worth calling attention to, that in the smaller towns and villages, in regions far apart, there seem to be artistic workmen capable of designing and executing these graceful and artistic carvings,—for such they certainly are. Everywhere throughout the Empire we find good work of all kinds, and evidence that workmen of all crafts have learned their trades,—not “served” them,—and are employed at home. In other words, the people everywhere appreciate artistic designs and the proper execution of them; and, consequently, men capable in their various lines find their services in demand wherever they may be. I do not mean to imply by this general statement that good workmen in Japan are not drawn to the larger cities for employment, but rather that the smaller towns and villages everywhere are not destitute of such a class, and that the distribution of such artisans is far more wide and general than with us. And how different such conditions are with us may be seen in the fact that there are hundreds of towns and thousands of villages in our country where the carpenter is just capable of making a shelter from the weather; and if he attempts to beautify it—but we will not awaken the recollection of those startling horrors of petticoat scallops fringing the eaves and every opening, and rendered, if possible, more hideous by the painter.
It’s a remarkable fact worth mentioning that in smaller towns and villages, even in remote areas, there seem to be skilled artisans who can design and create these beautiful and artistic carvings,—and they truly are. Throughout the Empire, we see quality workmanship of all kinds, and clear evidence that craftsmen in every trade have learned their skills,—not just "served" them,—and are working locally. In other words, people everywhere value artistic designs and their proper execution; as a result, skilled individuals in their respective fields find their services in demand no matter where they are. I don’t mean to suggest that skilled workers in Japan aren’t drawn to larger cities for jobs, but rather that smaller towns and villages aren’t lacking in such talent, and the spread of these artisans is much wider and more common than it is with us. A stark contrast can be seen in the fact that there are hundreds of towns and thousands of villages in our country where carpenters can only build basic shelters from the elements; and if they try to make them more attractive—but let’s not even bring up the jarring memories of those dreadful petticoat scallops that hang from the eaves and every opening, made even uglier by the painter.
Throughout the breadth and length of that land of thirty-six million people men capable of artistic work, and people capable of appreciating such work, abound. In our land of fifty-five millions one has to seek the great centres of population for similar work,—for elsewhere the good work and its appreciation are exceptional.
Throughout the entire country of thirty-six million people, there are plenty of men who can create art and people who can appreciate it. In our land of fifty-five million, you have to look for the major population centers to find similar work—elsewhere, good art and appreciation for it are rare.
At Nagoya, in the house of a poor man, I saw a simple and ingenious form of ramma, in which two thin boards, one [pg 173] [pg 174] of light and the other of dark cedar, had been cut in the form of mountain contours. These were placed in juxtaposition, and from either side the appearance of two ranges of mountains was conveyed. Fig. 150 gives a faint idea of the appearance: of this simple ramma. There are many suggestions in the decoration and utilization for ventilating rooms through certain portions of the frieze, which might be adopted with advantage in the finish of our interiors.
At Nagoya, in the house of a poor man, I saw a simple and clever version of ramma made from two thin boards, one light and the other dark cedar, cut to resemble mountain shapes. When placed next to each other, they created the impression of two mountain ranges from either side. Fig. 150 gives a faint idea of the look of this simple ramma. There are many ideas in the design and functions for ventilating rooms through certain parts of the frieze, which could be beneficial in our interior finishes.
As the room, when closed, receives its light through the shōji, the windows proper—that is, certain openings in permanent partitions which may be regarded as windows—have in most cases lost their functional character, and have become modified into ornamental features merely, many of them being strictly decorative, having none of the functions of a window whatever. These openings assume an infinite variety of forms, and appear in the most surprising places in the room. They may be placed low down near the floor, or close to the ceiling; indeed, they occur between the rooms when permanent partitions are present, and similar openings may be seen in the partition which separates the tokonoma from the chigai-dana. A window often occurs in a partition that continues some little distance beyond the outer edge of the tokonoma. This window is usually square, and is closed by a shōji. The upper cross-piece of the shōji frame projects at each end, so that it may be hung in place on iron hooks (fig. 151). If the window comes near the tokonoma the [pg 175] shōji is hung on the outside of the room, as its appearance in this way is better from within. If it occurs in a partition near the chōdzu-bachi, the shōji is hung inside the room. Sometimes the shōji rests on grooved cleats or bars, which are fastened above and below the window, and oftentimes it runs inside the partition,—that is, in a partition that is double. The shōji in this case is often made in two portions, and parts to the right or left. The frame-work of the shōji forming the windows is often a marvel of exquisite taste. The designs are often geometric figures, as in fig. 152; though other designs are seen, as in fig. 153, representing a mountain. These designs, being made of very thin strips of white pine, it would seem that in such examples portions of the frame-work must have been fastened to the paper to keep them in place, for there are no means of sustaining such a frame in position without some such method.
As the room, when closed, gets its light through the shoji the actual windows—that is, specific openings in the permanent walls that can be considered windows—often lose their functional purpose and become purely decorative features. Many of these openings are strictly ornamental, lacking any real window function. They come in a huge variety of shapes and can appear in unexpected places throughout the room. They might be placed low to the ground or close to the ceiling; in fact, they can exist between rooms when there are permanent walls, and similar openings can be found in the partition separating the alcove from the chigai-dana. A window often appears in a partition that extends slightly beyond the outer edge of the tokonoma. This window is usually square and is covered by a shoji. The upper crosspiece of the sliding doors frame sticks out at both ends, allowing it to be hung on iron hooks (fig. 151). If the window is close to the alcove, the [pg 175] shoji is hung on the outside of the room since it looks better from the inside this way. If it's located near the chōdzu-bachi, the sliding door is hung inside the room. Sometimes the sliding door rests on notched cleats or bars secured above and below the window, and often it runs inside a double partition. In this case, the sliding door is typically made in two parts that slide to the right or left. The framework of the sliding door forming the windows is often a display of exquisite taste. The designs frequently consist of geometric patterns, similar to fig. 152; although other motifs, like a mountain, can also be seen as in fig. 153. Since these designs are made from very thin strips of white pine, it seems necessary that parts of the framework must have been attached to the paper to hold them in place, as there are no other means of keeping such a frame stable without some method like this.
At Nagoya, in an old house, I saw a remarkable partition of dark cedar, in which a circular window, five feet in diameter, was occupied by a panel of thin cedar, in which was a perforated design of waves; the drawing was of the most graceful description. The curious, formal, curled tongues of water, like young sprouting ferns, the long graceful sweep of the waves, and the circular drops suspended above the breaking crests presented a charming effect, as the light coming through from the outside illuminated these various openings.
At Nagoya, in an old house, I saw an amazing partition made of dark cedar, featuring a circular window that's five feet wide, filled with a thin cedar panel that had a perforated wave pattern. The design was incredibly elegant. The interesting, formal, curled shapes of the water looked like young ferns sprouting, the long, graceful curves of the waves, and the round drops hanging above the breaking crests created a beautiful effect, as the light streaming in from outside lit up these various openings.
When these windows occur in the second story they are arranged to overlook some pleasant garden or distant landscape; for this purpose the window is usually circular, though it may be in the shape of the crescent moon, or fan-shaped; indeed, there seems to be no end to designs for these apertures. Openings of this nature between rooms may or may not have shōji, but they always have a lattice-work of bamboo, or some other material, arranged in certain ornamental ways. The outside windows not only have the shōji, but may have an ornamental lattice-work as well. In fig. 121 the large circular window next the tokonoma had a lattice-work of bamboo arranged in an exceedingly graceful design.
When these windows are on the second floor, they’re positioned to overlook a nice garden or a scenic view; usually, the window is circular, but it can also be crescent-shaped or fan-shaped. There really seems to be no limit to the designs for these openings. Pass-through openings between rooms might or might not include shoji but they always feature bamboo lattice-work or some other material arranged in decorative patterns. The exterior windows not only have shoji but they may also include decorative lattice-work. In fig. 121, the large circular window next to the alcove had an exceptionally elegant bamboo lattice design.
Great attention is devoted to the window which comes in the recess used for writing purposes. The frame of this window may be lacquered, and the lattice-work and shōji are often marvels of the cabinet-maker's art. Windows of curious construction are often placed in some passage-way or space [pg 177] at the end of the verandah leading to the lavatory, when one exists. The accompanying figure (fig. 154) shows a window of this nature, seen from the outside; the bars were of iron, and below the opening the wood-finish consisted of alternate panels of cedar-bark and light wood.
Great care is taken with the window in the writing nook. The window frame can be painted with lacquer, and the lattice and sliding door are often stunning examples of cabinet-making skill. Unusually designed windows are sometimes found in corridors or areas [pg 177] at the end of the verandah leading to the restroom, when there is one. The figure accompanying this section (fig. 154) shows an outside view of such a window; the bars are made of iron, and the wood finish below the opening features alternating panels of cedar bark and light wood.
There are hundreds of forms of these windows, or mado, as they are called. The few to which allusion has been made serve to give one some idea of the almost entirely ornamental character of these openings. It is worthy of note that each form has its appropriate name, and books are specially prepared, giving many designs of windows and their modes of construction.
There are hundreds of types of these windows, or mado as they are called. The few mentioned give you an idea of how mostly decorative these openings are. It's interesting to note that each type has its own name, and there are books specifically made with many designs of windows and their construction methods.
In the chapter on Gardens a few descriptions and sketches are given of other forms of windows belonging to summer-houses.
In the chapter on Gardens, there are a few descriptions and sketches of different types of windows found in summer houses.
The open character of the Japanese house has caused the development of a variety of forms of portable screens, bamboo shades, curtains, and the like, upon which much ingenuity of construction and an infinite amount of artistic talent have been expended. The biyō-bu, or folding screens, are too well known to require more than a passing allusion. These consist of a number of panels or folds covered on both sides with stout paper. A narrow border of wood forms an outer frame, and this may be plain or lacquered. The end folds have the corners as well as other portions of its frame decorated with wrought metal pieces. Just within the frame runs a border of brocade of varying width, and on its inner edge a narrow strip of brocade; within this comes the panel or portion to receive the artist's efforts. Each fold or panel may have a separate picture upon it; or, as is most usually the case, a continuous landscape or composition covers the entire side of the screen. Many of the great artists of Japan have embodied some of their best works on screens of this kind, and the prices at which some of these are held are fabulous.
The open design of the Japanese house has led to the creation of various kinds of portable screens, bamboo blinds, curtains, and similar items, showcasing a lot of creativity and artistic skill. The beauty department, or folding screens, are so well-known that they need only a brief mention. They consist of several panels or folds covered on both sides with sturdy paper. A narrow wooden border forms an outer frame, which can be plain or lacquered. The end folds feature the corners and other parts of the frame adorned with decorative metal pieces. Just inside the frame is a border of brocade of varying width, with a narrow strip of brocade on the inner edge; within this is the space for the artist's work. Each fold or panel may showcase a separate image, or, as is more commonly the case, a continuous landscape or composition spans the entire side of the screen. Many of Japan's great artists have included some of their finest works on these screens, and the prices for some of these items are astonishing.
The rich and heavily-gilded screens now so rare to obtain are marvels of decorative painting. While the front of the screen may have a broad landscape, the back may be simply a plain gold surface, or have some sketchy touches of bamboo, pine, etc., in black. I have been told that the gold-leaf was so thick on many of the old screens, that the sacrilege has often been committed of destroying them for the gold contained on their surfaces.
The rich and heavily-gilded screens, which are now so hard to find, are amazing examples of decorative painting. While the front of the screen might feature a wide landscape, the back could either be a plain gold surface or have some rough sketches of bamboo, pine, and so on, in black. I've heard that the gold leaf on many of the old screens was so thick that people have often committed the sacrilege of destroying them just to recover the gold on their surfaces.
The six-panelled gold-screen is, beyond all question, the richest object of household use for decorative purposes ever devised. There certainly is no other device in which so many decorative arts are called into play. The rich lacquered frame, [pg 179] the wrought metallic mountings, the border of gold brocade, and the great expanse for the artist's brush (for when both sides of a six-fold screen is decorated, an area is obtained nearly five feet in height and twenty-four feet in length) give great variety for richness of adornment. The rich, dead gold-leaf with which it is gilded softens the reflections, and gives a warm, radiant tone to the light. Its adjustable nature permits it to display its painting in every light. We refer now, of course, to the genuine old gold-screens which came in sets of two. One possessing a set of these screens may consider himself particularly fortunate. The one figured (fig. 155) has depicted upon it a winter scene painted by Kano Tsunenobu, and is nearly one hundred and seventy years old; the companion of this has represented upon it a summer scene, by the same artist. On the reverse sides are painted with bright and vigorous touches the bamboo and pine. Fig. 156 shows one corner of the screen-frame with its metal mounting. These screens may have two folds, or three, or even six, as in this case. A set of screens when not in use are enclosed in silk bags, and then placed in a long, narrow wooden box (fig. 157). This box, like other articles of household use, such as bureaus and chests of drawers, has long hanging iron handles, which when turned upwards project above the level of the top, forming convenient loops through which a stick may be passed,—and thus in case of fire may be easily transported upon the shoulders of men.
The six-panel gold screen is undoubtedly the most luxurious decorative item for home use ever created. There’s no other piece that incorporates so many decorative arts. The lavish lacquered frame, the ornate metal fittings, the gold brocade border, and the expansive area for artistic expression (since both sides of a six-fold screen can be decorated, it offers nearly five feet in height and twenty-four feet in length) provide a wonderful variety for rich embellishment. The deep, matte gold-leaf used for gilding softens reflections and gives the light a warm, glowing quality. Its adjustable design allows for displaying its artwork in any lighting. We’re talking about the authentic old gold screens that came in sets of two. Anyone who owns a set of these screens is particularly lucky. One of them, (fig. 155), features a winter scene painted by Kano Tsunenobu and is nearly one hundred and seventy years old; its partner showcases a summer scene by the same artist. The backs are adorned with bright, lively depictions of bamboo and pine. Fig. 156 shows one corner of the screen frame with its metal fittings. These screens can have two, three, or even six folds, as in this case. When not in use, a set of screens is stored in silk bags, which are then placed in a long, narrow wooden box (fig. 157). This box, like other home items such as cabinets and dressers, features long hanging iron handles that, when turned upward, extend above the top surface to create convenient loops through which a stick can be inserted—making it easier to carry on people's shoulders in case of a fire.
When the screen is unfolded and placed on the floor, various devices are provided to prevent the end panels being [pg 180] swayed by the wind. These devices may be in the shape of some metal figure which acts as a check, or a heavy weight of pottery made in the shape shown in fig. 158, the end of screen fitting into the slot in the weight.
When the screen is unfolded and set on the floor, different devices are used to stop the end panels from being blown by the wind. These devices might be metal figures that act as anchors, or heavy pottery weights shaped like fig. 158, with the end of the screen fitting into a slot in the weight.
On certain festival days, it is customary for the people bordering the wider thoroughfares to throw open their houses and display their screens; and in Kioto, at such times, one may walk along the streets and behold a wonderful exhibition of these beautiful objects.
On certain festival days, it's common for people along the main streets to open their homes and show off their screens; and in Kyoto, during these times, you can stroll through the streets and see a stunning display of these beautiful items.
A screen peculiar to Kioto, and probably farther south, is seen, in which panels of rush and bamboo split in delicate bars are inserted in each leaf of the screen. Such a screen when spread admits a certain amount of light as well as air, and may be used in summer.
A screen unique to Kyoto, and likely found further south, features panels made of rush and bamboo split into delicate bars, which are inserted into each section of the screen. When expanded, this screen allows a certain amount of light and air to pass through, making it useful in the summer.
A low screen of two folds, called a furosaki biyō-bu is placed [pg 181] in front of the furo, or fire-vessel, used for boiling water for tea. The purpose of this is to screen the furo from the wind and prevent the ashes from being blown about the room. Sometimes these screens are made in a rigid form of wood, with the wings at right angles, the panels being of rush; and in the corner of the screen a little shelf is fixed, upon which the tea-utensils may be placed. Such an one is here figured (fig. 159); there are many designs for this kind of screen.
A low screen with two folds, called a beauty department, is positioned [pg 181] in front of the furore or fire vessel, used for boiling water for tea. The purpose of this screen is to shield the fury from the wind and stop the ashes from being blown around the room. Sometimes, these screens are made from rigid wood, with the wings set at right angles and rush panels; there’s often a small shelf fixed in the corner of the screen where the tea utensils can be placed. One example of this is shown here (fig. 159); there are many designs for this type of screen.
In the old-fashioned genka, or hall-way, there stands a solid screen of wood with heavy frame, supported by two transverse feet. This screen is called a tsui-tate, and is an article of furniture belonging to the hall. It is often richly decorated with gold lacquer, and is usually much lower in height than the ordinary screen. In old Japanese picture-books this form is often represented. Diminutive models of the tsui-tate (fig. 160) are made in pottery or porcelain, and these are for the purpose of standing in front of the ink-stone to prevent the mats from being spattered when the ink is rubbed. In another form of tsui-tate a stand is made having uprights placed in such a way that a screen covered with stout paper or a panel may be placed upon the stand and held in a vertical position by these uprights, as shown in fig. 161.
In the old-fashioned genka, or hallway, there’s a sturdy wooden screen with a heavy frame, supported by two cross feet. This screen is called a tsui-tate, and it’s a piece of furniture that belongs in the hall. It’s often beautifully decorated with gold lacquer and is usually shorter than standard screens. This form frequently appears in old Japanese picture books. Small models of the tsui-tate (fig. 160) are made from pottery or porcelain, designed to stand in front of the ink stone to catch any ink that might splash onto the mats while grinding. Another version of the tsui-tate features a stand with uprights positioned to support a screen covered in sturdy paper or a panel, keeping it upright, as shown in fig. 161.
When the shōji are removed, and the room thrown wide open to the light and air, curtains composed of strips of bamboo or rush are used as sun-screens; these are generally hung up just below the edge of the supplementary roof or hisashi or may be suspended just outside the room. They can be rolled up and tied, or dropped to any desired length. These curtains may be either plain or have traced upon them delicate designs of vines or gourds, or conventional patterns. These designs are produced either by the joints on the bamboo being adjusted to carry out a zigzag or other design, as shown in fig. 162 (A.), or else the thin strips of bamboo may have square notches cut out from their lower edges as in fig. 162 (B). In this case the shade of the room within gives the necessary back-ground to bring out the design as shown in fig. 163. These devices are called noren; if made of bamboo, they are called sudare.
When the sliding door are taken down, and the room is fully opened up to light and air, curtains made of strips of bamboo or rush are used to block the sun; these are usually hung just below the edge of the extra roof or hisashi or may be hung just outside the room. They can be rolled up and tied, or lowered to any desired length. These curtains can be simple or decorated with delicate designs of vines or gourds, or other patterns. These designs are created either by adjusting the joints on the bamboo to form a zigzag or other design, as shown in fig. 162 (A.), or the thin bamboo strips may have square notches cut out from their lower edges like in fig. 162 (B). In this case, the shade from inside the room provides the necessary background to highlight the design as illustrated in fig. 163. These items are called noren when made of bamboo, and they are known as sweat.
In illustrated books there is often seen figured a screen such as is shown in fig. 164. This consists of a lacquered stand, from which spring two upright rods, which in turn [pg 183] support a transverse bar not unlike some forms of towel-racks; dependent from this is a curtain of cloth, which is long enough to sweep the floor. I have never seen this object, though it is probably in use in the houses of the Daimios.
In illustrated books, you often see a screen like the one shown in fig. 164. It has a lacquered stand with two upright rods that support a horizontal bar, similar to some types of towel racks. Hanging from this bar is a fabric curtain that is long enough to reach the floor. I've never seen this item in person, but it's likely used in the homes of the Daimios.
A screen or curtain is often seen in doorways and passageways, consisting of a fringe of cords, upon which have been strung like beads short sections of bamboo, with black seeds at intervals. A portion of one of these fringed curtains is illustrated in fig. 165. Such a curtain has the advantage not only of being a good screen, but the inmates may pass through it, so to speak, without the necessity of lifting it. There are many forms of this curtain to be seen, and at present the Japanese are exporting a variety of delicate ones made of glass beads and sections of rushes.
A screen or curtain is often found in doorways and hallways, made up of a fringe of cords with short pieces of bamboo strung on them like beads, with black seeds spaced out. A part of one of these fringed curtains is shown in fig. 165. This type of curtain not only serves as an effective screen but also allows people to walk through it without having to lift it. There are many different styles of this curtain available, and currently, the Japanese are exporting a range of delicate ones made from glass beads and sections of rushes.
Cloth curtains are used at the entrance to the kitchen, and also to screen closet-like recesses. The cloth is cut at intervals, leaving [pg 184] a series of long flaps. This curtain is not readily swayed the wind, and can easily be passed through as one enters room (fig. 166). In front of the Japanese shop one may see a similar form of curtain slit at intervals, so that it may not be affected by ordinary winds.
Cloth curtains are used at the entrance to the kitchen and also to cover closet-like recesses. The fabric is cut at intervals, leaving [pg 184] a series of long flaps. This curtain doesn't easily sway in the wind and can be easily passed through when entering the room (fig. 166). In front of a Japanese shop, you can see a similar type of curtain, slit at intervals, so that it isn't affected by regular winds.
There are doubtless many other forms of screens and curtains not here enumerated, but most of those described present the common forms usually observed.
There are definitely many other types of screens and curtains not mentioned here, but most of those described show the typical styles we usually see.
CHAPTER IV. INTERIORS (Continued).
[pg 185]The kitchen, as an apartment, varies quite as much in Japan as it does in our country, and varies in the same way; that is to say, in the country, in houses of the better class, both in Japan and the United States, the kitchen is large and oftentimes spacious, well lighted and airy, in which not only the preparation of food and the washing of dishes go on, but in which also the meals are served. The kitchen of the common city house in both countries is oftentimes a dark narrow room, ill-lighted, and altogether devoid of comfort for the cook. Among this class of houses the kitchen is the least defined of Japanese rooms; it lacks that tidiness and definition so characteristic of the other rooms. It is often a narrow porch or shed with pent roof, rarely, if ever, possessing a ceiling; its exposed rafters are blackened by the smoke, which finds egress through a scuttle, through which often comes the only light that illuminates the dim interior. In the city house the kitchen often comes on that side of the house next the street, for the reason that the garden being in the rear of the house the best rooms face that area; being on the street too, the kitchen is convenient for the vender of fish and vegetables, and for all the kitchen traffic, which too often with us results in the strewing of our [pg 186] little grass-plots with the wrapping paper of the butcher's bundles and other pleasing reminiscences of the day's dinner. In country the kitchen is generally at the end of the house usually opening into some porch-like expansion, where the tubs, bucket etc., and the winter's supply of wood finds convenient storage.
The kitchen, like an apartment, varies significantly in Japan just as it does in our country, and in similar ways; that is to say, in rural areas, in better-class homes, both in Japan and the United States, the kitchen is large and often spacious, well-lit and airy, where not only food is prepared and dishes are washed, but meals are also served. The kitchen of a typical city house in both countries is often a dark, narrow room, poorly lit, and completely lacking in comfort for the cook. In this kind of house, the kitchen is the least distinct of Japanese rooms; it lacks the tidiness and definition characteristic of the other rooms. It's often just a narrow porch or shed with a sloped roof, rarely having a ceiling; its exposed rafters are blackened by smoke, which escapes through a hatch, often the only light that brightens the dim interior. In city houses, the kitchen is usually located on the side of the house facing the street, because the garden is at the back of the house and the better rooms overlook that area; being on the street also makes the kitchen convenient for vendors of fish and vegetables, and for all the kitchen traffic, which too often leads to our little grass patches being littered with butcher paper and other remnants of the day's meals. In the countryside, the kitchen is generally at the end of the house, typically opening into some kind of porch area where buckets, tubs, and the winter supply of wood can be conveniently stored.
In public inns and large country houses, and also in many of the larger city tea-houses, the customary raised floor is divided by a narrow area, which has for its floor the hard trodden earth; and this area forms an avenue from the road to the heart of the house, and even through the house to the garden beyond. This enables one to pass to the centre of the house without the necessity of removing one's shoes. Porters and servants bring the guest's baggage and deposit it directly upon the mats; [pg 187] and in the inns more privacy is secured by the kago being brought to the centre of the house, where the visitor may alight at the threshold of the very room he is to occupy. A plank or other adjustable platform is used to bridge this avenue, so that occupants may go from one portion of the house to another in their bare or stockinged feet.
In public inns, large country houses, and many of the bigger city tea houses, the typical raised floor is separated by a narrow area, which has a tough, packed dirt floor. This area serves as a path from the road to the center of the house and even leads through the house to the garden outside. This setup allows guests to reach the center of the house without taking off their shoes. Porters and staff carry the guest's luggage and place it directly on the mats; [pg 187] and in the inns, more privacy is provided by bringing the kago to the center of the house, where the visitor can get off right at the entrance of the room they will occupy. A plank or adjustable platform is used to connect this pathway, allowing residents to move from one part of the house to another while barefoot or in socks.
If this area is in a public inn, the office, common room, and kitchen border one side of this thoroughfare. In the common room the baby-tending, sewing, and the various duties of the family go on under the heavily-raftered and thatched roof, which blackened by the smoke from the kitchen fire, and festooned with equally blackened cobwebs, presents a weird appearance when lighted up by the ruddy glow from the hearth. We speak now of the northern country houses, particularly where the fireplace, as in the Aino house, is in the middle of the floor. In country houses of the better class the kitchen is large and roomy; the well is always conveniently near, and often under the same roof. An enormous quantity of water is used in the kitchen of a Japanese house; and if the well is outside, then a trough is arranged beside the well, into which the water is poured, and from this trough a bamboo spout conveys the water into a big water-tank within the kitchen. In the vicinity of the well it is always wet and sloppy; the vegetables, rice, dishes, and nearly every utensil and article of food seem to come under this deluge of water.
If this area is in a public inn, the office, common room, and kitchen line one side of this thoroughfare. In the common room, taking care of the baby, sewing, and various family chores happen under the heavily beamed and thatched roof, which has darkened from the smoke of the kitchen fire and is draped with equally dusty cobwebs, giving it a strange look when illuminated by the warm glow from the hearth. We're now talking about the northern country houses, especially where the fireplace, like in the Aino house, is in the center of the floor. In nicer country houses, the kitchen is spacious and airy; the well is always conveniently close, often under the same roof. A huge amount of water is used in a Japanese house kitchen; if the well is outside, there's usually a trough next to it where the water is poured, and from this trough, a bamboo spout leads the water into a large tank inside the kitchen. It's always wet and muddy around the well; vegetables, rice, dishes, and nearly every kitchen utensil and food item seem to get caught in this flood of water.
Fig. 167 (page 186) gives a sketch of an old kitchen Kabutoyama in the western part of the province of Musashi. This kitchen is nearly three hundred years old, and is the of a kitchen of a wealthy and independent Japanese farmer. The great wooden curbed well is seen in front, with a pulley above in which the rope runs. Near by is a trough from which a bamboo spout leads to some trough in another portion of the house. The kamado, or cooking-range, is seen to the left, an beyond is a room partly closed by fusuma. Directly beyon the well two girls may be seen in the act of preparing dinner which consists in arranging the dishes on little raised lacquer trays, which are to be carried in when dinner is ready. Near the range are little portable affairs made of soft stone used as braziers. The raised floor is composed of broad planks; kitchens invariably have wooden floors, which are oftentimes very smooth and polished.
Fig. 167 (page 186) shows a sketch of an old kitchen in Kabutoyama, located in the western part of Musashi province. This kitchen is nearly three hundred years old and belonged to a wealthy and independent Japanese farmer. In front, there's a large wooden well with a pulley above for the rope to run. Nearby, there's a trough with a bamboo spout leading to another trough in a different part of the house. The kamado grill or cooking range, can be seen to the left, and beyond that is a room partially closed off by sliding door. Directly beyond the well, two girls can be seen preparing dinner, which involves arranging dishes on small raised lacquer trays to be carried in when it's time to eat. Near the range, there are small portable braziers made of soft stone. The raised floor is made of wide planks; kitchens always have wooden floors, which are often very smooth and polished.
The usual form of kitchen range is represented in fig. 168; this is made of broken tiles and mud or clay compacted together and neatly plastered and blackened on the outside. In this range there are two recesses for fire, which open directly in front; and this structure rests upon a stout wooden frame having a place for ashes in front, and a space beneath in which the wood and charcoal are kept. Sometimes this range, retaining the same form, is made of copper; within this water is kept, and little openings permit the wine-bottle to be immersed in order to heat it, as the sake is drunk hot without the admixture of hot water.
The typical kitchen range is shown in fig. 168; it’s made of broken tiles and compacted mud or clay, neatly plastered and blackened on the outside. This range has two fire pits that open directly in front; it rests on a sturdy wooden frame with a space for ashes in front and an area underneath for storing wood and charcoal. Sometimes this range, while keeping the same design, is made of copper; inside, it holds water, and small openings allow a wine bottle to be placed inside to heat it, as rice wine is served hot without mixing in hot water.
In another kitchen in a house in Imado, Tokio, a hood of sheet-iron was arranged to convey the smoke outside the building. This is probably a modern device (fig. 169).
In another kitchen in a house in Imado, Tokyo, a metal hood was set up to direct the smoke outside the building. This is likely a modern device (fig. 169).
In fig. 170 a sketch is given of a kitchen in Tokio in which the range was a closed affair made of stone, with a funnel at the end as in our stoves. I was told by the owner of this house that [pg 189] this kind of a stove had been in use in his family for three generations, at least. In this kitchen an area level with the [pg 190] ground is seen, in which stands the sink containing an invert rice-kettle. Beside the sink stands a huge water-jar, with water bucket and water-dipper conveniently near; above is a shelf up which are numerous buckets and tubs. On one of the posts hangs the usual bamboo rack for skewers, wooden spoons, spatulas, etc., and below it is a case for the meat and fish knives. On a bamboo pole a few towels hang, and also two large fishes' heads from which a thin soup is to be made. On a post near the mouth of the stove hangs a coarse wire sieve with which to sift the ashes for the little bits of unburnt charcoal, which are always frugally saved, and near by is a covered vessel to hold these cinders. The customary stone brazier for heating water for the tea stands near the stove.
In fig. 170, there's a description of a kitchen in Tokyo with a stone closed range that has a funnel at the end, similar to our stoves. The owner of this house told me that [pg 189] this type of stove has been used in his family for at least three generations. In this kitchen, there's a section level with the [pg 190] ground where the sink sits, which has an inverted rice kettle. Next to the sink is a large water jar, with a water bucket and dipper conveniently close by; above are shelves filled with various buckets and tubs. One of the posts holds the usual bamboo rack for skewers, wooden spoons, spatulas, and below it is a holder for the meat and fish knives. A few towels hang from a bamboo pole, along with two large fish heads meant for making a thin soup. Near the stove's mouth, there's a coarse wire sieve to sift ashes for the tiny bits of unburnt charcoal, which are always carefully saved, and nearby is a covered container to hold these cinders. The typical stone brazier for heating water for tea is located near the stove.
Fig. 171 represents more clearly the form of this brazier, which is called a shichirin. It is a convenient and economical device for the cooking of small messes or for boiling water, charcoal being used for the purpose. Instead of bellows, a fan is used for kindling or quickening a fire. A short bamboo tube is also used through which the cook's lungs act as a bellows in performing a like service.
Fig. 171 shows more clearly the shape of this brazier, which is called a grill. It's a handy and cost-effective tool for cooking small meals or boiling water, using charcoal for fuel. Instead of bellows, a fan is used to start or boost the fire. A short bamboo tube is also utilized, allowing the cook's lungs to function like a bellows to aid in this task.
Fig. 172 gives a clearer view of the bamboo rack and the knife-case below, with which almost every kitchen is supplied. Often in public inns the kitchen opens on the street, where the cook may be seen conspicuously at work. In our country the chop-houses oftentimes have the grilling and stewing ostentatiously displayed in the same way, as an appetizing inducement to attract guests.
Fig. 172 provides a better look at the bamboo rack and the knife case below, which almost every kitchen has. In many public inns, the kitchen opens right onto the street, allowing passersby to see the cook clearly at work. In our country, chop houses often showcase their grilling and stewing in a similar way, as an appealing way to draw in customers.
Fig. 174 gives a view of a common arrangement for the kitchen in the north of Japan, and in the country everywhere. Here the fireplace is in the centre of the room. A kettle is suspended over the fire by a chain, and other kettles are huddled around it to be heated. Overhead a rack hangs, from which fish and meat [pg 192] are suspended, and thus the smoke which ascends from the fire is utilized in curing them. Sometimes a large cushion of straw is suspended above the smoke, and little fish skewered with pointed sticks are thrust into this bunch of straw like pins in a pin-cushion.
Fig. 174 shows a typical kitchen setup in northern Japan, and pretty much everywhere in the countryside. In this arrangement, the fireplace is in the middle of the room. A kettle hangs over the fire on a chain, and other kettles are clustered around it to warm up. Above, there’s a rack where fish and meat [pg 192] are hung, so the smoke rising from the fire can help cure them. Sometimes, a large straw cushion is hung above the smoke, and small fish are skewered with pointed sticks and stuck into this cushion like pins in a pin cushion.
In fig. 175 a more elaborate affair is shown from which to suspend the teakettle. This is a complex mechanism with a curious joint, so that it may be hoisted or lowered at will.
In fig. 175 a more detailed setup is presented for hanging the teakettle. This is a complicated mechanism with an interesting joint, allowing it to be raised or lowered as needed.
In the hut of the peasant a simple affair is seen (fig. 173) made out of bamboo, which answers the same purpose. This is called a ji-zai, which means “at one's will.” In the front of fig. 175 a square copper box is noticed, having two round openings. This box is filled with water, which becomes heated by the fire, and is for the purpose of warming the sake, or wine. The tongs are stuck into the ashes in one corner. These consist of a long pair of iron chop-sticks held together at one end by a large ring, so that one leg of the tongs, so to speak, may not get misplaced. No inconsiderable skill is required to pick up hot coals with this [pg 193] kitchen implement, as in unaccustomed or awkward hands the ring prevents the points from coming together.
In the peasant's hut, you can see a simple setup made out of bamboo, which serves the same purpose. This is called a ji-zai, meaning “at your convenience.” In the front of fig. 175, there’s a square copper box with two round openings. This box is filled with water, which gets heated by the fire and is used to warm the rice wine or wine. The tongs are stuck in the ashes in one corner. They consist of a long pair of iron chopsticks held together at one end by a large ring, so that one leg of the tongs won’t get lost. It takes quite a bit of skill to pick up hot coals with this [pg 193] kitchen tool, as inexperienced or clumsy hands can prevent the points from coming together because of the ring.
It may be proper to mention here an arrangement for holding a pot over the fire, seen in a boat coming down the Kitakami River, and which is probably used in the north of Japan, though I have never seen it in the house. It consisted of an upright stick having a groove through the centre. In this groove fitted a jointed stick resting horizontally, and arranged in such a way that it could be adjusted at any height. Fig. 176 (page 195) will illustrate the manner of its working better than any description can.
It might be worth mentioning an arrangement for holding a pot over the fire that I saw on a boat traveling down the Kitakami River. This setup is probably used in northern Japan, although I've never seen it in a home. It consisted of an upright stick with a groove in the center. A jointed stick fitted into this groove, resting horizontally, and it was designed so that it could be adjusted to any height. Fig. 176 (page 195) will illustrate how it works better than any description can.
The floor of most rooms, being permanently covered with the mats already described in previous chapters, has no special attention bestowed upon it; at all events, the floor is often of rough boards laid in such a way that irregular spaces occur between them. When the house has a proper hall or vestibule, the floor is composed of wide planks; and the smooth, ivory-like, polished condition in which such floors are often kept is surprising. In [pg 194] country houses it is not unusual to see polished-wood floors in portions of the front rooms, and as one rides along the road he may often see the reflection of the garden beyond In their polished surfaces. In country inns the floor in the front [pg 195] of the house is often of plank. Matted floors are, however, universal from the extreme north to the extreme south of the Empire.
The floors of most rooms, which are constantly covered with the mats mentioned in earlier chapters, don’t get much attention; often, the floor consists of rough boards that are laid out in a way that leaves uneven gaps between them. In homes with a proper hall or entryway, the floor is made of wide planks, and it’s impressive how smooth and polished these floors are often kept, resembling ivory. In country houses, it's common to find polished wood floors in some of the front rooms, and as one drives along the road, the reflection of the garden can often be seen in their shiny surfaces. In country inns, the floor in the front of the house is usually made of planks. However, matted floors can be found everywhere, from the far north to the far south of the Empire.
In houses of traders bordering the street the matted floor properly terminates a few feet within the sill, the space between being of earth. The floor being raised, the space between the edge of the floor and the earth is generally filled with plain panels of wood, though sometimes designs of flowers or conventional figures are cut in the panel. These panels are often arranged so that they can be removed, revealing a space under the floor in which shoes, umbrellas, etc., can be stowed away.
In homes of traders along the street, the matted floor ends a few feet inside the doorframe, with the area in between being just dirt. Since the floor is elevated, the gap between the edge of the floor and the ground is usually filled with plain wooden panels, although sometimes flower designs or abstract patterns are carved into the panels. These panels are often designed to be removable, uncovering a space underneath the floor where shoes, umbrellas, and other items can be stored.
One of the surprising features that strike a foreigner as he becomes acquainted with the Japanese house is the entire [pg 196] absence of so many things that with us clutter the closets, or make squirrel-nests of the attic,—I speak now of the common house. The reason of this is that the people have never developed the miserly spirit of hoarding truck and rubbish with the idea that some day it may come into use: this spirit when developed is a mania converts a man's attic and shed into a junk shop. The few necessary articles kept by the Japanese are stowed away in boxes, cupboards, interspaces beneath the floors.
One of the surprising aspects that strikes a foreigner getting familiar with a Japanese house is the complete [pg 196] lack of so many items that fill our closets or turn attics into storage spaces—I’m talking about the typical home. The reason for this is that Japanese people have never developed the hoarding mentality of keeping excess stuff with the thought that it might be useful someday: this mindset, when it takes over, turns a person's attic and shed into a junkyard. The few essential items that the Japanese keep are neatly stored in boxes, cabinets, and the spaces beneath the floors.
The kitchens in every case have wood floors, as do the halls, verandahs, and all passage-ways. The ground beneath the floor is, in the houses of the better class, prepared with gravel and mortar mixed with clay, or macadamized.
The kitchens in every case have wooden floors, just like the halls, verandas, and all the walkways. The ground underneath the floor in the nicer houses is prepared with gravel and mortar mixed with clay, or it’s paved with macadam.
A variety of closets is found in the Japanese house. The larger closets, closed by sliding screens or fusuma, are used for clothing and bedding. The tansu—a chest of drawers not unlike our bureau—is often placed within the closet, which is also a receptacle for chests and trunks. The ordinary high closet is not so often seen; and where in our [pg 197] houses it is deemed a necessity to have each chamber provided with a closet, in the Japanese house bed-chambers rarely contain such conveniences. There are low cupboards or closets in certain recesses, the upper part or top of which forms a deep open shelf. In the kitchen, dressers and similar conveniences are used for the dishes. In the province of Omi it is common to see a case of shelves with cupboard beneath; upon the shelves the larger dishes are displayed. In the kitchen there is often combined with the flight of stairs a closet; and this closet usually has a door swinging on hinges. In this closet are often kept the bed-clothes, pillows, candle-sticks, and night-lamps. Fig. 177 illustrates the appearance of this closet. In the hallway, also, a closet is sometimes seen in which to stow away the geta, or wooden clogs. A closet of this nature is described farther on.
A variety of closets can be found in a Japanese house. The larger closets, closed off by sliding screens or sliding door are used for storing clothes and bedding. The tansu chest—a chest of drawers similar to our dressers—is often placed inside the closet, which also serves as a storage space for chests and trunks. Ordinary high closets are less common; while in our [pg 197] homes it’s considered necessary to have a closet in each room, bed-chambers in Japanese houses rarely include such conveniences. There are low cupboards or closets in certain alcoves, with the upper part serving as a deep open shelf. In the kitchen, dressers and similar furniture are used for dishes. In the Omi region, it’s common to see a shelving unit with a cupboard beneath it; the larger dishes are displayed on the shelves. In the kitchen, a closet is often combined with the staircase, typically featuring a door that swings on hinges. This closet often holds bed linens, pillows, candlesticks, and night lamps. Fig. 177 shows what this closet looks like. In the hallway, a closet is sometimes also found to store geta, or wooden clogs. A closet like this is described later on.
As most of the houses are of one story, and the area between the ceiling and the roof never utilized, as with us, stairways are not common; when they do occur they are primitive in their construction. A stairway incorporated into the structure of a building and closed below I have never seen in Japan; nor is there any approach to the broad, low steps and landings or spiral staircases such as we are familiar with in American houses. If the house be of two stories the staircase assumes the form of a rather precipitous step-ladder; that is, it has two side-pieces, or strings, in which the steps, consisting of thick plank, are mortised. This ladder is so steeply inclined that one has to step sideways in ascending, otherwise his knee would strike the step above. Rarely is there any convenience to hold on by: if present, however, this consists of a strip of wood fastened to the wall, or a rope is secured in the same way. The front of the step is open,—that is, there is no riser; but if the back of the steps face an open room, then slats of wood are nailed on behind.
Since most houses are single-story and the space between the ceiling and the roof isn’t used like it is elsewhere, stairways aren’t common. When they do appear, they are quite basic in their design. I have never seen a stairway built into a building’s structure with an enclosed area underneath in Japan, nor do they have the broad, low steps and landings or spiral staircases that we find in American homes. In a two-story house, the staircase resembles a steep step-ladder; it has two side pieces, or strings, where the steps, made of thick planks, are fitted. This ladder is so steep that you have to step sideways to go up, or else your knee would hit the step above. There’s rarely anything convenient to hold on to, but if there is, it’s usually a wooden strip attached to the wall, or a rope secured in the same way. The front of the steps is open—meaning there’s no riser; however, if the back of the steps faces an open room, wooden slats are nailed behind.
In a beautiful house recently erected in one of the imperial gardens is a remarkably pure and simple staircase and rail (fig. 178).
In a beautiful house recently built in one of the imperial gardens is a remarkably pure and simple staircase and railing (fig. 178).
In the inns and large farm-houses the step-ladder form is often seen, and this is removable if occasion calls for it. Another kind, common to the same class of houses, has the appearance of a number of square boxes piled one upon another, like a set of different-sized blocks. This is a compact structure, however, though in reality consisting of a number compartments which may be separated. There are many forms of this kind of staircase. The one shown in fig. 177 has the first two step closed; then comes a low cupboard with sliding doors at the side, its upper corners forming another step. Upon the cupboard rest three more steps, each of which has a drawer which pulls out at the side. Next to this comes a high closet, supporting on its top two or three more steps. This closet usually has a swinging door,—a feature rarely seen elsewhere within the Japanese house proper. This closet contains on its floor the night-lamp, or andon, and tall candlesticks, and above are stowed away the bedding and pillows; or it may be used for trays and dishes. The steps are not so steep as in the ladder-form, have no baluster or rail, and are remarkably solid. It may be well to say here that the wood composing the staircase, as well as certain floors, is highly finished, often with a surface like polished ivory. I have frequently examined the wood for evidences of wax or polish applied to its surface, [pg 199] but found none. Inquiry brought out the curious information that the water from the bath is often used to moisten the cloth with which the wood is wiped; and evidently the sebaceous secretions of the skin had much to do with the beautiful polish often attained. When a house possesses a genka, or hall, the steps, two or three in number, are as broad as the hall, and generally the steps are somewhat higher than our steps. These steps are in every case permanently built into the structure of the floor. In the steps which lead from the verandah to the ground the usual form is in the shape of square or irregular blocks of stone or wood; if of wood, the step may be a transverse section of some huge tree, or a massive plank. Other forms of steps may consist simply of two side-pieces, with the steps made of plank and mortised in (fig. 179); or a more compact structure may be made with a very low hand-rail. These forms are all adjustable; that is, they may be placed at any part of the verandah.
In inns and large farmhouses, you often see the step-ladder design, which can be easily removed when needed. Another type, common in the same kinds of homes, looks like a stack of square boxes piled on top of each other, similar to a set of differently sized blocks. This is a compact structure made up of various compartments that can be separated. There are many variations of this kind of staircase. The one shown in fig. 177 has the first two steps closed; then there's a low cupboard with sliding doors on the side, its upper corners creating another step. On top of the cupboard sit three more steps, each with a drawer that pulls out from the side. Next to this stands a tall closet, which supports an additional two or three steps on its top. This closet typically features a swinging door, a design rarely found elsewhere in the traditional Japanese home. Inside the closet, there’s a night-lamp or andon tall candlesticks, and above are stored bedding and pillows, or it could be used for trays and dishes. The steps are less steep than in the ladder version, lack a baluster or rail, and are notably sturdy. It's worth mentioning that the wood used for the staircase, along with some floors, is highly polished, often resembling polished ivory. I have often checked the wood for any signs of wax or polish, but found none. My inquiries revealed the interesting fact that the water from the bath is frequently used to dampen the cloth with which the wood is wiped; and indeed, the natural oils from the skin contribute significantly to the beautiful shine often seen. When a house has a genka, or hall, the steps, usually two or three, are as wide as the hall and generally taller than our steps. These steps are permanently integrated into the floor’s structure. The steps leading from the verandah to the ground typically take the form of square or irregular blocks of stone or wood; if made of wood, the step might be a cross-section of a large tree or a hefty plank. Other types of steps might simply consist of two side pieces with the steps made of planks fitted in (_fig. 179_); or a more compact design may include a low handrail. All these forms are adjustable, meaning they can be positioned anywhere along the verandah.
There is no feature of social life in Japan which has been more ignorantly, and in some cases wilfully, animadverted upon than the custom of public bathing; nevertheless, I dare to say that there is no feature in Japanese life to be more heartily commended than this same system of public bathing. But by this assertion I do not mean to suggest that we shall forthwith proceed to establish baths after the Japanese style, and [pg 200] take them after the Japanese fashion. The Japanese, as well as other Eastern people, have for centuries been accustomed to see nakedness, without its provoking among them the slightest attention, or in any way suggesting immodesty. With us, on the contrary, the effect has been different; and the dire result is seen in the almost utter extinction in our country of the classical drama, and the substitution therefor of ballet-dancing and burlesques,—of anything in fact that shall present to the vulgar gaze of thousands the female form in scanty apparel.16 A Turkish woman looks upon her Christian sister as not only immodest and vulgar, but absolutely immoral, because she unblushingly parades the public street with a naked face; but the Christian woman knows that the established customs of her country sanction such an exposure as entirely proper. A girl who in our country would deem it immodest to appear among the members of her own family in a robe de chambre, and yet under the glare of a bright gas-light, in the midst of scores of strangers, appears with low corsage, is committing an act which to a Turkish woman would appear inexplicable. To a Japanese, the sight of our dazzling ball-rooms, with girls in décolleté dresses, clasped in the arms of their partners and whirling to the sound of exciting music, must seem the wildest debauch imaginable; for in Japan the sexes, except among the lower classes, never intermingle. No free and happy picnics, sleigh-rides, boat-sails, and evening parties among the girls and [pg 201] boys are known there; no hand-shake, no friendly kiss. If the Japanese visitor in this country is a narrow-minded and witless scribbler, he will probably startle his friends at home with accounts of the grossly immoral character of Christians. Unfamiliar as he is with the corner loafer eying every girl that walks by, or with that class which throng our walks with the sole purpose of staring at the girls, who are there for the purpose of being stared at, what must he think of our people when he visits our summer resorts at the seaside and sees a young girl—nay, swarms of them—tripping over the sand under a bright sun, bare-legged, clad only in a single wrapper, which when wet clings to her form and renders her an object of contemplation to a battalion of young men who fringe the beach!
There’s no aspect of social life in Japan that’s been more misunderstood, sometimes willfully, than the custom of public bathing; yet I confidently say there’s no aspect of Japanese life that deserves more praise than this system of public bathing. However, I’m not suggesting we should immediately set up baths in the Japanese style and adopt their methods. The Japanese, like other Eastern cultures, have been accustomed to seeing nudity for centuries without it drawing any significant attention or implying immodesty. In contrast, our reaction has been quite different, which has led to the near disappearance of classical drama in our country, replaced by ballet and burlesques—anything, in fact, that showcases the female form in revealing clothing to the gaze of thousands. A Turkish woman perceives her Christian counterpart as not only immodest and vulgar but utterly immoral for openly showing her face in public. Yet, the Christian woman understands that the customs of her nation approve of such exposure as entirely acceptable. A girl who would consider it immodest to appear in front of her own family wearing a dressing gown might, under bright gas lights amidst dozens of strangers, wear a low-cut dress, a behavior that would baffle a Turkish woman. To a Japanese person, our glittering ballrooms, with girls in revealing dresses, dancing with partners to lively music, must seem like the most outrageous debauchery imaginable; in Japan, the sexes hardly mix, especially among the upper classes. There are no carefree picnics, sleigh rides, boat outings, or evening parties with girls and boys; no handshakes, no friendly kisses. If a Japanese visitor to this country is narrow-minded and lacks insight, he might shock his friends back home with tales of the overt immorality of Christians. Unfamiliar with the local loafer eyeing every girl who walks by, or those who flock to our parks solely to stare at girls—who are there to be stared at—what must he think when he visits our summer resorts and sees young girls—indeed, whole groups of them—running across the sand in the bright sun, bare-legged, wearing just a single wrap that clings to their bodies when wet, turning them into objects of fascination for a crowd of young men lining the beach!
In Japan, among the lower classes, the sexes bathe together, but with a modesty and propriety that are inconceivable to a foreigner until he has witnessed it. Though naked, there is no indecent exposure of the person. While in the bath they are absorbed in their work, and though chatting and laughing seem utterly unmindful of each other. The grossest libels have been written about the Japanese in reference to their custom of public bathing; and I hazard the statement, without fear of contradiction, that an intelligent Japanese, seeing many of our customs for the first time, without knowing the conditions under which they had grown up, would find infinitely more to condemn as immodest, than an intelligent foreigner would find in seeing for the first time certain Japanese customs, with the same ignorance at the outset as to what such customs implied.
In Japan, among the lower classes, men and women bathe together, but they do so with a modesty and decorum that would be hard for a foreigner to understand until they see it for themselves. Even though they are naked, there is nothing inappropriate about their exposure. While in the bath, they focus on their tasks, and despite chatting and laughing, they appear completely unaware of each other. There have been many harsh criticisms written about the Japanese regarding their public bathing customs; and I can confidently say that an educated Japanese person, seeing many of our customs for the first time without understanding the context in which they developed, would likely find much more to criticize as immodest than an educated foreigner would find when experiencing certain Japanese customs for the first time, also without knowing what those customs really signify.
If cleanliness is next to godliness, then verily the Japanese are a godly race.17 The simple statement, without qualification, that numbers of Japanese in their public baths bathe in the same [pg 202] water would seem a filthy habit. Certainly if such a statement were really true in regard to our own lower classes, it would be a most filthy habit. When it is understood, however, that the Japanese working classes—such as the carpenters, masons, and others—often bathe two or three times a day, and must of necessity enter the bath in a state of cleanliness such as our workmen rarely if ever attain, the statement loses some of its force. When it is further added that these people do not wash in the baths, but boil or soak in them for a while, and then upon a platform, with an extra bucket of water and a towel, wash and dry themselves, the filthy character of this performance assumes quite another aspect. A Japanese familiar with his airy and barn-like theatres, his public readings under an open tent-like structure, or gatherings in a room in which one or all sides may be open to the air even in mid-winter, would look upon the usual public gatherings of our people in lecture-halls, schoolrooms, and other closed apartments, wherein the air often becomes so foul that people faint and struggle to the door to get a breath of fresh air,—a Japanese, I say, would justly look upon such practices as filthy to the last degree. And what would he say to one of our great political meetings, for example, where a vast unwashed herd of perspiring and excited people actually bathe their delicate membranous lungs in the combined breath of hundreds!
If cleanliness is next to godliness, then the Japanese are truly a godly people.17 The simple statement that many Japanese bathe in the same [pg 202] water might sound gross. If that were really the case for our own lower classes, it would indeed be a filthy habit. However, when you consider that Japanese workers—like carpenters and masons—often bathe two or three times a day and enter the bath already clean, which is something our workers rarely achieve, the statement loses some of its impact. Moreover, it should be noted that these individuals don't wash in the baths; instead, they boil or soak in the water for a while, and then on a platform, using an extra bucket of water and a towel, they wash and dry themselves. This process completely changes the perception of their bathing habits. A Japanese person, accustomed to his airy, barn-like theaters, public readings under open tents, or gatherings in rooms that may be open to the outside even in winter, would see our typical public events in lecture halls, classrooms, and other enclosed spaces—where the air often gets so stale that people faint and rush to the door for fresh air—as extremely filthy. And what would he think of one of our major political meetings, where a huge, unwashed crowd of sweating and excited people actually shares their breath with hundreds of others?!
The public baths, however, do not concern us,—though it may be well to contrast our country with Japan in this respect, where in the latter country every village and every town, and in the city nearly every square, possess public baths where for the price of a cent or two one may find conveniences for a hot bath; while in our country public baths are only found in the larger cities, and few of these even can boast of such a luxury. As for the private houses in our country where bathing is customary, an inquiry shows that few possess the convenience of a bath-tub.
The public baths, however, aren't our focus—though it might be useful to compare our country to Japan in this regard. In Japan, every village and town, and nearly every square in the cities, has public baths where you can enjoy a hot bath for just a cent or two. In our country, public baths are only available in larger cities, and even then, very few can claim to offer such a luxury. When it comes to private homes where bathing is common, a closer look reveals that few actually have the convenience of a bathtub.
Among the masses of our people a Saturday-night wash may or may not be enforced; when it is, this performance usually takes place in the kitchen, with hot water furnished from the kettle. But in Japan nearly every house among the higher and middle classes possesses the most ample arrangements for hot baths; and even among the poorer classes, in the country as well as in the city, this convenience is not wanting, with the added convenience of public baths everywhere attainable if desired.
Among our people, a Saturday-night wash might be required or it might not; when it is, this typically happens in the kitchen, with hot water provided from the kettle. However, in Japan, nearly every home among the upper and middle classes has excellent facilities for hot baths. Even among the poorer classes, both in the countryside and in the cities, this convenience is available, along with the option of public baths that can be easily accessed if desired.
There are many forms of bathing-tubs, all of them being large and deep. Means for applying the heat direct, which is of course the most economical, is attained in various ways. In the common form (fig. 180), a small chamber of copper is introduced at one end near the bottom of the tub,—the mouth having a frame of stone, or of clay or plaster. In this chamber a fire is built, and the water can be brought, if necessary, to the boiling-point. Within the tub a few transverse bars prevent the bather from coming in contact with the hot chamber in which the fire is burning. In another form a copper funnel or tube passes directly through the bottom of the bathing-tub (fig. 181). The bottom of this tube has a grating of wire; charcoal is then placed in the tube, and its combustion rapidly heats the water. A pan is placed below [pg 204] the tube to catch the coal and ashes that fall through. In a more elaborate form (fig. 182), the bath-tub is in two sections, separated by the partition of the room. These two sections are connected by a number of bamboo tubes or flues, so that the water may circulate freely. The section outside contains the fire-box, in which the fire is built; by this arrangement the bather escapes the discomfort of the smoke from the fire.
There are many types of bathtubs, all of them being large and deep. The most efficient way to apply heat directly is done in various ways. In the common design (fig. 180), a small copper chamber is added at one end near the bottom of the tub, with the opening framed in stone, clay, or plaster. A fire is built in this chamber, and the water can be heated to boiling if needed. Inside the tub, a few horizontal bars prevent the bather from touching the hot chamber where the fire is burning. In another design, a copper funnel or tube goes straight through the bottom of the bathtub (fig. 181). The bottom of this tube has a wire mesh; charcoal is placed inside the tube, and its burning quickly heats the water. A pan is positioned below [pg 204] the tube to catch the coal and ashes that fall through. In a more elaborate setup (fig. 182), the bathtub consists of two sections separated by a partition in the room. These sections are linked by multiple bamboo tubes or flues, allowing the water to circulate freely. The section on the outside holds the firebox where the fire is built; this setup keeps the bather away from the unpleasant smoke from the fire.
A very excellent form of bathing-tub is shown in fig. 183, in which, outside the tub, is a chamber not unlike a small wooden barrel closed at both ends; through this barrel runs a copper tube, in which a fire of charcoal is built. The barrel is connected with the bath-tub by a large bamboo tube, having a little square door within, which the bather may close if the water becomes too hot. In many cases a hood is arranged in such a way that the smoke from the fire is carried off. These tubs stand on a large wooden floor, the planks of which incline to a central gutter. Here the bather scrubs himself with a separate bucket of water, after having literally parboiled himself in water the temperature [pg 205] of which is so great that it is impossible for a foreigner to endure it.
A really great type of bathtub is shown in fig. 183, which features a chamber outside the tub that looks like a small wooden barrel sealed at both ends. A copper tube runs through this barrel, where a charcoal fire is lit. The barrel connects to the bathtub via a large bamboo tube that has a small square door inside, which the bather can close if the water gets too hot. Often, there's a hood set up to carry away the smoke from the fire. These tubs are placed on a large wooden floor, with the planks sloping towards a central drain. Here, the bather scrubs themselves using a separate bucket of water, having literally boiled themselves in water at a temperature [pg 205] that's too hot for a foreigner to handle.
A very common form of bath in the country consists of a large and shallow iron kettle, upon the top of which is secured a wooden extension, so as to give sufficient depth to the water within (fig. 184). The fire is built beneath the kettle,—the bather having a rack of wood which he sinks beneath him, and upon which he stands to protect his feet from burning. This tub is called a Goyemon buro, named after Ishikawa Goyemon,—a famous robber of Taiko's time, who was treated to a bath in boiling oil.
A very common type of bath in the countryside features a large, shallow iron kettle, with a wooden extension secured on top to provide enough depth for the water inside (fig. 184). A fire is built underneath the kettle while the bather has a wooden rack he stands on to keep his feet from burning. This tub is called a Goyemon bath, named after Ishikawa Goyemon—a famous thief from Taiko's era, who was given a bath in boiling oil.
There are doubtless other forms of bath-tubs with conveniences for heating the water, but the forms here given comprise the principal kinds. There is no reason why similar conveniences might not be adopted in our country in cases where aqueducts or city supply is not available. There are many forms of foot-tubs and large wooden tubs with high backs, in which hot water is poured; but there is no necessity of describing them here.
There are definitely other types of bathtubs with amenities for heating the water, but the types listed here include the main ones. There's no reason why similar amenities couldn't be used in our country when aqueducts or city water supply aren't available. There are many kinds of foot tubs and large wooden tubs with high backs, where hot water is poured in; however, it isn't necessary to describe them here.
While in a Japanese house, as we have seen, the most ample conveniences exist for taking a hot or cold bath, the minor conveniences for washing the face and hands are not always so apparent. In such attempts one is more often reminded of a primitive country house at home, where one either goes down to the kitchen, and amid a clutter of pails and pans manages to wash himself, or else takes a tin basin and goes out to the well,—and this on a fresh cool morning is by far the more agreeable. In the country a Japanese may be seen in the yard or by the roadside washing his face in a bucket or shallow [pg 206] tub; and at inns, and even in private houses, one is given a copper basin, and a bucket of water being brought he uses a portion of the verandah as a wash-stand. That conveniences for this purpose do exist to some extent may be seen from the accompanying sketches.
While in a Japanese house, as we've seen, there are plenty of conveniences for taking a hot or cold bath, the smaller amenities for washing your face and hands aren't always as obvious. When trying to wash up, it often feels more like being in a rustic country house back home, where you either head down to the kitchen and navigate through a mess of buckets and pans to clean yourself, or you grab a tin basin and head outside to the well—doing this on a fresh, cool morning is definitely the more pleasant option. In the countryside, you might see a Japanese person in their yard or by the roadside washing their face in a bucket or shallow tub; at inns and even in private homes, you’re given a copper basin, and after a bucket of water is brought to you, you use part of the verandah as a washstand. You can see that there are indeed some conveniences for this purpose from the accompanying sketches.
The one shown in fig. 185 may sometimes be found in country inns at the north. This consists of a shallow trough resting on the floor at the end of the verandah or passage-way. In the trough is a stout water-bucket with cover, and a copper wash-basin.
The one shown in fig. 185 can sometimes be found in country inns up north. This consists of a shallow trough resting on the floor at the end of the veranda or hallway. In the trough is a sturdy water bucket with a lid, and a copper washbasin.
The convenience shown in fig. 186 was in a private house in Tokio. Here the trough was above the level of the floor, in a recessed portion of a passage-way which ran behind a suite of rooms. The wood-work about it was made with great care. The sliding window-frames, covered with stout white paper, admitted sufficient light; while the rich brown pottery-jar, the clean wooden dipper, copper basin, and quaint towel-rack were all attractive features from their very neatness and simplicity.
The convenience shown in fig. 186 was in a private house in Tokyo. Here, the trough was raised above the floor level, in a recessed part of a hallway that ran behind a set of rooms. The woodwork around it was crafted with great attention to detail. The sliding window frames, covered with sturdy white paper, let in enough light, while the rich brown pottery jar, the clean wooden dipper, copper basin, and unique towel rack were all appealing because of their neatness and simplicity.
It may seem odd for one to get enthusiastic over so simple an affair as a trough and a few honest contrivances for washing [pg 207] the hands and face; nevertheless such a plain and sensible arrangement is a relief, in contrast to certain guest-chambers at home, where one wishing to go through the rather vigorous performance of dashing into the water with his elbows outstretched, finds these free movements curtailed to the last degree by a regiment of senseless toilet articles in the shape of attenuated bottles, mugs, soap-dishes with rattling covers, and diminutive top-heavy pitchers crowded about his wash-basin, and all resting on a slab of white marble. Things are inevitably broken if they are brought down too hard upon such a bottom. After such recollections, one admires the Japanese sink, with its durable flat-bottomed basin, capacious pottery-jar for water, and ample space to thrash about in without fear of spattering the wall-paper or smashing a lot of useless toilet articles in the act.
It might seem strange to get excited over something as simple as a trough and a few straightforward tools for washing your hands and face; still, this basic and practical setup is a relief compared to some guest rooms at home. There, when you want to dive into the water with your elbows out, you're limited by a bunch of pointless toiletries like skinny bottles, mugs, clunky soap dishes, and tiny, top-heavy pitchers that crowd around the sink, all perched on a slab of white marble. If you hit things too hard on that surface, they inevitably break. After thinking about that, you really appreciate the Japanese sink, with its sturdy flat-bottomed basin, spacious pottery jar for water, and plenty of room to splash without worrying about ruining the wallpaper or breaking a bunch of useless toiletries in the process.
The form last described is the usual one seen in private houses. Conveniences of this nature that are brought to the level of the floor, while giving the Japanese who are used to them no trouble, are found to be exceedingly awkward for a foreigner, who is obliged to go through his toilet in a stooping posture.
The layout mentioned last is the typical one found in private homes. Features like these, which are positioned at floor level, pose no problem for the Japanese who are accustomed to them, but are quite uncomfortable for a foreigner, who has to perform personal grooming while bending over.
Often the toilet places are rendered exceedingly attractive by the ornamental wood-work used in their construction.
Often, the restrooms are made really appealing by the decorative wooden work used in their construction.
Fig. 187 is a drawing from a design in a Japanese book, entitled “Yaye Gaki no Den.” I have modified the drawing to conform more to our methods of perspective. This was placed at the end of the verandah, and on a level with the floor. A low partition formed a screen at one side; within the recess thus made was a low shelf for the pottery water-jar. The floor of the sink consisted of bamboo rods placed close together, through which the spilled water found its way by proper channels to the ground without. A paper-lantern hung against the wall, and dipper and towel-rack were conveniently at hand. Other forms might be given, but enough has been shown to illustrate how well these conveniences are arranged for that important daily operation of washing the face and hands. Further conveniences for simply washing the hands are [pg 209] offered in the chōdzu-bachi, description and figures of which will be given under that head.
Fig. 187 is a drawing based on a design from a Japanese book titled "Yaye Gaki no Den." I’ve updated the drawing to align more with our perspective techniques. This was situated at the end of the porch and was level with the floor. A low partition served as a screen on one side; in the recess created, there was a low shelf for the pottery water jar. The sink floor was made of closely spaced bamboo rods, allowing spilled water to flow through designated channels to the ground outside. A paper lantern hung on the wall, and the dipper and towel rack were conveniently nearby. Other designs could be considered, but this suffices to show how well these amenities are arranged for that essential daily task of washing the face and hands. Additional facilities for simply washing hands are [pg 209] provided in the chōdzu-bachi, with its description and illustrations detailed under that section.
The towel-rack merits some attention from its exceedingly simple structure. There are many forms, most of them rustic in design and made to be suspended. The following figures (figs. 188-192) illustrate some of the forms in common use. The simplest kind is in the shape of a ring of bamboo suspended by a larger bamboo, to the end of which it is attached. [pg 210] Another form, and a very common one, is a yoke of bamboo, the lower ends of which are firmly secured to a larger bamboo, confining at the same time a piece of bamboo which slides freely up and down on the yoke, and by its own weight resting on the towel which may be thrown across the lower bamboo. Another form consists of a loop of bamboo suspended to the side of a board which is hung against the wall.
The towel rack deserves some attention for its really simple design. There are many styles, most of them rustic and meant to be hung up. The following figures (figs. 188-192) show some commonly used designs. The simplest type is a ring made of bamboo that hangs from a larger bamboo pole to which it is attached. Another common style is a bamboo yoke, with the lower ends securely fixed to a larger bamboo, while also holding a piece of bamboo that can slide up and down on the yoke, resting on the towel thrown over the lower bamboo. Another version features a loop of bamboo attached to the side of a board that is mounted on the wall. [pg 210]
The towels are pretty objects, being of cotton or linen, and usually have printed upon them sketchy designs in two shades of blue.
The towels are nice items, made of cotton or linen, and usually feature basic designs printed in two shades of blue.
After living in Japan for a time one realizes how few are the essentials necessary for personal comfort. He further realizes that his personal comfort is enhanced by the absence of many things deemed indispensable at home. In regard to the bed and its arrangements, the Japanese have reduced this affair to its simplest expression. The whole floor, the whole house indeed, is a bed, and one can fling himself down on the soft mats, in the draught or out of it, upstairs or down, and find a smooth, firm, and level surface upon which to sleep,—no creaking springs, hard bunches or awkward hollows awaiting him, but a bed-surface as wide as the room itself, and comfortable to the last degree. To be more explicit, the bed is made upon the mats; there is no bedstead, or frame, or circumscribed area of any kind upon or within which the bed is placed.18 The bed-clothes consisting of lightly or heavily wadded comforters are spread upon the floor, one or more forming the bed, and another one acting as a covering. The common ones are wadded with cotton; the best ones are made of silk, and are stuffed with floss silk. In private houses one often gets a bed consisting of a number of these silk comforters,—and a most [pg 211] delightful bed they make. In summer the foreigner finds these wadded affairs altogether too hot and stuffy; and at all times he misses the clean sheets which at home intervene between the bed-clothes and his person,—though a clean night-dress is provided if desired, and this answers as a substitute for the sheets. In the day-time these comforters are folded up and stowed away in some closet.
After living in Japan for a while, you realize how few essentials you really need for personal comfort. You also find that your comfort improves by not having many things you considered necessary back home. When it comes to beds and their arrangements, the Japanese have simplified this to its core. The whole floor, and indeed the entire house, functions as a bed, allowing you to flop onto the soft mats wherever you please, whether in a draft or not, upstairs or downstairs, and find a smooth, firm, and level surface to sleep on—no creaky springs, uncomfortable lumps, or awkward dips waiting for you, just a bed surface as wide as the room and incredibly comfortable. To be clear, the bed is made directly on the mats; there’s no bed frame, platform, or defined area where the bed is placed. The bedding consists of light or heavily padded comforters spread on the floor, with one or more forming the bed and another serving as a cover. The common comforters are filled with cotton, while the best ones are made of silk and stuffed with silk floss. In private homes, you often get a bed made up with several of these silk comforters, which creates a wonderfully cozy bed. In summer, foreigners find these padded blankets too hot and stuffy, and they always miss the clean sheets that at home lie between the bedding and their skin—even though a clean nightgown is provided if desired, which serves as a substitute for the sheets. During the day, these comforters are folded and put away in a closet.
The usual form of pillow, or makura, consists of a light closed wooden box, with a bottom either flat or slightly convex. On the top of this box is secured a small cylindrically-shaped cushion stuffed with buckwheat hulls. This cushion is tied to the box, and the same string that holds it in place also secures the pillow-case, which is simply a sheet of soft paper folded several times, as shown in the figures here given (fig. 193).
The typical pillow, or pillow is a small, lightweight wooden box with a flat or slightly curved bottom. On top of this box is a small cylindrical cushion filled with buckwheat husks. This cushion is attached to the box, and the same string that keeps it in place also holds the pillowcase, which is just a piece of soft paper folded several times, as illustrated in the figures provided (fig. 193).
There are many other forms of pillow, either in the shape of a hard cushion or of a square oblong box, the ends being of wood, and the rest of basket-work. Porcelain pillows are also seen, but rarely. There are also many forms of portable ones, some of which fold and stow away in small compass, and others of which are in the shape of a box, within which are drawers and spaces for paper-lantern, matches, mirror, comb, and various articles of the toilet. These are generally used by [pg 212] travellers. The Japanese, with a pillow of this kind, can literally take up his bed and walk; for if he has a head-rest or pillow containing these conveniences, he can get along very well. Pillows in all cases are arranged to support the head naturally, when the shoulder rests on the floor, as in the following figure (fig. 194). To a foreigner, until he becomes accustomed to it, the Japanese pillow seems exceedingly awkward, and his first experience with it results in a stiff neck the next morning; and at intervals during the night he has the sensation that he is falling out of bed, for any freedom of movement of the head results in its downfall from the pillow.
There are many other types of pillows, either shaped like a firm cushion or a square box with wooden ends and a woven basket body. Porcelain pillows are also found, but they are quite rare. Additionally, there are many types of portable pillows, some of which fold up and can be stored compactly, while others are box-shaped and have drawers and compartments for items like paper lanterns, matches, mirrors, combs, and other personal care items. These are commonly used by travelers. With a pillow like this, a Japanese person can literally pack up their bed and go; if they have a headrest or pillow that includes these features, they can manage quite well. Pillows are designed to support the head naturally while the shoulders rest on the ground, as shown in the following figure (fig. 194). To someone unfamiliar with it, a Japanese pillow can feel very awkward at first, leading to a stiff neck the next morning. Throughout the night, they might also feel like they're about to fall out of bed because any movement of their head can cause it to slip off the pillow.
Getting used to it, however, one recognizes that this pillow has its good points; the neck is kept free for the air to circulate beneath, and the head is kept cool. This peculiar form of pillow was a necessity for the Japanese so long as the hair was done up in the rigid queue, and is still a necessity for women with their methods of hair-dressing; but with the general abandonment of the queue on the part of the men, a few of them are resorting to head-rests more like our pillows, though much smaller and harder, and on the whole I believe many find this substitute more comfortable.
Getting used to it, though, you start to see that this pillow has its advantages; it keeps your neck clear for air to flow underneath, and it keeps your head cool. This unusual shape of pillow was essential for the Japanese when their hair was styled in the rigid line and it’s still necessary for women with their hair-dressing techniques; but with most men now moving away from the line, some are turning to head-rests that are more similar to our pillows, though much smaller and harder. Overall, I believe many find this alternative more comfortable.
This simple form of bed entails much less work on the chamber-maid than do our arrangements. In a large inn one girl will do the chamber-work for the entire house. In fact this work is ridiculously simple. The futons, or comforters, are rapidly folded up and stowed away, or hung over the balcony rail to air. She gathers up a huge pile of the light pillow-boxes [pg 213] in her arms, and carries them to the room below; here she unties the strings which hold the cushions in place, substitutes clean sheets of folded paper for the soiled ones,—and the work of bed-making is done. With a duster, consisting of strips of tough paper tied to the end of a slender bamboo, the rooms are dusted and made ready for the next arrivals. As matters pertaining to the toilet are performed in other portions of the house, the rooms are placed in order in an incredibly short time.
This simple bed setup requires much less effort from the housekeeper than our arrangements do. In a large hotel, one person can handle the cleaning for the whole place. In fact, this task is incredibly easy. The futons or comforters, are quickly folded and stored away, or hung over the balcony rail to air out. She gathers a big stack of the light pillow boxes [pg 213] in her arms and carries them to the room below; here she unties the strings holding the cushions in place, replaces the dirty sheets of paper with clean ones, and the bed-making is complete. With a duster made of strips of tough paper tied to the end of a thin bamboo stick, she dusts the rooms and gets them ready for the next guests. Since personal grooming happens in other parts of the house, the rooms are organized in no time.
In a crowded inn each guest may occupy the dimensions of one mat; and the entire floor is occupied in this way. In winter a thickly-wadded comforter is provided, which is made in the form of a huge garment having capacious sleeves. Many rooms have a square hole in the floor in which, when needed, a fire of charcoal may be kindled; this is called a ro. Above the ro a square frame of wood is adjusted, and the bed-clothes being placed over this frame are thoroughly heated, so that one may go to bed in the warmest of nests. In the day-time one may gather a portion of the bed-clothes about him, and keep warm by the little coal-fire burning beneath. Fig. 195 is an illustration of this opening in the floor, with frame-work above to keep the bedclothes from falling on the fire below. A little wooden box is used for the purpose of holding an earthen receptacle for coals, and this is taken to bed as a substitute for the hot stone or brick which is often used at home for a similar purpose. From the inflammable nature of [pg 214] the bedding, many fires must originate from carelessness in the use of this luxury.
In a busy inn, each guest gets a space the size of one mat, and the whole floor is filled up this way. In winter, a thick comforter is provided, shaped like a large garment with roomy sleeves. Many rooms have a square hole in the floor where a charcoal fire can be lit if needed; this is called a ro. Above the ro, there's a wooden square frame, and when the bedclothes are laid over this frame, they get nice and warm, so you can go to bed in the coziest spot. During the day, you can wrap yourself in some of the bedclothes and stay warm from the little coal fire burning underneath. Fig. 195 shows this opening in the floor, with a framework above it to prevent the bedclothes from falling onto the fire below. There’s also a small wooden box used to hold a clay container for coals, and this is brought to bed as a substitute for the hot stone or brick often used at home for the same purpose. Because the bedding is flammable, many fires can start from being careless with this comfort.
In this connection it may be well to add that oftentimes little square thin cushions are provided for guests to sit upon; and one often sees a light round cushion which is used as elbow-rest when one is reclining (fig. 196).
In this regard, it’s worth mentioning that sometimes small, thin square cushions are given to guests to sit on; and you often see a light round cushion that serves as an elbow rest when someone is reclining (fig. 196).
Mosquito nettings, or kaya, are to be found in all houses, even the poorest people being supplied with them. The usual form of netting is made in the shape of a square box, nearly as large as the room, and this, when placed in position, is suspended at the four corners by cords which are tied to pegs in the four corners of the room. A smaller netting for infants is made on a frame work of bamboo like a cage, and this may be placed over the infant wherever it may drop to sleep on the mats.
Mosquito nets, or kaya, are found in every home, even among the poorest people. The standard design is like a square box, almost as big as the room, and when set up, it's hung from the four corners with cords tied to pegs in the corners of the room. There’s also a smaller net for infants made on a bamboo frame like a cage, which can be placed over the baby wherever they fall asleep on the mats.
An inseparable accompaniment of every Japanese home, from the most exalted to the very humblest, is the hibachi. This object consists of a vessel partially filled with fine ashes, containing when in use a few bits of burning charcoal. This vessel may be of bronze, iron, porcelain, earthenware, or even of wood lined with copper, or a wooden box containing an earthen vessel. The most usual form of hibachi consists of a square wooden box lined with copper, between which and the wood is a layer of clay or plaster (fig. 200). A very cheap and common form is a wooden box in which is a cylindrical jar of black unglazed earthenware (fig. 197).
An essential part of every Japanese home, from the most upscale to the very modest, is the teppanyaki This item consists of a container partially filled with fine ashes, which holds a few pieces of burning charcoal when in use. The container can be made of bronze, iron, porcelain, clay, or even wood lined with copper, or it can be a wooden box that holds a clay vessel. The most common type of teppanyaki is a square wooden box lined with copper, with a layer of clay or plaster between the copper and the wood (fig. 200). A very inexpensive and typical version is a wooden box that contains a cylindrical jar made of black unglazed clay (fig. 197).
A pair of iron rods generally held together at one end by a large ring answer as tongs, being used after the manner of chop-sticks. These are either stuck in the ashes, or when the [pg 215] wooden box contains the fire-vessel separately there may be secured in the corner of this box a bamboo tube in which the tongs are kept.
A pair of iron rods, typically held together at one end by a large ring, serves as tongs, functioning like chopsticks. These are either placed in the ashes, or when the [pg 215] wooden box has the fire vessel separately, a bamboo tube can be secured in the corner of this box where the tongs are stored.
In bronze hibachi there are handles or rings on the sides for convenience of moving. In the square-box hibachi cleats are nailed on opposite sides to answer as handles; or, as is more usually the case, narrow holes are cut through the sides of the box to accommodate the fingers, as shown in the previous figure (197).
In bronze teppanyaki there are handles or rings on the sides for easy handling. In the square box teppanyaki cleats are nailed on opposite sides to serve as handles; or, more commonly, narrow holes are cut through the sides of the box for finger grips, as illustrated in the figure above (197).
Much art and skill are displayed in the bronze and iron hibachi, and forms such as might be found in an ordinary house in Japan would be regarded as gems in collections of bric-à-brac at home. Even the wooden hibachi are often objects of exquisite taste. We recall an old one made of the richest grained wood, in which were drawers at one end to hold pipes and tobacco, and around the base of the box ran a deep band of black lacquer inlaid with ornaments of pearl, the design representing in various positions the iron bits of a horse. So various and oftentimes inexplicable are the surprises in their designs, that one might almost imagine the decorator to have [pg 216] opened while blindfolded a dictionary of objects, and to have taken the first word he saw as the theme for his subject.
A lot of art and skill is shown in the bronze and iron grill and pieces that you’d find in a typical Japanese home would be seen as treasures in collections of knick-knacks elsewhere. Even the wooden teppanyaki grill can be truly exquisite. We remember an old one made from beautifully grained wood, featuring drawers at one end for storing pipes and tobacco. The base of the box was adorned with a deep band of black lacquer inlaid with pearl ornaments, depicting various poses of a horse's iron bits. The designs are so varied and often puzzling that one might think the decorator, blindfolded, flipped through a dictionary of objects and chose the first word they saw as inspiration.
A very favorite form of wooden hibachi is shown in fig. 198. This consists of a single piece of oak or other hardwood turned in a cylindrical form, the grain being brought into relief by special treatment, and the inside lined with copper. An old one richly colored and polished by age is much esteemed.
A favorite type of wooden teppanyaki grill is shown in fig. 198. It’s made from a single piece of oak or another hardwood shaped into a cylindrical form, with the grain emphasized by special treatment, and the inside coated with copper. An old one, beautifully colored and polished by age, is highly valued.
The hibachi may be quite a large affair, and subserve the duties of a stove as well. An iron ring having three legs, or a grid spanning the box, is provided on which the tea-kettle is supported, or even fishes broiled. The hibachi is a sort of portable fireplace, around which the family gather to gossip, drink tea, or warm their hands. The one represented in fig. 199 shows a little child warming itself, while wrapped in a thick night-garment. One will often observe a Japanese absent-mindedly stirring the coals or ashes with the tongs, just as we are fond of doing at home.
The grill can be quite large and can also function as a stove. It has an iron ring with three legs, or a grid that spans the box, where the teapot or even grilled fish can be placed. The hibachi grill acts like a portable fireplace, where the family gathers to chat, drink tea, or warm their hands. In fig. 199, there's a small child warming up while bundled up in a thick nightgown. You’ll often see a Japanese person absent-mindedly stirring the coals or ashes with tongs, just as we like to do at home.
A sentiment prompts many families to keep the hibachi fire burning continually; and I was told that in one family in Tokio the fire had been kept alive continuously for over two hundred years.
A feeling drives many families to keep the grill fire going all the time; I heard that in one family in Tokyo, the fire has been kept alive continuously for over two hundred years.
In a winter party the hibachi are previously arranged by the servants, one being allotted to each guest; and the place where each is to sit on the matted floor is often indicated by a little [pg 217] square cloth-cushion. Fig. 200 illustrates the arrangement of hibachi for company.
In a winter party, the grill are set up in advance by the servants, with one assigned to each guest; the area where each person will sit on the matted floor is often marked by a small [pg 217] square cloth-cushion. Fig. 200 shows how the teppanyaki grill are arranged for guests.
Whenever you call on a friend, winter or summer, his very first act of hospitality is to place the hibachi before you. Even in shops the hibachi is present, or is brought in and placed on the mats when a visitor enters.
Whenever you visit a friend, whether it's winter or summer, their first gesture of hospitality is to set a Japanese grill in front of you. Even in shops, the teppanyaki grill is either already there or brought in and placed on the mats when someone visits.
A smaller form of hibachi, called a tabako-bon (fig. 201), is also usually brought to a visitor. It is a convenience used by smokers, and is commonly in the form of a square wooden box containing a small earthen vessel for holding hot coals, and a segment of bamboo either with or without a cover. This last is a hand cuspidore, and great refinement is shown in using it, either by averting the head or screening the mouth with the hand. The cuspidore, or spittoon, as commonly used by us, seems vulgar in comparison with that of the Japanese. Sometimes the tabako-bon is made out of the burl of an oak in which a natural depression occurs (fig. 202). This form is often seen in Japanese [pg 218] picture-books. Another form is shown in fig. 203. There many and various designs for this convenience, some of then being very odd. To replenish the hibachi with hot coals there is provided a shallow iron bowl called a dai-jū-no (fig. 204).
A smaller version of the grill, called a cigarette case (fig. 201), is usually offered to guests. It's a handy tool for smokers and typically comes as a square wooden box containing a small clay holder for hot coals and a piece of bamboo, with or without a cover. The bamboo segment serves as a spittoon, and it reflects a level of refinement in its use, either by tilting the head away or covering the mouth with the hand. The cuspidore, or spittoon, as we commonly know it, seems crude compared to the Japanese version. Sometimes, the cigarette case is crafted from the burl of an oak with a natural indentation (fig. 202). This design is frequently seen in Japanese [pg 218] picture books. Another variation is depicted in fig. 203. There are many unique designs for this item, some quite unusual. To refill the grill with hot coals, a shallow iron bowl known as a dai-jū-no (fig. 204) is provided.
Upon the bottom of this bowl is riveted a bent strip of iron, which in turn is secured to a stand of wood. The bowl has an iron socket, into which is fitted a wooden handle. In this vessel burning coals are brought by the servant.
At the bottom of this bowl is attached a bent strip of iron, which is fastened to a wooden stand. The bowl features an iron socket where a wooden handle is inserted. The servant brings burning coals in this vessel.
When the hibachi is properly arranged, it is customary to heap the ashes in a pyramidal pile about the coals and mark a series of radiating lines upon it. The charcoal to replenish the fire is generally kept in a basket, though sometimes a deep wooden box with a handle is used. The baskets used for this purpose are always tasty affairs, having often a rich brown color from age. In the basket is a pair of old brass or copper rods with which to handle the coal. A single stick of coal buried vertically in the ashes is burned for several hours. The charcoal-vender has a curious way of utilizing the small and pulverized fragments of the charcoal, by mixing the powder with some kind of sea-weed, and then forming the mass into round balls the size of a large orange. In making these balls he goes through a motion precisely like that seen in making snow-balls. These are afterwards dried in the sun, and seem to burn very well. In riding [pg 219] along the streets one often sees trays filled with these black balls exposed to the sun.
When the teppanyaki grill is set up properly, it's common to pile the ashes in a pyramid shape around the coals and draw a series of lines radiating out from it. The charcoal used to keep the fire going is usually stored in a basket, though sometimes a deep wooden box with a handle is used. The baskets for this purpose are always attractive, often displaying a rich brown color from age. Inside the basket is a pair of old brass or copper rods for handling the coal. A single stick of coal, placed vertically in the ashes, can burn for several hours. The charcoal seller has an interesting method of using the small and crushed pieces of charcoal by mixing the powder with some type of seaweed, then shaping it into round balls about the size of a large orange. In making these balls, he moves exactly like someone rolling snowballs. These are then dried in the sun and seem to burn quite well. While riding [pg 219] along the streets, you often see trays full of these black balls sitting out in the sun.
Before kerosene oil was introduced into Japan the means of illumination were of the most meagre description. One can hardly realize the difficulty a student must have experienced in studying his Chinese Classics by the feeble light emitted from tiny wicks, or the dim and unsteady flame of a vegetable-wax candle,—a light rendered all the more feeble when filtered through a paper lantern. It is related that in former times devout students of the Chinese Classics were accustomed at night to read a single character at a time by the dim illumination of a glowing coal at the end of an incense-stick held close to the page! Of the many things which the Japanese have adopted and promptly utilized from Western nations, I know of nothing which has been so great a boon to all the people as kerosene oil. The Western practice of medicine is rapidly displacing the empirical Chinese practice, and this when accomplished will be, beyond all question, the greatest boon. There are many outlying districts, however, as well as thousands of inhabitants of the cities, still under the sway of Chinese methods, and the beneficent effects of the rational treatment of disease has not yet been widely felt; but everywhere throughout the Empire the bright light of kerosene has lengthened the day for all.
Before kerosene was introduced to Japan, lighting methods were very basic. It's hard to imagine the challenges a student faced studying Chinese Classics by the weak light of small wicks or the flickering flame of a vegetable-wax candle—a light that was even dimmer when filtered through a paper lantern. It is said that in the past, dedicated students would read one character at a time by the faint glow of a burning coal at the end of an incense stick held close to the page! Among the many things the Japanese have adopted and effectively used from Western countries, nothing has been as beneficial to everyone as kerosene oil. Western medicine is quickly replacing traditional Chinese practices, and when that shift is fully realized, it will certainly be the greatest advantage. However, there are still many rural areas and thousands of city residents under the influence of Chinese methods, and the positive effects of modern medical treatments have not yet been widely experienced; but across the Empire, the bright light of kerosene has extended the day for all.
Japanese candles are made of a vegetable wax, having a wick consisting of a roll of paper, not unlike the ordinary paper [pg 220] lamp-lighter. This wick, being hollow, is fitted to a sharp spur of iron about an inch long, in the candlestick (in England the pricket candlestick went out of use a few centuries ago; in Japan it is still retained). At the top of the candle the wick projects in a firm, hard point. When a candle has burned low, it is removed from the candlestick and placed on the end of the new candle, which is then adjusted on the sharp spur. By this simple device all the candle is utilized in combustion.
Japanese candles are made from vegetable wax and have a wick made from a roll of paper, similar to a typical paper lamp lighter. This hollow wick is attached to a sharp iron spur about an inch long in the candlestick (the pricket candlestick went out of use in England a few centuries ago, but it's still used in Japan). The wick extends to a firm, hard point at the top of the candle. When a candle has burned down, it's taken out of the candlestick and placed on the end of a new candle, which is then secured on the sharp spur. This simple method ensures that the entire candle is used efficiently.
A superior kind of candle, made in the province of Aidsu, is beautifully painted in bright colors, with designs of flowers and other ornamental subjects.
A high-quality type of candle, crafted in the province of Aidsu, is beautifully decorated in vibrant colors, featuring designs of flowers and other decorative motifs.
Candles are depended upon to illuminate the rooms, as well as to light the hand-lanterns which are carried about the streets, and those which are used for the house,—these last consisting of a square or hexagonal frame, covered with paper and attached to the end of a short handle.
Candles are relied on to light up the rooms and to illuminate the handheld lanterns used in the streets, as well as those used at home—these typically being a square or hexagonal frame covered with paper and attached to the end of a short handle.
A common form of Japanese candlestick, called te-shoku, is represented in fig. 205. It is a rude affair made of iron, supported on three legs, and has a wide disk to prevent the melted wax from dropping on the mats, and a ring about the candle to prevent its falling over. It is easily picked up from the floor by its longer arm.
A typical type of Japanese candlestick, known as te-shoku is shown in fig. 205. It's a simple iron piece with three legs and a wide base to catch any melted wax, so it doesn't drip onto the mats. There's also a ring around the candle to keep it from tipping over. You can easily lift it from the floor using its longer arm.
Another common form of candlestick consists of a hemispherical base of brass, ten or fifteen inches in diameter, from which a rod of the same metal runs up to the height of two feet or more, on the end of which is the usual cup and spur. Candlesticks of this description are seen in fig. 177 (page 196).
Another common type of candlestick has a round brass base that's ten or fifteen inches wide, with a rod made of the same metal extending up to two feet or more in height. At the top, there's the usual cup and spur. Candlesticks like this can be found in fig. 177 (page 196).
The snuffer is usually in the form of a blunt pair of tweezers, with which the burnt wick is removed; the servants, however, [pg 221] often take the hibashi, or tongs, and, removing the wick, thrust it into the ashes of the hibachi.
The snuffer usually looks like a blunt pair of tweezers, which are used to remove the burnt wick. However, the servants often use the hibashi or tongs, to take out the wick and push it into the ashes of the hibachi grill. [pg 221]
Candlesticks of rustic design, manufactured of curious woods, are made at Nikko and other famous resorts, more as mementos to carry away than as implements intended for actual use.
Candlesticks with a rustic design, made from unique woods, are created at Nikko and other well-known resorts, often more as souvenirs to take home than as items meant for real use.
The Japanese lamp is usually in the form of a shallow saucer, in which vegetable oil is burned. The wick, consisting of long slender rods of pith, is held down by a little ring of iron, to which a spur is attached for a handle. The unburned portion of the wick projects beyond the saucer, and as it burns away at one end is moved along. The saucer rests in a disk or ring of iron, which is suspended within a frame covered with paper. A common form of this lamp, or andon, is shown in fig. 206. It consists of a square frame of wood covered with paper, open above and below, and having one side [pg 222] in the shape of a movable lid, which can be raised when the lamp needs tending. This frame is secured to two uprights, which spring from a wooden stand in which may be a drawer containing extra wicks and a pair of snuffers. These uprights extend above the lantern, and have a cross-piece by which the lantern is lifted, and another cross-bar just below from which the lamp hangs. The light from this night-lamp is feeble and uncertain, and by it one can barely see his way about the room.
The Japanese lamp is typically a shallow saucer filled with vegetable oil. A wick made of long, thin rods of pith is secured by a small iron ring, which has a handle attached. The unused part of the wick sticks out above the saucer, and as it burns down, it gets moved along. The saucer sits in an iron disk or ring that hangs within a frame covered with paper. A common type of this lamp, or andon, is shown in fig. 206. It features a square wooden frame wrapped in paper, open at the top and bottom, with one side acting as a movable lid that can be lifted for maintenance. This frame is attached to two upright poles that rise from a wooden stand, which may have a drawer containing extra wicks and snuffers. The uprights go above the lantern, supporting a crosspiece for lifting the lantern and another bar just below it from which the lamp hangs. The light from this night lamp is weak and flickering, allowing only a faint glimpse of the room.
There are many kinds of andon, some being very ingenious. One form is cylindrical, being composed of two frames, one within the other,—the outer frame revolving in a groove in the stand. One half of each lantern is covered with paper, so that by turning the outer frame the openings are brought together, and thus access is gained to the lamp. Another form of andon(fig. 207) opens in a different way, with a little shelf in one corner to hold the saucer of oil.
There are many kinds of andon some of which are quite clever. One style is cylindrical, consisting of two frames, one inside the other—the outer frame spins in a groove in the stand. One side of each lantern is covered with paper, so by rotating the outer frame, the openings align, allowing access to the lamp. Another type of andon(fig. 207) opens differently, featuring a small shelf in one corner to hold the oil saucer.
Still another form (fig. 208) is copied from an old colored picture-book; this consists of an elaborate lacquered stand mounted in metal, with a lamp supported on the top.
Still another form (fig. 208) is taken from an old picture book; this includes an elaborate lacquered stand made of metal, with a lamp perched on top.
In the passage-ways, and at the head of stairways, lamps are often fixed to the wall. In Osaka I saw a curious one, which is represented in fig. 209. The frame was hung by hinges to a board which was affixed to the wall (the hinges [pg 223] being above), and rested against the board like a cover, and was lifted up when the lamp needed attention. In an andon in Osaka, I saw a good bit of iron-work (fig. 210) made to suspend the lamp.
In the hallways, and at the top of staircases, lamps are often attached to the wall. In Osaka, I saw a unique one, which is shown in fig. 209. The frame was hung by hinges on a board that was attached to the wall (the hinges [pg 223] being above) and rested against the board like a lid, which was lifted up when the lamp needed maintenance. In an andon in Osaka, I saw some impressive ironwork (fig. 210) designed to hang the lamp.
Lamps made of pottery are rarely seen. Fig. 211 is a sketch of an old lamp of Oribe ware from the author's collection. An inclined portion within supports the wick, and the cover is notched in front and behind to allow the passage of the wick. Another form from the same collection, made in the province of Iga, is shown in fig. 212. In this lamp the wick must have been made from some fibre; a hole in the wick-tube is seen through which the wick can be moved along. The handle of the lamp has a slot in it, so that it may be hung against the wall. It is possible that these two lamps, or at least the last one, are for the kami-dana, a shelf which supports the household shrine. In connection with lamps made of pottery, it may be well to add that now and then one meets with a pottery candlestick. That shown in fig. 213 represents one from the author's collection, made of Owari pottery.
Lamps made from pottery are not commonly found. Fig. 211 is a sketch of an old lamp from the author's collection, made of Oribe ware. A sloped part holds the wick, and the cover has notches at the front and back to allow the wick to pass through. Another lamp from the same collection, created in the province of Iga, is shown in fig. 212. In this lamp, the wick was likely made from some kind of fiber; there's a hole in the wick-tube where the wick can be adjusted. The handle of the lamp has a slot so it can be hung on the wall. It’s possible that these two lamps, or at least the latter, were intended for the home shrine, a shelf that holds the household shrine. Regarding pottery lamps, it’s worth mentioning that sometimes a pottery candlestick can be found. The one shown in fig. 213 is from the author's collection and is made of Owari pottery.
Near the chōdzu-bachi, hanging from the edge of the verandah roof above, is usually seen an iron lantern, generally a quaint old rusty affair suspended by a chain, and, when lighted, admitting through the perforations in its side the faintest possible glimmer. In figs. 240 and 253 (pages 255 and 267) lanterns of this description may be seen.
Near the chōdzu-bachi, hanging from the edge of the verandah roof above, there’s usually an iron lantern, typically an old, rusty piece hanging by a chain, and when it’s lit, it lets out the slightest possible glow through the holes in its sides. In figs. 240 and 253 (pages 255 and 267) lanterns of this type can be seen.
Street-lanterns are often affixed to short slender posts at the gateway or doorway of a dwelling. The usual form of this frame and lantern is represented fig. 214. It is not over five feet in height, and seems to be a frail affair to expose on a public street. The very frailty and lightness of such objects, however, often exposed as they are with entire safety on busy thoroughfares, are striking indications of the gentle manners of the Japanese. One is led to wonder how long such a delicate street-lamp would remain intact in our streets, with those mobs thronging by that seem to be solely a product of our civilization. These, and a thousand similar points of contrast, set a thoughtful man reflecting on the manners and customs of the two great civilizations.
Streetlights are often mounted on short, slender posts at the entrance or doorway of a home. The typical design of this frame and lantern is represented fig. 214. It stands at no more than five feet tall, and it appears to be a fragile thing to have exposed on a public street. The very delicacy and lightness of such objects, however, often safely showcased on busy roads, are striking signs of the gentle manners of the Japanese. One can't help but wonder how long such a delicate streetlamp would last on our streets, with the crowds rushing by that seem to be solely a product of our civilization. These, along with a myriad of other contrasting points, cause a thoughtful person to reflect on the customs and practices of the two great civilizations.
In nearly every house one sees perched up on a shelf called the kami-dana a curious little architectural affair, which on more special examination proves to be a model of a Shin-tō shrine, or a principal feature of a [pg 225] Shin-tō altar,—a circular mirror. On the shelf in front of this are a few lamps (or a single lamp) and trays, containing at times food-offerings. If the shrine is in the shape of a box, then accompanying it are various little brass stands, slips of wood with characters written upon them, and in short a miniature representation, apparently, of the paraphernalia used in a large temple. The shelf is high up on the wall near the ceiling; and in old houses this region is black with the accumulations of smoke from the little lamp which is lighted every night, and which may have burned there for a century. These are the Shin-tō shrines.
In almost every house, you’ll notice a small architectural piece perched on a shelf called the Kami shelf, which upon closer inspection turns out to be a model of a Shinto shrine or a key feature of a [pg 225] Shinto altar—a circular mirror. In front of this shelf, there are a few lamps (or just one) and trays that sometimes hold food offerings. If the shrine has a box shape, it will be accompanied by various little brass stands and slips of wood with written characters, essentially serving as a miniature version of the items found in a larger temple. The shelf is positioned high up on the wall near the ceiling, and in older houses, this area is darkened by the smoke buildup from the little lamp that is lit every night, which may have been burning there for a century. These are the Shinto shrines.
The Buddhist household shrines, having a figure of Buddha or of one of his disciples, or perhaps of some other god, are much more ornate, and rest on the floor,—at least so I was informed. My informant also told me that the majority of the people worship at the shrines of both great beliefs, and that all Buddhists, unless very strict, have Shintō shrines in their houses. Indeed, Buddhists and even Buddhist priests have been known to go into the Roman Catholic cathedral at Osaka, and bow in reverence before the altar and other emblems of an alien religion. The tolerance and charity evinced in such acts is something pathetic, when one recalls the mutually hostile attitude of the two great branches of the Christian Church!
The Buddhist household shrines, featuring a statue of Buddha or one of his disciples, or maybe another god, are much more decorative and sit on the floor—at least that’s what I was told. My source also mentioned that most people worship at the shrines of both major religions, and that all Buddhists, unless they are very strict, have Shintō shrines in their homes. In fact, Buddhists—even Buddhist priests—have been seen entering the Roman Catholic cathedral in Osaka and bowing in respect before the altar and other symbols of a different faith. The tolerance and kindness shown in such actions is somewhat moving, especially when you think about the usually hostile relationship between the two main branches of the Christian Church!
Flowers and incense-burning usually accompany the Buddhist household shrine, while before Shin-tō shrines incense is not burned. Buddhist shrines have placed before them lamps of brass, or hanging lamps, while in front of the Shin-tō shrine [pg 226] candles of vegetable wax are burned. In unglazed, hand-made pottery called kawarake oil is burned, which is also used for food-offerings. For offerings of wine, oval bottles of peculiar shape, with long narrow necks, are used; these are called miki-dokkuri,—miki being the name of the wine offered to the gods, and tokkuri the name of a sake bottle. In front of these shrines one may often see the inmates of the house bow their heads, clap their hands, and then, rubbing the palms together in an imploring gesture, pray with much earnestness. So far as I have observed, every house has this domestic altar. In shops, too, one often sees the shrine; and in the larger and more wealthy shops the shrine is often a very expensive affair. In a famous silk-shop in Tokio is a large model of a Shin-tō temple suspended by iron rods from the beams above. In front of it hang two big metal lanterns. It struck me that this display of piety was rather ostentatious, and paralleled similar displays sometimes seen at home; in this supposition, however, I may be doing an injustice. Among the intelligent classes the household shrine seems to be provided for the female members of the family only, the men having outgrown these superstitions; and it was interesting to observe that in Japan, as elsewhere, the women—being as a rule less informed—made up the majority of those attending public worship.
Flowers and incense often accompany a Buddhist household shrine, while incense is not used at Shin-tō shrines. Buddhist shrines have brass lamps or hanging lamps in front of them, while in front of Shin-tō shrines, candles made of vegetable wax are burned. Oil is burned in unglazed, handmade pottery called kawarake, which is also used for food offerings. For offerings of wine, oval-shaped bottles with long, narrow necks are used; these are called miki-dokkuri,—miki being the name of the wine offered to the gods, and sake flask the name of a sake bottle. In front of these shrines, one can often see family members bowing their heads, clapping their hands, and then rubbing their palms together in a pleading gesture, praying earnestly. From what I've observed, every household has this domestic altar. In shops, you often see a shrine as well, and in larger and wealthier shops, the shrine can be quite elaborate. In a well-known silk shop in Tokyo, there's a large model of a Shin-tō temple suspended by iron rods from overhead beams. Two big metal lanterns hang in front of it. I found this display of piety to be somewhat showy, similar to ostentatious displays sometimes witnessed at home; however, I may be misjudging this. Among educated people, the household shrine seems to be meant mainly for the female family members, as men often move past these superstitions. It was interesting to note that in Japan, as in other places, women—typically less informed—comprise the majority of those attending public worship.
The sketch here given of a Buddhist household shrine (fig. 215) was seen in a house of the most squalid character. The various vessels were filled with boiled rice, with loaves of mochi made of a special kind of rice, and a number of unripe peaches. [pg 227] On the lower shelf, in the right-hand corner, are seen a sweet potato and a radish propped up on four legs, looking like toy deer or beasts of some kind. Whether this indicated the work of children or represented the horses upon which the gods could take a ride, was not ascertained.
The sketch provided of a Buddhist household shrine (fig. 215) was found in a very run-down house. Various containers were filled with boiled rice, loaves of mochi rice cakes made from a special type of rice, and several unripe peaches. [pg 227] On the lower shelf, in the right-hand corner, there was a sweet potato and a radish propped up on four legs, resembling toy deer or some kind of animals. It was unclear whether this was the work of children or if it represented the horses that the gods could ride.
A household shrine to which the children pay voluntary and natural devotion are the birds' nests built within the house. It is a common thing, not only in the country but in large cities like Tokio, for a species of swallow, hardly to be distinguished from the European species, to build its nest in the house,—not in an out-of-the-way place, but in the room where the family may be most actively engaged, or in the shop fronting the street, with all its busy traffic going on. The very common occurrence of these birds' nests in houses is another of the many evidences of the gentle ways of this people, and of the kindness shown by them to animals.
A household shrine that children naturally and willingly show their devotion to are the birds' nests built inside the house. It's a common sight, not just in the countryside but also in big cities like Tokyo, for a type of swallow, hardly distinguishable from the European variety, to build its nest indoors—not in a hidden corner, but in the room where the family is most active, or in the shop facing the street, amid all the hustle and bustle. The frequent presence of these birds' nests in homes is just one of the many signs of the gentle nature of this people and the kindness they show to animals.
When a bird builds its nest in the house, a little shelf is promptly secured beneath it, so that the mats below shall not be soiled. The presence of the bird in the house is regarded as a good omen, and the children take great pleasure in watching the construction of the nest and the final rearing of the young birds. I noticed that many of the nests built within the house were much more elaborately made than those built in more exposed positions. From the symmetrical way in which many of these were constructed, one might almost imagine the birds had become imbued with some of the art instincts of the [pg 228] people. Fig. 216 illustrates the appearance of a group of these birds' nests in a house.
When a bird builds its nest in the house, a small shelf is quickly put up underneath it to keep the area below clean. The bird's presence is seen as a good sign, and the kids really enjoy watching the nest being built and the young birds being raised. I noticed that many of the nests made inside the house were much more intricately built than those made in more exposed areas. The way many of these nests were constructed was so symmetrical that you might almost think the birds had picked up some artistic talents from the people. [pg 228] Fig. 216 illustrates what a group of these birds' nests looks like in a house.
It would be an affectation of false delicacy were no allusion to be made to the privy, which in the Japanese house often receives a share of the artistic workman's attention. From its position in the house, and especially in the public house, it is often a source of great discomfort. In the better class of private houses in Japan, however, there are less annoyance and infinitely less danger from this source than are experienced in many houses of the wealthy in our great cities. In the country the privy is usually a little box-like affair removed from the house, the entrance closed half way up by a swinging door. In the city house of the better class it is at one corner of the house, usually at the end of the verandah, and sometimes there are two at diagonal corners, as a reference to the plans will show. A curious superstition among many is attached to the position of the privy in its relation to the house,—a trace possibly of the Chinese Fung-shui. The privy generally has two compartments,—the first one having a wooden or porcelain urinal; the latter form being called asagaowa, as it is supposed, to resemble the flower of the morning glory,—the word literally meaning “morning face” (fig. 219). The wooden ones are often filled with branches of spruce, which are frequently replenished. The inner [pg 229] compartment has a rectangular opening cut in the floor, and in the better class of privies this is provided with a cover having a [pg 230] long wooden handle. The wood-work about this opening is sometimes lacquered. Straw sandals or wooden clogs are often provided to be worn in this place.
It would be pretending to be overly delicate not to mention the toilet, which in Japanese homes often gets some attention from the artistic worker. Due to its location in the house, especially in public buildings, it can be quite uncomfortable. However, in nicer private homes in Japan, there’s less annoyance and much less risk from this than in many wealthy homes in our big cities. In rural areas, the toilet is usually a small, box-like structure away from the house, with the entrance half covered by a swinging door. In higher-end city homes, it’s typically at one corner of the house, often at the end of the verandah, and sometimes there are two at diagonal corners, as referenced in the plans. A curious superstition, possibly a remnant of Chinese Feng Shui., is linked to the toilet’s position in relation to the house. The toilet usually has two sections—the first having a wooden or porcelain urinal; the porcelain kind is called asagaowa, as it’s thought to resemble the morning glory flower, with the term literally meaning “morning skincare routine” (fig. 219). The wooden ones are often filled with spruce branches, which get replenished regularly. The inner [pg 229] section has a rectangular hole cut in the floor, and in nicer toilets, this comes with a cover that has a [pg 230] long wooden handle. The wood around this opening is sometimes lacquered. Straw sandals or wooden clogs are often provided for use in this area.
The interior of these apartments is usually simple, though: sometimes presenting marvels of cabinet-work. Much skill and taste are often displayed in the approaches and exterior finish of of these places.
The inside of these apartments is often straightforward, but sometimes showcases amazing woodworking. A lot of skill and style are frequently evident in the entrances and the outside finish of these places.
Fig. 217 shows the interior of a common form of privy. Fig. 218 illustrates the appearance of one in an inn at Hachi-ishi, near Nikko. The planking in the front of the sketch shows the verandah; from this, at right angles, runs a narrow platform, having for its border the natural trunk of a tree; the corner of a little cupboard is seen at the left; the ceiling is composed of matting made of thin strips of wood, and below is a dado of bamboo. The opening to the first apartment is framed by a twisted grape-vine, while other sticks in their natural condition make up the frame-work. Beyond the arched opening is another one closed by a swinging door; and this is usually the only place in the house where one finds a hinged door, except, perhaps, on the tall closet under the kitchen stairs. The roof is covered thickly with the diminutive shingles already alluded to. Outside a little screen fence is built, a few plants neatly trained below,—and [pg 231] a typical privy of the better class is shown. The wooden trough standing on four legs and holding a bucket of water and a washbasin is evidently an addition for the convenience of foreign guests. The chōdzu-bachi with towel rack suspended above, as already described, is the universal accompaniment of this place.
Fig. 217 shows the inside of a common type of privy. Fig. 218 illustrates what one looks like in an inn at Hachi-ishi, near Nikko. The planking at the front of the image shows the verandah; from this, a narrow platform runs at right angles, bordered by the natural trunk of a tree. You can see the corner of a small cupboard on the left; the ceiling is made of matting from thin strips of wood, and below it is a bamboo dado. The opening to the first area is framed by a twisted grapevine, while other branches in their natural state make up the framework. Beyond the arched opening, there's another one closed by a swinging door; this is typically the only place in the house with a hinged door, except maybe for the tall closet under the kitchen stairs. The roof is thickly covered with the small shingles mentioned earlier. Outside, there's a little screen fence with a few plants neatly arranged below—and [pg 231] a typical higher-end privy is shown. The wooden trough resting on four legs holds a bucket of water and a washbasin, which clearly is an addition for the convenience of foreign guests. The chōdzu-bachi with a towel rack hanging above, as previously described, is the universal feature of this space.
As one studies this sketch, made at an inn in a country village, let him in all justice recall similar conveniences in many of the country villages of Christendom!
As one looks at this sketch, created at an inn in a rural village, let them fairly remember similar comforts in many of the rural villages throughout Christendom!
The receptacle in the privy consists of a half of an oil barrel, or a large earthen vessel, sunk in the ground, with convenient access to it from the outside. This is emptied every few days by men who have their regular routes; and as an illustration of the value of this material for agricultural [pg 232] purposes, I was told that in Hiroshima in the renting of the poorer tenement houses, if three persons occupied a room together the sewage paid the rent of one, and if five occupied the same room no rent was charged! Indeed, the immense value and importance of this material is so great to the Japanese farmer, who depends entirely upon it for the enrichment of his soil, that in the country personal conveniences for travellers are always arranged by the side of the road, in shape of buckets or half-barrels sunk in the ground.
The toilet consists of half an oil barrel or a large earthen pot sunk into the ground, making it easily accessible from the outside. It’s emptied every few days by workers who follow regular routes. To show how valuable this material is for farming, I was told that in Hiroshima, among the poorer rental properties, if three people shared a room, the waste covered the rent for one person, and if five people lived in the same room, there was no rent at all! The immense value of this material is so crucial for the Japanese farmer, who relies on it to enrich his soil, that in rural areas, restrooms for travelers are often set up by the roadside in the form of buckets or half-barrels buried in the ground.
Judging by our standards of modesty in regard to these matters there would appear to be no evidence of delicacy among the Japanese respecting them; or, to be more just, perhaps should say that there is among them no affectation of false modesty,—a feeling which seems to have developed among the English-speaking people more exclusively, and among some of them to such ridiculous heights of absurdity as often to be fraught with grave consequences. But among the Japanese it would seem as if the publicity given by them to the collecting of this important fertilizer had dulled all sensitiveness on their part, if it ever existed, concerning this matter.19 Indeed, privacy in this matter would be impossible when it is considered that in cities—as in Tokio, for example—of nearly a million of inhabitants this material is carried off daily to the farms outside, the vessels in which it is conveyed being long cylindrical buckets borne by men and horses. If sensitive persons are offended by these conditions, they must admit that [pg 233] the secret of sewage disposal has been effectually solved by the Japanese for centuries, so that nothing goes to waste. And of equal importance, too, is it that of that class of diseases which scourge our communities as a result of our ineffectual efforts in disposing of sewage, the Japanese happily know but little. In that country there are no deep vaults with long accumulations contaminating the ground, or underground pipes conducting sewage to shallow bays and inlets, there to fester and vitiate the air and spread sickness and death.
Judging by our standards of modesty regarding these matters, it seems there’s no evidence of delicacy among the Japanese about them; or, to be fairer, we could say that they don’t show any fake modesty—a sentiment that appears to have developed primarily among English-speaking people, and in some cases to such ridiculous extremes that it often leads to serious consequences. However, among the Japanese, it seems that the public nature of their collection of this important fertilizer has dulled any sensitivity they might have had about it. Indeed, keeping this matter private would be impossible considering that in cities—like Tokyo, for example—with nearly a million residents, this material is taken out to farms daily, transported in long cylindrical buckets carried by men and horses. If sensitive individuals are disturbed by these conditions, they must acknowledge that the secret of sewage disposal has been effectively managed by the Japanese for centuries, ensuring that nothing goes to waste. Equally important is the fact that the Japanese have largely avoided the kinds of diseases that afflict our communities due to our ineffective sewage disposal methods. In that country, there are no deep vaults with long-term waste contaminating the ground, nor underground pipes leading to shallow bays and inlets, where sewage can fester and pollute the air, spreading illness and death.
On the other hand it must be admitted that their water supply is very seriously affected by this sewage being washed into rivers and wells from the rice-fields where it is deposited; and the scourge of cholera, which almost yearly spreads its desolating shadow over many of their southern towns, is due to the almost universal cultivation of the land by irrigation methods; and the consequent distribution of sewage through these surface avenues renders it impossible to protect the water supply from contamination.
On the other hand, it has to be acknowledged that their water supply is significantly impacted by sewage being washed into rivers and wells from the rice fields where it settles. The recurring spread of cholera, which almost yearly casts a devastating shadow over many of their southern towns, is due to the widespread use of irrigation methods for farming. The resulting distribution of sewage through these surface channels makes it impossible to keep the water supply safe from contamination.
CHAPTER V. ENTRANCES AND APPROACHES.
The study of the house-architecture of Japan, as compared with that of America, it is curious to observe the relative degree of importance given to similar features by the two peoples. With us the commonest house in the city or country will have a definite front-door, and almost always one with some embellishments, in the shape of heavy panels, ornate brackets and braces supporting some sort of a covering above, and steps approaching it equally pretentious; in the ordinary Japanese house, on the contrary, this entrance is, as we shall see, often, though not always, of the most indefinite character. With us, again, the hall or front-entry stairs may be seen immediately on entering the house,—and this portion has some display in the baluster and gracefully curving rail, and in the better class of houses receives special attention from the architect; in Japan, however, if the house be of two stories the stairway is never in sight, and is rarely more than a stout and precipitous step-ladder. On the other hand, the ridge of the roof, which in Japan almost invariably forms the most picturesque feature of the house exterior, is with us nothing more than the line of junction of the plainest rain-shed; though in great edifices feeble attempts have been made to decorate this lofty and conspicuous line by an inverted cast-iron design, which is not only absolutely useless as a structural feature, but, so far as the design is concerned, might be [pg 235] equally appropriate for the edge of a tawdry valentine or the ornamental fringe which comes in a Malaga raisin-box.
The study of house architecture in Japan compared to that in America reveals some interesting differences in how each culture values similar features. For us, the most typical house, whether in the city or country, has a clear front door, usually decorated with heavy panels, ornate brackets, and braces that support some type of awning above, accompanied by equally grand steps leading up to it. In contrast, the entrance of a typical Japanese house, as we will explore, is often, though not always, quite vague. Additionally, when you step inside our houses, the hallway or front-entry stairs are immediately visible, often featuring an elegant baluster and a gracefully curved railing, which architects pay special attention to in higher-end homes. However, in Japan, if a house has two stories, the stairway is rarely visible and is often just a sturdy, steep ladder. On the other hand, the roof ridge in Japan usually stands out as the most picturesque aspect of the house's exterior, while for us, it’s just the plain edge of a simple rain-shed. Although some grand buildings have made feeble attempts to beautify this prominent roofline with inverted cast-iron designs, those designs are not only structurally pointless but could just as easily be mistaken for something you'd find on a cheap valentine or the decorative fringe on a box of Malaga raisins.
Accustomed as we are, then, to a front-door with steps and rail and a certain pretentious architectural display, it is difficult to conceive of a house without some such distinctive characters to its portal. In the ordinary Japanese house, however, we often look in vain for such indications. In the common class of their houses, and even in those of more importance, the entrance is often vaguely defined; one may enter the house by way of the garden and make his salutations on the verandah, or he may pass into the house by an ill-defined boundary near the kitchen,—a sort of back-door on the front side. In other houses this entrance is by means of a small matted area, which differs in no respect from the other rooms save that the outer edge of its raised floor is some distance within the eaves, and between this and the sill the floor is mother earth. One or two steps, consisting of single planks running the width of the room, lead from the earth to the floor. The roof at this point may be a gable, as more specially marking the entrance. These indefinite entrances, however, belong only to the houses of what may be called the middle and lower classes, though even in houses of the middle classes well-marked entrances, and even entrances of some pretensions, are not uncommon. Some may be inclined to doubt the statement that in the ordinary houses the entrance is often more or less vaguely defined. As a curious proof of this, however, I have in my possession Japanese architects' plans of two houses, consisting of a number of rooms, and representing dwellings far above the ordinary type; and though I have consulted a number of Japanese friends in regard to these plans, none of them have been able to tell me where the main entrance is, or ought to be!
Used as we are to houses with steps and railings and some kind of fancy architectural detail, it’s hard to imagine a home without these distinct features at the entrance. In a typical Japanese house, though, we often look in vain for such signs. In the common houses, and even in some of higher status, the entrance is often vaguely defined; you might enter through the garden and greet people on the verandah, or you could go in through a poorly marked spot near the kitchen—kind of a back door at the front. In other homes, the entrance is just a small matted area that’s no different from the other rooms, except that the outer edge of its raised floor is set a bit back from the eaves, and the space between that and the sill is just bare earth. One or two steps made of single planks across the width of the room lead from the earth to the floor. The roof here might be a gable, which gives a clearer sense of the entrance. These unclear entrances usually belong to middle and lower-class houses, although even middle-class homes can have well-defined entrances, and sometimes even fancy ones. Some might question the claim that in typical houses, the entrance is often somewhat unspecified. However, as a curious example of this, I have Japanese architects’ plans for two homes with several rooms, representing homes well above the ordinary type. Even after consulting several Japanese friends about these plans, none could tell me where the main entrance is or should be!
In a better class of houses the entrance is in the form of a wide projecting porch, with special gable roof, having [pg 236] elaborately carved wood-work about its front, the opening being as wide as the porch itself. The floor consists of wide planks running at right angles with the sill, which is grooved to accommodate the amado, or storm-doors. From this floor one reaches the floor beyond by means of one or two steps,—the edge of the floor near the steps being grooved to accommodate the shōji. The back partition of this hall is a permanent one. On either side sliding screens lead to the rooms within. A dado of wood runs about the sides of the vestibule, while the wall above is plastered. A low screen, called a tsui-tate, is usually the sole ornament of the hall; and in olden times there hung on the wall behind the tsui-tate curious long-handled weapons, which now are seen only as museum specimens. This screen has no [pg 237] folds; the frame is thick and lacquered, and the transverse feet are ponderous and also lacquered.
In nicer homes, the entrance features a wide, protruding porch with a special gable roof and intricately carved woodwork at the front, the opening as wide as the porch itself. The floor is made of broad planks laid perpendicular to the sill, which is grooved to fit the beloved, or storm doors. From this floor, you can access the next floor via one or two steps, with the edge of the floor near the steps grooved to fit the shoji. The back wall of this hall is permanent. On either side, sliding screens connect to the rooms inside. A wooden dado runs around the vestibule's sides, while the wall above is plastered. A low screen called a tsui-tate, usually the only decoration in the hall, used to have oddly shaped long-handled weapons displayed on the wall behind it, which are now found only in museums. This screen has no [pg 237] folds; its frame is thick and lacquered, and the cross supports are heavy and also lacquered.
In some houses the floor of the hall, as well as that of the vestibule, is composed of plank; and the polish of the steps and floor is of such exquisite ivory smoothness that the decorated screen and fusuma are reflected as from a shaded and quiet expanse of water. Even here no special display is made beyond the porch-like projection and gable roof of the external boundaries of this entrance.
In some homes, the hallway floor and the vestibule floor are made of planks, and the polish on the steps and floors is so smooth, like ivory, that the decorated screen and sliding door are reflected as if on a calm, clear surface of water. Even here, there’s no extravagant display apart from the porch-like overhang and gable roof of the outer edges of this entrance.
It would seem as if the fitting architecture of this important portal had been transferred to the gateway,—ponderous hinged-doors, bolts, bars, and all; for in the gateways a conspicuous, though oftentimes fictitious, solidity is shown in the canopy of beams and tiles, supported by equally massive posts.
It looks like the impressive design of this major entrance has been carried over to the gateway—heavy doors with hinges, locks, and all; because in the gateways, there’s a noticeable, though often exaggerated, sense of sturdiness in the roof of beams and tiles, held up by equally strong pillars.
In fig. 221 is shown a view of the entrance to the house figured on pages 54 and 55. It is the house of a samurai, and is a fair example of the entrance to the house of a gentleman in ordinary circumstances. On the left of the entrance is a plastered partition separating the hall from the kitchen. [pg 239] On the right is a small room separated from the vestibule by shōji, not fusuma. This may be considered a waiting-room, where parties on business are shown; a servant usually waits here to attend callers. Directly beyond, one enters a suite of rooms which border the garden at the back of the house. At the immediate entrance is a sill; over this sill one steps upon the earth floor.
In fig. 221 is a view of the entrance to the house shown on pages 54 and 55. It is the home of a samurai and is a good example of the entrance to a gentleman's house in typical situations. On the left of the entrance is a plastered wall that separates the hall from the kitchen. [pg 239] On the right is a small room divided from the vestibule by sliding doors not fusuma. This can be seen as a waiting room, where individuals on business are received; a servant usually waits here to greet visitors. Directly ahead, you enter a series of rooms that overlook the garden at the back of the house. Just at the entrance is a threshold; over this threshold, one steps onto the earthen floor.
The sill is grooved to accommodate the amado, which are put in place when the house is closed for the night. When a house has a definite entrance like this, there are usually conveniences for stowing away travelling gear,—such as umbrellas, lanterns, and wooden clogs. For example, in ordinary houses, for the sake of economy in space, a portion of the raised floor of the vestibule consists of movable planks, which may be lifted up, revealing a space beneath sufficiently ample to accommodate these articles.
The sill is grooved to fit the loved, which are placed in position when the house is closed for the night. When a house has a clear entrance like this, there are usually spots for storing travel gear—like umbrellas, lanterns, and wooden clogs. For example, in typical houses, to save space, part of the raised floor in the vestibule is made of movable planks that can be lifted up to reveal enough space underneath for these items.
The plan here given (fig. 222) shows a hall often seen in the better class of houses. The area between the entrance and the shōji projects as a porch from the side of the house, the three-matted area coming within the house proper. The lettering on the plan clearly explains the various parts.
The plan here given (fig. 222) shows a hall commonly found in higher-end homes. The area between the entrance and the sliding door extends as a porch from the side of the house, with the three-matted area inside the house itself. The labels on the plan clearly describe the different parts.
In a narrow hall in an old house near Uyeno, in Tokio, I got the accompanying sketch of a shoe-closet (fig. 223). The briefest examination of the various clogs it contained revealed the same idiosyncrasies of walking as with us,—some were down at the heel, others were worn at the sides. There were clogs of many sizes and kinds,—common clogs of the school-children, with the dried mud of the street still clinging to them, and the best clogs with lacquered sides and finely-matted soles. At one side hung a set of shoe-cords ready for emergency.
In a narrow hallway of an old house near Ueno, in Tokyo, I came across the accompanying sketch of a shoe closet (fig. 223). A quick look at the various clogs inside showed the same walking habits as ours—some were worn down at the heel, while others were scuffed on the sides. There were clogs of all sizes and types—ordinary school-children's clogs, with dried mud from the street still stuck to them, and nicer clogs with lacquered sides and finely woven soles. On one side, a set of shoe laces hung, ready for emergencies.
In another house, just within the vestibule, I noticed a shelf-rack above the fusuma, designed for holding the family lanterns (fig. 224). It may as well be stated here,—a fact which is [pg 240] probably well known to most of our readers,—that the Japanese almost invariably carry lighted lanterns when they walk out at night. Upon the outside of these lanterns is painted the crest, or mon, of the family, or the name of the house: a man with an eye to business may advertise it on his lantern by some quaint design. So persistent is this habit of carrying lanterns, that on bright moonlight nights the lantern is brought into requisition; and nothing strikes a foreigner as so ludicrous as the sight of a number of firemen on the top of a burning building, holding lighted lanterns in their hands! The lanterns fold up into a small compass; and on the lantern-shelf which we have shown were a number of thick pasteboard boxes in which were [pg 241] stowed away the lanterns. On each box was painted a design corresponding to the design of the lantern within. In this case the name of the family, or the crest, was indicated.
In another house, just inside the entrance, I saw a shelf above the sliding doors meant for holding the family lanterns (fig. 224). It’s worth mentioning here—a fact that’s probably known to most readers—that Japanese people almost always carry lit lanterns when they go out at night. The outside of these lanterns is painted with the family crest or mon, or the name of the house: a savvy businessman might advertise on his lantern with some creative design. This lantern-carrying habit is so strong that on bright moonlit nights, people still use lanterns; nothing seems as absurd to a foreigner as seeing firefighters on top of a burning building, holding lit lanterns! The lanterns can fold up small, and on the lantern shelf we mentioned were several thick cardboard boxes that held the lanterns. Each box had a design that matched the lantern inside. In this case, it indicated the family name or crest.
In this vestibule the fusuma, instead of being covered with thick paper, consisted of panels of dark cedar. The effect was very rich.
In this entryway, the sliding doors instead of being covered with thick paper, was made of dark cedar panels. The result was very luxurious.
In the houses of the Daimios the entrance is always grandly marked by a special roof, and by a massive structure of carved beams supporting it,—brilliantly colored oftentimes, and the surroundings in keeping with the dignity of this important region.
In the homes of the Daimyos, the entrance is always impressively highlighted by a unique roof and a large structure of intricately carved beams that support it—often brightly colored, with the surroundings matching the significance of this important area.
The doorways of shops and inns, when they definitely occur, are large square openings stoutly but neatly barred,—and permanently too, a portion of it being made to roll back. The sill of such an opening is some little distance from the ground, and one on entering steps over this sill to an earth floor within, called the do-ma. Here the wooden clogs are left as he steps upon the raised floor. Fig. 225 illustrates the appearance of this doorway.
The doorways of shops and inns, when they do appear, are wide square openings that are securely but neatly barred—and they stay that way, with part of it designed to roll back. The threshold of this opening is a bit above the ground, so when you enter, you step over this threshold onto an earth floor inside, called the do it. Here, you leave your wooden clogs behind as you step onto the raised floor. Fig. 225 shows what this doorway looks like.
The verandah is an essential part of the Japanese house. The word itself is of Oriental origin, and it is difficult to imagine an Oriental house of any pretensions without a verandah of some kind. In the Japanese house it is almost a continuation of the floor of the room, being but slightly below its level. The verandah is something more than a luxury; it is a necessity arising from the [pg 242] peculiar construction of the house. The shōji, with their delicate frames and white paper-coverings, which take the place of our glass windows in admitting light to the room, are from their very nature easily injured by the rain; the edge of the room; therefore, where these run, must come a few feet within the eaves; of the roof, or of any additional rain-shed which may be built above the shōji. At this line, therefore, the matted floor ceases, and a plank floor of varying width continues beyond, upon the outer edge of which is a single groove to accommodate another set of screens made of wood. These are called the amado, literally “rain-door,” and at night and during driving storms they are closed. At times, however, the rain may beat in between the amado; but though wetting the verandah, it rarely reaches the shōji.
The verandah is a crucial part of the Japanese house. The term itself is of Eastern origin, and it's hard to picture an Eastern house of any significance without some sort of verandah. In the Japanese home, it nearly continues the level of the room's floor, sitting just a bit lower. The verandah is more than just a luxury; it's a necessity stemming from the unique construction of the house. The shoji with their delicate frames and white paper coverings, which replace glass windows in bringing light into the room, are naturally prone to damage from rain. Therefore, the edge of the room where they are installed must sit a few feet inside the eaves of the roof or any extra rain shelter that may be built above the sliding door. At this line, the matted floor ends, and a wooden plank floor of varying width extends beyond, with a single groove on the outer edge to hold another set of wooden screens. These are known as beloved, literally meaning “rain-door,” and they are closed at night and during heavy storms. Occasionally, though, rain can sneak in between the beloved; but while it may wet the verandah, it rarely reaches the shoji.
In ordinary houses the verandah has no outer rail, though in the houses of the nobility a rail is often present. The width of the verandah varies in proportion to the size of the house. In some of the temples the verandah floor may be ten feet or more in width, and thickly lacquered, as in some of the Nikko temples. In common houses this area may be three or four feet in width. A reference to the plans (figs. 97 and 98; pages 113, 116), and also to the vertical section (fig. 103; page 126), will give a clear idea of this platform and its relation to the house. There are various ways of treating this feature; it is always supported on wooden posts, rough or hewn, which, like the uprights of the house, rest on single stones partly buried in the ground. The space between the edge of the verandah and the ground is almost invariably left open, as will be seen by reference to figs. 37, 48, 49, 50, and 95 (pages 55, 66, 68, 70, 106), though in Kioto houses it is sometimes filled up by simple boarding or panelling; and here and there are one or more panels which run back and forth in grooves, so that one can go beneath the house if necessary. The planks composing [pg 243] the floor of the verandah may be narrow or wide; usually however they are quite narrow, and run parallel with the edge of the verandah, though in some cages they are wide planks running at right angles. When this platform turns a corner, the ends of the planks may be mitred (as in fig. 226, A), or square (as in fig. 226, B), in which latter case the ends project beyond each other alternately. Sometimes the floor is made up of narrow strips of thick plank with the edges deeply chamfered or rounded (fig. 226, C). In this style a considerable space is left between the planks. The effect of this treatment is looked upon as rustic and picturesque, but is certainly not so pleasant to walk upon. In such a form of verandah the amado runs in a groove in close proximity to the shōji.
In regular houses, the verandah doesn’t have an outer rail, but in the homes of the wealthy, a rail is often included. The width of the verandah changes based on the size of the house. In some temples, the verandah floor can be ten feet wide or more and is heavily lacquered, like some of the Nikko temples. In typical houses, this area might be three or four feet wide. Looking at the plans (figs. 97 and 98; pages 113, 116) and the vertical section (fig. 103; page 126) will provide a clear understanding of this platform and how it connects to the house. There are different ways to design this feature; it’s always supported by wooden posts, whether rough or polished, which, like the house's uprights, sit on single stones that are partly buried in the ground. The space between the edge of the verandah and the ground is almost always left open, as seen in figs. 37, 48, 49, 50, and 95 (pages 55, 66, 68, 70, 106), although in Kyoto houses, it’s sometimes filled with simple boards or panels; additionally, some of them have one or more panels that slide back and forth in grooves, allowing access under the house if needed. The floor planks of the verandah may be narrow or wide; however, they’re usually quite narrow and run parallel to the edge of the verandah, though in some cases, they are wide planks installed perpendicularly. When this platform makes a corner, the ends of the planks may be mitred (as shown in fig. 226, A) or square (as in fig. 226, B), in which case the ends alternate projecting beyond each other. Sometimes, the floor consists of narrow strips of thick plank with deeply chamfered or rounded edges (fig. 226, C). This style leaves a significant gap between the planks. While this design is considered rustic and charming, it’s definitely not very comfortable to walk on. In this type of verandah, the beloved runs in a groove right next to the sliding door.
The verandah varies considerably in its height from the ground; more often it is so low that one sitting on its edge may rest his feet comfortably on the ground. In this case a single wide block, either of stone or wood, forms the step. When the verandah is at a greater height from the ground, permanent or adjustable steps, two or three in number, are placed in position. A common form of verandah-step is shown in fig. 179 (page 199). A very good type of verandah sketched from an old house in Kioto is shown in fig. 227. The manner in which the uprights support the broad over-hanging eaves, the appearance of the supplementary roof called hisashi, the shōji as they are seen, some closed and some open, disclosing the rooms within, [pg 244] and other details which will presently be described, are shown in this figure.
The verandah varies a lot in height from the ground; often, it’s so low that someone sitting on the edge can rest their feet comfortably on the ground. In this case, a single wide block, made of either stone or wood, serves as the step. When the verandah is higher off the ground, there are usually two or three permanent or adjustable steps in place. A common style of verandah step is illustrated in fig. 179 (page 199). A good example of a verandah, taken from an old house in Kyoto, is shown in fig. 227. This figure demonstrates how the uprights support the wide overhanging eaves, the look of the supplementary roof called hisashi, and the sliding door, some of which are closed and some open, revealing the rooms inside, [pg 244] along with other details that will be described shortly.
Rooms in the second story also open upon a balcony, the platform of which is generally much narrower than the one below. This balcony has of necessity a rail or balustrade; and here much good artistic work is displayed in design and finish, with simple and economical devices, apparent as in so many other features of the house. This structure, with a firm hand-rail above, has the interspaces between the posts which support it filled with many quaint and curious devices, either of lattice, bamboo, or panels with perforated designs. Generally a narrow bar runs from post to post close to the platform, so that any object dropped may not roll out; between the end posts of the rail this piece is often removable, to allow dust and dirt to be more easily swept away. (In fig. 228 the piece marked A is removable).
Rooms on the second floor also lead out to a balcony, which is usually much narrower than the one below. This balcony must have a railing or balustrade, and it features many beautiful artistic details in its design and finish, using simple and cost-effective methods, just like many other parts of the house. This structure has a sturdy handrail on top, with the spaces between the supporting posts filled with various unique and interesting designs made of lattice, bamboo, or panels with cut-out patterns. Typically, a narrow bar runs from post to post close to the balcony floor to prevent any dropped items from rolling off; this bar is often removable between the end posts to make it easier to sweep away dust and dirt. (In fig. 228, the piece marked A is removable).
Fig. 229 represents a panel from a balustrade in Matsushima. In this the design of bamboo was cut through, producing a very light and pretty effect. Fig. 230 shows another panel from a balustrade in Fujisawa; a perforated design of dragons in various attitudes ornamented each panel, which was held in place by a frame composed of round sticks of the red pine.
Fig. 229 represents a panel from a railing in Matsushima. In this design, bamboo was cut through, creating a very light and lovely effect. Fig. 230 shows another panel from a railing in Fujisawa; a cut-out design of dragons in various poses decorated each panel, which was supported by a frame made of round sticks of red pine.
It seems surprising that our architects do not oftener employ this method of perforation in their ornamental work,—the designs can be so clearly and sharply cut, while the dark shade of the room or space beyond gives a depth of color to the design, which is at the same time permanent. With the Japanese this method of ornamentation is a favorite one both for outside and inside finish, and they have shown great ingenuity and originality in the infinite variety of designs for this mode of treatment. Nothing seems too difficult for them to attempt,—flying birds, swimming fishes, dashing waves and the rising sun, flowers and butterflies; indeed, the whole range of pictorial design has offered no difficulties to them. In their process of figuring cloths and crape, stencil-plates of thick paper are employed, and in the printing of wall-paper the same methods are resorted to.
It’s surprising that our architects don’t use this method of perforation more often in their decorative work. The designs can be so clearly and sharply cut, while the dark shade of the room or space behind it adds depth to the design that is also lasting. The Japanese have made this method of ornamentation a favorite for both exterior and interior finishes, showcasing great creativity and originality in the endless variety of designs they create. Nothing seems too challenging for them to try—flying birds, swimming fish, crashing waves, the rising sun, flowers, and butterflies; in fact, they tackle the entire range of pictorial design with ease. When figuring fabrics and crepe, they use stencils made of thick paper, and the same techniques are applied in printing wallpaper.
In a balcony rail (fig. 231) a most delicate device was made using for a middle rail a small bamboo, directly beneath [pg 246] which was another rail composed of a longitudinal section of the middle of a large bamboo; such a section included the transverse partitions of the bamboo as well. This process is often resorted to in the construction of the frame-work of delicate shōji, but it is rare to see it used in a balustrade. The effect is exceedingly refined and delicate; and one realizes that in a country where such fragile tracery is incorporated in such an exposed structure, there must be an absence of the rough, boisterous children with whom we are familiar, and who in a short time would be as disastrous to a Japanese house as a violent earthquake and typhoon combined. One further realizes that in that country men must keep their feet where they properly belong.
On a balcony railing, (fig. 231) a very delicate design was created using a small bamboo for the middle rail, directly beneath [pg 246], which had another rail made of a longitudinal section from the middle of a larger bamboo; this section also included the transverse partitions of the bamboo. This method is often used in building the framework of delicate sliding door, but it's uncommon to see it applied in a balustrade. The effect is incredibly refined and delicate; it makes one realize that in a country where such fragile designs are part of such an exposed structure, there must be a lack of the rough, rambunctious children we know, who could wreak havoc on a Japanese house in no time, much like a violent earthquake and typhoon combined. One also understands that in that country, men must keep their feet where they rightfully belong.
The balustrade is often made very solid and substantial, as may be seen in fig. 232, sketched from the house of a celebrated potter in Kioto. The posts had metal tops, and at intervals along the upper rail metal plates were fixed.
The balustrade is often constructed to be very sturdy and strong, as shown in fig. 232, which is based on the house of a famous potter in Kioto. The posts had metal caps, and metal plates were attached at intervals along the top rail.
Transient guests are often received on the verandah; which place the hibachi, tabako-bon, and tea and cake are [pg 247] brought. In summer evenings it is much cooler here than on the matted floor within, and with the garden in view forms a pleasant place for recreation. Flower-pots are sometimes placed along its edge; children play upon it; and in a long suite of rooms it forms a convenient thoroughfare from one apartment to another. It is often the only means of reaching a room at one end of the house, unless by passing through other rooms, as in many cases there are no interior passage-ways, or corridors, as with us. It is needless to say that the verandah is kept scrupulously clean, and its wooden floor is often polished.20
Transient guests are often welcomed on the porch, where the hibachi, tobacco box, and tea and cake are brought. On summer evenings, it’s much cooler here than on the matted floor inside, and with the garden in view, it becomes a nice spot for relaxation. Flower pots are sometimes placed along its edge; children play on it; and in a long series of rooms, it serves as a handy walkway from one space to another. It’s often the only way to reach a room at one end of the house, unless you go through other rooms, since in many instances there are no interior hallways or corridors like we have. It goes without saying that the porch is kept spotlessly clean, and its wooden floor is frequently polished.
The amado, or rain-doors, by which the verandah is closed at night and during stormy weather, are in the form of light wooden screens about the size of the shōji. These are made [pg 248] of thin boards held together by a light frame-work having a few transverse bars. The amado run in a single groove on the outer edge of the verandah; at night the house is effectually closed by these shutters, and during hot summer nights the apartments become almost stifling. In many houses, however, provision is made for ventilation in the shape of long, narrow opening just above the amado. Panels are made to fit into these openings, so that in winter the cold to some extent may be kept out. On unusually stormy days and during the prevalence a typhoon, the house closed in this way is dark and gloomy enough.
The beloved, or rain doors, are used to close the verandah at night and during bad weather. They are made of lightweight wooden screens, about the size of shoji. These consist of thin boards attached to a light frame with a few crossbars. The beloved slide in a single groove on the outer edge of the verandah; at night, these shutters effectively seal the house, and during hot summer nights, the rooms can become almost suffocating. However, in many homes, there are openings for ventilation just above the beloved. Panels can be fitted into these openings, so in winter, some of the cold can be kept out. On particularly stormy days or during a typhoon, the house feels dark and gloomy when closed this way.
These shutters are the noisy features of a Japanese house. Within are no slamming doors or rattling latches; one admires the quiet and noiseless way in which the fusuma are gently pushed back and forth; and the soft mats yielding to the pressure of still softer feet, as the inmates like cats step lightly about, are soothing conditions to overstrained nerves and one cannot help contrasting them with the clatter of heavy boots on our wood floors, or the clouds of filthy dust kicked out of our carpets in any rough play of children. All these miseries are happily avoided in a Japanese house. Truth compels me to say, however, that in the morning you are roughly awakened by the servants pushing back into their appropriate recesses these outer wooden screens; and this act is usually noisy enough. In public houses this performance takes the place of clanging bell or tympanum-bursting gong (a Chinese instrument of torture which our people seem to take peculiar delight in); for not only the rattling bang of these resonant shutters, but the bright glare of daylight where before you had been immersed in darkness, assails you with a sudden and painful shock.
These shutters are the loud features of a Japanese house. Inside, there are no slamming doors or rattling latches; you admire the quiet and smooth way the sliding doors are gently moved back and forth, and the soft mats yielding to the pressure of softer feet as the residents glide around like cats offers a calming atmosphere for overstrained nerves. One can't help but compare this to the noise of heavy boots on our wood floors or the clouds of dusty dirt stirred up from our carpets during any rough play by children. All these annoyances are thankfully avoided in a Japanese house. However, the truth is that in the morning, you are abruptly awakened by the servants pushing these wooden screens back into place, and this act is usually loud enough. In public places, this noise replaces the ringing bell or the ear-splitting gong (a Chinese instrument of torture that our people seem to enjoy); for not only does the rattling bang of these resonant shutters, but the sudden burst of bright daylight where you were once surrounded by darkness, hit you with a jarring and unwelcome shock.
The Japanese have a number of curious devices by which lock or bolt these shutters. So far as I know, the only night [pg 249] lock the house possesses is attached to them. So feeble are these devices that they would hardly withstand the attack of a toothpick in the hands of a sneak-thief. To a Japanese our houses must appear like veritable prisons with locks, bolts, and automatic catches at every opening,—the front door with such mysterious devices that it is quite as impregnable from within as from without. What a land of thieves he must think himself in when he finds door-mats, door-scrapers, fountain-dippers, thermometers, etc., chained, screwed, or bolted to the house! The simplest device for locking a sliding door, or amado, is by means of a ring fastened to the post by the side of which the amado comes. In the frame of the amado is a little loop of iron; the ring is pushed over the loop, and a wooden pin holds it in place. Another form of lock consists of an upright bolt of wood that passes through the upper frame of the amado as well as through a transverse bar just below. This bolt being pushed up is held in place by another piece of wood, which slides along in such a way as to prevent the bolt from dropping back. A reference, however, to [pg 250] the sketches (figs. 233, 234) will better explain the working of this ingenious device. Sometimes a simple wooden pin is used to hold the last amado in place. All these various devices are on the last amado; as when this is locked, all the others are secured.
The Japanese have a variety of interesting devices to lock or secure these shutters. As far as I know, the only night lock the house has is attached to them. These devices are so weak that they would barely withstand an attack from a toothpick in the hands of a sneak-thief. To a Japanese person, our houses must seem like real prisons, equipped with locks, bolts, and automatic catches at every entrance—the front door has such mysterious mechanisms that it is just as secure from the inside as it is from the outside. They must think they are in a land full of thieves when they see door mats, door scrapers, fountain dippers, thermometers, etc., chained, screwed, or bolted to the house! The simplest way to lock a sliding door, or beloved, is with a ring attached to the post next to where the beloved slides. There’s a small loop of iron in the amado's frame; the ring fits over the loop, and a wooden pin keeps it in place. Another type of lock includes an upright wooden bolt that goes through the top frame of the beloved as well as a crossbar just below it. When this bolt is pushed up, it’s held in place by another wooden piece that slides in a way that prevents the bolt from falling back down. A look at the sketches (figs. 233, 234) will better explain how this clever device works. Sometimes, a simple wooden pin is used to secure the last beloved. All of these various mechanisms are on the last beloved; when this one is locked, all the others are secured too.
In old houses round-headed iron knobs (fig 235) will be noticed on the outer edge of the groove in which the amado run. These are placed at intervals corresponding to the number of amado, and are to prevent the amado from being lifted out of the groove from the outside and thus removed. This device is rarely seen nowadays.
In older houses, round iron knobs (fig 235) can be found on the outer edge of the groove where the beloved runs. These knobs are spaced according to the number of beloved, and they serve to keep the beloved from being lifted out of the groove from the outside and removed. This feature is rarely seen today.
In the second story the to-bukuro may be on a side of the house which runs at right angles with the balcony. As the amado are pushed along one after the other, it is necessary to turn them around the corner of the balcony, outside the corner post. To prevent them from slipping off the corner as they turn the post, a little iron roller is secured to the corner of the balcony; the amado is pushed by it part way, and then swung around into the other groove. A reference to the sketch (fig. 236) shows the position of this roller, and two forms of it. It will be noticed that there is no groove at this point, so that the amado may be turned without lifting them.
In the second story, the to-bag might be on a side of the house that’s perpendicular to the balcony. As the loved are pushed along one after another, it’s necessary to turn them around the corner of the balcony, outside the corner post. To keep them from slipping off the corner as they turn the post, a small iron roller is attached to the corner of the balcony; the beloved is pushed by it partway and then swung into the other groove. A reference to the sketch (fig. 236) shows the position of this roller and two variations of it. You’ll notice that there isn’t a groove at this point, so the beloved can be turned without needing to lift them.
In the amado which close the entrance to the house, the end one contains a little square door called a kuguri-do; this [pg 251] may slide back and forth, or may swing upon hinges. It is used as an entrance after the house is closed for the night. It is also called an earthquake-door, as through it the inmates may easily and quickly find egress, at times of sudden emergency, without the necessity of removing the amado.
In the beloved that closes the entrance to the house, the last one has a small square door called a kuguri-do; this [pg 251] can slide back and forth, or swing on hinges. It serves as an entrance after the house is closed for the night. It’s also known as an earthquake door, as it allows the residents to easily and quickly exit in times of sudden emergency, without having to remove the loved.
Not only the verandah but the entrance to the house, as well as the windows when they occur, are closed at night by amado. In the daytime these shutters are stowed away in closets called to-bukuro. These closets are placed at one side of the opening or place to be closed, and just outside the groove in which the shutters are to run. They have only the width of one shutter, but are deep enough to accommodate the number that is required to close any one entrance. By reference to the plans (figs. 97 and 98; pages 113, 116) the position of these closets may be seen; and in the views of the houses already given, notably in figs. 35, 38, 49 and 50 (pages 53, 56, 68, and 70), they may be seen at the ends of the verandahs, balconies, entrances, and windows.
Not only is the verandah but also the entrance to the house, as well as the windows when they are present, closed at night by beloved. During the day, these shutters are stored away in closets called to-bag. These closets are positioned on one side of the opening that needs to be closed, just outside the groove where the shutters slide. They are only as wide as one shutter, but deep enough to hold the number needed to cover any entrance. You can see the location of these closets by looking at the plans (figs. 97 and 98; pages 113, 116), and in the views of the houses previously shown, particularly in figs. 35, 38, 49, and 50 (pages 53, 56, 68, and 70), they are visible at the ends of the verandahs, balconies, entrances, and windows.
In an ordinary house the to-bukuro is made of thin boards, and has the appearance of a shallow box secured to the side of the house. In large inns the front of the to-bukuro is often composed of a single richly-grained plank. The closet has a notch [pg 252] on the side, so that the hand may grasp the edge of each amado in turn, as it is drawn toward the groove in which runs. A servant will stand at the to-bukuro and rapidly remove the amado one after the other, pushing them along the groove like a train of cars.
In a typical house, the to-bag is made of thin boards and looks like a shallow box attached to the side of the house. In larger inns, the front of the to-bag is often made from a single beautifully grained plank. The closet has a notch [pg 252] on the side so that you can grip the edge of each beloved to pull it toward the groove it slides in. A servant will stand at the to-bag and quickly remove the beloved one after the other, sliding them along the groove like a train of cars.
The to-bukuro is almost always a fixture on the side of the house; sometimes, however, it has to come on the verandah in such a position that if it were permanent it would obstruct the light. In such a case it is arranged on pivots, so that after the amado are stowed away for the day, it may be swung at right angles away from the verandah, and against the side of some porch or addition. This form of swinging to-bukuro is presented in the above sketch (fig. 237).
The to-bag is usually found on the side of the house; sometimes, though, it has to be moved onto the verandah in a way that, if it were permanent, would block the light. In that case, it’s set up on pivots, so that after the beloved are put away for the day, it can be swung at a right angle away from the verandah, and against the side of a porch or extension. This type of swinging to-bag is shown in the above sketch (fig. 237).
A curious evidence of the cleanly habits of the Japanese is seen in the chōdzu-bachi, a receptacle for water at the end of the verandah near the latrine. This convenience is solely for the purpose of washing the hands. This receptacle, if of bronze or pottery, rests on a stand or post of some kind, which rises from the ground near the edge of the verandah. Its importance is shown by the ornamental features often displayed in its structure and surroundings. In its simplest form it consists of a wooden bucket suspended by a bamboo which hangs from the eaves of the verandah [pg 253] roof above. To this bamboo hangs the dipper also (fig. 238). A towel-rack usually hangs near by. A more common form of chōdzu-bachi consists of a vessel of bronze, pottery, or porcelain, supported by a post fixed firmly in the ground, around the base of which is strewn a number of beach-worn pebbles, intermingled with larger stones; so that in washing the hands (which is always done by dipping the water from the vessel and pouring it on the hands) the water spilled finds its way through the pebbles, and thus an unsightly puddle of water is avoided. In simple forms of chōdzu-bachi, such as the one shown in fig. 49 (page 68), the pebbles are enclosed in a frame of tiles fixed in the ground edgewise, this frame being sometimes triangular and sometimes circular in form.
A notable example of the clean habits of the Japanese is seen in the chōdzu-bachi, a water container located at the end of the veranda near the toilet. This setup is specifically for washing hands. The container, whether made of bronze or pottery, is placed on a stand or post that rises from the ground near the edge of the veranda. Its significance is highlighted by the decorative features often present in its design and surroundings. In its simplest form, it consists of a wooden bucket hanging from bamboo, which is suspended from the eaves of the veranda roof above. The dipper also hangs from this bamboo (fig. 238). A towel rack is usually located nearby. A more common version of the chōdzu-bachi includes a vessel made of bronze, pottery, or porcelain, supported by a post firmly set in the ground, around which are scattered a number of beach-worn pebbles mixed with larger stones. This way, when washing hands (which is always done by scooping water from the vessel and pouring it on the hands), any spilled water flows through the pebbles, preventing an unsightly puddle. In simpler versions of chōdzu-bachi, like the one shown in fig. 49 (page 68), the pebbles are enclosed in a frame made of tiles fixed in the ground upright, with the frame sometimes being triangular or circular in shape.
For a support to these vessels the quaintest devices come into play: it may be the trunk of a tree, from one side of which a branch springs, covered with leaves and blossoms; or it may be the end of a carved post from some old building, as shown in fig. 237. A favorite support consists of a rudder-post from some old shipwreck, as shown in fig. 239, at a gentleman's house in the suburbs of Tokio. Usually the vessel is of bronze; and one often notices rare old forms used for this purpose, covered with a rich patina. Oftentimes water is conducted by a bamboo pipe, to fall in a continuous stream among the pebbles.
For support for these vessels, the most unique devices are used: it might be the trunk of a tree with a branch sprouting from one side, adorned with leaves and flowers; or it could be the end of a carved post from an old building, as shown in fig. 237. A popular support is a rudder-post from an old shipwreck, as illustrated in fig. 239, at a gentleman's home in the suburbs of Tokyo. Typically, the vessel is made of bronze, and you often see rare old shapes repurposed for this, covered with a rich patina. Sometimes water is channeled through a bamboo pipe to flow in a steady stream among the pebbles.
Many forms of chōdzu-bachi are in the shape of ponderous thick blocks of stone, with a depression on the top to hold the water. Of the stone forms there is an infinite variety: it may be a rough-hewn stone, or a square post, or an arch of stone, with a depression for water at the crown of the arch; indeed, the oddest conceits are shown in the designs for this purpose. The usual form, however, is cylindrical (fig. 240); the stone [pg 254] may be wrought in the shape of an urn (fig. 241). Whatever the form, however, they are generally monoliths.
Many types of chōdzu-bachi are shaped like heavy, thick blocks of stone, featuring a hollowed-out area on top to hold water. The stone versions come in countless varieties: they can be rough-hewn, a square post, or a stone arch with a water depression at the top; in fact, some of the designs are quite quirky. However, the most common shape is cylindrical (fig. 240); the stone [pg 254] can also be crafted to look like an urn (fig. 241). Regardless of their shape, they are typically monoliths.
Usually the stone chōdzu-bachi has a little wooden frame-work with roof resting on the top, to keep dead leaves from falling into the water. Large irregular-shaped stones, having depressions in them for water, may be seen near the entrance of the little buildings used for the ceremonial tea-parties; in this case the stone rests directly upon the ground. While in most cases the chōdzu-bachi is but slightly removed from the edge of the verandah, so that one may easily reach it with the dipper which always rests upon the top of the vessel, in more elaborate surroundings a little platform called hisashi-yen is built out from the edge of the verandah. This platform has a floor of bamboo rods, or circular or hexagonal bars of wood. A hand-rail often borders this platform, and a quaint old iron lantern usually hangs from above, to light the chōdzu-bachi at night. Fig. 240 represents the appearance of this platform with the chōdzu-bachi, at the house of a celebrated Kiyomidzu potter in Kioto; and in the illustration of an old verandah at Kioto; (fig. 227, page 244) is shown a Japanese in the act of washing his hands.
Usually, the stone chōdzu-bachi features a small wooden frame with a roof resting on top to prevent dead leaves from falling into the water. Large, irregularly shaped stones with depressions for water can be found near the entrance of the small buildings used for ceremonial tea parties; in this case, the stone sits directly on the ground. While in most instances the chōdzu-bachi is positioned just a bit away from the edge of the verandah for easy access with the dipper that always rests on top of the vessel, in more elaborate settings a small platform called hisashi yen is built out from the edge of the verandah. This platform has a floor made of bamboo rods or circular or hexagonal wooden bars. There's often a handrail around this platform, and a charming old iron lantern typically hangs from above to illuminate the chōdzu-bachi at night. Fig. 240 illustrates the appearance of this platform with the chōdzu-bachi, at the home of a famous Kiyomidzu potter in Kyoto; and in the illustration of an old verandah in Kyoto; (fig. 227, page 244) depicts a Japanese person washing their hands.
Taste and ingenuity are shown here, as elsewhere, in making this corner refined and artistic. Rare woods and expensive rock-work enter into its composition; beautiful flowers, climbing vines, and dwarf-pines are clustered about it; and books are specially prepared to illustrate the many ways in which this convenience may be dealt with.
Taste and creativity are evident here, as in other places, in creating this refined and artistic corner. Unique woods and costly stonework are part of its design; lovely flowers, climbing vines, and small pines surround it; and books are specifically created to show the various ways this feature can be utilized.
The general neatness and cleanliness of the people are well shown by the almost universal presence of the chōdzu-bachi, not only in the houses and inns, but in the public offices in the busiest parts of the city,—the railway station, to which hundreds throng, being no exception.
The overall neatness and cleanliness of the people are clearly demonstrated by the almost universal presence of the chōdzu-bachi, not just in homes and inns, but also in public offices in the busiest areas of the city—like the railway station, which hundreds of people flock to, without exception.
While little or no attempt at architectural display is made on that side of the house that comes next the street, the gateway, on the contrary, receives a good deal of attention, and many of these entrances are quite remarkable for their design and structure. These, like the fences, vary greatly as to their lightness or solidity. The gateways bordering the street are often of the most solid description,—well barred within, having a roof above them, and when painted black, as they often are, looking grim enough. Whether solid or light, however, the gateways are usually picturesque. Rustic effects are frequently seen, even in the gateways of the city houses; though often frail in appearance, it is rare to see one in ruins, or even in a dilapidated condition. Many of them are made of light thin material, though the upright posts are stout timbers well braced behind [pg 256] by supplementary posts, with strong cross-beams above. Often quaint old ship-planks or rugged and twisted branches form frame-work for the most delicate panelling of braided strips or perforated designs, with flattened strips of dark bamboo forming the centre ribs of a series of panels. All these contrasts of strong and frail, rough and delicate in design, material, and execution, are the surprises which give such a charm to Japanese work of this nature.
While there’s little to no effort in architectural display on the side of the house facing the street, the gateway, on the other hand, gets a lot of attention, and many of these entrances are quite impressive in design and structure. Like the fences, they vary significantly in terms of their lightness or sturdiness. The gateways along the street tend to be quite solid—well-reinforced from the inside, with roofs overhead, and when painted black, as they often are, they look pretty imposing. Whether they are solid or light, though, the gateways are usually picturesque. Rustic effects can often be found, even in the gateways of city houses; and while they may look fragile, it’s rare to see one in ruins or even that run-down. Many are made from lightweight materials, but the upright posts are strong timbers well-supported from behind by additional posts, with sturdy cross-beams overhead. Sometimes, charming old ship planks or rugged, twisted branches create a framework for the finest paneling of braided strips or perforated designs, with flattened strips of dark bamboo forming the center ribs of a series of panels. All these contrasts of strength and fragility, roughness and delicacy in design, material, and execution, are the surprises that add such charm to Japanese work of this kind.
There are many different types of gateways. In the city, one type is seen in the long row of buildings which form part of a yashiki inclosure; these are solid and ponderous structures. A gateway of a similar kind is seen in the thick high walls of tile, mud, and plaster which surround a yashiki. Another type is seen, in which the gateway is flanked on either side by tall, light, [pg 257] wooden or close bamboo fences; and still another, which is found in the garden fences, and is often of the lightest description.
There are many different kinds of gateways. In the city, one type can be found in the long row of buildings that make up a yashiki enclosure; these are solid and heavy structures. A similar type can be seen in the thick high walls made of tile, mud, and plaster that surround a yashiki. Another type has the gateway flanked on either side by tall, light wooden or closely spaced bamboo fences; and yet another is found in garden fences, often of the lightest construction.
Of the first kind forming the entrance to the yashiki, the building of which have not been considered in this work, a rough sketch is given in fig. 242. This is a gateway belonging to a small yashiki not far from Kudan in Tokio, which opens into a long low building solid and heavy in construction. The larger gateway has on either side a narrow opening for ordinary passage. A heavily-barred and protected window on one side is provided for the gatekeeper, from which he can see any one that passes in or out; the narrow though deep moat in front is bridged by stone. The gateway, though solid, appears far more solid than it is; the gates are apparently studded with heavy round-headed bolts, which as we have seen are often of pretentious solidity, being made of the thinnest sheet-metal and lightly attached. The broad metal straps, sockets, and bindings of the various beams are of the same sheet-copper. Gateways of this nature are often painted black or bright red, and in the olden times were wonderfully decorated with color and metal work.
Of the first kind, forming the entrance to the mansion which hasn't been covered in this work, a rough sketch is provided in fig. 242. This is a gateway belonging to a small estate not far from Kudan in Tokyo, leading into a long, low building that is solid and heavy in construction. The larger gateway has a narrow opening on each side for regular passage. There’s a heavily barred and protected window on one side for the gatekeeper, from which they can see anyone coming in or out; the narrow but deep moat in front is spanned by stone. The gateway, while solid, looks much sturdier than it actually is; the gates seem to be studded with heavy, round-headed bolts, which, as we have observed, are often made to look impressive but are actually just thin sheet metal that’s lightly attached. The broad metal straps, sockets, and bindings of the various beams are also made from this sheet copper. Gateways like this are often painted black or bright red, and in the past, they were incredibly decorated with vibrant colors and metalwork.
Of another group are the ordinary gateways of the better class of city houses. Fig. 243 is a typical one of this description. [pg 258] The sketch shows the appearance of the gateway from within, and illustrates the way in which the upright posts are strengthened by additional posts and braces. The double gates are held together, by a strong wooden bar, after the manner of similar gateways at home. In gateways of this description there is usually a small sliding door, its lower edge a foot from the ground, just high enough for a person to crawl through in a stooping attitude. For an alien resident to get in or out of this opening without tripping, or knocking off his hat, requires considerable skill and practice. When this little grated door is slid back it is sometimes arranged to jangle a bell, or to rattle a number of pieces of iron hung by a string, as a warning to the servant within. Sometimes this supplementary opening has a swinging instead of a sliding door; in this case a curious rattle is arranged by tying a number of short segments of bamboo to a piece of board which is hung to the gate: these rattle quite loudly whenever the gate is moved. Fig. 244 illustrates the appearance of this primitive yet ingenious gate-knocker.
Of another group are the typical entrances of better-class city houses. Fig. 243 is a typical example of this type. [pg 258] The sketch shows what the entrance looks like from the inside and demonstrates how the vertical posts are reinforced with additional posts and braces. The double gates are secured together with a strong wooden bar, similar to gateways at home. In entrances like this, there's usually a small sliding door, with its bottom edge a foot off the ground, just high enough for someone to crawl through while hunched over. For someone unfamiliar with it to use this opening without stumbling or knocking off their hat takes some skill and practice. When this little grated door is slid open, it’s often set up to jingle a bell or rattle some pieces of iron hanging by a string, serving as a warning to the servant inside. Sometimes this extra opening has a swinging door instead of a sliding one; in this case, a curious rattle is created by attaching several short bamboo pieces to a board that hangs from the gate: these rattle quite loudly whenever the gate is moved. Fig. 244 illustrates the design of this simple yet clever gate-knocker.
A number of curious ways are devised to lock the little sliding door in the gateway, one of which is here figured (fig. 245.) To the left of the drawing a portion of the door is shown. A piece hanging from a panel in the gate is held against the edge of the door by a sliding bolt, which, when pushed back, drops into place, allowing the door to slide by. It is, however, difficult to make this clear by description; a reference to fig. 245 will illustrate it. Not only do the larger gates have these smaller openings, but in the street-entrance of shops and inns the door which closes the entrance has a little door either hinged or on rollers. This is called the earthquake door, as through this in times of sudden danger the inmates escape, the larger doors or rain-shutters being liable to get bound or jammed in the swaying of the building.
A variety of interesting methods have been created to secure the small sliding door in the gate, one of which is illustrated here (fig. 245). To the left of the drawing, part of the door is shown. A piece hanging from a panel in the gate is kept against the edge of the door by a sliding bolt, which, when pushed back, locks into place, allowing the door to slide open. However, it's hard to explain this clearly in words; refer to fig. 245 for better understanding. Not only do the larger gates have these smaller openings, but at the street entrance of shops and inns, the door that closes the entrance has a small door either hinged or on rollers. This is called the earthquake door, as this is how people inside can escape during sudden danger, since the larger doors or rain-shutters may get stuck or jammed when the building sways.
The gateway shown in fig. 246 was sketched on the road which borders the Shinobadzu pond in Uyeno Park, Tokio. It represents a simple form of gateway in the high wooden fence which encloses the house and garden from the street. The double gates consist of single thin planks; above, a decoration is cut out of the narrow panel; a light coping held in place by two brackets [pg 260] crowns the whole, and a simple yet attractive gateway is accomplished. In this figure the durable way in which a fence is constructed is well shown. The stout wooden sills supported by flat stones, which in turn rest on the stone wall, may here be seen; and the interspace showing between the lower edge of the boards and the sill is a common feature of fence-structure. A barred opening in the fence next the gate permits one to communicate with the inmates from without.
The gateway shown in fig. 246 was drawn along the road that runs next to the Shinobadzu pond in Ueno Park, Tokyo. It represents a simple kind of gate in the tall wooden fence that separates the house and garden from the street. The double gates are made of single thin planks; above, there's a decorative cutout in the narrow panel; a lightweight coping held up by two brackets [pg 260] completes the look, resulting in a simple yet attractive entrance. This illustration effectively shows how a fence is sturdily constructed. You can see the solid wooden sills supported by flat stones, which rest on the stone wall; the gap between the bottom edge of the boards and the sill is a common feature of fence design. A barred opening in the fence next to the gate allows for communication with those inside.
A more elaborate gateway on the same street is shown in fig. 247. In this gateway one of the panels slides in a groove behind the other panel, which is fixed. These panels are filled with a braiding of thin strips of cedar. Above these low panels is a stout net-work of wood. The round gate-posts are held together above by a round beam as well as by a wide and thin plank, in which is cut in perforated pattern a graceful design. The roof of the gate is made of wide thin boards, supported by transverse pieces passing through the upright posts and keyed into place. The door-plate, consisting of a thin board upon which the name of the occupant is painted, is nailed to the post.
A more detailed gateway on the same street is shown in fig. 247. In this gateway, one of the panels slides into a groove behind the other fixed panel. These panels are filled with a weaving of thin strips of cedar. Above these low panels is a sturdy wooden lattice. The round gateposts are held together at the top by a round beam and a wide, thin plank, which has a decorative pattern cut into it. The roof of the gate is made of wide, thin boards, supported by cross pieces that pass through the upright posts and are secured in place. The nameplate, made of a thin board with the occupant's name painted on it, is nailed to the post.
Fig. 248 represents a gateway on the road leading from Shiba to Shinagawa, near Tokio. It was remarkable for the beauty of its proportions and the purity of its design. The two upright posts consisted of the natural trunks of trees [pg 261] stripped of their bark, showing the prominences left by the removal of their branches. The transverse piece crowning the whole had been specially selected to give an upward curve to its ends, such as one sees in the upper transverse beam of a tori-i.21 It had been cut on three of its faces, one answering to its lower face, and the other two to bring it in line with the gate; and these surfaces gave a picturesque effect by intersecting the irregularities of the trunk, producing a waved and irregular section. Directly below this beam was a black worm-eaten plank from some old shipwreck, and immediately below this was another transverse tie in the shape of a huge green bamboo. The gate itself was composed of light narrow strips placed half an inch apart, between which could be seen four transverse bars within. A small square area in one corner was framed in for the little supplementary entrance. The gate was flanked on each side by wings composed of boards, and capped with a heavy wooden rail; and these wings joined the neatest of bamboo fences, which rested on a stone foundation, which in turn formed the inner wall of the street gutter. Heavy [pg 262] slabs of dressed stone made a bridge across the gutter, and in front of the gateway was an irregular-shaped flag-stone, showing untouched its natural cleavage from the ledge; on each side and about this slab the ground was paved with round beach-worn cobble-stones. This gateway was exceedingly attractive; and there is no reason why just such an entrance, with perhaps the exception of the bamboo, might not be adopted for many of our own summer residences.
Fig. 248 is a gateway on the path from Shiba to Shinagawa, near Tokyo. It was notable for its beautiful proportions and clean design. The two vertical posts were made from the natural trunks of trees [pg 261] that had their bark removed, revealing the bumps left by the branches being cut away. The beam at the top was intentionally selected to curve upward at the ends, similar to the upper beam of a tori-y.21 It was cut on three sides: one side aligned with the bottom, and the other two to match the gate's alignment; these surfaces created a visually interesting effect by contrasting with the trunk’s natural irregularities, resulting in a wavy, uneven shape. Directly below this beam was a black, worm-eaten plank from an old shipwreck, and just beneath that was another crossbeam made of a large green bamboo. The gate itself consisted of light, narrow strips spaced half an inch apart, through which four crossbars were visible. One corner had a small squared-off area for a secondary entrance. On either side of the gate were wings made of boards, topped with a heavy wooden rail, which connected to a tidy bamboo fence resting on a stone foundation that also served as the inner wall of the street gutter. Heavy [pg 262] stone slabs created a bridge over the gutter, and in front of the gateway was an irregular flagstone, displaying its natural cleavage from the ledge; around this slab, the ground was paved with round, beach-worn cobblestones. This gateway was incredibly charming, and there’s no reason why a similar entrance, possibly minus the bamboo, couldn’t be used for many of our own summer homes.
Another gateway not so pretty, but showing one of the many grotesque ideas of the Japanese, is shown in fig. 249. Here the upper transverse beam is a huge and crooked log of wood,—an old log which had been dragged from the forest just as it fell in ruins from some tree. This peculiar way of arching a gateway with a tortuous stick is quite commonly seen.
Another gateway not very attractive, but displaying one of the many bizarre ideas of the Japanese, is shown in fig. 249. Here the upper crossbeam is a massive and twisted log of wood—an old log that was pulled from the forest just as it fell apart from some tree. This unusual method of arching a gateway with a crooked stick is quite commonly seen.
Fig. 250 represents a typical form of gateway often observed in the suburbs of Tokio and farther south. Its roof is quite large and complex, yet not heavy. The gate has a wide over-hanging roof of bark; the ridge consists of large bamboos placed longitudinally in two sets, each set being kept apart from each other as well as from the roof by thick saddles of bark resting across the ridge, the whole mass tied together and to [pg 264] the roof by a black-fibred root, the ends of these cords being twisted above into an ornamental plume. Smaller bamboos are placed at intervals nearly to the eaves of the roof. The rafters below were of different sizes and shapes in section, being round and square. The sketch will more fully explain the structure.
Fig. 250 represents a typical type of gateway often seen in the suburbs of Tokyo and further south. Its roof is quite large and intricate, yet not heavy. The gate features a wide overhanging roof made of bark; the ridge consists of large bamboos arranged lengthwise in two groups, with each group separated from each other and from the roof by thick pieces of bark resting across the ridge. The entire structure is tied together and secured to [pg 264] the roof by a black-fibered root, with the ends of these cords twisted above into a decorative plume. Smaller bamboos are positioned at intervals close to the eaves of the roof. The rafters below come in various sizes and shapes, being both round and square. The sketch will provide a clearer explanation of the structure.
Figs. 251 and 252 are rustic gateways in one of the large Imperial gardens in Tokio. In one, two rough logs form the posts, the fence being composed of large bamboos in sets of three, alternating on either side of the rails to which they are tied. This was a portal simply. The other had smooth round gateposts with a light wooden gate with braided panel, and the fence of each side was composed of rush. These gateways and fences were introduced as pleasing effects in the garden.
Figs. 251 and 252 are simple gateways in one of the large Imperial gardens in Tokyo. In one, two rough logs serve as the posts, with a fence made of large bamboos arranged in sets of three, alternating on either side of the rails to which they are tied. This was a straightforward entrance. The other had smooth round gateposts with a light wooden gate featuring a braided panel, and the fence on each side was made of rush. These gateways and fences were added for their aesthetic appeal in the garden.
In the village of Miyajima the deer come down from the woods and wander through the streets. To prevent them from entering the houses and gardens, the passages are guarded by the lightest of latticed gates, against which hangs a weight suspended from above by a cord or long bamboo. The weight answers a double purpose by keeping the gate closed, and also when opened by a caller, by banging loudly against it, thus attracting the attention of a servant.
In the village of Miyajima, deer come down from the woods and roam through the streets. To stop them from getting into the houses and gardens, the entrances are protected by delicate latticed gates, which have a weight hanging from above by a cord or long bamboo. The weight serves two purposes: it keeps the gate closed, and when someone opens it, it bangs loudly against the gate, catching the attention of a servant.
Large folding gates are often fastened by a transverse bar not unlike the way in which gates are fastened in our country. For light-folding gates an iron ring fastened to one gate by [pg 265] a staple is arranged to slip over a knob or nail on the other gate. In the yashiki, one often sees gates that show evidences of disuse, and learns that in former times such gates were only used on rare occasions by special guests of great importance.
Large folding gates are often secured with a crossbar, similar to how gates are secured in our country. For lighter folding gates, there's an iron ring attached to one gate by a staple that slips over a knob or nail on the other gate. In the yashiki you often see gates that clearly haven’t been used much, and you find out that in the past, these gates were only used on rare occasions for special guests of high importance.
There is an infinite variety of forms of garden gates; many of them consisting of the lightest wicker-work, and made solely for picturesque effects. Others, though for the same purpose, are more substantial. Fig. 253 represents a quaint garden gate leading into another garden beyond. Frail and unsubstantial as this gate appeared, it was nearly forty years old. The house to the right beyond the gate is for the tea-ceremonies, and the huge fish seen hanging up at the left is made of wood, and gives out a resonant sound when struck; it is the bell, in fact, to call the party from the guest-room to the tearoom beyond at the proper time. The owner of this place is a teacher and master of the Cha-no-yu, and a famous expert in old writings.
There is an endless variety of garden gates; many are made from the lightest wicker, designed purely for aesthetic appeal. Others, while serving the same purpose, are more durable. Fig. 253 shows a charming garden gate that leads into another garden beyond. Despite its delicate appearance, this gate is nearly forty years old. The house to the right of the gate is used for tea ceremonies, and the large fish hanging to the left is made of wood and produces a loud sound when struck; it serves as the bell to call the guests from the guest room to the tea room at the right moment. The owner of this place is a teacher and master of the Tea ceremony, and is well-known as an expert in ancient writings.
The variety in design and structure of fences seems almost inexhaustible. Many of them are solid and durable structures, others of the lightest possible description,—some made with solid frame and heavy stakes, and others of wisps of rush and sticks of bamboo; and between these is an infinite variety of intermediate forms. A great diversity of material enters into the structure of these fences,—heavy timbers, light boards, sticks of red-pine, bamboo, reed, twigs, and fagots. Bundles of rush, and indeed almost every kind of plant that can be bound into bundles or sustain its own weight are brought into requisition in the composition of these boundary partitions.
The variety in the design and structure of fences seems almost endless. Some are solid and built to last, while others are as lightweight as possible—some have a sturdy frame and heavy stakes, and others are made from thin reeds and bamboo sticks; and there are countless variations in between. A wide range of materials is used to build these fences—heavy timber, light boards, red-pine sticks, bamboo, reeds, twigs, and brushwood. Bundles of reeds, and really nearly any type of plant that can be bundled or can hold its own weight, are used in making these boundary partitions.
The fences have special names, either derived from their form or the substances from which they are made; thus, a little ornamental fence that juts out from the side of a house or wall is called a sode-gaki,—sode meaning “sleeve,” and kaki “fence,” the form of the fence having a fanciful resemblance to the curious [pg 267] long sleeve of a Japanese dress. A fence made out of bamboo is called a ma-gaki; while a fence made out of the perfumed wood from which the toothpicks are made is called a kuro-moji-gaki, and so on.
The fences have special names that come from their shape or the materials used to make them. For example, a small decorative fence that sticks out from the side of a house or wall is called a sode-gaki,—soda means "sleeve," and persimmon "fence" as the shape of the fence resembles the long sleeve of a Japanese dress. A fence made from bamboo is called a ma-gaki; meanwhile, a fence made of the fragrant wood used for toothpicks is called a kuro moji gaki, and so on.
There are many different groups of Japanese fences. Under one group may be mentioned all those enclosing the ground upon which the house stands. In the city these are often quite tall, usually built of boards, and supported on solid frames resting on a foundation of stone. In the country such fences are hardly more than trellises of bamboo, and these of the lightest description. Many of the fences are strictly ornamental, consisting either of light trellises bounding certain areas, or forming little screens jutting from the side of the house, or from the side of more durable fences or walls. Of these the designs are endless.
There are many different types of Japanese fences. One category includes all those that surround the area where the house is located. In the city, these fences are often quite tall, usually made of wooden boards, and supported by solid frames resting on a stone foundation. In the countryside, these fences are little more than lightweight bamboo trellises. Many of the fences are purely decorative, consisting of light trellises that define certain spaces, or small screens extending from the side of the house, or from more robust fences or walls. The designs of these fences are endless.
Let us examine more in detail some of the principal Japanese types of fences. A simple board-fence consists, as with us, of an upper and lower cross-tie, to which the boards are nailed. A useful modification of the ordinary board-fence consists in having the upper and lower rails of thick board, three or four inches wide, and nailed sideways to the fence-posts. The fence-boards are nailed to these rails alternately on one side and on the other. A pretty effect is produced by the interrupted appearance of the rails, and a useful purpose also is subserved by lessening the pressure of the wind which so often blows with great violence, since by securing the boards in this way interspaces occur between the boards the width of the rails. Fig. 254 illustrates a portion of this kind of fence, with its appearance in section as seen from above. This feature in board fences might be imitated with advantage in our country.
Let’s take a closer look at some of the main types of Japanese fences. A simple board fence, similar to those we have, consists of an upper and lower cross-tie where the boards are attached. A practical twist on the regular board fence involves using thick boards, three to four inches wide, for the upper and lower rails, which are nailed sideways to the fence posts. The fence boards are then nailed alternately to these rails on one side and then the other. This creates an attractive, staggered look with the rails and also helps to reduce the pressure from the strong winds that frequently blow through since there are gaps between the boards the same width as the rails. Fig. 254 shows a section of this type of fence from a top view. This design in board fences could be beneficially adapted in our country.
Heavy stake fences are made by mortising each stake, which consists of a stout square piece, and running the rail through the mortises thus made, and then pinning each stake in position. In many fences of this kind there are two rails near together, while the lower ends of the stakes are secured to a foundation-piece, or sill, which is raised an inch or two from the ground by stone props at intervals. By this treatment the sill is preserved both from the ravages of insects and the dampness of the ground. Fig. 255 [pg 269] gives the appearance of this kind of fence. Such fences are made more secure by driving into the ground additional posts at a distance of two feet or more, and binding them together by rails, as shown in the gateway (fig. 243, page 258).
Heavy stake fences are built by cutting mortises into each stake, which is a strong square piece, then running the rail through the mortises created, and finally pinning each stake in place. Many fences of this type have two rails placed closely together, while the lower ends of the stakes are anchored to a foundation piece, or sill, raised an inch or two off the ground by stone props placed at intervals. This design helps protect the sill from insects and moisture from the ground. Fig. 255 [pg 269] shows what this kind of fence looks like. These fences are made more secure by driving additional posts into the ground, spaced two feet or more apart, and connecting them with rails, as illustrated in the gateway (fig. 243, page 258).
A very serviceable kind of fence is made of bamboo, which is interwoven in the rails of the fence, as shown in fig. 256. The bamboo stakes are held in place by their elasticity. It will be observed that the post supporting this fence, and also showing the side of a gateway, is marked in a curious fashion. This post is a stout stick of wood in its natural state, the bark only being removed. The design, in a rich brown color, is in this case in the form of diamond-shaped spaces, though spiral lines, like those on a barber's pole, are often seen. This design is burned in, and the wood being carbonized is consequently insoluble as well as unchangeable in color. I was curious to know how such a design was burned in this formal pattern, and learned that a long stout rope, or band of straw soaked in water, was first wound around the post in a wide spiral, in two directions, leaving diamond-shaped interspaces. A bed of hot coals being prepared, the post was exposed to this heat, and the wood not protected by the wet straw-band became charred. This simple yet ingenious way of getting plain decorations, in a rich brown and lasting color, is one that might be utilized in a variety of ways by American architects.
A very practical type of fence is made from bamboo, which is woven into the rails of the fence, as shown in fig. 256. The bamboo stakes are held in place by their natural flexibility. You'll notice that the post supporting this fence, and also showing the side of a gateway, has a unique marking. This post is a sturdy piece of wood in its natural form, with only the bark removed. The design is in a rich brown color, formed into diamond-shaped patterns, though spiral lines, similar to those on a barber's pole, are often seen as well. This design is burned into the wood, and since the wood is charred, it is both resistant to change and colorfast. I was curious about how such a design was burned into this precise pattern and found out that a long, thick rope or a band of soaked straw was first wrapped around the post in a wide spiral, in two directions, leaving diamond-shaped gaps. After preparing a bed of hot coals, the post was placed in this heat, and the wood not protected by the wet straw band became charred. This simple yet clever method of creating plain decorations in a rich brown, lasting color could be used in various ways by American architects.
Fences built between house-lots, and consequently bordering the gardens, are made in a variety of decorative ways. A very strong and durable fence is shown in fig. 257, sketched in Hakone village. The posts in this case were natural trunks of [pg 270] trees, and braces of the same material, fastened by stout wooden pins, were secured to one side. The rail consisted of similar tree-trunks partially hewn, while the fence partition consisted small bamboo interwoven in the cross-ties.
Fences built between properties, which also surround the gardens, come in various decorative styles. A very strong and durable fence is shown in fig. 257, sketched in Hakone village. The posts in this case were natural tree trunks, and braces made from the same material, secured with sturdy wooden pins, were attached to one side. The rail was made from similar tree trunks that were partially hewn, while the fence partition consisted of small bamboo woven into the cross-ties.
Another fence of a more ornamental character (fig. 258) from a sketch made in Tokio. In this the lower part [pg 271] filled with a mass of twigs, held in place by slender cross-pieces; and the upper panels consisted of sticks of the red-pine with a slender vine interwoven, making a simple trellis.
Another fence with a more decorative style (fig. 258) based on a sketch made in Tokyo. The lower part [pg 271] is filled with a bunch of twigs, secured by thin cross-pieces; and the upper panels are made of red pine sticks with a delicate vine woven in, creating a simple trellis.
In the sode-gaki, or sleeve-fence, the greatest ingenuity in design and fabrication is shown; their variety seems endless. I have a Japanese work especially devoted to this kind of fence, in which are hundreds of different designs,—square tops, curving tops, circular or concave edges, panels cut out, and an infinite variety shown in the minor details. This kind of fence is always built out from the side of the house or from a more permanent fence or wall. It is rarely over four or five feet in length, and is strictly ornamental, though often useful in screening some feature of the house that is desired to be concealed.
In the sode-gaki, or sleeve-fence, there's a remarkable level of creativity in design and construction; the variety seems limitless. I have a Japanese book specifically about this type of fence, which includes hundreds of different designs—square tops, curved tops, circular or concave edges, cut-out panels, and countless variations in the finer details. This type of fence is always constructed away from the side of the house or from a more permanent fence or wall. It rarely exceeds four or five feet in height, and while it is mainly decorative, it can also be practical for hiding various aspects of the house that one might want to keep out of sight.
Fig. 259 represents a fence in which cylindrical bundles of rush are bound together by a black-fibred root, and held together by bamboo pieces. Little bundles of fagots are tied to each columns as an odd feature of decoration. In fig. 260 cylindrical bundles of rush and twigs are affixed in pairs on each side of Fig. 259 represents a fence in which cylindrical bundles of rush are bound together by a black-fibred root, and held together by bamboo pieces. Little bundles of fagots are tied to each columns as an odd feature of decoration. In fig. 260 cylindrical bundles of rush and twigs are affixed in pairs on each side of bamboo ties, which run from the outer post to the wooden fence [pg 272] from which the sode-gaki springs. In still another form (fig. 261) the upper portion consists of a bundle of stout reeds tied by broad bands of the black fibre so often used in such work. From this apparently hangs a broad mass of brown rush, spreading as it reaches the ground. Such fences might be added to our gardens, as the materials—such as reeds, rush, twigs, etc.—are easily obtained in this country. In the stout wooden fences it is not an uncommon sight to see openings the size of a small window protected by a projecting grating of wood (fig. 262).
Fig. 259 shows a fence made from cylindrical bundles of rush, linked together by a black-fibered root and secured with bamboo pieces. Small bundles of faggots are tied to each column as an unusual decorative touch. In fig. 260 cylindrical bundles of rush and twigs are attached in pairs on each side of Fig. 259 which shows a fence where cylindrical bundles of rush are bound together by a black-fibered root and held together by bamboo. Small bundles of faggots are tied to each column as a quirky decorative feature. In fig. 260 cylindrical bundles of rush and twigs are attached in pairs on each side of bamboo ties that run from the outer post to the wooden fence [pg 272] from which the sodegaki emerges. In another version (fig. 261), the top part consists of a bundle of sturdy reeds tied with broad bands of the black fiber frequently used in such constructions. From this, a wide mass of brown rush hangs down, spreading as it reaches the ground. These types of fences could easily be added to our gardens, as the materials—like reeds, rush, and twigs—are readily available in this country. In robust wooden fences, it's not uncommon to see openings the size of a small window secured by a projecting wooden grating (fig. 262).
Besides the fences, a few of which only have been figured, there are stout, durable walls built up with tile and plaster, or mud intermixed. These structures rest on a foundation of stone, are two or three feet wide at their base, and rise to a height of eight feet or more, at which altitude they may not be over two feet in width, and are crowned with a coping of tiles like a miniature roof-top. The interior of these walls is filled with a rubble of clay and broken tiles, while the outside exhibits an orderly arrangement of tiles in successive layers.
Besides the fences, some of which are only partially constructed, there are strong, durable walls made from tiles and plaster, or mud mixed in. These structures sit on a stone foundation, are two to three feet wide at the bottom, and rise to a height of eight feet or more, tapering to no more than two feet in width at the top, which is capped with tiles like a small rooftop. The inside of these walls is filled with rubble made of clay and broken tiles, while the outside shows a neat arrangement of tiles in layers.
The large enclosures, or yashikis, are generally surrounded by walls of this nature.
The large enclosures, or yashikis,, are usually surrounded by walls like these.
CHAPTER VI. GARDENS.
[pg 273]The Japanese garden, like the house, presents features that never enter into similar places in America. With us it is either modelled after certain French styles, or it is simply beds of flowers in patches or formal plats, or narrow beds bordering the paths; and even these attempts are generally made on large areas only. The smaller gardens seen around our ordinary dwellings are with few exceptions a tangle of bushes, or wretched attempts to crowd as many different kinds of flowers as possible into a given area; and when winter comes, there is nothing left but a harvest of dead stalks and a lot of hideously-designed trellises painted green.
The Japanese garden, like the house, showcases features that you won’t find in similar places in America. Here, gardens are either designed in certain French styles or consist of just flower beds in patches, formal layouts, or narrow beds lining the paths; and even these attempts are usually made on large plots of land only. The smaller gardens around our typical homes are, with few exceptions, a chaotic mix of bushes or unsuccessful efforts to cram as many different types of flowers into a small space as possible; and when winter arrives, all that’s left is a collection of dead stalks and a bunch of poorly designed green-painted trellises.
It is no wonder, then, that as our people have gradually become awakened within recent years to some idea of fitness and harmony of color, the conventional flower-bed has been hopelessly abandoned, and now green grass grows over the graves of most of these futile attempts to defy Nature. The grass substitute has at least the merit of not being offensive to the eye, and of requiring but little care save that of the strenuous pushing of the mechanical grass-cutter. This substitute is, however, a confession of inability and ignorance,—as much as if a decorator, after having struggled in vain with his fresco designs upon some ceiling, should give up in disgust and paint the entire surface one color.
It’s no surprise, then, that as our community has gradually become more aware in recent years of the importance of fitness and color harmony, the traditional flowerbed has been completely abandoned, and now green grass covers the remnants of these useless attempts to challenge Nature. Grass at least looks decent and requires minimal maintenance, aside from the hard work of using a mechanical mower. However, this choice is a sign of failure and lack of knowledge—just like a decorator, after struggling unsuccessfully with a ceiling mural, gives up in frustration and paints the whole area a single color.
The secret in a Japanese garden is that they do not attempt too much. That reserve and sense of propriety which characterize this people in all their decorative and other artistic work are here seen to perfection. Furthermore, in the midst of so much that is evanescent they see the necessity of providing enduring points of interest in the way of little ponds and bridges, odd-shaped stone lanterns and inscribed rocks, summer-houses and rustic fences, quaint paths of stone and pebble, and always a number of evergreen trees and shrubs. We, indeed, have feebly groped that way with our cement vases, jigsaw pavilions green with poisonous compound, and cast-iron fountains of such design that one no longer wonders at the increase of insanity in our midst. One of every hundred of the fountains that our people dote upon is in the form of two little cast-iron children standing in a cast-iron basin, holding over their heads a sheet-iron umbrella, from the point of which squirts a stream of water,—a perennial shower for them alone, while the grass and all about may be sear and yellow with the summer's drought!
The secret of a Japanese garden is that they don’t try to do too much. The restraint and sense of decency that define this culture in all their decorative and artistic work are highlighted perfectly here. Additionally, amidst so much that is fleeting, they recognize the need to create lasting points of interest through little ponds and bridges, uniquely shaped stone lanterns and inscribed rocks, summer houses and rustic fences, charming paths of stone and pebble, and always a variety of evergreen trees and shrubs. We, on the other hand, have clumsily attempted this with our cement vases, jigsaw pavilions covered in toxic materials, and cast-iron fountains designed in a way that makes one question the rise of insanity around us. One in every hundred of the fountains that people adore features two small cast-iron children standing in a cast-iron basin, holding a sheet-iron umbrella over their heads, from which a stream of water squirts—a constant shower just for them while the grass and everything else may be dry and yellow from the summer heat!
The Japanese have brought their garden arts to such perfection that a plot of ground ten feet square is capable of being exquisitely beautified by their methods. Plots of ground that in this country are too often encumbered with coal-ashes, tea-grounds, tin cans, and the garbage-barrel, in Japan are rendered charming to the eye by the simplest means. With cleanliness, simplicity, a few little evergreen shrubs, one or two little clusters of flowers, a rustic fence projecting from the side of the house, a quaintly shaped flower-pot or two, containing a few choice plants,—the simplest form of garden is attained. So much do the Japanese admire gardens, and garden effects, that their smallest strips of ground are utilized for this purpose. In the crowded city, among the poorest houses, one often sees, in the corner of a little earth-area that comes between the sill and [pg 275] the raised floor, a miniature garden made in some shallow box, or even on the ground itself. In gardens of any pretensions, a little pond or sheet of water of irregular outline is an indispensable feature. If a brook can be turned to run through the garden, one of the great charms is attained; and a diminutive water-fall gives all that can be desired. With the aid of fragments of rock and rounded boulders, the picturesque features of a brook can be brought out; little rustic bridges of stone and wood span it, and even the smallest pond will have a bridge of some kind thrown across. A few small hummocks and a little mountain six or eight feet high, over or about which the path runs, are nearly always present.
The Japanese have perfected their gardening techniques to the point where even a small area of ten feet square can be beautifully designed using their methods. In places that are often cluttered with coal ashes, tea grounds, tin cans, and garbage in this country, Japanese gardens are made charming with the simplest tools. By focusing on cleanliness, simplicity, a few small evergreen shrubs, one or two clusters of flowers, a rustic fence extending from the side of the house, and a couple of uniquely shaped flower pots with carefully chosen plants, they create the most basic form of a garden. The Japanese value gardens so highly that even the tiniest bits of land are transformed for this purpose. In densely populated cities, among the most modest homes, you often see a tiny garden set up in a shallow box or right on the ground in the corner of a small patch of soil between a window sill and the raised floor. In gardens with more ambition, a small pond or an irregularly shaped body of water is an essential feature. If it’s possible to channel a brook through the garden, it adds considerable charm, and a tiny waterfall fulfills all the additional desires. With bits of rock and smooth boulders, the picturesque elements of a brook can be highlighted; little rustic bridges made of stone and wood cross it, and even the smallest pond will feature some kind of bridge. A few small hills and a little mountain rising six or eight feet high, around which paths wind, are almost always included.
In gardens of larger size these little mountains are sometimes twenty, thirty, and even forty feet in height, and are built up from the level ground with great labor and expense. On top of these a little rustic lookout with thatched roof is made, from which if a view of Fuji can be got the acme is indeed reached. In still larger gardens,—that is, gardens measuring several hundred feet each way,—the ponds and bridges, small hills and meandering paths, with shrubs trimmed in round balls of various sizes, and grotesquely-shaped pines with long tortuous branches running near the ground, are all combined in such a way by the skilful landscape gardener that the area seems, without exaggeration of statement, ten times as vast.
In larger gardens, these little mountains can sometimes reach heights of twenty, thirty, or even forty feet, built up from the ground with considerable effort and cost. On top of these, there's often a rustic lookout with a thatched roof. If you can see Mount Fuji from there, it's truly a remarkable achievement. In even bigger gardens—those measuring several hundred feet in each direction—the ponds, bridges, small hills, and winding paths, along with shrubs shaped into round balls of various sizes and oddly shaped pines with long, twisting branches close to the ground, are all arranged by skilled landscape gardeners in such a way that the space feels, without exaggeration, ten times larger.
Irregularly and grotesquely shaped stones and huge slabs of rock form an important feature of all gardens; indeed, it is as difficult to imagine a Japanese garden without a number of picturesque and oddly-shaped stones as it is to imagine an American garden without flowers. In Tokio, for example, there being near the city no proper rocks of this kind for garden decoration, rocks and stones are often transported forty or fifty [pg 276] miles for this purpose alone. There are stone-yards in which one may see and purchase rocks such as one might use in building a rough cellar-wall at home, and also sea-worn rocks of various shapes and colors,—among them red-colored stones, that fetch a hundred dollars and more, brought from Sado, an island on the northwest coast of Japan. So much do the Japanese admire stones and rocks for garden decoration, that in their various works on the subject of garden-making the proper arrangement of stones is described and figured with painstaking minuteness. In the figures to be given of Japanese gardens, reproduced from a work entitled “Chikusan Teizoden,” written in the early part of the last century, the arrangement of rocks in the various garden designs will be observed.
Irregularly and oddly shaped stones and large slabs of rock are key elements in all gardens; in fact, it’s just as hard to picture a Japanese garden without a collection of picturesque and uniquely shaped stones as it is to envision an American garden without flowers. In Tokyo, for example, since there are no suitable rocks nearby for garden decoration, stones are often transported forty or fifty [pg 276] miles specifically for this reason. There are stone yards where you can see and buy rocks that could be used to build a rough cellar wall at home, as well as sea-worn stones in various shapes and colors,—including red stones that can cost a hundred dollars or more, brought from Sado, an island off the northwest coast of Japan. The Japanese have such a high regard for stones and rocks in garden design that their various works on the subject include detailed descriptions and illustrations of how to arrange stones. In the illustrations of Japanese gardens to be shared from a book titled “Chikusan Teizoden,” written in the early part of the last century, you will notice how the rocks are arranged in different garden designs.
Tablets of rock, not unlike a certain type of gravestone, and showing the rough cleavage of the rock from the parent ledge, are often erected in gardens. Upon the face of the rock some appropriate inscription is engraved. The accompanying sketch (fig. 263) is a tablet of this sort, from a famous tea-garden at Omori, celebrated for its plum-blossoms. The legend, freely translated, runs as follows: “The sight of the plum-blossom causes the ink to flow in the writing-room,”—meaning that one is inspired to compose poetry under the influence of these surroundings. This tablet was raised on a slight mound, with steps leading to it and quaint pines and shrubs surrounding it. The sketch gives only a suggestion of its appearance.
Tablets of stone, similar to certain types of gravestones, are often set up in gardens, showing the uneven break from the main rock. An appropriate inscription is carved into the surface of the stone. The sketch (fig. 263) is an example of this kind of tablet, from a famous tea garden at Omori, known for its plum blossoms. The inscription, loosely translated, says: "The sight of the plum blossom inspires creativity in the writing studio."—which means that being in this environment inspires one to write poetry. This tablet was placed on a small mound, with steps leading up to it, surrounded by charming pines and shrubs. The sketch only gives a hint of its appearance.
The stone lanterns (ishi-dōrō) are one of the most common yet important accompaniments of garden decoration. Indeed, it is rare to see a garden, even of small size, without one or more of these curious objects. They are usually wrought out of soft volcanic rock, and ordinary ones may be bought for a few dollars. They resemble stout stone-posts of various contours, round, square, hexagonal, or octagonal; or the upper part may be hexagonal, while the shaft supporting it may be a round pillar; or they may be of irregular form, built of water-worn rock. The upper portion is hollowed out, leaving various openings cut in ornamental shape; and in this cavity a lamp or candle is placed on special occasions. They are generally made in two or three sections. There are at least three distinct types,—short and broad ones with tops shaped like a mushroom, these generally standing on three or four legs; tall, slender ones; and a third form composed of a number of sections piled up to a considerable height, looking like a pagoda, which, for all I know, they may be made to imitate.
The stone lanterns (ishi-dōrō) are one of the most common yet important features in garden decor. In fact, it's uncommon to find a garden, even a small one, without one or more of these intriguing items. They are typically made from soft volcanic rock, and you can buy regular ones for just a few dollars. They resemble sturdy stone posts in various shapes—round, square, hexagonal, or octagonal; sometimes the top is hexagonal while the shaft is a round pillar; or they can have irregular shapes made from water-worn rock. The top is hollowed out, featuring openings cut in decorative designs, where a lamp or candle is placed on special occasions. They are usually constructed in two or three sections. There are at least three distinct types—short, wide ones with mushroom-shaped tops, typically standing on three or four legs; tall, slender ones; and a third kind made up of several sections stacked high, resembling a pagoda, which, for all I know, they might be designed to imitate.
These stone lanterns are called ishi-dōrō. A legend states that in ancient times there was a pond on a certain mountain, in the vicinity of which robbers repeatedly came out and attacked travellers. In consequence of this, a god called Iruhiko [pg 278] caused to be built stone lanterns to illuminate the roads, stone being a more enduring material. In a temple built by Prince Shotoko, in the second year of Suiko (594 A.D.) the first ishi-dōrō is said to have been erected, and the legend states that it was removed from the region above named to this temple.22
These stone lanterns are called ishi-dōrō A legend says that in ancient times, there was a pond on a certain mountain where robbers frequently ambushed travelers. Because of this, a god named Iruhiko [pg 278] had stone lanterns built to light the roads, as stone is more durable. In a temple constructed by Prince Shotoku, in the second year of Suiko (594 A.D.), the first stone lantern is said to have been set up, and the legend claims it was moved from the previously mentioned area to this temple.22
A few sketches are here given illustrating some of the forms of ishi-dōrō observed. The one shown in fig. 265 was sketched on the temple grounds of Miyajima, on the inland sea. I was informed by the priest there that this stone lantern was over seven hundred years old. Its base was buried, and the whole affair showed evidences of great age in the worn appearance of its various parts. Figs. 264 and 266 represent forms from Tokio and Shirako, and fig. 267 an elaborately wrought one from Utsunomiya.
A few sketches are here presented illustrating some of the forms of stone lantern observed. The one shown in fig. 265 was sketched on the temple grounds of Miyajima, by the inland sea. The priest there informed me that this stone lantern was over seven hundred years old. Its base was buried, and the whole structure showed signs of significant age in the worn appearance of its various parts. Figs. 264 and 266 represent forms from Tokyo and Shirako, and fig. 267 shows an intricately designed one from Utsunomiya.
The little bridges of stone and wood are extremely good examples of rustic-work, and might be copied with advantage in our country. The ingenious device of displacing the stones laterally (fig. 268), or of combining the bridge with stepping-stones, as seen in some of them, is decidedly unique.
The small bridges made of stone and wood are great examples of rustic design and could be beneficial to replicate in our country. The clever technique of shifting the stones sideways (fig. 268), or combining the bridge with stepping-stones, as observed in some of them, is truly one of a kind.
Fig. 269 illustrates a stone bridge in one of the large gardens of Tokio. The span of this bridge was ten or twelve feet, and yet the bridge itself was composed of a single slab of stone. Fig. 270 shows a little brook in a private garden in Tokio. Here the foot-bridge consists of an unwrought slab of rock. The ishi-dōrō showing in the same sketch consists of a number of naturally-worn stones, except the lantern portion, which has been cut out.
Fig. 269 shows a stone bridge in one of the large gardens of Tokyo. The width of this bridge was ten or twelve feet, and it was made from a single slab of stone. Fig. 270 displays a small stream in a private garden in Tokyo. Here, the footbridge is made of an unshaped slab of rock. The stone lantern shown in the same sketch is made up of several naturally worn stones, except for the lantern part, which has been carved out.
The summer-houses are simple and picturesque; sometimes they have a seat and a do-ma, or earth floor; others will have a board or a matted floor. These houses are generally open, the square thatched roof being supported on four corner-posts; others again will have two sides closed by permanent partitions, [pg 280] in one of which an ornamental opening or window occurs. We cannot understand what so intelligent an observer as Rein means when he makes the statement that the Japanese garden contains no summer-house,—for it is rare to see a garden of any magnitude without one, and impossible to refer to any Japanese book on the subject in which these little rustic shelters and resting-places are not figured.
The summer houses are simple and charming; sometimes they have a seat and a do-ma, or earth floor; others have a wooden or matted floor. These houses are usually open, with a square thatched roof supported by four corner posts; others may have two sides enclosed by permanent partitions, [pg 280] one of which features an ornamental opening or window. It's hard to understand what such an insightful observer as Rein means when he claims that the Japanese garden lacks a summer house—it's rare to find a garden of any size without one, and it's impossible to find a Japanese book on the subject that doesn't include these little rustic shelters and resting areas.
The training of vines and trees about the summer-house window is often delightfully conceived. We recall the circular window of one that presented a most beautiful appearance. Three sides of the summer-house were closed by permanent plaster partitions, tinted a rich brown color, with a very broad-eaved thatched roof throwing its dark shade on the matted floor. In the partition opposite the open side was a perfectly circular window five feet in diameter. There was no frame or moulding to this opening, simply the plastering finished squarely at the border; dark-brown bamboos of various thicknesses, secured across this opening horizontally, formed the frame-work; running vertically, and secured to the bamboo, was a close grating of brown rush. Over and around this window—it being on the sunny side—there had been carefully trained outside a vine with rich green leaves, so that the window was more or less shaded by it. The effect of the sunlight falling upon the vine was exquisite beyond description. When two or three leaves interposed between the sun's rays, the color was a rich dark green; where here and there, over the whole mass, a single leaf only interrupted the light, there were bright green flashes, like emerald gems; at points the dazzling sunlight glinted like sparks. In a few places the vine and leaves had been coaxed through the grating of rushes, and these were consequently in deep shadow. I did not attempt to sketch it, as no drawing could possibly convey an idea of the exceeding richness and charm of the effect, with the cool and shaded room within, the [pg 281] dark-brown lattice of bamboo and rush, the capacious round opening, and, above all, the effect of the various rich greens,—which was greatly heightened as the wind tremulously shifted the leafy screens without, and thus changed the arrangement of the emerald colors within.
The way the vines and trees are trained around the summer-house window is often really beautifully designed. I remember a circular window that looked absolutely stunning. Three sides of the summer-house were enclosed by solid plaster walls, painted a deep brown, with a wide thatched roof casting a dark shadow over the matted floor. On the side opposite the open area was a perfectly round window, five feet across. There was no frame or trim around it; the plaster simply ended neatly at the edge. Dark-brown bamboo of varying thicknesses was secured horizontally across this opening to form a framework, while a closely woven rush screen was attached vertically to the bamboo. Over and around this window—since it was on the sunny side—a vine with lush green leaves was carefully trained outside, providing some shade. The sunlight filtering through the vine was incredibly beautiful. When two or three leaves got in the way of the sun's rays, the color was a deep, rich green; where just a single leaf occasionally blocked the light, there were bright green spots, like emeralds; and at certain points, the bright sunlight flickered like sparks. In a few spots, the vine and leaves had been guided through the rush grating, resulting in deep shadow in those areas. I didn’t try to draw it, because no sketch could truly capture the overwhelming richness and charm of the scene, with the cool, shaded room inside, the dark-brown lattice of bamboo and rush, the spacious round opening, and especially the various shades of rich green—which were made even more vibrant as the wind gently swayed the leafy screens outside, altering the arrangement of emerald colors within.
My attention was first attracted to it by noticing a number of Japanese peering at it through an open fence, and admiring in rapt delight this charming conception. Such a room and window might easily be arranged in our gardens, as we have a number of vines with light, translucent leaves capable of being utilized in this way.
My attention was first drawn to it by seeing several Japanese people looking at it through an open fence, admiring this lovely design with great delight. A room and window like this could easily be set up in our gardens since we have several vines with light, translucent leaves that could be used this way.
Fig. 271 gives a view of a summer-house in a private garden in Tokio. Four rough posts and a few cross-ties formed the frame; it had a raised floor, the edge of which formed a seat, and two plastered partitions at right angles, in one of which was cut a circular window, and in the other a long, narrow opening above; and crowning the whole was a heavily-thatched roof, its peak capped by an inverted earthen basin. Whether the basin was made expressly for this purpose or not, its warm red color added a pleasing effect to the gray of the thatch. In front and about it stones and rocks were arranged in pleasing disorder, while a number of exotic flowers and quaintly trimmed shrubs added their charms, and a little brook found its way across the path leading to it.
Fig. 271 offers a view of a summer house in a private garden in Tokyo. Four rough posts and a few cross beams made up the frame; it featured a raised floor, the edge of which served as seating, and two plastered walls at right angles, one with a circular window cut into it and the other with a long, narrow opening above. Topping it all was a heavily thatched roof, its peak crowned by an upside-down earthen basin. Whether the basin was specifically made for this purpose or not, its warm red color added a nice touch to the gray of the thatch. In front of it, stones and rocks were arranged in an appealing, random fashion, while a variety of exotic flowers and uniquely trimmed shrubs contributed their beauty, and a small brook meandered across the path leading to it.
Fig. 272 is the sketch of a summer-house in one of the imperial gardens in Tokio. The frame, as in the one last figured, consisted of round sticks with the bark retained; this was capped with a thatched roof, surmounted by a ridge of thatch and bamboo. A very pretty feature was shown in the trellises, which sprung diagonally from each post,—the frame of these trellises consisting of tree-branches selected for their irregular forms. The lattice was made of bamboo and rush, and each trellis had a different design. The seat within was of porcelain; and about the slight mound on which the summer-house stood were curiously-trimmed shrubs and dwarfed pines.
Fig. 272 is a sketch of a summer house in one of the imperial gardens in Tokyo. The frame, like the one shown before, was made of round sticks with the bark still on; it had a thatched roof topped with a ridge of thatch and bamboo. A nice feature was the trellises that slanted diagonally from each post, with frames made from tree branches chosen for their unique shapes. The lattice was made of bamboo and rush, and each trellis had a different design. Inside, the seat was made of porcelain, and surrounding the small mound where the summer house stood were uniquely trimmed shrubs and miniature pines.
The openings or windows in these summer-houses are often remarkable for their curious designs. The following sketches (figs. 273, 274) give a faint idea of the appearance of these rustic openings,—one representing a gourd, its frame being made of grape-vine; the other suggesting a mountain, the lattice being made of bamboo.
The openings or windows in these summer houses often stand out because of their unique designs. The following sketches (figs. 273, 274) provide a glimpse of what these rustic openings look like—one resembles a gourd with a frame made of grapevine; the other suggests a mountain with a lattice made of bamboo.
For border hedges, trees of large size are often trained to form a second barrier above the squarely-trimmed shrubs that come next the path. A jinko-tree is trained so that it spreads like a fan, in one direction, to a width of thirty feet or more, while it may not be over two feet in thickness. An infinite amount of patient work is required in tying all the big branches and little twigs to bamboo supports in order to bring trees into such strange forms.
For border hedges, large trees are often shaped to create a second barrier above the neatly trimmed shrubs next to the path. A jinko tree is trained to spread out like a fan in one direction, reaching a width of thirty feet or more, while staying no thicker than two feet. It takes a tremendous amount of patience to tie all the big branches and small twigs to bamboo supports to achieve such unusual shapes for the trees.
In the garden of Fukiage, in Tokio, some very marvellous effects of landscape-gardening are seen. At a distance you notice high ground, a hill in fact, perhaps fifty or sixty feet in height; approaching it from a plain of rich green grass you cross a little lake, bridged at one point by a single slab of rock; then up a ravine, down which a veritable mountain brook is tumbling, and through a rock foundation so natural, that, until a series of faults and dislocations, synclinals and anticlinals, in rapid succession arouse your geological memories with a rude shock, you cannot believe that all this colossal mass of material has been transported here by man, from distances to be measured by leagues; and that a few hundred years ago a low plain existed where now are rocky ravines and dark dells, with heavy forest trees throwing their cool shadows over all. You wend your way by a picturesque forest-path to the summit of the hill, which is crowned by a rustic summer-house with wide verandah, from which a beautiful view of Fuji is got. Looking back towards the park, you expect to see the ravine below, but, to your amazement, an absolutely flat plain of shrubbery, resembling a closely-cropped tea plantation, level to the top of the hill and extending to a considerable distance, greets your [pg 284] eye. Have you lost the points of the compass? Walking out in the direction of this level growth of shrubbery, a new surprise awaits you; for peering through the bushes, you look down the slopes of the steep hill you had ascended. The forest-trees which thickly cover the slopes of the hill had been trimmed above to an absolute level; and this treatment had gone on for so many years that the tops formed a dense mass having the appearance, from the summer-house, of a continuous stretch of low shrubs springing from a level ground.
In the garden of Fukiage, in Tokyo, you can see some truly amazing landscape gardening. From a distance, there's a high area, a hill actually, maybe fifty or sixty feet tall. As you approach it from a plain of lush green grass, you cross a small lake, which at one point is spanned by a single slab of rock. Then you go up a ravine, down which a genuine mountain stream is cascading, and through a rock formation so natural that, until a series of faults and shifts, synclines and anticlines, suddenly remind you of geology with a jolt, you can hardly believe this massive amount of material was brought here by people from distances measured in leagues. Just a few hundred years ago, a flat plain was here instead of the rocky ravines and dark valleys with tall trees casting their cool shadows everywhere. You make your way along a scenic forest path to the top of the hill, which is topped by a rustic summer house with a wide porch, offering a stunning view of Fuji. Looking back toward the park, you expect to see the ravine below, but to your surprise, you see a completely flat area of shrubs, resembling a well-trimmed tea plantation, level with the top of the hill and stretching far into the distance. Have you lost your sense of direction? As you walk toward this flat expanse of shrubs, another surprise awaits you; peering through the foliage, you can see down the steep slopes of the hill you just climbed. The trees that densely cover the hill's slopes have been trimmed at the top to create a perfect level, and this practice has been going on for so many years that the tops form a thick mass that looks, from the summer house, like a uniform stretch of low shrubs rising from flat ground.
I have spoken of the love the Japanese have for gardens and garden effects, the smallest areas of ground being utilized for this purpose. As an illustration of this, I recall an experience in a cheap inn, where I was forced to take a meal or go hungry till late at night. The immediate surroundings indicated poverty, the house itself being poorly furnished, the mats hard and uneven, and the attendants very cheaply dressed. In the room where our meal was served there was a circular window, through which could be seen a curious stone lantern and a pine-tree, the branches of which stretched across the opening, while beyond a fine view of some high mountains was to be had. From where we sat on the mats there were all the evidences of a fine garden outside; and wondering how so poor a house could sustain so fine a garden, I went to the window to investigate. What was my surprise to find that the extent of ground from which the lantern and pine-tree sprung was just three feet in width! Then came a low board-fence, and beyond this stretched the rice-fields of a neighboring farmer. At home such a narrow strip of land would in all likelihood have been the receptacle for broken glass and tin cans, and a thoroughfare for erratic cats; here, however, everything was clean and neat,—and this narrow plot of ground, good for no other purpose, had been utilized solely for the benefit of the room within.
I've talked about the love the Japanese have for gardens and the way even the smallest patches of land are used for this purpose. As an example, I remember an experience in a budget inn where I had to eat or go hungry until late at night. The surroundings showed signs of poverty; the place itself was poorly furnished, the mats were hard and uneven, and the staff were dressed very cheaply. In the room where we had our meal, there was a circular window that revealed a unique stone lantern and a pine tree, its branches reaching across the opening, while beyond that, there was a beautiful view of some tall mountains. From where we sat on the mats, it was clear there was a lovely garden outside, and I wondered how such a shabby house could have such a beautiful garden, so I went to the window to check it out. To my surprise, I found that the area of land where the lantern and pine tree stood was only three feet wide! Then there was a low wooden fence, and beyond that stretched the rice fields of a nearby farmer. At home, such a narrow strip of land would likely be a dumping ground for broken glass and tin cans, a pathway for wandering cats; here, though, everything was clean and tidy—and this narrow plot of land, good for nothing else, had been used solely for the benefit of the room inside.
Reference has been made to the ponds and brooks as desirable features in garden-making. Where water is not obtainable for the purpose, or possibly for the ingenuity of the idea, the Japanese sometimes make a deceptive pond, which is absolutely destitute of water; so perfectly, however, are the various features of the pond carried out, that the effect of water is produced by the illusion of association. The pond is laid out in an irregular outline, around the border of which plant-pots buried out of sight contain the iris and a number of plants which naturally abound near wet shores. The bottom of the pond is lined with little gray pebbles, and a rustic bridge leads to a little island in the centre. The appearance of this dry pond from the verandah is most deceptive.
Reference has been made to ponds and streams as desirable features in garden design. When water isn't available for this purpose, or perhaps just for creativity's sake, the Japanese sometimes create a fake pond that has no water at all. The way they design it is so detailed that it gives the illusion of water through association. The pond has an irregular shape, and along the edges, there are hidden plant pots containing iris and other plants that naturally grow near wet areas. The bottom of the pond is covered with small gray pebbles, and a rustic bridge leads to a small island in the center. The view of this dry pond from the veranda is highly deceptive.
The real ponds contain either lotus or other aquatic plants, or they may be given up to turtles or gold-fish, and are oftentimes very elaborately laid out with rustic, wooden, or stone bridges. Little promontories with stone lanterns standing at their ends like miniature light-houses, rustic arbors or seats, trellises above supporting a luxuriant growth of wistaria, and tortuous pines with long branches reaching out over the water, are a few of the many features which add so much to that peculiar charm so characteristic of Japanese gardens.
The real ponds have either lotus flowers or other water plants, or they might be home to turtles or goldfish, and are often designed with charming wooden or stone bridges. There are small points of land with stone lanterns at their tips, resembling tiny lighthouses, rustic arbors or benches, and trellises that support lush wisteria, along with winding pines that stretch their long branches over the water. These are just a few of the many elements that contribute to the unique charm typical of Japanese gardens.
The pathways of stone are of many kinds. Sometimes the slabs of stone may be finished squarely, and then each may be arranged in line across the path, or adjusted in such a way from one side to the other that a zigzag path is made; in other cases the path may consist of long slabs squarely trimmed, or of large irregular slabs interrupted with little stones, all compacted into the hard earth. Fig. 275, copied from “Chikusan Teizoden,” shows some of these arrangements; and an idea of the way in which the stone paths are laid out is well illustrated in figs. 283 and 284 (pp. 291, 292), copied from the same work. The entrance from the street is seen at the left. The stone path leads through a courtyard to a second gate, and from thence to the genka, or entrance to the house.
The stone pathways come in many styles. Sometimes the slabs are finished squarely and arranged in a straight line across the path, or they are positioned in a way that creates a zigzag pattern. In other cases, the path may consist of long, evenly trimmed slabs or large, irregular stones mixed with smaller ones, all compacted into the hard ground. Fig. 275, copied from "Chikusan Teizoden," illustrates some of these designs; and figures 283 and 284 (pp. 291, 292), also from the same work, provide a good idea of how the stone paths are laid out. The entrance from the street is visible on the left. The stone path leads through a courtyard to a second gate, and from there to the money, or entrance to the house.
Flowers, shrubs, and dwarf trees in pots and tubs are commonly used in the vicinity of the verandah, and also about the garden for decorative features; and here tasteful and rustic effects are sought for in the design and material of the larger wooden receptacles. Fig. 276 represents a shallow trough made from a fragment of an old shipwreck, blackened by age, and mounted on a dark wood-stand. In this trough are two stones, a bronze crab, and a few aquatic plants. Another wooden flower-pot of large size (fig. 277) is made from the planks of an old vessel, the wood perforated by Teredo, and the grain deeply worn out by age. Its form permits it to be carried by two men.
Flowers, shrubs, and small trees in pots and tubs are often used around the patio and throughout the garden for decoration; and here, stylish and natural looks are aimed for in the design and materials of the larger wooden containers. Fig. 276 represents a shallow trough made from a piece of an old shipwreck, darkened by age, and placed on a dark wooden stand. In this trough are two stones, a bronze crab, and a few water plants. Another large wooden flower pot (fig. 277) is made from the planks of an old ship, the wood full of holes from Teredo, and the grain deeply worn by time. Its shape allows it to be carried by two people.
Among the most extraordinary objects connected with gardens are the dwarf plum-trees. Before the evidence of life [pg 287] appears in the blooming, one would certainly believe that a collection of dwarf plum-trees were simply fragments of old blackened and distorted branches or roots,—as if fragments of dead wood had been selected for the purpose of grotesque display! Indeed, nothing more hopeless for flowers or life could be imagined than the appearance of these irregular, flattened, and even perforated sticks and stumps. They are kept in the house on the sunny side, and while the snow is yet on the ground, send out long, delicate drooping twigs, which are soon strung with a wealth of the most beautiful rosy-tinted blossoms it is possible to conceive; and, cunously enough not a trace of a green leaf appears during all this luxuriant blossoming.
Among the most remarkable things associated with gardens are the dwarf plum trees. Before any sign of life appears in the blooming, one might easily think that a collection of dwarf plum trees were simply bits of old, charred, and misshapen branches or roots—like pieces of dead wood chosen for a strange display! In fact, nothing could seem more unlikely for flowers or life than these uneven, flattened, and even holed sticks and stumps. They are kept indoors on the sunny side, and while there’s still snow on the ground, they send out long, delicate drooping twigs that soon become adorned with an abundance of the most stunning rosy-tinted blossoms you can imagine; and, curiously enough, not a single green leaf appears during all this plentiful blooming.
Fig. 278 is an attempt to show the appearance of one of these phenomenal plum-trees. It was over forty years old, and stood about three feet high. By what horticultural sorcery life had been kept in this blackened stump, only a Japanese gardener knows. And such a vitality! Not a few feeble twigs and blossoms as an expiring effort, but a delicious growth of the most vigorous and dainty flowers. The pines are equally remarkable in their way. It is very curious to see a sturdy old pine-tree, masculine and gruff in its gnarled branches and tortuous trunk, perhaps forty or fifty years old, and yet not over two feet in height, and growing in a flower-pot; or a thick chunk of pine standing upright in a flower-pot, and sending out [pg 288] vigorous branches covered with leaves (fig. 279), and others trained in ways that seem incredible.
Fig. 278 is an attempt to showcase the look of one of these amazing plum trees. It was over forty years old and stood about three feet tall. Only a Japanese gardener knows the horticultural magic that kept life alive in this blackened stump. And what vitality! Not just a few weak twigs and blossoms as a final effort, but a stunning display of the most vibrant and delicate flowers. The pines are equally impressive in their own way. It's quite fascinating to see a strong old pine tree, tough and rough with its twisted branches and contorted trunk, perhaps forty or fifty years old, yet only around two feet high, growing in a flower pot; or a thick piece of pine standing upright in a flower pot and sending out [pg 288] strong branches covered with leaves (fig. 279), alongside others trained in remarkable ways.
In a large garden in Tokio I saw one of these trees that spread out in a symmetrical convex disk with a diameter of twenty feet or more, yet standing not over two feet in height (fig. 280); still another one, in which the branches had been trained to assume the appearance of flattened disks (fig. 281). It would seem as if the artistic and picturesque taste of the gardener followed the shrubs even to their winter shrouds of straw; for when they are enwrapped for the winter's cold and snow, the objects even in this guise look quaint and attractive, besides being most thoroughly protected, as may be seen by fig. 282 on page 290.
In a large garden in Tokyo, I saw one of those trees that spread out in a symmetrical, convex shape with a diameter of twenty feet or more, yet only stood around two feet tall (fig. 280). There was another tree where the branches were trained to look like flattened disks (fig. 281). It seems that the artistic and picturesque taste of the gardener extended even to the shrubs' winter coverings of straw; when wrapped for the cold and snow, even in this form, they look charming and appealing, while also being well-protected, as shown by fig. 282 on page 290.
In this brief sketch of Japanese gardens only the more salient features have been touched upon, and these only in the most general way. It would have been more proper to have included the ornamental fences, more especially the sode-gaki, in this chapter. It was deemed best, however, to include fences of all kinds under one heading; and this has been done in a previous chapter. The rustic wells, which add so much to garden effects, might with equal propriety have been incorporated here; but for similar reasons it was thought best to include with the wells the [pg 290] few brief allusions to water supply and village aqueducts,—and these subjects are therefore brought together under one heading in the chapter which is to follow.
In this brief overview of Japanese gardens, only the most prominent features have been mentioned, and these in a very general way. It would have been more appropriate to include decorative fences, especially the sodegaki, in this chapter. However, it was decided to group all types of fences under one category, which has already been addressed in a previous chapter. The rustic wells, which significantly enhance the garden's appearance, could also have been included here; but for similar reasons, it was considered better to combine the wells with the [pg 290] brief references to water supply and village aqueducts, and these topics will therefore be discussed together in the upcoming chapter.
In this chapter on gardens, I regret the absence of general sketches of the garden proper; but the few sketches I had made were too imperfect to hazard an attempt at their reproduction. Moreover, not the slightest justice could have been done to the thoroughly original character of the Japanese garden, with all its variety and beauty. In lieu of this, however, I have had reproduced a number of views of private gardens, from a Japanese work on the subject published in the early part of the last century,—though, so far as their general arrangement and appearance go, they might have been copied from gardens to be seen in that country to-day.
In this chapter about gardens, I regret that I don't have any overall sketches of the garden itself; the few sketches I created were too imperfect to attempt reproducing. Additionally, no representation could have fully captured the truly unique nature of the Japanese garden, with all its diversity and beauty. Instead, I’ve included several views of private gardens from a Japanese publication on the topic from the early part of the last century—although, in terms of their layout and appearance, they could easily be mistaken for gardens you would find in Japan today.
The first illustration (fig. 283) shows the relation of the various buildings, with the approaches from the street, which is on the left. Here are seen two gateways: the larger one with swinging gates is closed; the smaller one with sliding gate is open. The building with the two little windows and black foundation is the kura. The pathway, of irregular slabs of stone, leads around the sides of the kura to a second gateway; and beyond this the stone path continues to the genka, or main entrance to the dwelling. The drawing is a curious admixture of isometric and linear perspective, with some violent displacements in point of sight and vanishing points, in order to [pg 292] show fully the various details within the limits of the plate. The other illustrations represent respectively a little garden belonging to the priests' house of a Buddhist temple (fig 284), a garden connected with the house of a merchant (fig. 285; the legend says the owner is a dealer in dress materials and [pg 295] cottons), and a garden connected with the residence of a Daimio (fig. 286). All of these gardens were to be found in Sakai, Idzumi, nearly two hundred years ago, and the more enduring features of some of them may still be in existence. A study of these quaint drawings will enable the reader to recognize the ornamental fences, quaint rocks, rustic wells, ishi-dōrō,chōdzu-bachi, stone pathways, and curious trees and shrubs so characteristic of the Japanese garden, and so utterly unlike anything with which we are familiar in the geometrical patches we are wont to regard as gardens.
The first illustration (fig. 283) shows the layout of the various buildings and the paths leading from the street, which is on the left. You can see two gateways: the larger one, with swinging gates, is closed, while the smaller one, with a sliding gate, is open. The building with the two tiny windows and black foundation is the kura. The pathway, made of uneven stone slabs, goes around the sides of the kitchen to a second gateway; beyond that, the stone path continues to the genka, or main entrance to the house. The drawing combines isometric and linear perspective, with some drastic shifts in viewpoint and vanishing points, all to [pg 292] fully display the various details within the confines of the illustration. The other illustrations depict, respectively, a small garden belonging to the priests' house of a Buddhist temple (fig 284), a garden connected with the home of a merchant (fig. 285; the caption states that the owner is a seller of fabrics and [pg 295] cottons), and a garden linked to the residence of a Daimio (fig. 286). All of these gardens were located in Sakai, Idzumi, nearly two hundred years ago, and some elements of them may still exist today. A study of these charming drawings will help the reader recognize the decorative fences, unique rocks, rustic wells, stone lantern,chōdzu-bachi, stone pathways, and interesting trees and shrubs that are so characteristic of Japanese gardens, which are completely different from the geometric patches we typically think of as gardens.

It is a remarkable fact that the various trees and shrubs which adorn a Japanese garden may be successfully transplanted again and again without impairing their vitality. Trees of very large size may be seen, almost daily, being dragged through the streets on their way from one garden to another. A man may have a vigorous and healthy garden under way in the space of a few days,—trees forty or fifty feet high, and as many years old, sturdy shrubs and tender plants, all possessing a vitality and endurance under the intelligent management of a Japanese gardener, which permits them to be transported from one end of the city to the other. If for some reason the owner has to give up his place, every stone and ornamental fence, and every tree and plant having its commercial value, may all be dug up and sold and spirited away, in a single day, to some other part of the town. And such a vicissitude often falls to the lot of a Japanese garden, enduring as it is. The whole affair, save the circular well-hole, may be transported like magic from one end of the country to the other.
It’s impressive that the different trees and shrubs in a Japanese garden can be successfully moved again and again without losing their vitality. You can see large trees being pulled through the streets almost daily as they’re transported from one garden to another. A person can have a thriving garden established in just a few days—trees that are forty or fifty feet tall and many years old, along with sturdy shrubs and delicate plants—all showing a resilience and longevity under the skilled care of a Japanese gardener that allows for their relocation across the city. If the owner needs to leave the property for any reason, every stone, ornamental fence, tree, and plant with commercial value can be dug up, sold, and taken away to another part of town in a single day. Such changes often happen to a Japanese garden, no matter how resilient it is. Aside from the circular well, everything can be moved almost magically from one end of the country to the other.
CHAPTER VII. MISCELLANEOUS MATTERS.
[pg 296]With the exception of a few of the larger cities, the water-supply of Japan is by means of wooden wells sunk in the ground. In Tokio, besides the ordinary forms of wells which are found in every portion of the city, there is a system of aqueducts conveying water from the Tamagawa a distance of twenty-four miles, and from Kanda a distance of ten miles or more. It is hardly within the province of this work to call attention to the exceeding impurity of much of the well-water in Tokio and elsewhere in Japan, as shown by many analyses, or to the imperfect way in which water is conveyed from remote places to Tokio and Yokohama. For valuable and interesting papers on this subject the reader is referred to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Japan.23
Except for a few larger cities, Japan's water supply mainly comes from wooden wells dug into the ground. In Tokyo, along with the standard types of wells found throughout the city, there’s also a system of aqueducts that brings water from the Tamagawa, which is 24 miles away, and from Kanda, over 10 miles away. It's not really the focus of this work to highlight the significant impurity of much of the well water in Tokyo and other parts of Japan, as revealed by numerous analyses, or to discuss the inadequate methods of transporting water from distant places to Tokyo and Yokohama. For valuable and interesting papers on this topic, readers are referred to the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Japan.23
The aqueducts in the city are made of wood, either in the shape of heavy square plank tubes or circular wooden pipes. These various conductors are intersected by open wells, in which the water finds its natural level, only partially filling them. These wells are to be found in the main streets as well as in certain open areas; and to them the people come, not only to get their water, but often to do light washing.
The aqueducts in the city are made of wood, shaped like heavy square planks or circular wooden pipes. These different conduits are crossed by open wells, where the water settles at its natural level, only partially filling them. You can find these wells on the main streets as well as in some open spaces; people come to them not only to fetch water but often to do some light washing too.
The time must soon come when the authorities of Tokio will find it absolutely necessary to establish water-works for the supply of the city. Such a change from the present system would require an enormous expenditure at the outset, but in the end the community will be greatly benefited, not only in having more efficient means to quell the awful conflagrations which so frequently devastate their thoroughfares, but also in having a more healthful water-supply for family use. In their present imperfect method of water-service it is impossible to keep the supply free from local contamination; and though the death-rate of the city is low compared with that of many European [pg 298] and American cities, it would certainly be still further reduced by pure water made available to all.
The time will soon come when the authorities in Tokyo will find it absolutely necessary to set up waterworks for the city’s supply. This shift from the current system would require a huge upfront investment, but in the long run, the community would benefit greatly—not only would they have better means to tackle the terrible fires that frequently devastate their streets, but they would also have a healthier water supply for households. With the current inadequate water service, it’s impossible to keep the supply free from local contamination; and although the city’s death rate is low compared to many European and American cities, it would definitely be even lower with access to clean water for everyone.
In many country villages, where the natural conditions exist, a mountain brook is conducted by a rock-bound canal through the centre of the village street; and thus the water for culinary and other purposes is brought directly to the door of every house on that street.
In many rural villages, where the natural conditions allow, a mountain stream flows through a rock-lined canal right down the center of the village street; this way, the water for cooking and other needs is delivered straight to the door of every house on that street.
The wells are made in the shape of barrels of stout staves five or six feet in height. These taper slightly at their lower ends, and are fitted one within another; and as the well is dug; deeper the sections are adjusted and driven down. Wells of great depth are often sunk in this way. The well made in this manner has the appearance, as it projects above the ground, of an ordinary barrel or hogshead partially buried.
The wells are shaped like barrels, made from strong staves that are five or six feet tall. They taper a bit at the bottom and fit into one another; as the well is dug deeper, the sections are adjusted and driven down. This method is often used for digging very deep wells. When completed, the well looks like a regular barrel or hogshead that’s partly buried in the ground.
Stone curbs of a circular form are often seen. An ancient form of well-curb is a square frame, made of thick timber in the shape shown in fig. 287. The Chinese character for “well” is in the shape of this frame; and as one rides through the city or village he will often notice this character painted on the side of a house or over a door-way, indicating that in the rear, or within the house, a well is to be found. A picturesque well-curb of stone, made after this form, is shown in fig. 288, from a private garden in Tokio.
Stone curbs are often seen in a circular shape. An ancient type of well curb is a square frame made of thick timber, as shown in fig. 287. The Chinese character for “good” resembles this frame; and as you ride through the city or village, you will often notice this character painted on the side of a house or above a doorway, indicating that there is a well at the back or inside the house. A picturesque stone well curb designed in this style is displayed in fig. 288, from a private garden in Tokyo.
While the water is usually brought up by means of a bucket attached to the end of a long bamboo, there are various forms of frames erected over the well to support a pulley, in which [pg 299] runs a rope with a bucket attached to each end. Fig. 289 is an illustration of one of these frames. Sometimes the trunk of a tree is made to do service, as shown in fig 290. In this case the old trunk was densely covered with a rich growth of Japanese ivy.
While water is usually pulled up with a bucket attached to a long bamboo pole, there are different types of frames set up over the well to hold a pulley, with a rope running through it and a bucket on each end. [pg 299] Fig. 289 is an illustration of one of these frames. Sometimes, a tree trunk is used, as shown in fig 290. In this instance, the old trunk was thickly covered with lush Japanese ivy.
In the country kitchen the well is often within the house, as shown in the sketch fig. 167 (page 186). In the country, as well as in the city, the regular New England well-sweep is now and then seen. In the southern part of Japan particularly the well-sweep is very common; one is shown in the picture of a southern house (fig. 54, page 73).
In the country kitchen, the well is often located inside the house, as illustrated in the sketch fig. 167 (page 186). In both rural and urban areas, the traditional New England well-sweep can still be found. Especially in southern Japan, the well-sweep is quite common; one is depicted in the image of a southern house (fig. 54, page 73).
There are many ways of conveying water to villages by bamboo pipes. In Kioto many places are supplied by water brought in this way from the mountain brooks back of the city. At Miyajima, on the Inland Sea, water is brought, by means of bamboo pipes, from a mountain stream at the western end of the village. The water is first conveyed to a single shallow tank, supported on a rough pedestal of rock. The tank is perforated at intervals along its sides and on its end, and [pg 300] by means of bamboo gutters the water is conveyed to bamboo tubes standing vertically,—each bamboo having at its top a box or bucket, in which is a grating of bamboo to screen the water from the leaves and twigs. These bamboo tubes are connected with a system of bamboo tubes under-ground, and these lead to the houses in the village street below. Fig. 291 is an illustration of this structure. It was an old and leaky affair, but formed a picturesque mass beside the mountain road, covered as it was by a rich growth of ferns and mosses, and brightened by the water dripping from all points.
There are many ways to bring water to villages using bamboo pipes. In Kyoto, many areas get their water from mountain streams located behind the city. At Miyajima, located on the Inland Sea, water is transported through bamboo pipes from a mountain stream at the western edge of the village. The water first flows into a single shallow tank, held up by a rough rock pedestal. The tank has holes along its sides and end, and water is directed through bamboo gutters into bamboo tubes that stand vertically. Each bamboo tube has a box or bucket at the top, which contains a bamboo grate to filter out leaves and twigs. These bamboo tubes connect to an underground system that leads to the houses on the village street below. Fig. 291 is an illustration of this structure. It was an old and leaky setup, but it created a picturesque scene next to the mountain road, covered in a lush array of ferns and mosses and brightened by water dripping from every part.
Just beyond this curious reservoir I saw a group of small aqueducts, evidently for the supply of single houses. Fig. 292 illustrates one of a number of these seen along the road. Fig. 293 represents one of the old wells still seen in the Kaga Yashiki, in Tokio,—an inclosure of large extent formerly occupied by the Daimio of Kaga, but now overgrown with bamboo grass and tangled bushes, while here and there evidences of its former beauty are seen in neglected groves of trees and in [pg 301] picturesque ponds choked with plant growth. The buildings of the Tokio Medical College and Hospital occupy one portion of the ground; and the new brick building of the Tokio University, a few dwellings for its foreign teachers, and a small observatory form another group.
Just beyond this curious reservoir, I saw a group of small aqueducts, clearly meant to supply individual houses. Fig. 292 illustrates one of these seen along the road. Fig. 293 shows one of the old wells that can still be found in the Kaga Yashiki in Tokyo—an extensive area that used to be home to the Daimyo of Kaga, but is now overgrown with bamboo grass and tangled bushes. Here and there, signs of its former beauty appear in neglected groves of trees and in [pg 301] picturesque ponds choked with plant growth. The buildings of the Tokyo Medical College and Hospital occupy part of the land, while the new brick structure of Tokyo University, a few houses for its foreign teachers, and a small observatory make up another group.
Scattered over this large inclosure are a number of treacherous holes guarded only by fences painted black. These are the remains of wells; and by their number one gets a faint idea of the dense commununity that filled this area in the days of the Shogunate. During the Revolution the houses were burned, and with them the wooden curbs of the wells, and for many years these deep holes formed dreadful pitfalls in the long grass.
Scattered across this large area are several dangerous holes, faintly protected by black-painted fences. These are remnants of wells; their number gives a slight indication of the dense community that once occupied this space during the Shogunate. During the Revolution, the houses were burnt down, taking the wooden curbs of the wells with them, and for many years these deep holes became terrifying traps in the tall grass.
The effect of rusticity which the Japanese so much admire, and which they show in their gateways, fences, and other surroundings, is charmingly carried out in the wells; and the presence of a well in a garden is looked upon as adding greatly to its beauty. Hence, one sees quaint and picturesque curbs, either of stone and green with plant growth, or of wood and fairly [pg 302] dropping to pieces with decay. One sees literally a moss-covered bucket and well, too; but, alas! the water is not the cold, pure fluid which a New Englander is accustomed to draw from similar places at home, but often a water far from wholesome, and which to make so is generally boiled before drinking. We refer now to the city wells; and yet the country wells are quite as liable to contamination.
The charm of rusticity that the Japanese admire, which is reflected in their gateways, fences, and other surroundings, is beautifully expressed in the wells; having a well in a garden is seen as greatly enhancing its beauty. Therefore, you find unique and picturesque curbs, whether made of stone and covered in greenery or wooden ones that are falling apart from decay. It’s common to see a moss-covered bucket and well; however, unfortunately, the water isn't the cold, pure liquid that someone from New England is used to drawing from similar places back home, but rather water that is often unclean and usually needs to be boiled before it's drinkable. We are talking about the city wells; yet the country wells are just as likely to be contaminated.
Having described in the previous pages the permanent features of the house and its surroundings, a few pages may be properly added concerning those objects which are hung upon the walls as adornments. A few objects of household use have been mentioned, such as pillows, hibachi, tabako-bon, candlesticks, and towel-racks, as naturally associated with mats, kitchen, bathing conveniences, etc. Any further consideration of these movable objects would lead us into a discussion of the bureaus, chests, baskets, trays, dishes, and the whole range of domestic articles of use, and might, indeed, furnish material enough for another volume.
Having described the permanent features of the house and its surroundings in the previous pages, it’s appropriate to add a few pages about the items that are hung on the walls as decorations. Some household items have already been mentioned, like pillows, hibachi, ashtray, candlesticks, and towel racks, which are naturally related to mats, the kitchen, bathing essentials, and so on. Any further discussion of these movable objects would lead us into considering bureaus, chests, baskets, trays, dishes, and a wide variety of domestic items, which could actually provide enough material for another volume.
A few pages, however, must be added on the adornments of the room, and the principles which govern the Japanese in these matters. As flowers form the most universal decoration of the rooms from the highest to the lowest classes, these will be first considered.
A few pages, however, should be dedicated to the decorations of the room and the principles that guide the Japanese in these matters. Since flowers are the most common decoration in rooms across all classes, we will consider these first.
The love of flowers is a national trait of the Japanese. It would be safe to say that in no other part of the world is the love of flowers so universally shown as in Japan. For pictorial illustration flowers form one of the most common themes; and for decorative art in all its branches flowers, in natural or conventional shapes, are selected as the leading motive. In their light fabrics,—embroidery, pottery, lacquers, wall-papers, fans,—and even in their metal work and bronzes, these charming and perishable objects are constantly depicted and [pg 303] wrought. In their social life, also, these things are always present. From birth to death, flowers are in some way associated with the daily life of the Japanese; and for many years after their death their graves continue to receive fresh floral tributes.
The love of flowers is a national trait of the Japanese. It's safe to say that nowhere else in the world is the love of flowers as universally expressed as in Japan. Flowers are one of the most common themes in art, and in all forms of decorative art, they are chosen as the main motif, whether in natural or stylized shapes. In their light fabrics—like embroidery, pottery, lacquer, wallpaper, and fans—and even in their metalwork and bronzes, these beautiful and delicate objects are constantly depicted and crafted. In their social life, flowers are always present as well. From birth to death, flowers are tied to the daily lives of the Japanese; and for many years after someone passes away, their graves continue to receive fresh floral tributes.
A room in the very humblest of houses will have in its place of honor—the tokonoma— a flower-vase, or a section of bamboo hanging from its side, or some form of receptacle suspended from the open portion of the room above, or in front of some ornamental opening in which flowers are displayed. On the street one often meets the flower vendor; and at night, flower fairs are one of the most common attractions.
A room in the simplest houses will have in its place of honor—the tokonoma— a vase of flowers, a piece of bamboo hanging from the side, or some kind of container hanging from the open area above, or in front of a decorative opening where flowers are displayed. On the street, you often run into flower vendors, and at night, flower markets are one of the most popular attractions.
The arrangement of flowers forms a part of the polite education of the Japanese, and special rules and methods for their appropriate display have their schools and teachers. Within the house there are special places where it is proper to display flowers. In the tokonoma, as we have said, is generally a vase of bronze or pottery in which flowers are placed,—not the heterogeneous mass of color comprised in a jumble of flowers, as is too often the case with us; but a few flowers of one kind, or a big branch of cherry or plum blossoms are quite enough to satisfy the refined tastes of these people. Here, as in other matters, the Japanese show their sense of propriety and infinite refinement. They most thoroughly abominate our slovenly methods, whereby a clump of flowers of heterogeneous colors are packed and jammed together, with no room for green leaves: this we call a bouquet; and very properly, since it resembles a ball,—a variegated worsted ball. These people believe in the healthy contrast of rough brown stem and green leaves, to show off by texture and color the matchless life-tones of the delicate petals. We, however, in our stupidity are too often accustomed to tear off the flowers that Nature has so deftly arranged on their own [pg 304] wood stems, and then with thread and bristling wire to fabricate a feeble resemblance to the milliner's honest counterfeit of cloth and paper; and by such treatment, at the end of a few hours, we have a mass equally lifeless.
The way flowers are arranged is part of the polite education in Japan, and there are specific rules and techniques for displaying them properly, along with designated schools and teachers. Inside the house, there are certain spots where it's appropriate to show flowers. In the tokonoma as we've mentioned, there's usually a bronze or pottery vase for putting flowers in—not a chaotic mix of colors like we often have. Instead, just a few flowers of the same type, or a large branch of cherry or plum blossoms, are enough to please these people's refined tastes. In this, as in other aspects of life, the Japanese display their sense of propriety and incredible refinement. They strongly dislike our careless methods where a bunch of flowers in various colors are crammed together, leaving no space for green leaves: we call this a bouquet, which is fitting since it resembles a ball—a colorful woolen ball. These individuals appreciate the healthy contrast between rough brown stems and green leaves, highlighting the textures and colors that enhance the beauty of the delicate petals. We, however, often foolishly pick the flowers that Nature has carefully arranged on their own [pg 304] wooden stems and then use thread and stiff wire to create a weak imitation of a milliner's honest fabric and paper design; by doing so, we end up with a mass that is equally lifeless after just a few hours.
In their flower-vases, too, they show the most perfect knowledge of contrasts. To any one of taste it is unnecessary to show how inappropriate our gilt and often brilliantly colored; flower-vases are for the objects they are to hold. By employing such receptacles, all effects of color and pleasing contrasts are effectually ruined. The Japanese flower-vase is often made of the roughest and coarsest pottery, with rough patches of glaze and irregular contour; it is made solid and heavy, with a good bottom, and is capable of holding a big cherry branch without up-setting. Its very roughness shows off by contrast the delicate flowers it holds. With just such rough material as we use in the making of drain-tiles and molasses jugs, the Japanese make the most fascinating and appropriate flower-vases; but their potters are artists, and, alas! ours are not.
In their flower vases, they demonstrate an incredible understanding of contrasts. For anyone with taste, it's clear how unsuitable our gilded and often brightly colored flower vases are for the arrangements they hold. Using such vases completely ruins any color effects and pleasing contrasts. The Japanese flower vase is often made from the roughest pottery, featuring uneven patches of glaze and irregular shapes. They are solid, heavy, and have a sturdy base, so they can hold a large cherry branch without tipping over. The rough texture highlights the delicate flowers it contains. Using the same rough materials we use to make drain tiles and molasses jugs, the Japanese create the most captivating and fitting flower vases; but their potters are artists, and sadly, ours are not.
In this connection it is interesting to note that in our country, artists, and others having artistic tastes, have always recognized the importance of observing proper contrasts between flowers and their holders, and until within a very few years have been forced, for want of better receptacles, to arrange flowers in German pottery-mugs, Chinese ginger-jars, and the like. Though these vessels were certainly inappropriate enough, the flowers looked vastly prettier in them than they ever could in the frightful wares designed expressly to hold them, made by American and European manufacturers. What a satire on our art industries,—a despairing resort to beer-mugs, ginger-jars and blacking-pots, for suitable flower-vases! Who does not recall, indeed cannot see to-day on the shelves of most “crockery shops,” a hideous battalion of garish porcelain and iniquitous parian vases, besides other multitudinous evidences of utter [pg 305] ignorance as to what a flower-vase should be, in the discordantly colored and decorated glass receptacles designed to hold these daintiest bits of Nature's handiwork?
In this regard, it's worth noting that in our country, artists and others with an appreciation for art have always recognized the importance of creating proper contrasts between flowers and their containers. Until just a few years ago, they were forced to use less appropriate items like German pottery mugs, Chinese ginger jars, and similar things due to the lack of better options. While these vessels were certainly not ideal, flowers looked much nicer in them than they ever could in the terrible products designed specifically for that purpose, made by American and European manufacturers. What a commentary on our art industries—resorting in despair to beer mugs, ginger jars, and blacking pots for suitable flower vases! Who doesn’t remember or notice today the ugly display of gaudy porcelain and awful parian vases on the shelves of most “dinnerware stores,” alongside many other signs of complete [pg 305] ignorance about what a flower vase should be, like the mismatched and poorly designed glass containers meant to hold these delicate pieces of nature?
Besides the flower-vase made to stand on the floor, the Japanese have others which are made to hang from a hook,—generally from the post or partition that divides the tokonoma from its companion recess, or sometimes from a corner-post. When a permanent partition occurs in a room, it is quite proper to hang the vase from the middle post. In all these cases it is hung midway between the floor and the ceiling. These hanging flower-vases are infinite in form and design, and are made of pottery, bronze, bamboo, or wood. Those made of pottery and bronze may be in the form of simple tubes; often, however, natural forms are represented,—such as fishes, insects, sections of bamboo, and the like.
Besides the floor-standing flower vases, the Japanese also have ones designed to hang from a hook—usually from the post or partition that separates the alcove from the adjacent recess, or sometimes from a corner post. When there’s a permanent partition in a room, it’s appropriate to hang the vase from the middle post. In all these instances, it's hung midway between the floor and the ceiling. These hanging flower vases come in countless shapes and designs, made from pottery, bronze, bamboo, or wood. Those made of pottery and bronze can be simple tubes; however, they often take on natural forms, such as fish, insects, sections of bamboo, and similar designs.
The Japanese are fond of ancient objects, and jars which have been dug up are often mutilated, at least for the antiquarian, by having rings inserted in their sides so that they may be hung up for flower-holders.
The Japanese love ancient objects, and jars that have been excavated are often damaged, at least in the eyes of collectors, by having rings inserted in their sides so they can be used as flower holders.
A curious form of holder is made out of a rugged knot of wood. Any quaint and abnormal growth of wood, in which an opening can be made big enough to accommodate a section of bamboo to hold the water, is used for a flower-vase. Such an object will be decorated with tiny bronze ants, a silver spider's web with bronze spider, and pearl wrought in the shape of a fungus. These and other singular caprices are worked into and upon the wood as ornaments.
A unique type of holder is created from a sturdy knot of wood. Any unusual or quirky piece of wood that has an opening big enough to fit a section of bamboo for holding water can be used as a flower vase. This kind of object is often decorated with tiny bronze ants, a silver spider's web featuring a bronze spider, and pearls shaped like a fungus. These and other distinctive designs are carved into and onto the wood as embellishments.
A very favorite form of flower-holder is one made of bamboo. The bamboo tube is worked in a variety of ways, by cutting out various sections from the sides. Fig. 294 represents an odd, yet common shape, arranged for cha-no-yu (tea-parties), and sketched at one of these parties. The bamboo is an admirable receptacle for water, and a section of it is used for this purpose in many forms of pottery and bronze flower-holders.
A very popular type of flower holder is one made from bamboo. The bamboo tube is crafted in various ways by cutting out different sections from the sides. Fig. 294 shows an unusual but common shape, designed for tea ceremony (tea parties), and was sketched at one of these events. Bamboo is an excellent container for water, and a section of it is used for this purpose in many kinds of pottery and bronze flower holders.
Rich brown-colored baskets are also favorite receptacles for flowers, a segment of bamboo being used to hold the water. The accompanying figure (fig. 295) is a sketch of a hanging basket, the flowers having been arranged by a lover of the tea-ceremonies and old pottery. Many of these baskets are quite old, and are highly prized by the Japanese. At the street flower-fairs cheap and curious devices are often seen for holding flower-pots. The annexed figure (fig. 296) illustrates a form of bracket in which a thin irregular-shaped slab of wood has attached to it a crooked branch of a tree, upon the free ends of which wooden blocks are secured as shelves upon which the flower-pots are to rest. A hole is made at the top so that it may be hung against the wall, and little cleats are fastened crosswise to hold long strips of stiff paper, upon which it is customary to write stanzas of poetry. These objects are of the cheapest description, can be got for a few pennies, and are bought by the poorest classes.
Rich brown baskets are popular choices for flowers, with a piece of bamboo used to hold the water. The illustration (fig. 295) shows a hanging basket, arranged by someone who appreciates tea ceremonies and old pottery. Many of these baskets are quite old and are highly valued in Japan. At street flower markets, you can often find inexpensive and interesting devices for holding flower pots. The figure (fig. 296) shows a type of bracket where a thin, oddly-shaped piece of wood is attached to a crooked branch from a tree, and wooden blocks are secured to the ends as shelves for the flower pots. A hole at the top allows it to be hung on the wall, and small cleats are added crosswise to hold long strips of stiff paper, where it's common to write lines of poetry. These items are very affordable, costing just a few cents, and are purchased by the less fortunate.
For flower-holders suspended from above, a common form is a square wooden bucket, or one made out of pottery or bronze in imitation of this form. Bamboo cut in horizontal forms is also used for suspended flower-holders. Indeed, there seems to be no end of curious objects used for this purpose,—a gourd, the semi-cylindrical tile, sea-shells, as with us, and forms made in pottery or bronze in imitation of these objects.
For flower holders suspended from above, a common style is a square wooden bucket, or one made from pottery or bronze that mimics this shape. Bamboo cut in horizontal shapes is also used for hanging flower holders. In fact, there seems to be no limit to the interesting objects used for this purpose—a gourd, semi-cylindrical tiles, seashells, like we use, and shapes made from pottery or bronze that imitate these items.
Quaint and odd-shaped flower-stands are made in the form of buckets. The following figure (fig. 297) represents one [pg 308] sketched at the National Exposition at Tokio in 1877. Its construction was very ingenious; three staves of the low bucket were continued upward to form portions of three small buckets above, and each of these, in turn, contributed a stave to the single bucket that crowned the whole. Another form, made by the same contributor thought not so symmetrical, was quite as odd.
Quaint and oddly shaped flower stands are designed like buckets. The following figure (fig. 297) represents one [pg 308] drawn at the National Exposition in Tokyo in 1877. Its construction was very clever; three sections of the low bucket extended upward to form parts of three small buckets above, and each of these also contributed a section to the single bucket that topped the entire arrangement. Another version, created by the same designer, though not as symmetrical, was just as unusual.
Curious little braided-straw affairs are made to hold flowers, or rather the bamboo segments in which the flowers are kept. These are made in the form of insects, fishes, mushrooms, and other natural objects. These are mentioned, not that they have a special merit, but to illustrate the devices used| by the common people in decorating their homes. Racks of wood richly lacquered are also used, from which hanging flower-holders are suspended. These objects are rarely seen now, and I have never chanced to see one in use.
Curious little braided straw creations are made to hold flowers, or more specifically, the bamboo sections where the flowers are kept. They come in the shapes of insects, fish, mushrooms, and other natural items. I'm mentioning these not because they are particularly valuable, but to show the ways everyday people decorate their homes. There are also beautifully lacquered wooden racks used from which hanging flower holders are suspended. These items are seldom seen nowadays, and I have never had the opportunity to see one in use.
In the chapter on Interiors various forms of vases are shown in the tokonoma.
In the chapter on Interiors, different types of vases are displayed in the tokonoma
My interest in Japanese homes was first aroused by wishing to know precisely what use the Japanese made of a class of objects with which I had been familiar in the Art Museums and private collections at home; furthermore, a study of their houses led me to search for those evidences of household decoration which might possibly parallel the hanging baskets, corner [pg 309] brackets, and especially ornaments made of birch bark, fungi, moss, shell-work, and the like, with which our humbler homes are often garnished. It was delightful to find that the Japanese were susceptible to the charms embodied in these bits of Nature, and that they too used them in similar decorative ways. At the outset, search for an object aside from the bare rooms seemed fruitless enough. At first sight these rooms appeared absolutely barren; in passing from one room to another one got the idea that the house was to be let. Picture to yourself a room with no fire-place and accompanying mantel,—that shelf of shelves for the support of pretty objects; no windows with their convenient interspaces for the suspension of pictures or brackets; no table, rarely even cabinets, to hold bright-colored bindings and curious bric-a-brac; no side-boards upon which to array the rich pottery or glistening porcelain; no chairs, desks, or bedsteads, and consequently no opportunity for the display of elaborate carvings or rich cloth coverings. Indeed, one might well wonder in what way this people displayed their pretty objects for household decorations.
My interest in Japanese homes first sparked from wanting to understand how the Japanese used a type of objects I was familiar with from Art Museums and private collections back home. Additionally, studying their houses made me look for signs of home decoration that might compare to the hanging baskets, corner brackets, and especially the ornaments made from birch bark, fungi, moss, shell-work, and similar items that often embellish our simpler homes. I was delighted to discover that the Japanese appreciated the beauty in these natural elements, using them in similar decorative ways. At first, searching for decorative objects in the otherwise bare rooms seemed pretty pointless. At first glance, these rooms seemed completely empty; moving from one room to another gave the impression that the house was on the market. Imagine a room with no fireplace and mantel—those shelves meant for displaying pretty things; no windows with convenient spaces for hanging pictures or brackets; no tables, and rarely even cabinets to hold colorful books and interesting knick-knacks; no sideboards to showcase beautiful pottery or shiny porcelain; no chairs, desks, or beds, and therefore no chance to display intricate carvings or rich fabrics. It's no wonder one could question how these people showcased their beautiful items for home decoration.
After studying the Japanese home for a while, however, one comes to realize that display as such is out of the question with them, and to recognize that a severe Quaker-like simplicity is really one of the great charms of a Japanese room. Absolute cleanliness and refinement, with very few objects in sight upon which the eye may rest contentedly, are the main features in household adornment which the Japanese strive after, and which they attain with a simplicity and effectiveness that we can never hope to reach. Our rooms seem to them like a curiosity shop, and “stuffy” to the last degree. Such a maze of vases, pictures, plaques, bronzes, with shelves, brackets, cabinets, and tables loaded down with bric-a-brac, is quite enough to drive a Japanese frantic. We parade in the most unreasoning manner every object of this nature in our possession; and with the [pg 310] periodical recurrence of birthday and Christmas holidays, and the consequent influx of new things, the less pretty ones already on parade are banished to the chambers above to make room for the new ones; and as these in turn get crowded out they rise to the garret, there to be providentially broken up by the children, or to be preserved for future antiquarians to contemplate, and to ponder over the condition of art in this age. Our walls are hung with large fish-plates which were intended to hold food; heavy bronzes, which in a Japanese room are made to rest solidly on the floor, and to hold great woody branches of the plum or cherry with their wealth of blossoms, are with us often placed on high shelves or perched in some perilous position over the door. The ignorant display is more rarely seen of thrusting a piece of statuary into the window, so that the neighbor across the way may see it; when a silhouette, cut out of stiff pasteboard, would in this position answer all the purposes so far as the inmates are concerned. How often we destroy an artist's best efforts by exposing his picture against some glaring fresco or distracting wall-paper! And still not content with the accumulated misery of such a room, we allow the upholsterer and furnisher to provide us with a gorgeously framed mirror, from which we may have flashed back at us the contents of the room reversed, or, more dreadful still, a reverberation of these horrors through opposite reflecting surfaces,—a futile effort of Nature to sicken us of the whole thing by endless repetition.24
After looking into the Japanese home for a while, you start to realize that displaying things isn’t really part of their style. The simple, almost Quaker-like minimalism is one of the great charms of a Japanese room. They focus on absolute cleanliness and refinement, with very few objects in view that the eye can settle on. This simplicity and effectiveness in home decoration is something we can never quite replicate. To them, our rooms look like curiosity shops and feel incredibly “stuffy.” A jumble of vases, pictures, plaques, and bronzes, along with shelves, brackets, cabinets, and tables burdened with knick-knacks, would leave a Japanese person feeling overwhelmed. We display every object we own without much thought, and with the regular arrival of birthdays and Christmas, the less attractive items get shoved up to the attic to make space for new ones. As those new items eventually find themselves crowded out, they head to the attic too, where kids will either break them or they will be kept for future historians to analyze the state of art in our time. Our walls often feature large fish plates that were meant for serving food; heavy bronze pieces, which in a Japanese room are meant to rest firmly on the ground and hold large branches of plum or cherry trees laden with blossoms, are frequently placed on high shelves or precariously balanced above doorways in our homes. It’s not uncommon to see someone carelessly sticking a statue in a window just so the neighbors can see it, when a simple silhouette cut out of cardboard would suffice for the people living there. How often do we ruin an artist's best work by hanging it against a bright wallpaper or a loud fresco? Still not satisfied with the chaotic vibe of the room, we let the upholsterer and furniture store give us a fancy mirror that reflects the room back to us in reverse, or worst of all, creates endless reflections of the clutter through mirror surfaces—Nature’s way of trying to make us sick of it all through constant repetition.
That we in America are not exceptional in these matters of questionable furnishing, one may learn by listening to an English authority on this subject,—one who has done more than any other writer in calling attention not only to violations of true taste in household adornment, but who points out in a most rational way the correct paths to follow, not only to avoid that [pg 311] which is offensive and pretentious, but to arrive at better methods and truer principles in matters of taste. We refer to Charles L. Eastlake and his timely work entitled “Hints on Household Taste.” In his animadversions on the commonplace taste shown in the furnishing of English houses, he says “it pervades and vitiates the judgment by which we are accustomed to select and approve the objects of every-day use which we see around us. It crosses our path in the Brussels carpet of our drawing-room; it is about our bed in the shape of gaudy chintz; it compels us to rest on chairs, and to sit at tables which are designed in accordance with the worst principles of construction, and invested with shapes confessedly unpicturesque. It sends us metal-work from Birmingham, which is as vulgar in form as it is flimsy in execution. It decorates the finest modern porcelain with the most objectionable character of ornament. It lines our walls with silly representations of vegetable life, or with a mass of uninteresting diaper. It bids us, in short, furnish our houses after the same fashion as we dress ourselves,—and that is with no more sense of real beauty than if art were a dead letter.” Let us contrast our tastes in these matters with those of the Japanese, and perhaps profit by the lesson.
That we in America are not unique in these matters of questionable decor can be understood by listening to an English expert on the topic—someone who has contributed more than any other writer in highlighting not just the failures of true taste in home decoration but also rationally pointing out the right paths to take, not only to avoid what is offensive and showy, but to arrive at better methods and more genuine principles of taste. We’re referring to Charles L. Eastlake and his timely work titled “Hints on Household Taste.” In his critiques of the ordinary taste shown in the decor of English homes, he says, “it permeates and corrupts the judgment by which we usually select and approve the everyday objects we see around us. It appears in the Brussels carpet of our living room; it surrounds our bed in the form of flashy chintz; it forces us to sit on chairs and at tables designed according to the worst principles of construction, and shaped in ways that are undeniably unappealing. It sends us metalwork from Birmingham that is as tasteless in design as it is poorly made. It decorates the finest modern porcelain with the most distasteful kinds of embellishment. It lines our walls with silly representations of plant life or with a boring pattern of diaper. It essentially instructs us to furnish our homes in the same way we dress ourselves—and that is with no real sense of beauty, as if art were completely irrelevant.” Let’s compare our tastes in these areas with those of the Japanese, and maybe we can learn something from the contrast.
In the previous chapters sufficient details have been given for one to grasp the structural features of a Japanese room. Let us now observe that the general tone and color of a Japanese apartment are subdued. Its atmosphere is restful; and only after one has sat on the mats for some time do the unostentatious fittings of the apartment attract one's notice. The papers of the fusuma of neutral tints; the plastered surfaces, when they occur equally tinted in similar tones, warm browns and stone-colors predominating; the cedar-board ceiling, with the rich color of that wood; the wood-work everywhere modestly conspicuous, and always presenting the natural colors [pg 312] undefiled by the painter's miseries,—these all combine to render the room quiet and refined to the last degree. The floor in bright contrast is covered with its cool straw matting,—a uniform bright surface set off by the rectangular black borders of the mats. It is such an infinite comfort to find throughout the length and breadth of that Empire the floors covered with the unobtrusive straw matting. Monotonous some would think: yes, it has the monotony of fresh air and of pure water. Such a room requires but little adornment in the shape of extraneous objects; indeed, there are but few places where such objects can be placed. But observe, that while in our rooms one is at liberty to cover his wall with pictures without the slightest regard to light or effect, the Japanese room has a recess clean and free from the floor to the hooded partition that spans it above, and this recess is placed at right angles to the source of light; furthermor it is exalted as the place of highest honor in the room—and here, and here alone, hangs the picture. Not a varnished affair, to see which one has to perambulate the apartment with head awry to get a vantage point of vision, but a picture which may be seen in its proper light from any point of the room. In the tokonoma there is usually but one picture exposed,—though, as we have seen, this recess may be wide enough to accommodate a set of two or three.
In the earlier chapters, we've provided enough details for you to understand the structural features of a Japanese room. Now, let's note that the overall tone and color of a Japanese apartment are understated. The atmosphere is calming; it’s only after you’ve sat on the mats for a while that the simple furnishings of the apartment catch your eye. The walls are lined with sliding door in neutral shades; the plastered surfaces, when they match in similar tones, showcase warm browns and stone colors. The cedar-board ceiling highlights the rich hue of the wood; the woodwork throughout is modestly visible, always displaying natural colors [pg 312] untouched by paint. All of this combines to make the room feel serene and elegant. In striking contrast, the floor is covered with cool straw matting—a uniform bright surface bordered by rectangular black edges of the mats. It brings great comfort to see the floors across the entire Empire dressed in unobtrusive straw matting. Some might consider it monotonous: yes, but it has the sameness of fresh air and clear water. Such a room needs little decoration with extraneous objects; in fact, there are only a few places where these items can be positioned. However, while in our rooms it's common to cover walls with pictures, disregarding light or effect, the Japanese room features a recess that is clear and unobstructed from the floor to the covered partition above, positioned at a right angle to the light source; moreover, it is regarded as the highest honor in the room—and here, and only here, hangs the picture. Not a varnished piece that requires you to awkwardly navigate the room to find the best angle, but rather a picture that can be seen in its proper light from any spot in the space. In the alcove, there is usually just one picture displayed—though, as we’ve seen, this recess could be wide enough to hold two or three.
Between the kamoi, or lintel, and the ceiling is a space say of eighteen inches or more, according to the height of the room; and here may sometimes be seen a long narrow [pg 313] picture, framed in a narrow wood-border, or secured to a flat frame, which is concealed by the paper or brocade that borders the picture. This picture tips forward at a considerable angle, and is supported on two iron hooks. In order that the edge of the frame may not be scarred by the iron, it is customary to interpose triangular red-crape cushions. A bamboo support is often substituted for the iron hooks, as shown in the sketch (fig. 298). The picture may be a landscape, or a spray of flowers; but more often it consists of a few Chinese characters embodying some bit of poetry, moral precept, or sentiment,—and usually the characters have been written by some poet, scholar, or other distinguished man. The square wooden post which comes in the middle of a partition between two corners of the room may be adorned by a long, narrow, and thin strip of cedar the width of the post, upon which is painted a picture of some kind. This strip, instead of being of wood, may be of silk and brocade, like a kake-mono, having only one kaze-obi hanging in the middle from above. Cheap ones may be of straw, rush, or thin strips of bamboo. This object, of whatever material, is called hashira kakushi,—literally meaning “post-hide.” If of wood, both sides are decorated; so that after one side has done duty for awhile the other side is exposed. The wood is usually of dark cedar evenly grained, and the sketch is painted directly on the wood. Fig. 299 shows both sides of one of these strips.
Between the kamoi, or lintel, and the ceiling is a space about eighteen inches or more, depending on the height of the room; and here you might sometimes find a long narrow [pg 313] picture, framed in a slim wooden border, or attached to a flat frame that is hidden by the paper or fabric surrounding the picture. This picture leans forward at a significant angle, supported by two iron hooks. To prevent the edge of the frame from getting scratched by the iron, it’s common to place triangular red-crape cushions in between. A bamboo support is often used instead of the iron hooks, as shown in the sketch (fig. 298). The picture could be a landscape or a bouquet of flowers; but more often, it features a few Chinese characters that convey a piece of poetry, a moral principle, or a sentiment,—and typically, the characters are written by a poet, scholar, or another notable figure. The square wooden post that sits in the middle of a partition between two corners of the room may be decorated with a long, narrow, and thin strip of cedar the same width as the post, on which a picture of some kind is painted. This strip, instead of being made of wood, may be crafted from silk and brocade, similar to a cake featuring only one wind scarf hanging in the middle from above. Cheaper versions may be made of straw, rush, or thin strips of bamboo. This object, regardless of material, is called hashira kakushi,—literally meaning “post-hiding.” If made of wood, both sides are decorated; so that after one side has served its purpose for a while, the other side can be displayed. The wood is typically dark cedar with an even grain, and the sketch is painted directly on the wood. Fig. 299 shows both sides of one of these strips.
The decoration for these objects is very skilfully treated by the artist; and while it might bother our artists to know what subject to select for a picture on so awkward and limited surface, it offers no trouble to the Japanese decorator. He simply takes a vertical slice out of some good subject, as one might get a glimpse of Nature through a slightly open door,—and imagination is left to supply the rest. These objects find their way to our markets, but the bright color used in their decoration show that they have been painted for the masses in this country. The post upon which this kind of picture is hung, as well as the toko-bashira, may also adorned with a hanging flower-holder such as has already been described.
The decoration on these objects is handled very skillfully by the artist; and while it might confuse our artists to decide what subject to choose for a picture on such an awkward and limited surface, the Japanese decorator has no trouble at all. He simply takes a vertical slice of a good subject, almost like catching a glimpse of Nature through a slightly open door—and imagination is allowed to fill in the gaps. These objects make their way to our markets, but the bright colors used in their decoration show that they have been designed for the masses in this country. The post on which this type of picture is hung, as well as the toko-bashira, can also be decorated with a hanging flower-holder, as already described.
A Japanese may have a famous collection of pictures, yet these are stowed away in his kura, with the exception of the one exposed in the tokonoma. If he is a man of taste, he changes the picture from time to time according to the season, the character of his guests, or for special occasions. In one house where I was a guest for a few days the picture was changed every day. A picture may do duty for a few weeks or months, when it is carefully rolled up, stowed away in its silk covering and box, and another one is unrolled. In this way a picture never becomes monotonous. The listless and indifferent way in which an American will often regard his own pictures when showing them to a friend, indicates that his pictures have been so long on his walls that they no longer arouse any attention or delight. It is true, one never wearies in contemplating the work of the great masters; but one should remember that all pictures are not masterpieces, and that by constant exposure the effect of a picture becomes seriously impaired. The way in which pictures with us are crowded on the walls,—many of them of necessity in the worst possible light, or no light at all when the windows are muffled with heavy [pg 315] curtains,—shows that the main interest centres in their embossed gilt frames, which are conspicuous in all lights. The principle of constant exposure is certainly wrong; a good picture is all the more enjoyable if it is not forever staring one in the face. Who wants to contemplate a burning tropical sunset on a full stomach, or a drizzling northern mist on an empty one? And yet these are the experiences which we are often compelled to endure. Why not modify our rooms, and have a bay or recess,—an alcove in the best possible light,—in which one or two good pictures may be properly hung, with fitting accompaniments in the way of a few flowers, or a bit of pottery or bronze? We have never modified the interior arrangement of our house in the slightest degree from the time when it was shaped in the most economical way as a shelter in which to eat, sleep, and die,—a rectangular kennel, with necessary holes for light, and necessary holes to get in and out by. At the same time, its inmates were saturated with a religion so austere and sombre that the possession of a picture was for a long time looked upon as savoring of worldliness and vanity, unless, indeed, the subject suggested the other world by a vision of hexapodous angels, or of the transient resting-place to that world in the guise of a tombstone and willows, or an immediate departure thereto in the shape of a death-bed scene.
A Japanese person might have a famous collection of art, but they typically keep it stored in their kitchen except for one piece displayed in the tokonoma If they have good taste, they change the artwork from time to time based on the season, the nature of their guests, or special occasions. In a home where I stayed for a few days, the artwork was changed every day. A piece might be on display for a few weeks or months, then carefully rolled up and stored in its silk covering and box, while another is unrolled. This keeps the artwork fresh and interesting. In contrast, an American often shows their own artwork to friends in a bored and indifferent manner, as if the pieces have been on their walls so long that they no longer spark any attention or joy. It's true that you never tire of admiring the great masters' work, but it’s also important to remember that not all art is a masterpiece. Constant exposure can really dull the impact of a piece. The way art is crammed onto our walls—often in terrible lighting or no light at all when heavy curtains are drawn—suggests that the real focus is on their ornate gold frames, which stand out in any light. The idea of having art always on display is definitely flawed; a good artwork is much more enjoyable if it’s not always in your face. Who wants to look at a blazing tropical sunset after a big meal, or a gloomy northern mist when they're hungry? Yet, these are the situations we often find ourselves in. Why not redesign our spaces to create a bay or recess—an alcove with great lighting—where we can properly hang one or two good pieces of art, perhaps accompanied by some flowers, pottery, or bronze? We’ve never really altered the layout of our homes since they were built simply as places to eat, sleep, and eventually die—a rectangular box with necessary openings for light and entry/exit. Meanwhile, the people living there were steeped in a religion so strict and serious that owning a piece of art was long viewed as worldly and vain unless the subject matter depicted the afterlife, such as images of angels, tombstones among willows, or scenes that signaled a journey to the hereafter.
Among the Japanese all collections of pottery and other bric-a-brac are, in the same way as the pictures, carefully enclosed in brocade bags and boxes, and stowed away to be unpacked only when appreciative friends come to the house; and then the host enjoys them with equal delight. Aside from the heightened enjoyment sure to be evoked by the Japanese method, one is spared an infinite amount of chagrin and misery in having an unsophisticated friend become enthusiastic over the wrong thing, or mistake a rare etching of Dante for a North American savage, or manifest a thrill of delight [pg 316] over an object because he learns incidentally that its value corresponds with his yearly grocery bill.
In Japan, all collections of pottery and various curiosities are, just like the artwork, carefully stored in elegant bags and boxes, only to be unpacked when special friends visit. The host then shares these treasures with equal joy. Besides the increased enjoyment that's typical in Japanese culture, you also avoid a lot of frustration and embarrassment that comes from an uninformed friend getting excited about the wrong item, confusing a rare print of Dante for something by a North American Indigenous artist, or being overly thrilled about an object simply because they discover it’s worth about the same as their annual grocery budget. [pg 316]
Nothing is more striking in a Japanese room than the harmonies and contrasts between the colors of the various objects and the room itself. Between the picture and the brocades with which it is mounted, and the quiet and subdued color of the tokonoma in which it is hung, there is always the most refined harmony, and such a background for the delicious and healthy contrasts of color when a spray of bright cherry blossoms enlivens the quiet tones of this honored place! The general tone of the room sets off to perfection the simplest spray of flowers, a quiet picture, a rough bit of pottery or an old bronze; and at the same time a costly and magnificent piece of gold lacquer blazes out like a gem from these simple surroundings,—and yet the harmony is not disturbed.
Nothing is more striking in a Japanese room than the harmonies and contrasts between the colors of the various objects and the room itself. There’s always a refined balance between the picture and the fabrics it’s mounted on, and the calm, muted color of the alcove where it’s displayed. This creates a perfect background for the beautiful and vibrant contrasts of color when a bunch of bright cherry blossoms brightens up the soft tones of this special spot! The overall tone of the room highlights the simplest flower arrangement, a subtle picture, a rough piece of pottery, or an old bronze; at the same time, an expensive and stunning piece of gold lacquer shines like a gem against this modest setting—and yet the harmony remains intact.
It is an interesting fact that the efforts at harmonious and decorative effects which have been made by famous artists and decorators in this country and in England have been strongly imbued by the Japanese spirit, and every success attained is a confirmation of the correctness of Japanese taste. Wall-papers are now more quiet and unobtrusive; the merit of simplicity and reserve where it belongs, and a fitness everywhere, are becoming more widely recognized.
It’s interesting to note that the efforts to create harmonious and decorative effects by well-known artists and decorators in this country and in England have been heavily influenced by Japanese aesthetics, and every success achieved confirms the validity of Japanese taste. Wallpaper designs are now more subtle and understated; the value of simplicity and restraint is being recognized more widely, along with the idea that what suits a space is important everywhere.
It is rare to see cabinets or conveniences for the display of bric-a-brac in a Japanese house, though sometimes a lacquer-stand with a few shelves may be seen,—and on this may be displayed a number of objects consisting of ancient pottery, some stone implements, a fossil, old coins, or a few water-worn fragments of rock brought from China, and mounted on dark wood stands. The Japanese are great collectors of autographs, coins, brocades, metal-work, and many other groups of objects; but these are rarely exposed. In regard to objects in the tokonoma, I have seen in different tokonoma, variously displayed, [pg 317] natural fragments of quartz, crystal spheres, curious water-worn stones, coral, old bronze, as well as the customary vase for flowers or the incense-burner. These various objects are usually, but not always, supported on a lacquer-stand. In the chigai-dana I have also noticed the sword-rack, lacquer writing-box, maki-mono, and books; and when I was guilty of the impertinence of peeking into the cupboards, I have seen there a few boxes containing pottery, pictures, and the like,—though, as before remarked, such things are usually kept in the kura.
It’s rare to find cabinets or shelves for displaying knick-knacks in a Japanese home, although sometimes you might see a lacquer stand with a few shelves. This stand could hold a variety of items such as ancient pottery, stone tools, a fossil, old coins, or a few water-worn rocks from China, all mounted on dark wood stands. The Japanese enjoy collecting autographs, coins, brocades, metalwork, and many other types of objects, but these collections are seldom on display. Regarding items in the alcove I have seen various natural pieces like quartz, crystal spheres, interesting water-worn stones, coral, and old bronze, along with the usual vase for flowers or an incense burner. These items are generally, but not always, placed on a lacquer stand. In the chigai-dana, I’ve also noticed sword racks, lacquer writing boxes, sushi roll, and books. When I made the mistake of peeking into the cupboards, I found several boxes containing pottery, pictures, and similar items, though, as previously mentioned, such things are usually stored away in the kura.
Besides the lacquer cabinets, there may be seen in the houses of the higher class an article of furniture consisting of a few deep shelves, with portions of the shelves closed, forming little cupboards. Such a cabinet is used to hold writing-paper, toilet articles, trays for flowers, and miscellaneous objects for use and ornament. These cases are often beautifully lacquered.
Besides the lacquer cabinets, you can often find in the homes of the upper class a piece of furniture made up of a few deep shelves, some of which are enclosed, creating small cupboards. This type of cabinet is used for storing writing paper, toiletries, trays for flowers, and various other items for practical use and decoration. These cases are often beautifully lacquered.
The usual form of writing-desk consists of a low stool not over a foot in height, with plain side-pieces or legs for support, sometimes having shallow drawers; and this is about the only piece of furniture that would parallel our table. The illustration (fig. 300) shows one of these tables, upon which may be seen the paper, ink-stone, brush, and brush-rest.
The typical writing desk has a low stool that's about a foot tall, with simple side pieces or legs for support, sometimes featuring shallow drawers. This is pretty much the only piece of furniture that compares to our table. The illustration (fig. 300) shows one of these tables, which has paper, an ink stone, a brush, and a brush rest on it.
In the cities and large villages the people stand in constant fear of conflagrations. Almost every month they are reminded of the instability of the ground they rest upon by tremors and slight shocks, which may be the precursors of destructive earthquakes, usually accompanied by conflagrations [pg 318] infinitely more disastrous. Allusion has been made to the little portable engines with which houses are furnished. In the city house one may notice a little platform or staging with hand-rail erected on the ridge of the roof (fig. 301); a ladder or flight of steps leads to this staging, and on alarms of fire anxious faces may be seen peering from these lookouts in the direction of the burning buildings. It is usual to have resting on the platform a huge bucket or half barrel filled with water, and near by a long-handled brush; and this is used to sprinkle water on places threatened by the sparks and fire-brands, which often fill the air in times of great conflagrations.
In cities and large towns, people live in constant fear of fires. Almost every month, they're reminded of the instability of the ground beneath them by tremors and minor shocks, which could signal destructive earthquakes, usually followed by fires that are even more devastating. There's been mention of the small portable fire engines that are provided to houses. In city homes, you might notice a small platform with a handrail built on the roof ridge (fig. 301). A ladder or a set of steps leads up to this platform, and during fire alarms, worried faces can be seen peeking from these lookouts toward the burning buildings. It's common to see a large bucket or half-barrel filled with water resting on the platform, along with a long-handled brush. This is used to sprinkle water on areas at risk from sparks and embers that often fill the air during major fires.
During the prevalence of a high wind it is a common sight to see the small dealers packing their goods in large baskets and square cloths to tie up ready to transport in case of fire. At such times the windows and doors of the kura are closed and the chinks plastered with mud, which is always at hand either under a platform near the door or in a large earthen jar near the openings. In private dwellings, too, at times of possible danger, the more precious objects are packed up in a [pg 319] square basket-like box, having straps attached to it, so that it can easily be transported on one's shoulders (fig. 302).
During a strong wind, it's common to see small vendors packing their goods into large baskets and square cloths, getting ready to transport everything in case of a fire. During these times, the windows and doors of the kitchen are closed, and the gaps are sealed with mud, which is always available, either stored under a platform by the door or in a large earthen jar nearby. In private homes, too, during times of potential danger, valuable items are packed into a square, basket-like box with straps, making it easy to carry on one's shoulders (fig. 302).
In drawing to a close this description of Japanese homes and their surroundings, I have to regret that neither time, strength, nor opportunity enabled me to make it more complete by a description, accompanied by sketches, of the residences of the highest classes in Japan. Indeed, it is a question whether any of the old residences of the Daimios remain in the condition in which they were twenty years ago, or before the Revolution. Even where the buildings remain, as in the castles of Nagoya and Kumamoto, busy clerks and secretaries are seen sitting in chairs and writing at tables in foreign style; and though in some cases the beautifully decorated fusuma, with the elaborately carved ramma and rich wood-ceiling are still preserved,—as in the castle of Nagoya, as well as in many others doubtless,—the introduction of varnished furniture and gaudy-colored foreign carpets in some of the apartments has brought sad discord into the former harmonies of the place.
As I wrap up this description of Japanese homes and their surroundings, I regret that I didn’t have the time, energy, or opportunity to make it more complete with a description, along with sketches, of the homes of the upper classes in Japan. In fact, it’s questionable whether any of the old residences of the Daimyos are still in the same condition they were in twenty years ago, or before the Revolution. Even where the buildings still exist, like in the castles of Nagoya and Kumamoto, you can see busy clerks and secretaries sitting in chairs and writing at tables in a foreign style; and although in some instances, the beautifully decorated sliding door with the intricately carved ramma and rich wood ceilings are still intact,—like in the castle of Nagoya and likely several others,—the addition of varnished furniture and brightly colored foreign carpets in some rooms has created a jarring dissonance in the former harmony of the space.
In Tokio a number of former Daimios have built houses in foreign style, though these somehow or other usually lack the peculiar comforts of our homes. Why a Japanese should build a house in foreign style was somewhat of a puzzle to me, until I saw the character of their homes and the manner in which a foreigner in some cases was likely to behave on entering a Japanese house. If he did not walk into it with his boots on, he was sure to be seen stalking about in his stockinged [pg 320] feet, bumping his head at intervals against the kamoi, or burning holes in the mats in his clumsy attempts to pick up coals from the hibachi, with which to light his cigar. Not being able to sit on the mats properly, he sprawls about in attitudes confessedly as rude as if a Japanese in our apartments were to perch his legs on the table. If he will not take off his boots, he possibly finds his way to the garden, where he wanders about, indenting the paths with his boot-heels or leaving scars on the verandah, possibly washing his hands in the chōdzu-bachi, and generally making himself the cause of much discomfort to the inmates.
In Tokyo, several former Daimyos have built houses in a foreign style, but they often seem to lack the unique comforts of our homes. I found it puzzling why a Japanese person would choose to build a house in a foreign style until I observed their homes and how a foreigner might behave when entering a Japanese house. If he didn't walk in with his boots on, he would likely be seen wandering around in his socks, bumping his head against the kamoi, or accidentally burning holes in the mats while awkwardly trying to pick up coals from the grill to light his cigar. Not being able to sit properly on the mats, he sprawls in ways that are just as rude as if a Japanese person perched his legs on the table in our homes. If he refuses to take off his boots, he might end up in the garden, trampling the paths with his boots or leaving marks on the verandah, possibly washing his hands in the chōdzu-bachi, and generally causing a lot of discomfort for the residents.
It was a happy idea when those Japanese who from their prominence in the affairs of the country were compelled to entertain the “foreign barbarian” conceived the idea of erecting a cage in foreign fashion to hold temporarily the menageries which they were often compelled to receive. Seriously, however, the inelastic character of most foreigners, and their inability to adapt themselves to their surroundings have rendered the erection of buildings in foreign style for their entertainment not only a convenience but an absolute necessity. It must be admitted that for the activities of business especially, the foreign style of office and shop is not only more convenient but unquestionably superior.
It was a clever idea when the Japanese, due to their influential role in the country's affairs, had to deal with the "foreign outsider" and thought about building a foreign-style cage to temporarily house the menageries they often had to host. However, the rigid nature of most foreigners and their inability to adjust to their environment have made the construction of buildings in foreign styles for their entertainment not just convenient but absolutely essential. It must be recognized that for business activities in particular, the foreign-style offices and shops are not only more practical but undeniably better.
The former Daimio of Chikuzen was one of the first, I believe, to build a house in foreign style in Tokio, and this building is a good typical example of an American two-story house. Attached, however, to this house is a wing containing a number of rooms in native style. Fig. 123 (page 142) shows one of these rooms. The former Daimio of Hizen also lives in a foreign house, and there are many houses in Tokio built by Japanese after foreign plans.
The former Daimyo of Chikuzen was one of the first, I think, to build a house in foreign style in Tokyo, and this building is a great example of an American two-story house. However, attached to this house is a wing that contains several rooms in native style. Fig. 123 (page 142) shows one of these rooms. The former Daimyo of Hizen also lives in a foreign house, and there are many houses in Tokyo built by Japanese following foreign designs.
In an earlier portion of this work an allusion was made to the absence of those architectural monuments which are so [pg 321] characteristic of European countries. The castles of the Daimios, which are lofty and imposing structures, have already been referred to. There are fortresses also of great extent and solidity,—notably the one at Osaka, erected by Hideyoshi on an eminence near the city; and though the wooden structures formerly surmounting the walls were destroyed by Iyeyasŭ in 1615, the stone battlements as they stand to-day must be considered as among the marvels of engineering skill, and the colossal masses of rock seem all the more colossal after one has become familiar with the tiny and perishable dwellings of the country. In the walls of this fortress are single blocks of stone—at great heights, too, above the surrounding level of the region—measuring in some cases from thirty to thirty-six feet in length, and at least fifteen feet in height. These huge blocks have been transported long distances from the mountains many miles away from the city.
In an earlier part of this work, there was a mention of the lack of those architectural monuments that are so typical of European countries. The castles of the Daimyos, which are tall and impressive structures, have already been mentioned. There are also large and solid fortresses—most notably the one in Osaka, built by Hideyoshi on a hill near the city. Although the wooden structures that once topped the walls were destroyed by Iyeyasu in 1615, the stone battlements as they stand today are considered among the wonders of engineering skill, and the massive rocks seem even more massive once you become accustomed to the small and fragile houses of the country. In the walls of this fortress are single blocks of stone—at considerable heights above the surrounding ground—measuring in some cases from thirty to thirty-six feet in length and at least fifteen feet in height. These enormous blocks were transported over long distances from the mountains many miles away from the city.
Attention is called to the existence of these remarkable monuments as an evidence that the Japanese are quite competent to erect such buildings, if the national taste had inclined them in that way. So far as I know, a national impulse has never led the Japanese to commemorate great deeds in the nation's life by enduring monuments of stone. The reason may be that the plucky little nation has always been successful in repelling invasion; and a peculiar quality in their temperament has prevented them from perpetuating in a public way, either by monuments or by the naming of streets and bridges, the memories of victories won by one section of the country over another.
Attention is drawn to the existence of these remarkable monuments as proof that the Japanese are fully capable of building such structures if their national preferences had directed them that way. As far as I know, a national desire has never motivated the Japanese to honor great events in their history with lasting stone monuments. This may be because this resilient little nation has always succeeded in fending off invasions; and a unique aspect of their character has stopped them from publicly commemorating, either through monuments or by naming streets and bridges, the memories of victories achieved by one part of the country over another.
Rev. W. E. Griffis, in an interesting article on “The Streets and Street-names of Yedo,”25 in noticing the almost total absence of the names of great victories or historic battlefields in the naming of the streets and bridges in Tokio, says: “It [pg 322] would have been an unwise policy in the great unifier of Japan, Iyeyasŭ, to have given to the streets in the capital of a nation finally united in peaceful union any name that would be a constant source of humiliation, that would keep alive bitter memories, or that would irritate freshly-healed wounds. The anomalous absence of such names proves at once the sagacity of Iyeyasŭ, and is another witness to the oft-repeated policy used by the Japanese in treating their enemies,—that is, conquer them by kindness and conciliation.”
Rev. W. E. Griffis, in an interesting article on "The Streets and Street Names of Yedo,"25 points out the almost complete lack of names representing major victories or historic battlefields in the naming of streets and bridges in Tokyo. He states: "It would have been unwise for the great unifier of Japan, Iyeyasŭ, to name the streets in the capital of a finally united nation in a way that would continually embarrass people, revive painful memories, or irritate old wounds. The notable lack of such names shows Iyeyasŭ's wisdom and supports the frequently stated approach that the Japanese use when dealing with their enemies—specifically, to conquer them through kindness and reconciliation."
CHAPTER VIII. THE OLD HOUSE.
[pg 323]It would be an extremely interesting line of research to follow out the history of the development of the house in Japan. The material for such a study may possibly be in existence, but unfortunately there are few scholars accomplished enough to read the early Japanese records. Thanks to the labors of Mr. Chamberlain, and to Mr. Satow, Mr. Aston, Mr. McClatchie, and other members of the English legation in Japan,26 students of Ethnology are enabled to catch a glimpse of the character of the early house in that country.
It would be an incredibly interesting area of research to explore the history of house development in Japan. The resources for such a study might already exist, but unfortunately, there are few scholars skilled enough to interpret the early Japanese records. Thanks to the efforts of Mr. Chamberlain, along with Mr. Satow, Mr. Aston, Mr. McClatchie, and other members of the English legation in Japan, 26 students of Ethnology are able to get a sense of what early houses were like in that country.
From the translations of ancient Japanese Rituals,27 by Ernest Satow, Esq.; of the Kojiki, or “Records of Ancient Matters,”28 by Basil Hall Chamberlain, Esq.; and an ancient Japanese Classic29, by W. G. Aston, Esq.,—we get a glimpse of the Japanese house as it was a thousand years or more ago.
From the translations of ancient Japanese rituals by Ernest Satow, Esq.; of the Kojiki, or “Records of Ancient Events,” by Basil Hall Chamberlain, Esq.; and an ancient Japanese classic by W. G. Aston, Esq.,—we get a glimpse of the Japanese house as it was a thousand years ago or more.
Mr. Satow claims that the ancient Japanese Rituals are “the oldest specimens of ancient indigenous Japanese literature extant, excepting only perhaps the poetry contained in the ‘Kojiki’ and ‘Nihongi;’ ” and Mr. Chamberlain says the [pg 324] “Kojiki” is “the earliest authentic connected literary product of that large division of the human race which has been variously denominated Turanian, Scythian, and Altaïc, and it if even precedes by at least a century the most ancient extant literary compositions of non-Aryan India.”
Mr. Satow claims that the ancient Japanese rituals are “the oldest examples of ancient indigenous Japanese literature still available, except perhaps for the poetry found in the ‘Kojiki’ and ‘Nihongi;’” and Mr. Chamberlain says the “Kojiki” is “the earliest authentic connected literary work from that large group of humanity that has been called Turanian, Scythian, and Altaïc, and it even predates by at least a century the oldest known literary works of non-Aryan India.”
The allusions to house-structure in the “Kojiki,” though brief, are suggestive, and carry us back without question to the condition of the Japanese house in the seventh and eighth centuries.
The references to house structure in the "Kojiki," although brief, are suggestive and definitely take us back to the state of Japanese houses in the seventh and eighth centuries.
Mr. Satow, in his translation of the Rituals, says that the period when this service was first instituted was certainly before the tenth century, and probably earlier. From these records he ascertains that “the palace of the Japanese sovereign was a wooden hut, with its pillars planted in the ground, instead of being erected upon broad, flat stones, as in modern buildings. The whole frame-work, consisting of posts, beams, rafters, door-posts, and window-frames, was tied together with cords, made by twisting the long fibrous stems of climbing plants,—such as Pueraria Thunbergiana (kuzu) and Wistaria Sinensis (fuji). The floor must have been low down, so that the occupants of the building, as they squatted or lay on their mats, were exposed to the stealthy attacks of venomous snakes, which were probably far more numerous in the earliest ages when the country was for the most part uncultivated than at the present day…There seems some reason to think that the yuka, here translated ‘floor,’ was originally nothing but a couch which ran around the sides of the hut, the rest of the space being simply a mud-floor; and that the size of the couch was gradually increased until it occupied the whole interior. The rafters projected upward beyond the ridge-pole, crossing each other as is seen in the roofs of modern Shin-tau temples, whether their architecture be in conformity with early traditions (in which case all the rafters are so crossed), or modified [pg 325] in accordance with more advanced principles of construction, and the crossed rafters retained only as ornaments at the two ends of the ridge. The roof was thatched, and perhaps had a gable at each end, with a hole to allow the smoke of the wood-fire to escape,—so that it was possible for birds flying in and perching on the beams overhead, to defile the food, or the fire with which it was cooked.”
Mr. Satow, in his translation of the Rituals, states that the time when this service was first established was definitely before the tenth century and probably even earlier. From these records, he determines that The palace of the Japanese ruler was a wooden hut, with its pillars set directly into the ground instead of being placed on broad, flat stones like modern buildings. The entire structure, which included posts, beams, rafters, door frames, and window frames, was secured together using cords made from twisting the long fibrous stems of climbing plants like Pueraria Thunbergiana (kuzu) and Wistaria Sinensis (fuji). The floor was probably low, meaning that the inhabitants of the hut, when sitting or lying on their mats, were at risk of stealthy attacks from venomous snakes, which were likely more frequent in those early days when the land was largely uncultivated than it is now. There’s some belief that the yuka, translated here as ‘floor,’ was originally just a couch around the edges of the hut, with the rest being a simple mud floor; and that the size of the couch gradually increased until it occupied the entire interior. The rafters extended upward beyond the ridge-pole, crossing each other like in the roofs of modern Shin-tau temples, whether their design follows early traditions (where all the rafters are crossed) or is modified [pg 325] according to more advanced building principles, with crossed rafters only being used decoratively at both ends of the ridge. The roof was thatched, possibly with a gable at each end, and included a hole to let smoke from the wood fire escape—allowing birds flying in and perching on the beams above to contaminate the food or the fire used for cooking.
From the “Kojiki” we learn that even in those early days the house was sufficiently differentiated to present forms referred to as temples or palaces, houses of the people, storehouses, and rude huts. That the temples or palaces were more than rude huts is shown by references to the verandah, the great roof, stout pillars, and high cross-beams. They were at least two stories high, as we read of people gazing from an upper story. The peasants were not allowed to build a house with a raised roof frame,—that is, a roof the upper portion or ridge of which was raised above the roof proper, and having a different structure. This indicates the existence at that time of different kinds of roofs, or ridges. Fire-places were in the middle of the floor, and the smoke-outlet was in the gable end of the roof protected by a lattice,—as seen in the Japanese country houses of to-day. The posts or pillars of the house were buried deep in the ground, and not, as in the present house, resting on a stone foundation.
From the “Kojiki” we learn that even in those early days, houses were varied enough to include structures called temples or palaces, homes for the people, storage buildings, and simple huts. The distinction between temples or palaces and simple huts is evident from mentions of verandas, large roofs, sturdy pillars, and high cross-beams. These buildings were at least two stories high, as there are accounts of people looking out from an upper level. Peasants were not permitted to build a house with a raised roof frame—that is, a roof whose upper section or ridge was elevated above the main roof and had a different structure. This suggests that different types of roofs or ridges existed at that time. Fireplaces were located in the center of the floor, and the smoke outlet was situated at the gable end of the roof, protected by a lattice—similar to what we see in Japanese country houses today. The posts or pillars of the house were set deep in the ground, rather than resting on a stone foundation as in modern homes.
The allusions in the “Kojiki,” where it says, “and if thou goest in a boat along that road there will appear a palace built like fish-scales,” and again, “the ill-omened crew were shattered like tiles,” show the existence of tiles at that time. A curious reference is also made to using cormorants' feathers for thatch. There were front doors and back doors, doors to be raised, and windows and openings.
The references in the "Kojiki," which say, "If you take a boat along that route, a palace shaped like fish scales will emerge." and “the unfortunate crew was broken apart like tiles,” indicate that tiles were present at that time. There's also an interesting mention of using cormorant feathers for roofing. There were front doors and back doors, doors that could be lifted, as well as windows and openings.
It is mentioned that through the awkwardness of the carpenter the farther “fin” of the great roof is bent down at the [pg 326] corner,—probably indicating wide over-hanging eaves, the corners of which might easily be called “fins.” Within the house were mats of sedge, skin, and silk, and ornamental screens protect the sleepers from draughts of air.30 The castles had back gates, side gates, and other gates. Some of these gates, at least, had a roof-like structure above, as we read in the “Kojiki,” “Come under the metal gate; we will stand till the rain stops.”
It is mentioned that due to the carpenter's clumsiness, the outer edge of the large roof is drooping at the corner, likely indicating wide overhanging eaves, which could easily be referred to as "fins." Inside the house, there were mats made of sedge, skin, and silk, and decorative screens protected the sleepers from drafts. The castles had back gates, side gates, and other entrances. Some of these gates, at least, had a roof-like structure above, as we read in the "Kojiki," "Come under the metal gate; we will stand until the rain stops."
Fences are also alluded to. The latrine is mentioned several times as being away from the house, and having been placed over running water,—“whence doubtless the name Kaha-ya; that is, river-house.” This feature is specially characteristic of the latrine, from Siam to Java. This suggestion of early finities with the Malay people is seen in an ancient Japanese Classic, dating from the tenth century, entitled Monogatari, or “Tales of Japan,” translated by Mr. Chamberlain,31 in which we read, “Now, in olden days the people dwelt in houses raised on platforms built out in the river Ikuta.” In the “Kojiki”, we also read, “They made in the middle of the river Hi a black plaited bridge, and respectfully offered a temporary palace to dwell in.” The translator says the significance of this passage is: “They built as a temporary abode for the prince a house in the river Hi (whether with its foundations actually in the water or on an island is left undetermined), connecting it with the main-land by a bridge made of branches of trees; twisted together, and with their bark left on them (this is here the import of the word black).”
Fences are also mentioned. The latrine is referred to multiple times as being away from the house and constructed over running water,—“hence the name Kaha-ya; which means river house.” This feature is particularly characteristic of latrines from Siam to Java. The hint of early connections with the Malay people appears in an ancient Japanese classic from the tenth century, called Monogatari, or "Stories of Japan," translated by Mr. Chamberlain,31 where we find, "Back in ancient times, people lived in houses built on platforms that stretched into the Ikuta River." In the “Kojiki,” we also read, “They constructed a black braided bridge in the center of the Hi River and thoughtfully set up a temporary palace for lodging.” The translator notes the significance of this passage as: “They built a temporary home for the prince on the river Hi (it's unclear if the foundations were in the water or on an island), linking it to the mainland with a bridge made of intertwined branches, still covered in bark (this is what the word black suggests).”
The “Kojiki” mentions a two-forked boat: may this be some kind of a catamaran? Mention is also made of eating from leaf-platters: this is a marked Malay feature.
The "Kojiki" talks about a two-forked boat: could this be some sort of catamaran? It also mentions eating from leaf platters: this is a distinct Malay characteristic.
These various statements—particularly those concerning the latrine, and building houses over the water—are significant indications of the marked southern affinities of the Japanese. Other features of similarity with southern people are seen in the general structure of the house.
These different statements—especially those about the latrine and constructing houses over the water—are important signs of the clear southern connections of the Japanese. Other similarities with southern people can be observed in the overall structure of the house.
The principal references which have been made to the “Kojiki” are quoted here for the convenience of the reader. For the history of the origin of this ancient record, methods of translation, etc., the reader is referred to Mr. Chamberlain's Introduction accompanying the translation.
The main references to the "Kojiki" are provided here for the reader's convenience. For information on the history and origins of this ancient text, translation methods, and more, please see Mr. Chamberlain’s Introduction that comes with the translation.
The translator says “the ‘ornamented fence’ is supposed to mean ‘a curtain round the sleeping-place.’ ”
The translator says “the ‘ornamented fence’ symbolizes ‘a curtain around the sleeping area.’”
“Then, on climbing to the top of the mountain and gazing on the interior of the country, [he perceived that] there was a house built with a raised roof-frame. The Heavenly Sovereign sent to ask [concerning] that house, saying, ‘Whose roof with a raised frame is that?’ The answeri was: ‘It is the house of the great Departmental Lord of Shiki.’ Then the Heavenly Sovereign said: ‘What! a slave builds his own house in imitation of the august abode of the Heavenly Sovereign!’—and forthwith he sent men to burn the house [down]” (p. 311).
“After reaching the top of the mountain and surveying the land, [he noticed] a house with a tall roof. The Heavenly Sovereign sent someone to inquire about that house, saying, ‘Whose house has a tall roof?’ The response was: ‘It belongs to the great Departmental Lord of Shiki.’ Then the Heavenly Sovereign remarked: ‘What! A servant builds their own house to imitate the grand residence of the Heavenly Sovereign!’—and he immediately ordered people to burn the house down” (p. 311).
Thereupon the grandee Shibi sang, saying,—
Then the noble Shibi sang, saying, —
When he had thus sung, and requested the conclusion of tha Song, His Augustness Woke sang, saying,—
After he finished singing and requested to end the song, His Augustness Woke sang, saying,—
In the ancient Japanese Rituals, Mr. Satow finds that the rafters projected upward beyond the ridge-pole of the roof crossing each other,—as is seen in the roofs of modern Shin-tō temples. A curious feature is often seen on the gable ends of the roofs of the Malay houses near Singapore, consisting of projecting pieces crossing each other at the two ends of the roof; [pg 329] and these are ornamented by being cut in odd sweeps and curves (fig. 303). Survivals of these crossing rafters are seen in the modern Japanese dwelling; that is, if we are to regard as such the wooden X's which straddle the roof at intervals, as shown in figs. 45 (page 62) and 85 (page 98). A precisely similar feature is seen on the roofs of houses along the river approaching Saigon, and on the road leading from Saigon to Cholon, in Anam (fig. 304).
In ancient Japanese rituals, Mr. Satow notes that the rafters extended upward beyond the ridge-pole of the roof, crossing each other—similar to what we see in the roofs of modern Shinto temples. A unique feature often found on the gable ends of the roofs of Malay houses near Singapore includes protruding pieces that cross each other at both ends of the roof; [pg 329] these are decorated with irregular sweeps and curves (fig. 303). Remnants of these crossing rafters can be observed in modern Japanese homes, specifically with wooden X's that span the roof at intervals, as illustrated in figs. 45 (page 62) and 85 (page 98). A similar feature is also visible on the roofs of houses along the river approaching Saigon and on the road from Saigon to Cholon in Anam (fig. 304).
It has been customary to regard the tokonoma, or bed-place, in the Japanese house as being derived from the Aino house. The suggestion of such a derivation seems to me to have no foundation. In the Aino house the solid ground is the floor; sometimes, but not always, a rush mat is spread along the side of the fireplace, which is in the centre of the hut. The slightest attention to comfort would lead the Ainos to erect a platform of boards,—and such a platform is generally found next to the wall in the Aino hut. This platform not only serves as a sleeping-place, but holds also boxes and household goods, as well as such objects as were not suspended to the sides of the houses or from poles stretched across. In no case did I see a raised platform protected by a partition, or one utilized solely for a sleeping-place. If it were safe to venture upon any conjecture as to the origin of the tokonoma, or if external resemblances had any weight in affinities of structure, one might see the prototype of this feature in the Malay [pg 330] house. In the Malay villages near Singapore, one may see not only a slightly raised place for the bed exclusively, but also a narrow partition jutting out from the side of the wall, not unlike that which separates the tokonoma from its companion recess (fig. 305).
It’s been common to think of the tokonoma, or sleeping area, in a Japanese house as coming from the Aino house. I believe there’s no basis for this idea. In an Aino house, the solid ground is the floor; sometimes, but not always, a rush mat is placed next to the fireplace, which is at the center of the hut. Even a small concern for comfort would lead the Ainos to build a platform of boards—and you usually find such a platform next to the wall in the Aino hut. This platform serves not just as a sleeping area but also holds boxes and household items, as well as objects that aren’t hung on the walls or from poles stretched across the room. I never saw a raised platform with a partition or one used solely for sleeping. If it were reasonable to guess about the origin of the alcove, or if external similarities had any significance for structural connections, you might see the prototype of this feature in the Malay [pg 330] house. In the Malay villages near Singapore, you can see not only a slightly raised area for the bed exclusively but also a narrow partition extending from the wall, resembling the one that separates the alcove from the adjacent recess (fig. 305).
Whether these various relations pointed out between the Japanese house and similar features in the Malay house are of any weight or not, they must be recognized in any attempt to trace the origin of those features in house-structure which have originated outside of Japan. From all that we can gather relating to the ancient house of the Japanese, it would seem that certain important resemblances must be sought for among the southern nations of Anam, Cochin China, and particularly those of the Malay peninsula.
Whether these different connections between the Japanese house and similar elements in the Malay house are significant or not, they should be acknowledged in any effort to trace the origins of those features in house structure that come from outside Japan. From everything we can gather about the ancient Japanese house, it appears that some important similarities should be looked for among the southern nations of Anam, Cochin China, and especially those of the Malay peninsula.
Ernest Satow, Esq., in an article on the Shin-tō temples of Ise,33 which, as the author says, “rank first among all the Shin-tō temples in Japan in point of sanctity, though not the most ancient,” has some interesting matter concerning the character of the ancient house. He says:—
Ernest Satow, Esq., in an article about the Shin-tō temples of Ise,33 which, as the author notes, "rank first among all the Shin-tō temples in Japan when it comes to their sacredness, even though they aren't the oldest," provides some intriguing insights into the nature of the ancient house. He states:—
“Japanese antiquarians tell us that in early times, before carpenters' tools had been invented, the dwellings of the people who inhabited these islands were constructed of young trees with the bark on, fastened together with ropes made of the rush (suge,—Scirpus maritimus), or perhaps with the tough shoots of the wistaria (fuji), and thatched with the grass called kaya. In modern buildings the uprights of a house stand upon large stones laid on the surface of the earth; but this precaution against decay had not occurred to the ancients, who planted the uprights in holes dug in the ground.”
Japanese historians tell us that in ancient times, before carpenters had tools, the homes of the people living on these islands were constructed using young trees with their bark still intact, tied together with ropes made from a type of rush (suge,—Scirpus maritimus), or perhaps with the strong shoots of wisteria (fuji), and thatched with a type of grass known as kaya. In modern buildings, the vertical supports of a house rest on large stones placed on the ground; however, this method to prevent decay didn’t occur to the ancients, who set the supports directly into holes in the ground.
The ground-plan of the hut was oblong, with four corner uprights, and one in the middle of each of the four sides,—those in the sides which formed the ends being long enough to support the ridge-pole. Other trees were fastened horizontally from corner to corner,—one set near the ground, one near the top, and one set on the top, the latter of which formed what we call the wall-plates. Two large rafters, whose upper ends crossed each other, were laid from the wall-plates to the heads of the taller uprights. The ridge-pole rested in the fork formed by the upper ends of the rafters crossing each other. Horizontal poles were then laid along each slope of the roof, one pair being fastened close up to the exterior angle of the fork. The rafters were slender poles, or bamboos, passed over the ridge-pole and fastened down on each end to the wall-plates. Next followed the process of putting on the thatch. In order to keep this in its place, two trees were laid along the top resting in the forks; and across these two trees were placed short logs at equal distances, which being fastened to the poles in the exterior angle of the forks by ropes passed through the thatch, bound the ridge of the roof firmly together.
The layout of the hut was rectangular, with four corner posts and one in the middle of each side. The posts along the sides that formed the ends were tall enough to support the ridge pole. Other trees were attached horizontally from corner to corner—one set near the ground, one near the top, and another set on top, which created what we refer to as the wall plates. Two large rafters, with their upper ends crossing each other, were placed from the wall plates to the heads of the taller posts. The ridge pole rested in the fork made by the crossing rafters. Horizontal poles were then laid along each slope of the roof, with one pair secured close to the outer angle of the fork. The rafters were thin poles or bamboo that were laid over the ridge pole and secured on each end to the wall plates. The next step was adding the thatch. To hold this in place, two trees were laid along the top resting in the forks, and short logs were placed across these two trees at equal intervals. These were secured to the poles at the outer angle of the forks with ropes threaded through the thatch, tying the ridge of the roof together firmly.
“The walls and doors were constructed of rough matting. It is evident that some tool must have been used to cut the trees to the required length; and for this purpose a sharpened stone was probably employed. Such [pg 332] stone implements have been found imbedded in the earth in various parts of Japan, in company with stone arrow-heads and clubs. Specimens of the ancient style of building may even yet be seen in remote parts of the country,—not perhaps so much in the habitations of the peasantry, as in sheds erected to serve a temporary purpose.”
The walls and doors were constructed from rough matting. It's evident that some tool was used to cut the trees to the right length, probably a sharpened stone. Such [pg 332] stone tools have been discovered buried in the ground in various regions of Japan, along with stone arrowheads and clubs. You can still see examples of ancient building styles in remote areas of the country—typically not in the homes of the peasants, but in sheds built for temporary use.
“The architecture of the Shin-tō temples is derived from the primeval hut, with more or less modification in proportion to the influence of Buddhism in each particular case. Those of the purest style retain the thatched roof; others are covered with the thick shingling called hiwada-buki, while others have tiled and even coppered roofs. The projecting ends of the rafters called chigi have been somewhat lengthened, and carved more or less elaborately. At the new temple at Kudanzaka in Yedo they are shown in the proper position, projecting from the inside of the shingling; but in the majority of cases they merely consist of two pieces of wood in the form of the letter X, which rest on the ridge of the roof like a pack-saddle on a horse's back, to make use of a Japanese writer's comparison. The logs which kept the two trees laid on the ridge in their place have taken the form of short cylindrical pieces of timber tapering towards each extremity, which have been compared by foreigners to cigars. In Japanese they are called katsuo-gi, from their resemblance to the pieces of dried bonito sold under the name of katsuo-bushi. The two trees laid along the roof over the thatch are represented by a single beam, called Munaosae, or ‘roof-presser.’ Planking has taken the place of the mats with which the sides of the building were originally closed, and the entrance is closed by a pair of folding doors, turning not on hinges, but on what are, I believe, technically called ‘journals.’ The primeval hut had no flooring; but we find that the shrine has a wooden floor raised some feet above the ground, which arrangement necessitates a sort of balcony all round, and a flight of steps up to the entrance. The transformation is completed in some cases by the addition of a quantity of ornamental metal-work in brass.”
The design of Shin-tō temples is based on ancient huts, with various changes influenced by Buddhism in each case. The most traditional styles still have thatched roofs; others use dense shingles called hiwada-buki, while some have tiled or even copper roofs. The ends of the rafters, known as chigi, are extended and intricately carved in some designs. At the new temple in Kudanzaka, Yedo, they are correctly positioned, protruding from within the shingles; however, in most cases, they consist of two crossed pieces of wood resting on the ridge of the roof, compared to a pack-saddle on a horse’s back, according to a Japanese writer. The supports that previously held the two trees along the ridge are now short, cylindrical wooden pieces that taper at both ends, which some foreigners have likened to cigars. In Japanese, they are called katsuo-gi, named for their resemblance to the dried bonito sold as katsuo-bushi. The two trees that once lay across the roof over the thatch are now represented by a single beam called Munaosae, or ‘roof-presser.’ Wooden planking has replaced the mats that originally enclosed the building’s sides, and the entrance is now secured by a pair of folding doors that rotate not on hinges, but on what are known as ‘journals.’ The early hut had no flooring; now, the shrine features a wooden floor elevated several feet above the ground, which requires a surrounding balcony and a set of steps leading up to the entrance. In some instances, this transformation is completed with decorative brass metalwork.
Coming down to somewhat later times, we find a charming bit of description of the house in an ancient Japanese Classic34 entitled Tosa Nikki, or “Tosa Diary,” translated by W. [pg 333] G. Aston. This Diary was written in the middle of the tenth century, and is the record of a court noble who lived in Kioto, but who was absent from his home five or six years as Prefect of Tosa. The Diary was a record of his journey home, and the first entry in it was in the fourth year of Shohei, which according to our reckoning must have been in the early part of 935 A.D., or nearly one thousand years ago. During his absence from home, news had come to him of the death of his little daughter nine years old; and he says, “With the joyful thought, ‘Home to Kioto!’ there mingles the bitter reflection that there is one who never will return.”
Coming down to somewhat later times, we find a charming description of a house in an ancient Japanese classic entitled Tosa Diary, or "Tosa Diary," translated by W. [pg 333] G. Aston. This Diary was written in the middle of the tenth century and is the record of a court noble who lived in Kyoto but was away from home for five or six years while serving as Prefect of Tosa. The Diary documents his journey home, with the first entry dating to the fourth year of Shohei, which corresponds to early 935 A.D., nearly one thousand years ago. While he was away, he received news of the death of his nine-year-old daughter, and he reflects, "With the happy thought, ‘Home to Kyoto!’, there’s also the sad realization that there is someone who will never come back."
The journey home was mostly by sea; and finally, having entered the Osaka River, and spent several days in struggling against the strong current, he reaches Yamazaki, from which place he starts for Kioto. He expresses great delight in recognizing the old familiar landmarks as he rides along. “He mentions the children's playthings and sweetmeats in the shops as looking exactly as when he went away, and wonders whether he will find as little change in the hearts of his friends. He had purposely left Yamazaki in the evening in order that it might be night when he reached his own dwelling.” Mr. Aston translates his account of the state in which he found it:—
The journey home was mostly by sea; after entering the Osaka River and spending several days battling the strong current, he finally arrives in Yamazaki, from where he sets off for Kyoto. He expresses great joy in recognizing the old familiar landmarks as he rides along. “He points out that the children's toys and sweets in the stores look just like they did when he left, and he wonders if there has been just as little change in his friends' hearts. He deliberately left Yamazaki in the evening so that it would be night when he arrived home.” Mr. Aston translates his account of the state in which he found it:—
“The moon was shining brightly when I reached my house and entered the gate, so that its condition was plainly to be seen. It was decayed and ruined beyond all description,—worse even than I had been told. The house35 of the man in whose charge I left it was in an equally dilapidated condition. The fence between the two houses had been broken down, so that both seemed but one, and he appeared to have fulfilled his charge by looking in through the gaps. And yet I had supplied him, by every opportunity, with the means of keeping it in repair. To-night, [pg 334] however, I would not allow him to be told this in an angry tone, but in spite of my vexation offered him an acknowledgment for his trouble. There was in one place something like a pond, where water had collected in a hollow, by the side of which grew a fir-tree. It had lost half its branches, and looked as if a thousand years had passed during the five or six years of my absence. Younger trees had grown up round it, and the whole place was in a most neglectful condition, so that every a one said that it was pitiful to see. Among other sad thoughts that rose spontaneously to my mind was the memory—ah! how sorrowful!—of one who was born in this house, but who did not return here along with me. My fellow-passengers were chatting merrily with their children in their arms, but I meanwhile, still unable to contain my grief, privately repeated these lines to one who knew my heart.”
The moon was shining brightly when I reached my house and went through the gate, making it easy to see its condition. It was decayed and ruined beyond description—worse than I had been told. The house __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ of the man I trusted to take care of it was in just as bad shape. The fence between the two properties had been torn down, making them look like one place, and it seemed like he had done the minimum by just peeking through the gaps. Still, I had given him plenty of chances to keep it maintained. Tonight, [pg 334] I didn’t want to show my frustration in an angry way, but despite my annoyance, I offered him a token of appreciation for his efforts. There was a spot that looked like a pond, where water had collected in a hollow next to a fir tree. It had lost half its branches and looked as if it had been centuries since I last saw it, even though I had only been gone about five or six years. Younger trees had sprung up around it, and the whole area was in terrible disrepair, making it truly pitiful to see. Among the many sorrowful thoughts that filled my mind, one particularly sad memory was of someone who was born in this house but didn’t come back with me. My fellow travelers were happily chatting with their children in their arms, but I, still unable to hold back my grief, quietly recited these lines to someone who understood my heart.
In this pathetic account one gets a glimpse of the house as it appeared nearly a thousand years ago. The broken fence between the houses; the gateway, probably a conspicuous structure then as it is to-day, in a dilapidated condition; and the neglected garden with a tangle of young trees growing up,—all show the existence in those early days of features similar to those which exist to-day.
In this sad account, you can see what the house looked like nearly a thousand years ago. The broken fence between the houses, the gateway—likely a prominent structure back then just as it is today—now in ruins, and the overgrown garden filled with young trees all indicate that even in those early days, there were aspects similar to what we see today.
The history of house development in Japan, if it should ever be revealed, will probably show a slow but steady progress from the rude hut of the past to the curious and artistic house of to-day,—a house as thoroughly a product of Japan as is that of the Chinese, Korean, or Malay a product of those respective peoples, and differing from all quite as much as they differ from one another. A few features have been introduced from abroad, but these have been trifling as compared to the wholesale imitation of foreign styles of architecture by our ancestors, the English; and until within a few years we have followed England's example in perpetuating the legacy it left us, in the shape of badly imitated foreign architecture, classical and otherwise. As a result, we have scattered over the land, among a few public buildings of good taste, a countless [pg 335] number of ill-proportioned, ugly, and entirely inappropriate buildings for public use. Had the exuberant fancies of the village architect revelled in woodsheds or one-storied buildings, the harm would have been trifling; but the desire for pretentious show, which seems to characterize the average American, has led to the erection of these architectural horrors on the most conspicuous sites,—and thus the public taste is vitiated.
The history of house development in Japan, if ever uncovered, will likely show a gradual but steady evolution from the simple huts of the past to the unique and artistic homes of today—a house that is just as distinctly Japanese as the homes of the Chinese, Koreans, or Malays are to their cultures, differing from each other just as much. A few elements have been adopted from abroad, but these are minimal compared to the extensive copying of foreign architectural styles by our English ancestors. Until recently, we have followed England's example by continuing the legacy it left us in the form of poorly imitated foreign architecture, both classical and otherwise. As a result, we have a mix of well-designed public buildings scattered across the country, alongside countless poorly proportioned, unattractive, and totally unsuitable structures for public use. If the creative ideas of the village builders had been limited to woodsheds or single-story buildings, the impact would have been minimal; however, the average American's desire for ostentatious display has led to the construction of these architectural eyesores in the most prominent locations, which has corrupted public taste.
The Japanese, while developing an original type of house, have adopted the serviceable tile from Korea, and probably also the economical transverse framing and vertical struts from China, and bits of temple architecture for external adornments. As to their temple architecture, which came in with one of their religions, they had the good sense to leave it comparatively as it was brought to them. Indeed, the temples seem in perfect harmony with the country and its people. What shall we say, however, to the taste displayed by the English, who in the most servile manner have copied foreign styles of architecture utterly unsuited to their climate and people! In the space of an English block one may see not only Grecian, Roman, Italian, and Egyptian, as well as other styles of architecture, but audaciously attempted crosses between some of these; and the resulting hybrids have in consequence rendered the modern English town the most unpicturesque muddle of buildings in Christendom outside our own country.36
The Japanese, while creating their own unique type of house, have incorporated practical tiles from Korea, likely also borrowing the cost-effective transverse framing and vertical struts from China, along with elements of temple architecture for decoration. Regarding their temple architecture, which they received with one of their religions, they wisely kept it mostly as it was introduced to them. In fact, the temples seem to fit perfectly with the landscape and its people. But what can we say about the taste shown by the English, who have slavishly copied foreign architectural styles that are completely unsuitable for their climate and culture? Within the span of a typical English block, you can find not only Grecian, Roman, Italian, and Egyptian styles, but also bold attempts to mix some of these; and the resulting hybrids have turned modern English towns into the most unattractive jumble of buildings in Christendom, aside from our own country.36
CHAPTER 9. THE NEIGHBORING HOUSE.
Having got a glimpse, and a slight glimpse only, of the ancient house in Japan, it may be of interest to consider briefly the character of the house in neighboring islands forming part of the Japanese Empire, and also of the house in that country which comes nearest to Japan (Korea), and from which country in the past there have been many both peaceful and compulsory invasions,—compulsory in the fact that when Hideyoshi returned from Korea, nearly three hundred years ago, after his great invasion of that country, he brought back with him to Japan colonies of potters and other artisans.
After catching just a quick glimpse of the ancient house in Japan, it might be interesting to briefly look at the style of houses on the neighboring islands that are part of the Japanese Empire, as well as the houses in Korea, the country that is closest to Japan. Throughout history, there have been many invasions, both peaceful and forced, from Korea to Japan. One notable event occurred nearly three hundred years ago when Hideyoshi returned from Korea after his massive invasion, bringing back with him colonies of potters and other craftsmen to Japan.
The Ainos of Yezo naturally claim our attention first, because it is believed that they were the aboriginal people of Japan proper, and were afterwards displaced by the Japanese,—a displacement similar to that of our North American savages by the English colonists. Whether the Ainos are autochthonous or not, will not be discussed here. That they are a savage race, without written language,—a race which formerly occupied the northern part of the main island of Japan, and were gradually forced back to Yezo, where they still live in scattered communities,—are facts which are unquestionable. How far the Aino house to-day represents the ancient Aino house, and how [pg 337] many features of the Japanese house are engrafted upon it, are points difficult to determine.
The Ainos of Yezo naturally catch our attention first because they are believed to be the original people of Japan and were later pushed out by the Japanese—similar to how English colonists displaced North American natives. Whether the Ainos are truly indigenous or not won’t be discussed here. It is a fact that they are a primitive culture without a written language—a people who once lived in the northern part of Japan and were gradually forced back to Yezo, where they still reside in scattered communities. It’s hard to say how much the current Aino house reflects the ancient Aino house and how many features of the Japanese house have been integrated into it.
The Ainos that I saw in the Ishikari valley, on the west coast of Yezo, and from Shiraoi south on the east coast, all spoke Japanese, ate out of lacquer bowls, used chop-sticks, smoked small pipes, drank sake, and within their huts possessed lacquer boxes and other conveniences in which to stow away their clothing, which had probably been given them in past times by the Japanese, and which were heirlooms. On the other hand, they retained their own language, their long, narrow dug-out; used the small bow, the poisoned arrow, and had an arrow-release of their own; adhered to their ancestral forms of worship and their peculiar methods of design, and were quite as persistent in clinging to many of their customs as are our own Western tribes of Indians. That they are susceptible to change is seen in the presence of a young Aino at the normal school in Tokio, from whom I derived some interesting facts concerning archery.
The Ainos that I saw in the Ishikari Valley, on the west coast of Yezo, and from Shiraoi south on the east coast, all spoke Japanese, ate from lacquer bowls, used chopsticks, smoked small pipes, drank sake and in their huts had lacquer boxes and other items to store their clothing, which had likely been given to them by the Japanese in the past and were passed down through generations. On the other hand, they held on to their own language, their long, narrow dugout canoes; they used the small bow and poisoned arrows, and had their own type of arrow-release; they followed their traditional forms of worship and unique design styles, and were just as committed to many of their customs as our own Western tribes of Indians. Their ability to adapt is evident in the presence of a young Aino at the normal school in Tokyo, from whom I learned some interesting facts about archery.
Briefly, the Aino house, as I saw it, consists of a rude frame-work of timber supporting a thatched roof; the walls being [pg 338] made up of reeds and rush interwoven with stiffer cross-pieces. Within, there is a single room the dimensions of the house. In most houses there is an L, in which is the doorway, which may in some cases be covered with a rude porch. The thatched roof is well made and quite picturesque, differing somewhat in form from any thatched roof among the Japanese,—though in Yamato, as already mentioned, I saw features in the slope of the roof quite similar to those shown in some of the Aino roofs.
In short, the Aino house, as I observed it, consists of a rough wooden frame supporting a thatched roof, with the walls made from reeds and rushes woven together with sturdier cross-beams. Inside, there's a single room that spans the entire house. In most houses, there's an L-shaped area where the entrance is, which in some cases might be topped with a simple porch. The thatched roof is well-constructed and quite charming, differing somewhat in style from any thatched roof found among the Japanese—although, as I mentioned before, I noticed similar features in the slope of the roof in Yamato that resemble some of the Aino roofs.
Entering the house by the low door, one comes into a room so dark that it is with difficulty one can see anything. The inmates light rolls of birch-bark that one may be enabled to see the interior; but every appearance of neatness and picturesqueness which the hut presented from without vanishes when one gets inside. Beneath one's feet is a hard, damp, earth floor; directly above are the blackened and soot-covered rafters. Poles supported horizontally from these rafters are equally greasy and blackened, and pervading the darkness is a dirty and strong fishy odor. In the middle of the floor, and occupying considerable space, is a square area,—the fireplace. On its two sides mats are spread. A pot hangs over the smoke, for there appears to [pg 339] be but little fire; and at one side is a large bowl containing the remains of the last meal, consisting apparently of fish-bones,—large sickly-looking bones, the sight of which instantly vitiates one's appetite. The smoke, rebuffed at the only opening save the door,—a small square opening close under the low eaves,—struggles to escape through a small opening in the angle of the roof. On one side of the room is a slightly raised floor of boards, upon which are mats, lacquer-boxes, bundles of nets, and a miscellaneous assortment of objects. Hanging from the rafters and poles are bows, quivers of arrows, Japanese daggers mounted on curious wooden tablets inlaid with lead, slices of fish and skates' heads in various stages, not of decomposition, as the odors would seem to imply, but of smoke preservation. Dirt everywhere, and fleas. And in the midst of the darkness, smoke, and squalor are the inmates,—quiet, demure, and gentle to the last degree. Figs. 306 and 307 give an idea of the appearance of two Aino houses of the better kind, but perhaps cannot be taken as a type of the Aino house farther north on the island.
Entering the house through the low door, you step into a room so dark that it's hard to see anything. The occupants light up rolls of birch bark to help illuminate the space, but any sense of cleanliness and charm that the hut had from the outside disappears once you’re inside. The floor is a hard, damp surface made of earth; directly above you are the blackened, soot-covered rafters. Poles hang horizontally from these rafters, equally greasy and dark, with a strong, unpleasant fishy smell filling the air. In the center of the floor is a large square area—the fireplace. Mats are laid out on two sides of it. A pot hangs over the low flames, as the fire appears to be quite small, and on one side is a large bowl containing remnants of the last meal, which look like large, unappetizing fish bones—sickly and instantly off-putting. The smoke, unable to escape through the only other opening besides the door—a small square space just below the low eaves—struggles to get out through a small hole in the corner of the roof. One side of the room features a slightly raised wooden floor covered with mats, lacquer boxes, bundles of nets, and a mixed collection of items. From the rafters and poles hang bows, quivers of arrows, Japanese daggers mounted on peculiar wooden plaques inlaid with lead, and slices of fish and skate heads at different stages, not of decay, as the smells might suggest, but of being smoked for preservation. There’s dirt everywhere, and fleas. Amidst the darkness, smoke, and squalor are the inhabitants—quiet, modest, and incredibly gentle. Figs. 306 and 307 provide a glimpse of two Aino houses of the better variety, but they may not represent the typical Aino house further north on the island.
Let us now glance at the house of the natives of the Hachijô Islanders, as described by Mr. Dickins and Mr. Satow.37 From their communication the following account is taken:—
Let’s take a look at the homes of the Hachijô Islanders, as described by Mr. Dickins and Mr. Satow.37 This account is taken from their communication:—
“As may readily be supposed, there are no shops or inns on the island, but fair accommodation for travellers can be obtained at the farmers' houses. These are for the most part substantially-built cottages of two or three rooms, with a spacious kitchen, constructed with the timber of Quercus cuspidata, and with plank walls, where on the mainland it is usual to have plastered wattles. The roof is invariably of thatch, with a very high pitch,—necessitated, we were told, by the extreme dampness of the climate, which renders it desirable to allow as little rain as [pg 340] possible to soak into the straw. Many of the more prosperous farmers have a second building, devoted to the rearing of silkworms, which takes its name (kaiko-ya) from the purpose to which it is destined. There are also sheds for cattle, usually consisting of a thatched roof resting on walls formed of rough stone-work. Lastly, each enclosure possesses a wooden godown, raised some four feet from the ground on stout wooden posts, crowned with broad caps, to prevent the mice from gaining an entrance. The style resembles that of the storehouses constructed by the Ainos and Loochooans.”
As you might expect, there are no shops or inns on the island, but travelers can find decent places to stay at the farmers' houses. These are mostly well-constructed cottages with two or three rooms and a large kitchen, made from the timber of Quercus cuspidata, and have wooden plank walls, while on the mainland, plastered wattles are more common. The roof is always thatched and has a very steep pitch, which we were told is necessary due to the extreme dampness of the climate, making it important to keep rain from soaking into the straw. Many of the more successful farmers have a second building for raising silkworms, known as (kaiko-ya) based on its intended use. There are also cow sheds, usually featuring a thatched roof supported by walls of rough stone. Finally, each enclosure has a wooden storage building, raised about four feet off the ground on sturdy wooden posts topped with broad caps to keep out mice. The design is similar to the storehouses built by the Ainos and Loochooans.
“The house and vegetable-garden belonging to it are usually surrounded by a stone wall, or rather bank of stones and earth, often six feet high, designed to protect the buildings from the violent gales which at certain seasons sweep over the island, and which, as we learned, frequently do serious injury to the rice-fields by the quantity of salt spray which they carry a long distance inland from the shore.”
“The house and its vegetable garden are usually surrounded by a stone wall, or more like a mound of stones and soil, often around six feet high. This is intended to protect the buildings from the strong winds that blow across the island during certain seasons. As we learned, these winds often cause considerable damage to the rice fields because of the salt spray they carry far inland from the shore.”
From this general description of the house which incidentally accompanies a very interesting sketch of the physical peculiarities of the island, its geology, botany, and the customs and dialect of the people, we get no idea of the special features the house,—as to the fireplace or bed-place; whether there be shōji or ordinary windows, matted floor, or any of those details which would render a comparison with the Japanese house of value.
From this general description of the house, which also includes a fascinating sketch of the island's unique features, its geology, plant life, and the customs and dialect of the people, we don’t get any information about the specific details of the house—like the fireplace or the sleeping area; whether there are sliding door or regular windows, matted flooring, or other details that would make a comparison with a Japanese house worthwhile.
As Mr. Satow found in the language of the Hachijô Islander a number of words which appeared to be survivals of archaic Japanese, and also among their customs the curious one, which existed up to within very recent times, of erecting parturition houses,—a feature which is alluded to in the very earliest records of Japan,—a minute description of the Hachijô house with sketches might possibly lead to some facts of interest.
As Mr. Satow discovered in the language of the Hachijô Islander, there were several words that seemed to be remnants of ancient Japanese. He also noted their unique custom of building birthing houses, a practice that lasted until very recently and is mentioned in Japan's earliest records. A detailed description of a Hachijô house, along with sketches, could potentially reveal some interesting facts.
The Loochoo, or Riukiu Islands, now known as Okinawa Shima, lie nearly midway between the southern part of Japan and the Island of Formosa. The people of this group differ [pg 341] but little from the Japanese,—their language, according to Mr. Satow and Mr. Brunton, having in it words that appear obsolete in Japan. In many customs there is a curious admixture of Chinese and Japanese ways; and Mr. Brunton sees in the Loochooan bridge and other structures certain resemblances to Chinese methods.
The Loochoo, or Riukiu Islands, now called Okinawa Shima, are located almost halfway between the southern part of Japan and the Island of Formosa. The people in this group are quite similar to the Japanese—their language, according to Mr. Satow and Mr. Brunton, includes words that seem outdated in Japan. Many of their customs show an interesting blend of Chinese and Japanese traditions; Mr. Brunton also notes that Loochooan bridges and other structures share some similarities with Chinese styles.
The following extract regarding the house of the Loochooans is taken from an account of a visit to these islands, by Ernest Satow, Esq., published in the first volume of the “Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan:”—
The following extract about the house of the Loochooans is taken from a visit to these islands by Ernest Satow, Esq., published in the first volume of the "Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan:"—
Another extract is here given in regard to the house of the Loochooans, by R. H. Brunton, Esq., published in the “Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan38 ”:—
Another extract is here given regarding the house of the Loochooans, by R. H. Brunton, Esq., published in the "Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__":—
The streets in the towns present a most desolate appearance. On each side of these is a blank stone wall of about ten or twelve feet high, with openings in them here and there sufficiently wide to admit of access to the houses which are behind. Every house is surrounded by a wall, and from the street they convey the impression of being prisons rather than ordinary dwellings…
The streets in the towns look really gloomy. On both sides, there are bare stone walls about ten or twelve feet tall, with gaps here and there that are wide enough for people to access the houses behind them. Every house is surrounded by a wall, and from the street, they give off more of a prison feel than a typical home feel…
“The houses of the well-to-do classes are situated in a yard which is surrounded by a wall ten or twelve feet high, as has been already mentioned. They are similar to the ordinary Japanese houses, with raised floors laid with mats and sliding screens of paper. They are built of wood, and present no peculiar differences from the Japanese style of [pg 342]construction. The roofs are laid with tiles, which however are quite different in shape from the Japanese tiles. Over the joint between two concave tiles a convex one is laid, and these are all semi-circular in cross sections. The tiles are made at Nafa, and are red in color; they appeared of good quality. The houses of the poorer classes are of very primitive character. The roof is covered with a thick thatch, and is supported by four corner uprights about five feet high. The walls consist of sheets of a species of netting made of small bamboo, which contain between them a thickness of about six inches of straw. This encloses the whole sides of the house,—a width of about two feet being left in one side as an entrance. There is no flooring in the houses of any description, and there is generally laid over the mud inside a mat, on which the inmates lie or sit.”
“The homes of the wealthy are situated in a yard enclosed by a wall that’s about ten to twelve feet high, as mentioned earlier. They resemble traditional Japanese houses, featuring raised floors covered with mats and sliding paper screens. Made of wood, they lack any distinctive features that stray from the Japanese architectural style. The roofs are tiled, but their shape is quite different from typical Japanese tiles. A convex tile is placed at the joint between two concave tiles, all of which are semi-circular in cross-section. These tiles are produced in Nafa and are red; they appear to be of good quality. The homes of the lower classes are very simple. The roofs are thickly thatched and supported by four corner posts that are about five feet tall. The walls consist of bamboo netting filled with about six inches of straw. This surrounds the whole house, leaving a gap of about two feet on one side for an entrance. There’s no flooring in these homes, and a mat is usually laid over the mud inside, where the residents either lie down or sit.”
Considering the presence for so many centuries of strong Chinese influence which Mr. Brunton sees in the Loochooans, it is rather surprising to find so many features of the Japanese house present in their dwellings. Indeed, Mr. Brunton goes so far as to say that the Loochooan house presents no peculiar differences from the Japanese style of construction; and as he has paid special attention to the constructive features of Japanese buildings, we must believe that had differences existed they would have been noted by him.
Considering the strong Chinese influence that Mr. Brunton notes in the Loochooans for so many centuries, it's quite surprising to find so many characteristics of Japanese houses in their homes. In fact, Mr. Brunton even claims that the Loochooan house has no distinct differences from the Japanese style of construction; and since he has closely studied the construction features of Japanese buildings, we have to assume that if there were any differences, he would have pointed them out.
It seems to me that the wide distribution of certain identical features in Japanese house-structure, from the extreme north of Japan to the Loochoo Islands, is something remarkable. Here is a people who for centuries lived almost independent provincial lives, the northern and southern provinces speaking different dialects, even the character of the people varying, and yet from Awomori in the north to the southernmost parts of Satsuma, and even farther south to the Loochoos, the use of fusuma, shōji, mats, and thin wood-ceilings seems well-nigh universal. The store-houses standing on four posts are referred to in the description of the Hachijô Islanders as well as in that of the Loochooans as resembling those constructed by the Ainos; yet [pg 343] these resemblances must not be taken as indicating a community of origin, but simply as the result of necessity. For travellers in Kamtchatka, and farther west, speak of the same kind of store-houses; and farther south they may be seen in Singapore and Java,—in fact, in every country town in New England; and indeed all over the United States the same kind of storehouse is seen. Probably all over the world a store-house on four legs, even to the inverted box or pan on each leg, may be found.
It seems to me that the widespread presence of similar features in Japanese house design, from the northern tip of Japan down to the Loochoo Islands, is quite remarkable. Here is a people who, for centuries, lived mostly independent provincial lives, with the northern and southern provinces speaking different dialects and even varying in character. Yet, from Aomori in the north to the southernmost parts of Satsuma, and even further south to the Loochoos, the use of fusuma, shōji, mats, and thin wooden ceilings seems almost universal. The storehouses built on four posts are described by the Hachijô Islanders as well as by the Loochooans as resembling those made by the Ainu people; however, [pg 343] these similarities shouldn't be seen as proof of a shared origin but rather as a practical response to similar needs. Travelers in Kamchatka and farther west mention similar storehouses; and further south, you can find them in Singapore and Java—in fact, in every small town in New England, and indeed, across the entire United States, you will see the same type of storehouse. It’s likely that a four-legged storehouse, even with an inverted box or pan on each leg, can be found all around the world.
Through the courtesy of Percival Lowell, Esq., I am enabled to see advanced sheets of his work on Korea, entitled “The Land of the Morning Calm;” and from this valuable work the author has permitted me to gather many interesting facts concerning the Korean dwellings. The houses are of one story; a flight of two or three steps leads to a narrow piazza, or very wide sill, which encircles the entire building. The apartment within is only limited by the size of the building; in other words, there is only one room under the roof. The better class of dwellings, however, consist of groups of these buildings. The house is of wood, and rests upon a stone foundation. This foundation consists of a series of connecting chambers, or flues; and at one side is a large fireplace, or oven, in which the fire is built. The products of combustion circulate through this labyrinth of chambers, and find egress, not by a chimney, but by an outlet on the opposite side. In this way the room above is warmed. There are three different types of this oven-like foundation. In the best type a single slab of stone is supported by a number of stout stone pillars; upon this stone floor is spread a layer of earth, and upon this earth is spread oil-paper like a carpet. In another arrangement, ridges of earth and small stones run lengthwise from front to back; on top of this the same arrangement is made of stone, earth, and oil-paper. In the third type, representing a [pg 344] still poorer class, the oven and flues are hollowed out of the earth alone. Mr. Lowell remarks that the idea is a good one, if it were only accompanied by proper ventilation. Unfortunately, he says, the room above is no better than a box, in which the occupant is slowly roasted. Another disadvantage is experienced in the impossibility of warming a room at once. He says: “The room does not even begin to get warm until you have passed through an agonizing interval of expectancy. Then it takes what seems forever to reach a comfortable temperature, passes this brief second of happiness before you have had time to realize that it has attained it, and continues mounting to unknown degrees in a truly alarming manner, beyond the possibility of control.” This curious and ingenious method of warming houses is said to have been introduced from China some one hundred and fifty years ago.
Thanks to Percival Lowell, I have the opportunity to review advanced sheets of his work on Korea, titled "The Land of the Morning Calm;" and from this valuable text, the author has allowed me to gather many fascinating details about Korean homes. The houses are single-story; a set of two or three steps leads to a narrow porch or very broad sill that surrounds the entire building. The space inside is only restricted by the size of the structure; in other words, there is just one room under the roof. However, better-quality homes consist of groups of these buildings. The house is made of wood and sits on a stone foundation. This foundation includes a series of connected chambers or flues, and one side holds a large fireplace or oven where the fire is made. The smoke travels through this maze of chambers and exits not through a chimney, but through an opening on the opposite side. This setup warms the room above. There are three different types of this oven-style foundation. In the best version, a single stone slab is supported by several strong stone pillars; on this stone floor, a layer of earth is spread, followed by oil-paper that resembles a carpet. In another setup, ridges of earth and small stones run from front to back; on top, the same arrangement of stone, earth, and oil-paper is laid down. In the third type, which belongs to a [pg 344] poorer category, the oven and flues are dug out of the earth alone. Mr. Lowell comments that the concept is good, if only it were paired with proper ventilation. Unfortunately, he says, the room above is no better than a box, where the occupant is slowly cooked. Another drawback is the inability to heat a room quickly. He notes: "The room doesn’t start to warm up until you've gone through a painful wait. Then it feels like it takes ages to reach a comfortable temperature, quickly passing that moment of relief before you even notice it's hit that point, and keeps rising to unknown levels in a really concerning way, out of control." This unique and clever method of heating homes is said to have been brought over from China about one hundred and fifty years ago.
A house of the highest order is simply a frame-work,—a roof supported on eight or more posts according to the size of the building; and this with a foundation represents the only fixed structure. In summer it presents a skeleton-like appearance; in winter, however, it appears solid and compact, as a series of folding-doors,—a pair between each two posts,—closes it completely. These are prettily latticed, open outward, and are fastened from within by a hook and knob. By a curious arrangement these doors can be removed from their hinges, the upper parts only remaining attached, and fastened up by hooks to the ceiling. This kind of a house and room is used as a banqueting hall and a room for general entertainment. It may be compared to our drawing-room.
A high-quality house is basically a framework—a roof held up by eight or more posts, depending on the size of the building; together with a foundation, this is the only fixed structure. In the summer, it looks skeletal; but in the winter, it appears solid and compact, as a series of folding doors—a pair between each two posts—closes it completely. These doors have a nice lattice design, open outward, and are secured from the inside with a hook and knob. Interestingly, these doors can be taken off their hinges, leaving only the upper parts attached and hooked up to the ceiling. This type of house and room is used as a banquet hall and a space for general entertainment. It can be compared to our living room.
Dwelling-rooms are constructed on quite a different plan. Instead of continuous doors, the sides are composed of permanent walls and doors. The wall is of wood, except that in the poorer house it consists of mud. Says Mr. Lowell: “In these buildings we have an elaborate system of three-fold aperture [pg 345] closers,—a species of three skins, only that they are for consecutive, not simultaneous, use. The outer is the folding-door above mentioned; the other two are a couple of pairs of sliding panels,—the survivors in Korea of the once common sliding screens, such as are used to-day in Japan. One of the pairs is covered with dark green paper, and is for night use; the other is of the natural yellowish color of the oil-paper, and is used by day. When not wanted, they slide back into grooves inside the wall, whence they are pulled out again by ribbons fastened near the middle of the outer edge. All screens of this sort, whether in houses or palanquins, are provided, unlike the Japanese, with these conveniences for tying the two halves of each pair together, and thus enabling easier adjustment.” The house-lining within is oil-paper. “Paper covers the ceiling, lines the wall, spreads the floor. As you sit in your room your eye falls upon nothing but paper; and the very light that enables you to see anything at all sifts in through the same material.”
Living rooms are built on a completely different design. Instead of continuous doors, the sides are made up of solid walls and doors. The walls are made of wood, except in poorer houses where they are made of mud. Mr. Lowell says: "In these buildings, we have a detailed system of three-fold closure mechanisms, which consist of three layers used sequentially rather than all at once. The outer layer is the folding door I mentioned earlier; the other two comprise pairs of sliding panels—the remnants in Korea of the once widely used sliding screens, still seen today in Japan. One pair is covered in dark green paper for nighttime use, while the other is in the natural yellowish color of oil-paper for daytime. When not in use, they slide back into grooves inside the wall and can be pulled out again by ribbons attached near the middle of the outer edge. Unlike the Japanese, all these screens, whether in houses or palanquins, come with these convenient ties to keep the two halves of each pair together, making them easier to adjust." The interior walls are lined with oil-paper. "Paper covers the ceiling, lines the walls, and covers the floor. While you sit in your room, all you see is paper; even the light that helps you see comes in through the same material."
It will be seen by these brief extracts how dissimilar the Korean house is to that of the Japanese. And this dissimilarity is fully sustained by an examination of the photographs which Mr. Lowell made in Korea, and which show among other things low stone-walled houses with square openings for windows, closed by frames covered with paper, the frames hung from above and opening outside, and the roof tiled; also curious thatched roofs, in which the slopes are uneven and rounding, and their ridges curiously knotted or braided, differing in every respect from the many forms of thatched roof in Japan.
It will be clear from these brief excerpts how different the Korean house is from the Japanese one. This difference is fully supported by looking at the photographs that Mr. Lowell took in Korea, which show, among other things, low stone-walled houses with square window openings, covered by frames made of paper. The frames hang from above and open outward, and the roofs are tiled. There are also interesting thatched roofs with uneven, rounded slopes and uniquely knotted or braided ridges, which are completely different from the various styles of thatched roofs in Japan.
The Chinese house, as I saw it in Shanghai and its suburbs, and at Canton as well as up the river, shows differences from the Japanese house quite as striking as those of the Korean house. Here one sees, in the cities at least, solid [pg 346] brick-walled houses, with kitchen range built into the wall, and chimney equally permanent; tiled-roof, with tiled ridges; enclosed court-yard; floors of stone, upon which the shoes are worn from the street; doorways, with doors on hinges; window openings closed by swinging frames fitted with the translucent shells of Placuna, or white paper, the latter usually in a dilapidated condition; and for furniture they have tables, chairs, bedsteads, drawers, babies' chairs, cradles, foot-stools, and thel like. The farm-houses of China in those regions that I visited were equally unlike similar houses in Japan.
The Chinese house, as I saw it in Shanghai and its suburbs, as well as in Canton and up the river, shows differences from the Japanese house that are just as striking as those of the Korean house. In the cities, at least, there are solid brick-walled houses with kitchen ranges built into the wall and permanent chimneys; tiled roofs with tiled ridges; enclosed courtyards; stone floors, where shoes are worn from the street; doorways with hinged doors; window openings covered by swinging frames fitted with translucent shells of Placuna or white paper, the latter usually in a deteriorated condition; and for furniture, they have tables, chairs, beds, drawers, baby chairs, cradles, footstools, and similar items. The farmhouses in the regions of China that I visited were also quite different from similar houses in Japan.
From this superficial glance at the character of the house in the outlying Islands of the Japanese Empire, as well as at the houses of the neighboring countries, Korea and China, I think it will be conceded that the Japanese house is typically a product of the people, with just those features from abroad incorporated in it that one might look for, considering the proximity to Japan of China and Korea. When we remember that these three great civilizations of the Mongoloid race approximate within the radius of a few hundred miles, and that they have been in more or less intimate contact since early historic times, we cannot wonder that the germs of Japanese art and letters should have been adopted from the continent. In precisely the same way our ancestors, the English, drew from their continent the material for their language, art, music, architecture, and many other important factors in their civilization; and if history speaks truly, their refinement even in language and etiquette was imported. But while Japan, like England, has modified and developed the germs ingrafted from a greater and older civilization, it has ever preserved the elasticity of youth, and seized upon the good things of our civilization,—such as steam, electricity, and modern methods of study and research,—and utilized them promptly. Far different is it from the mother [pg 347] country, where the improvements and methods of other nations get but tardy recognition.
From this superficial look at the nature of the houses in the outer Islands of the Japanese Empire, as well as the homes in nearby countries like Korea and China, it’s clear that the Japanese house is predominantly shaped by its people, incorporating just the right features from abroad due to Japan’s closeness to China and Korea. Considering that these three major civilizations of the Mongoloid race are situated just a few hundred miles apart and have had some form of interaction since early history, it’s no surprise that elements of Japanese art and literature were borrowed from the continent. Similarly, our ancestors, the English, drew inspiration from their continent for their language, art, music, architecture, and many other key aspects of their civilization; and if history is accurate, their sophistication in language and social customs was also imported. However, while Japan, like England, has adapted and evolved the influences from a more established civilization, it has always maintained a youthful flexibility and embraced the positive aspects of our civilization—such as steam, electricity, and modern methods of study and research—incorporating them quickly. This stands in stark contrast to the mother country, where improvements and methods from other nations are recognized only slowly.
It seems to give certain English writers peculiar delight to stigmatize the Japanese as a nation of imitators and copyists. From the contemptuous manner in which disparagements of this nature are flung into the faces of the Japanese who are engaged in their heroic work of establishing sound methods of government and education, one would think that in England had originated the characters by which the English people write, the paper upon which they print, the figures by which they reckon, the compass by which they navigate, the gunpowder by which they subjugate, the religion with which they worship. Indeed, when one looks over the long list of countries upon which England has drawn for the arts of music, painting, sculpture, architecture, printing, engraving, and a host of other things, it certainly comes with an ill-grace from natives of that country to taunt the Japanese with being imitators.
It seems to give certain English writers a strange pleasure to label the Japanese as a nation of imitators and copycats. From the dismissive way insults like this are thrown at Japanese people working hard to establish effective government and education systems, you’d think that England was the birthplace of the letters they use, the paper they print on, the numbers they calculate with, the compass they navigate by, the gunpowder they use to conquer, and the religion they practice. In fact, when you look at the long list of countries England has borrowed from for music, painting, sculpture, architecture, printing, engraving, and many other things, it really seems out of place for people from that country to mock the Japanese for being imitators.
It would be obviously absurd to suggest as a model for our own houses such a structure as a Japanese house. Leaving out the fact that it is not adapted to the rigor of our climate or to the habits of our people, its fragile and delicate fittings if adopted by us, would be reduced to a mass of kindlings in a week, by the rude knocks it would receive; and as for exposing on our public thoroughfares the delicate labyrinth of carvings often seen on panel and post in Japan, the wide-spread vandalism of our country would render futile all such attempts to civilize and refine. Fortunately, in that land which we had in our former ignorance and prejudice regarded as uncivilized, the malevolent form of the genus homo called “vandal” is unknown.
It would be clearly ridiculous to suggest that we model our homes after a Japanese house. Aside from the fact that it's not suitable for our harsh climate or our people's habits, its fragile and delicate features would quickly end up in a pile of firewood because of the rough treatment they would receive from us. And as for showcasing the intricate carvings often found on panels and posts in Japan, widespread vandalism in our country would make any attempts to civilize and refine those designs pointless. Fortunately, in that land we once foolishly viewed as uncivilized, the malicious type of the genus Homo known as "vandal" is nonexistent.
Believing that the Japanese show infinitely greater refinement in their methods of house-adornment than we do, and convinced that their tastes are normally artistic, I have [pg 348] endeavored to emphasize my convictions by holding up in contrast our usual methods of house-furnishing and outside embellishments. By so doing I do not mean to imply that we do not have in America interiors that show the most perfect refinement and taste; or that in Japan, on the other hand, interiors may not be found in which good taste is wanting.
Believing that the Japanese have much more sophistication in their home decoration methods than we do, and convinced that their tastes are generally artistic, I have [pg 348] tried to highlight my beliefs by contrasting our typical approaches to home furnishing and exterior design. I don't mean to suggest that we don’t have interiors in America that display the highest levels of refinement and taste; nor do I imply that in Japan, there aren’t interiors that lack good taste.
I do not expect to do much good in thus pointing out what I believe to be better methods, resting on more refined standards. There are some, I am sure, who will approve; but the throng—who are won by tawdry glint and tinsel; who make possible, by admiration and purchase, the horrors of much that is made for house-furnishing and adornment—will, with characteristic obtuseness, call all else but themselves and their own ways heathen and barbarous.
I don’t expect to achieve much by suggesting what I think are better methods based on more refined standards. I’m sure some will agree, but the masses—who are attracted to cheap glitz and glam; who support, through their admiration and purchases, the terrible things made for home decor and embellishment—will, with their usual ignorance, label everything that isn’t them or their own ways as uncivilized and primitive.
GLOSSARY.
[pg 349] [pg 350] [pg 351]In the following list of Japanese words used in this work an opportunity is given to correct a number of mistakes which crept into, or rather walked boldly into, the text. The author lays no claim to a knowledge of the Japanese language beyond what any foreigner might naturally acquire in being thrown among the people for some time. As far as possible he has followed Hepburn's Japanese Dictionary for orthography and definition, and Brunton's Map of Japan for geographical names. Brunton's map, as well as that published by Rein, spells Settsu with one t. For the sake of uniformity I have followed this spelling in the text, though it is contrary to the best authorities. It may be added that Oshiu and Totomi should be printed with a long accent over each o.
In the following list of Japanese words used in this work, there's a chance to fix a number of mistakes that slipped into, or rather boldly made their way into, the text. The author does not claim to have any expertise in the Japanese language beyond what any foreigner might reasonably pick up while spending time among the people. As much as possible, he has followed Hepburn's Japanese Dictionary for spelling and definitions and Brunton's Map of Japan for geographical names. Both Brunton's map and the one published by Rein spell Settsu with one t. For consistency, I have used this spelling in the text, even though it's not in agreement with the best sources. Additionally, Oshiu and Totomi should be printed with a long accent over each o.
The words Samurai, Daimio, Kioto, Tokio, and several others, are now so commonly seen in the periodical literature of our country that this form of spelling for these words has been retained. For rules concerning the pronunciation of Japanese words the reader is referred to the Introduction in Hepburn's Dictionary.
The words Samurai, Daimio, Kioto, Tokio, and a few others are now frequently found in the magazines and journals of our country, so this spelling has been kept. For details on how to pronounce Japanese words, readers can check the Introduction in Hepburn's Dictionary.
Agari-ba | The floor for standing upon in coming out of the bath. |
Age-yen | A platform that can be raised or lowered. |
Amado | Rain-door. The outside sliding doors by which the house is closed at night. |
Andon | A lamp. |
Asagao | A colloquial name for a porcelain urinal, from its resemblance to the flower of the morning-glory. |
Benjo | Privy. Place for business. |
Biwa | A lute with four strings. |
Biyo-bu | A folding screen. |
Cha-dokoro | Tea-place. |
Cha-ire | Tea-jar; literally, "Add tea." |
Cha-no-yu | A tea-party. |
Chigai-dana | A shelf, one half of which is on a different plane from the other. |
Chōdzu-ba | Privy; literally, "hand watering place." |
Chōdzu-bachi | A convenience near the privy for washing the hands. |
Chu-nuri | Middle layer of plaster. |
Dai-jū-no | A pan for holding burning charcoal, used in replenishing the hibachi. |
Daiku | A carpenter. |
Daimio | A feudal lord. |
Dodai | The foundation-sill of a house. |
Dodai-ishi | Foundation stone. |
Do-ma | Earth-space. A small unfloored court at the entrance the house. |
Fukuro-dana. | Cupboard; literally, "pouch shelf." |
Fumi-ishi | Stepping-stone. |
Furo | A small culinary furnace, also a bath-tub. |
Furosaki biyō-bu. | A two-fold screen placed in front of the furo. |
Fusuma | A sliding screen between rooms. |
Fū-tai | The bands which hang down in front of a kake-mono; literally, "wind ensemble." |
Futon | A quilted bed-cover. |
Ge-dan | Lower step. |
Genka | The porch at the entrance of a house. |
Geta | Wooden clogs. |
Goyemon buro | A form of bath-tub. |
Habakari | Privy. |
Hagi | A kind of rush. |
Hashira | A post. |
Hashira kakushi | A long narrow picture to hang on post in room; literally, “after concealment.” |
Hibachi | A brazier for holding hot coals for warming the apartments. |
Hibashi | Metal tongs. |
Hikite | A recessed catch in a screen for sliding it back and forth. |
Hi-no-ki | A species of pine. |
Hisashi | A small roof projecting over a door or window. |
Hon-gawara | True tile. |
Ichi-yo-dana | A kind of shelf. |
Iri-kawa. | The space between the verandah and room. |
Ishi-dōrō. | A stone lantern. |
Ji-bukuro. | Cupboard. |
Jin-dai-sugi | "Cedar of God's era." |
Jinrikisha | A two-wheeled vehicle drawn by a man. |
Ji-zai | A hook used for hanging pots over the fire. |
Jō-dan | Upper step. Raised floor in house. |
Kago | Sedan chair. |
Kaikōsha | Name of a private school of architecture. |
Kake-mono | Hanging picture. |
Kaki | Fence. |
Kamado | Kitchen range. |
Kami-dana | A shelf in the house for Shin-tō shrine. |
Kami-no-ma | Higher room. |
Kamoi | Lintel. |
Kara-kami | Sliding screen between rooms. |
Kawarake | Unglazed earthen ware. |
Kaya | A kind of grass used for thatch. |
Kaya | Mosquito netting. |
Kazari-kugi | Ornamental headed nails. |
Kaze-obi | The bands which hang down in front of the kake-mono; literally, "wind ensemble." |
Keshō-no-ma | Toilet-room. |
Keyaki | A kind of hard wood. |
Kō-ka | Privy; literally, “back frame.” |
Koshi-bari | A kind of paper used for a dado. |
Kuguri-do | A small, low door in a gate. |
Kura | A fire-proof store-house. |
Kuro-moji-gaki | A kind of ornamental fence. |
Ma-bashira | Middle post. |
Mado | Window. |
Ma-gaki | A fence made of bamboo. |
Magari-gane | A carpenter's iron square. |
Maki-mono | Pictures that are kept rolled up, not hung. |
Maki-mono-dana | Shelf for make-mono. |
Makura | Pillow. |
Miki-dokkuri | Bottle for offering wine to gods. |
Mochi | A kind of bread made of glutinous rice. |
Mon | Badge, or crest. |
Mune | Ridge of roof. |
Naka-tsubo | Middle space. |
Nan-do. | Store-room. Pantry. |
Neda-maruta | Cross-beams to support floor. |
Nedzumi-bashira | Cross-beam at end of building; literally, "rat post." |
Nikai-bari | Horizontal beam to support second-story floor. |
Noren | Curtain. Hanging screen. |
Nuki | A stick passed through mortised holes to bind together upright posts. |
Nuri-yen | A verandah unprotected by amado. |
Ochi-yen | A low platform. |
Oshi-ire | Closet; literally, "push, insert." |
Otoshi-kake | Hanging partition. |
Ramma | Open ornamental work over the screens which form the partitions in the house. |
Ro | Hearth, or fire-place, in the floor. |
Ro-ka | Corridor. Covered way. |
Sake | Fermented liquor brewed from rice. |
Samisen | A guitar with three strings. |
Samisen-tsugi | A peculiar splice for joining timber. |
Samurai | Military class privileged to wear two swords. |
Sashi-mono-ya | Cabinet-maker. |
Setsu-in | Privy; literally, “snow camo.” |
Shaku | A wooden tablet formerly carried by nobles when in presence of the Emperor. |
Shaku | A measure of ten inches. Japanese foot. |
Shichirin | A brazier for cooking purposes. |
Shikii | The lower grooved beam in which the door or screens slide. |
Shin-tō | The primitive religion of Japan. |
Shita-nuri | The first layer of plaster. |
Shō-ji | The outside door-sash covered with thin paper. |
Sode-gaki | A small ornamental fence adjoining a house. |
Sudare | A shade made of split bamboo or reeds. |
Sugi | Cedar. |
Sumi-sashi | A marking-brush made of wood. |
Sumi-tsubo | An ink-pot used by carpenters in lieu of the chalk-line. |
Sun | One tenth of a Japanese foot. |
Sunoko | A platform made of bamboo. |
Tabako-bon | A box or tray in which fire and smoking utensils are kept. |
Tamari-no-ma | Anteroom. |
Tansu | Bureau. |
Taruki | A rafter of the roof. |
Tatami | A floor-mat. |
Ten-jō | Ceiling. |
Te-shoku | Hand-lamp. |
To-bukuro | A closet in which outside doors are stowed away. |
Tokkuri | A bottle. |
Toko | The floor of the tokonoma. |
Toko-bashira | The post dividing the two bays or recesses in the guestroom. |
Tokonoma | A bay, or recess, where a picture is hung. |
Tori-i | A portal, or structure of stone or wood, erected in front of a Shin-tō temple. |
Tsubo | An area of six feet square. |
Tsugi-no-ma | Second room. |
Tsui-tate | A screen of one leaf set in a frame. |
Tsume-sho. | A servant's waiting-room. |
Usukasumi-dana | A name for shelf; literally, "thin fog shelf," |
Uwa-nuri | The last layer of plaster. |
Watari | A passage; literally, “to cross over.” |
Yane | Roof. |
Yane-shita | Roof-beams. |
Yashiki | A lot of ground upon which a house stands. An enclosure for a Daimio's residence. |
Yedo-gawara | Yedo tile. |
Yen | A coin; equals one dollar. |
Yen-gawa | Verandah. |
Yen-riyo | Reserve. |
Yen-zashiki | End-parlor. |
Yō-ba | Privy; literally, “business location.” |
Yoshi | A kind of reed. |
Yoshi-do | A screen made of yoshi. |
Yu-dono | Bath-room. |
Yuka-shita | The beams supporting the first floor. |
References
- 1.
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Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. v., part i. p. 207.
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. v., part i. p. 207.
- 2.
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It may be well to state here that most of the good and reliable contributions upon Japan are to be found in the Transactions of the English and German Asiatic Societies published in Yokohama; also in the pages of the Japan “Mail,” in the now extinct Tokio “Times,” and in a most excellent but now defunct magazine called the “Chrysanthemum,” whose circulation becoming vitiated by the theological sap in its tissues, finally broke down altogether from the dead weight of its dogmatic leaves.
It’s worth noting that most of the valuable and trustworthy contributions about Japan can be found in the Transactions of the English and German Asiatic Societies published in Yokohama; also in the pages of the Japan "Mail" in the now-defunct Tokio “News,” and in a great but no longer available magazine called the "Chrysanthemum," which lost its readership due to the heavy theological content, ultimately collapsing under the burden of its dogmatic articles.
Among the many valuable papers published in these Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, is one by Thomas R. H. McClatchie, Esq., on “The Feudal Mansions of Yedo,” vol. vii. part iii. p. 157, which gives many important facts concerning a class of buildings that is rapidly disappearing, and to which only the slightest allusion has been made in the present work. The reader is also referred to a Paper in the same publication by George Cawley, Esq., entitled “Some Remarks on Constructions in Brick and Wood, and their Relative Suitability for Japan,” vol. vi. part ii. p. 291; and also to a Paper by R. H. Brunton, Esq., on “Constructive Art in Japan,” vol. ii. p. 64; vol. iii. part ii. p. 20.
Among the many valuable papers published in these Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan is one by Thomas R. H. McClatchie, Esq., on “Yedo's Feudal Mansions,” vol. vii. part iii. p. 157, which provides many important facts about a type of building that is quickly disappearing and has only been briefly mentioned in this work. The reader is also directed to a paper in the same publication by George Cawley, Esq., titled "Some Comments on Brick and Wood Constructions and Their Relative Suitability for Japan," vol. vi. part ii. p. 291; and to a paper by R. H. Brunton, Esq., on "Constructive Art in Japan," vol. ii. p. 64; vol. iii. part ii. p. 20.
Professor Huxley has said in one of his lectures, that if all the books in the world were destroyed, with the exception of the Philosophical Transactions, “it is safe to say that the foundations of Physical Science would remain unshaken, and that the vast intellectual progress of the last two centuries would be largely though incompletely recorded.” In a similar way it might almost be said of the Japan “Mail,” that if all the books which have been written by foreigners upon Japan were destroyed, and files of the Japan “Mail” alone preserved, we should possess about all of value that has been recorded by foreigners concerning that country. This journal not only includes the scholarly productions of its editor, Capt. F. Brinkley, as well as an immense mass of material from its correspondents, but has also published the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan in advance ot the Society's own publications.
Professor Huxley mentioned in one of his lectures that if all the books in the world were destroyed, except for the Philosophical Transactions, “It’s safe to say that the foundations of Physical Science would stay strong, and that the significant intellectual advancements of the last two centuries would be mostly, though not completely, documented.” Similarly, one could argue about the Japan “Message,” that if all the books written by foreigners about Japan were destroyed, and only the files of the Japan “Email” were saved, we would still have nearly all the valuable records made by foreigners about that country. This journal includes not only the scholarly works of its editor, Capt. F. Brinkley, and a huge amount of material from its correspondents, but it has also published the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan ahead of the Society's own publications.
- 3.
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Still another English writer says: “It is unpleasant to live within ugly walls; it is still more unpleasant to live within unstable walls: but to be obliged to live in a tenement which is both unstable and ugly is disagreeable in a tenfold degree.” He thinks it is quite time to evoke legislation to remedy these evils, and says: “An Englishman's house was formerly said to be his castle; but in the hands of the speculating builder and advertising tradesman, we may be grateful that it does not oftener become his tomb.”
Still another English writer says: "Living in ugly walls is uncomfortable; living in unstable walls is even worse. But having to live in a place that is both unstable and ugly is ten times worse." He believes it's high time to push for legislation to fix these issues, and states: “It used to be said that an Englishman’s home is his castle; but with speculative builders and advertising tradesmen, we should be grateful it doesn’t more often turn into his tomb.”
- 4.
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Fig. 12 represents the frame-work of an ordinary two-storied house. It is copied from a Japanese carpenter's drawing, kindly furnished the writer by Mr. Fukuzawa, of Tokio, proper corrections in perspective having been made. The various parts have been lettered, and the dimensions given in Japanese feet and inches. The Japanese foot is, within the fraction of an inch, the same as ours, and is divided into ten parts, called sun. The wood employed in the frame is usually cedar or pine. The corner posts, as well as the other large upright posts, called hashira (H), are square, and five sun in thickness; these are tenoned into the plate upon which they rest. This plate is called do-dai (D); it is made of cedar, and sometimes of chestnut. The do-dai is six sun square, and rests directly on a number of stones, which are called do-dai-ishi (D,1). Between the hashira come smaller uprights, called ma-bashira (M) (hashira changed to bashira for euphony); these are two sun square. Through these pass the cross-pieces called nuki; these are four sun wide and one sun thick. To these are attached the bamboo slats as substitutes for laths. The horizontal beam to support the second-story floor is called the nikaibari (Ni); this is of pine, with a vertical thickness of one foot two sun, and a width of six tenths of a sun. The rafters of the roof, called yane-shita (Ya), in this frame are nine feet long, three sun wide, and eight tenths of a sun in thickness. Cross-beams (T), from the upper plate from which spring posts to support the ridge-pole, are called taruki. The first floor is sustained by posts that rest on stones embedded in the ground, as well as by a beam called yuka-shita (Yu); this is secured to the upright beams at the height of one and one-half or two feet above the do-dai. The upper floor-joists are of pine, two inches square; the flooring boards are six tenths of a sun in thickness, and one foot wide. The lower floor-joists, called neda-maruta (Ne), are rough round sticks, three sun in diameter, hewn on opposite sides. On top of these rest pine boards six tenths of a sun in thickness.
Fig. 12 shows the structure of a typical two-story house. It’s based on a drawing by a Japanese carpenter, kindly provided to the writer by Mr. Fukuzawa from Tokyo, with proper perspective corrections made. The various parts are labeled, and the dimensions are given in Japanese feet and inches. The Japanese foot is nearly identical to ours, divided into ten parts called sunlight. The wood used for the frame is usually cedar or pine. The corner posts, along with other large vertical posts known as hashira (H), are square and five sun thick; these are tenoned into the plate they rest on. This plate is called do-dai (D); it’s made of cedar and sometimes chestnut. The do-dai is six sun square and sits directly on several stones, known as do-dai-ishi (D,1). Between the pillar are smaller vertical posts called ma-bashira (M) (the pillar is modified to bashira for smoothness); these are two sun square. Across these, there are cross-pieces called nuki these are four sun wide and one sun thick. Attached to these are bamboo slats used in place of laths. The horizontal beam that supports the second-story floor is called nikaibari (Ni); this is made of pine, with a vertical thickness of one foot two sun and a width of six tenths of a sunshine. The roof rafters, called yane-shita (Ya), in this frame are nine feet long, three sun wide, and eight tenths of a sun thick. Cross-beams (T) from the upper plate where posts stretch to support the ridge-pole, are called taruki. The first floor is supported by posts that rest on stones set in the ground, as well as by a beam called yuka-shita (Yu); this is anchored to the upright beams at a height of one and a half or two feet above the do-dai. The upper floor joists are made of pine, measuring two inches square; the flooring boards are six tenths of a sun thick and one foot wide. The lower floor joists, called neda-maruta (Ne), are rough round logs, three sun in diameter, flattened on opposite sides. On top of these, pine boards six tenths of a sun thick are placed.
- 5.
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The accompanying sketches will illustrate the various stages in the construction of the ceiling.
The accompanying sketches will show the different stages in building the ceiling.
- 6.
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General Francis A. Walker, in his Lowell Lectures on the United States Census for 1880, shows that carpenters constitute the largest single body of artisans working for the supply of local wants. He shows that the increase of this body from decade to decade is far behind what it should be if it increased in the ratio of the population; and though this fact might excite surprise, he shows that it is due to the enormous increase in machine-made material, such as doors, sashes, blinds, etc.; in other words, to the making of those parts which in former times trained a man in delicate work and accurate joinery.
General Francis A. Walker, in his Lowell Lectures on the United States Census for 1880, highlights that carpenters make up the largest single group of tradespeople catering to local needs. He notes that the growth of this group from decade to decade lags significantly behind what it would be if it were proportional to the population growth; and while this might be surprising, he explains that it results from the massive rise in machine-made materials, such as doors, sashes, blinds, etc.; in other words, it’s due to the production of parts that used to cultivate skills in fine craftsmanship and precise joinery.
- 7.
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There is no question but that in England apprentices serve their time at trades more faithfully than with us; nevertheless, the complaints that go up in the English press in regard to poor and slovenly work show the existence of a similar class of impostors, who defraud the public by claiming to be what they are not. The erratic Charles Reade, in a series of letters addressed to the “Pall Mall Gazette,” on builders' blunders, inveighs against the British workmen as follows: “When last seen, I was standing on the first floor of the thing they call a house, with a blunder under my feet,—unvarnished, unjoined boards; and a blunder over my head,—the oppressive, glaring plaster-ceiling, full of the inevitable cracks, and foul with the smoke of only three months' gas.”
There’s no doubt that in England, apprentices take their time in their trades more seriously than we do; however, the complaints that arise in the English press about poor and careless work indicate that there's also a similar group of frauds who cheat the public by pretending to be skilled workers. The unpredictable Charles Reade, in a series of letters to the “Pall Mall Gazette,” criticizes British workers for their issues as follows: "When I was last seen, I was standing on the first floor of what they call a house, with a mistake under my feet—bare, unpolished boards; and a mistake above me—the heavy, bright plaster ceiling, marked with the unavoidable cracks and stained with smoke from just three months of gas."
In regard to sash windows, he says: “This room is lighted by what may be defined ‘the unscientific window.’ Here, in this single structure, you may see most of the intellectual vices that mark the unscientific mind. The scientific way is always the simple way; so here you have complication on complication,—one half the window is to go up, the other half is to come down. The maker of it goes out of his way to struggle with Nature's laws; he grapples insanely with gravitation, and therefore he must use cords and weights and pulleys, and build boxes to hide them in. He is a great hider. His wooden frames move up and down wooden grooves, open to atmospheric influence. What is the consequence? The atmosphere becomes humid; the wooden frame sticks in the wooden box, and the unscientific window is jammed. What, ho! Send for the Curse of Families, the British workman! On one of the cords breaking (they are always breaking), send for the Curse of Families to patch the blunder of the unscientific builder.”
Regarding sash windows, he says: "This room is lit by what can only be called ‘the unscientific window.’ In this one structure, you’ll see most of the intellectual flaws that define an unscientific mindset. The scientific approach is always the simplest one; yet here, it’s complication after complication—one half of the window goes up while the other half comes down. The designer of this setup actively goes against Nature’s laws; he fights against gravity, which forces him to use cords, weights, and pulleys, and even to create structures just to conceal them. He’s an expert at hiding things. His wooden frames slide up and down wooden grooves, exposed to the weather. What’s the result? The atmosphere becomes humid; the wooden frame gets stuck in the wooden box, and the unscientific window gets jammed. What now! Call for the Curse of Families, the British worker! When one of the cords breaks (and they’re always breaking), call for the Curse of Families to fix the mistakes of the unscientific builder.”
- 8.
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A Government bureau called the Kaitakushi, now fortunately extinct, established in Yezo, the seat of its labors, one or two saw-mills; but whether they are still at work I do not know.
A government bureau called the Kaitakushi which is thankfully no longer around, set up one or two sawmills in Yezo, where its operations were based, but I'm not sure if they are still in operation.
- 9.
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A structure of stone or wood, not unlike the naked frame-work of a gate, erected in front of shrines and temples.
A structure made of stone or wood, similar to the bare framework of a gate, set up in front of shrines and temples.
- 10.
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This sketch was made from a photograph taken for this work, at the suggestion of Dr. W. S. Bigelow, by Percival Lowell, Esq.
This sketch was created from a photograph taken for this project, at the suggestion of Dr. W. S. Bigelow, by Percival Lowell, Esq.
- 11.
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We have characterized as a ridge-roof that portion which has truncate ends,—in other words, the form of a gable,—and which receives special methods of treatment. The line of demarcation between the long reach of thatch of the roof proper and the ridge-roof is very distinct.
We have defined that part with truncated ends as a ridge roof—in other words, a gable shape—and it requires specific treatment methods. The boundary between the long stretch of thatch on the actual roof and the ridge roof is very clear.
- 12.
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An odor which at home we recognize as “Japanesy,” arising from the wood-boxes in which Japanese articles are packed.
An odor that we recognize at home as "Japanese," coming from the wooden boxes where Japanese items are packed.
- 13.
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In the plan (fig. 97) P is an eight-mat room; D and L are six-mat rooms; S is a four and one-half mat room; S, H, and St. are three-mat rooms; S B, and F are two-mat rooms.
In the plan (fig. 97) P is an eight-mat room; D and L are six-mat rooms; S is a four and a half mat room; S, H, and Saint are three-mat rooms; S B, and F are two-mat rooms.
- 14.
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The following is a brief explanation of the names of the rooms given in plan fig. 99: Agari-ba (Agari, “to go up; ” ba, “place”), Platform, or place to stand on in coming out of the Bath. Cha-dokoro, Tea-place; Ge-dan, Lower Step; ō-dan, Upper Step; Iri-kawa, Space between verandah and room; Kami-no-ma, Upper place or room; Tsugi-no-ma, Next place or room; Kesho-no-ma, Dressing-room (Kesho,—“adorning the face with powder”). Nan-do, Store-room; Naka-tsubo, Middle space, Oshi-ire, Closet (literally, “push,” “put in”); Ro-ka, Corridor, Covered way; Tamari, Ante-chamber; Tsume-sho, Waiting-room for servants; Yu-dono, Bath-room; Yen-zashiki, End parlor; Watari,—“to cross over;” Sunoko, Bamboo shelf or platform.
The following is a brief explanation of the names of the rooms given in plan fig. 99: Agari-bar (Agari, "go up;" ba, "location"), Platform, or place to stand on when coming out of the Bath. Cha-dokoro, Tea-place; Ge-dan, Lower Step; ō-dan, Upper Step; Iri-kawa, Space between the verandah and the room; Kami-no-ma, Upper place or room; Next room, Next place or room; Tomorrow's room, Dressing room Tomorrow,—“applying face powder”). Nan-do, Store room; Naka-tsubo, Middle space, Oshi-ire, Closet (literally, "push," "submit"); Ro-ka, Corridor, Covered way; Tamari sauce, Ante-chamber; Tsume-sho, Waiting room for servants; Yu, Bath room; Yen house, End parlor; Watari—“to go over;” Sunoko, Bamboo shelf or platform.
- 15.
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See chapter viii. for further considerations regarding the matter.
See chapter viii. for more thoughts on the subject.
- 16.
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A correspondent in the “Pall Mall Gazette,” in protesting against the attempt to impose European clothing on those people who are accustomed to go without any, says: “In many parts of India there is a profound suspicion of the irreligiousness of clothing. The fakir is distressed even by the regulation rag upon which the Government modestly insists, and a fully dressed fakir would be scouted. The late Brahmo minister, Chesub Chunder Sen, expressed the belief that India would never accept a Christ in hat and boots. The missionary should remember that clothes-morality is climatic, and that if a certain degree of covering of the body has gradually become in the Northwest associated with morality and piety, the traditions of tropical countries may have equally connected elaborate dress rather with the sensualities of Solomon in his glory than with the purity of the lily as clothed by Nature.”
A correspondent in the "Pall Mall Gazette" while opposing the effort to impose European clothing on people who are used to going without it, states: In many parts of India, there’s a strong suspicion about the irreligious nature of clothing. Even the simple rag that the Government modestly requires can upset the fakir, and a fully dressed fakir would face disdain. The late Brahmo minister, Chesub Chunder Sen, believed that India would never accept a Christ wearing a hat and boots. Missionaries should keep in mind that clothing-related morality is shaped by the climate. While a certain amount of body covering has gradually come to be linked with morality and piety in the Northwest, the traditions of tropical countries may see elaborate dress as more related to the sensualities of Solomon in his glory rather than the purity of the lily as dressed by Nature.
- 17.
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Rein says: “The cleanliness of the Japanese is one of his most commendable qualities. It is apparent in his body, in his house, in his workshop, and no less in the great carefulness and exemplary exactness with which he looks after his fields.”
Rein says: "The cleanliness of the Japanese is one of their most admirable traits. You can see it in their bodies, homes, workshops, and equally in the great care and precision they put into their fields."
- 18.
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From the name tokonoma, which means “bed-place,” literally “bed of floor,” it is supposed that in ancient times the bed was made or placed in this recess.
From the name alcove which means “bedroom,” literally “floor bed,” it is believed that in ancient times the bed was made or put in this recess.
- 19.
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In this connection it may be interesting to mention the various names applied to the privy by the Japanese, with a free translation of the same as given me by Mr. A. S. Mihara: Setsu-in, “snow-hide;” Chodsu-ba,“place to wash hands” (the chōdzu-bachi, a convenience for washing the hands, being always near the privy); Benjo and Yo-ba,“place for business;” Ko-ka,“ back-frame.” Habakari is a very common name for this place; the word Yen-riyo, though not applied to this place, has the same meaning, it implies reserve.
In this connection, it might be interesting to mention the various names used for the toilet by the Japanese, along with a free translation provided by Mr. A. S. Mihara: Setsu-in, “snow shelter;” Chodsu-ba,"handwashing station" (the chōdzu-bachi a facility for washing hands, is always located near the toilet); Benjo and Yo,“business location;” Ko-ka,"back frame." Habakari is a very common name for this place; the term Yen payment, while not specifically used for this place, has the same implication of reserve.
These words with their meanings certainly indicate a great degree of refinement an delicacy in the terms applied to the privy.
These words, with their meanings, definitely show a high level of refinement and delicacy in the terms used for the restroom.
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The ordinary form of verandah is called yen, or yen-gawa. In Kishiu it is called simply yen, while in Tokio it is called yen-gawa. A low platform is called an ochi-yen; a platform that can be raised or lowered is called an age-yen. When the platform has no groove for the rain-doors on the outer edge, it is called a nuri-yen,—nuri meaning wet, the rain in this case beating in and wetting the verandah. A little platform made of bamboo, which may be used as a shelf for plants, is called sunoko.
The common type of verandah is known as yen or yen-gawa. In Kishiu, it's just called yen while in Tokyo, it's referred to as yen-gawa. A low platform is known as an ochi-yen; a platform that can be adjusted up or down is called an age yen. When the platform lacks a groove for the rain-doors on the outer edge, it’s called a nuri-yen—nuri, meaning wet, with the rain in this case pouring in and soaking the verandah. A small platform made of bamboo that can be used as a shelf for plants is called sunoko.
- 21.
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A gate-like structure seen in front of all shrines and temples.
A gate-like structure found in front of all shrines and temples.
- 22.
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This legend is from a work entitled “Chikusan Teizoden.”
This legend is from a work titled “Chikusan Teizoden.”
- 23.
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Professor Atkinson, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. vi. part i.; Dr. Geerts, ibid., vol. vii. part iii.
Professor Atkinson, in the Journal of the Asiatic Society, vol. vi. part i.; Dr. Geerts, ibid., vol. vii. part iii.
Dr. O. Korschelt has made an extremely valuable contribution to the Asiatic Society of Japan, on the water-supply of Tokio. Aided by Japanese students, he has made many analyses of well-waters and waters from the city supply, and shows that, contrary to the conclusions of Professor Atkinson, the high-ground wells are on the whole much purer than those on lower ground. Dr. Korschelt also calls attention to the great number of artesian wells sunk in Tokio, by means of bamboo tubes driven into the ground. The ordinary form of well is carried down thirty or forty feet in the usual way, and then at the bottom bamboo tubes are driven to great depths, ranging from one hundred to two hundred feet and more. He speaks of a number of these wells in Tokio and the suburbs as overflowing. There is one well not far from the Tokio Daigaku which overflows; and a very remarkable sight it is to see the water pouring over a high well-curb and flooding the ground in the vicinity. He shows that pure water may be reached in most parts of Tokio by means of artesian wells; and to this source the city must ultimately look for its water-supply.
Dr. O. Korschelt has made a very valuable contribution to the Asiatic Society of Japan regarding the water supply in Tokyo. With the help of Japanese students, he has analyzed various well waters and the city’s water supply, demonstrating that, contrary to Professor Atkinson's conclusions, the wells located on higher ground are generally much cleaner than those on lower ground. Dr. Korschelt also highlights the numerous artesian wells that have been created in Tokyo using bamboo tubes driven into the ground. The typical well is dug down thirty or forty feet in the usual manner, and then at the bottom, bamboo tubes are inserted to greater depths, ranging from one hundred to over two hundred feet. He notes that several of these wells in Tokyo and its suburbs are overflowing. There is one well not far from Tokyo University that overflows, and it’s quite a sight to see the water cascading over the well curb and soaking the surrounding area. He indicates that clean water can be accessed in most parts of Tokyo through artesian wells, and the city will ultimately need to rely on this source for its water supply.
For further particulars concerning this subject, the reader is referred to Dr. Korschelt's valuable paper in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. xii. part iii., p. 143.
For more details about this topic, please check out Dr. Korschelt's important paper in the Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. xii. part iii., p. 143.
- 24.
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The pier-glaas is happily unknown in Japan; a small disk of polished metal represents the mirror, and is wisely kept in a box till needed!
The pier-glass is happily unknown in Japan; a small disk of polished metal represents the mirror and is smartly kept in a box until needed!
- 25.
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Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. i. p. 20.
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. i. p. 20.
- 26.
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Owing to the sensible civil service of England, scholars and diplomates are appointed to these duties in the East; and as a natural result all the honors,—political, commercial, and literary,—have, with few exceptions, been won by Englishmen.
Thanks to the effective civil service in England, scholars and diplomats are assigned to these roles in the East; and as a result, almost all the honors—political, commercial, and literary—have, with very few exceptions, been achieved by Englishmen.
- 27.
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Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. ix. part ii. p. 191.
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. ix. part ii. p. 191.
- 28.
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Ibid., vol. x. Supplement.
Ibid., vol. x. Supplement.
- 29.
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Ibid., vol. iii. part ii. p. 131.
Ibid., vol. iii, part 2, p. 131.
- 30.
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In Anam I noticed that the bed-rooms were indicated by hanging cloth partition as well as by those made of matting.
In Anam I noticed that the bedrooms were marked by hanging cloth partitions as well as by those made of matting.
- 31.
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Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. vi. part i. p. 109.
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. vi. part i. p. 109.
- 32.
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Satow gives quite a different rendering of this passage.
Satow offers a completely different interpretation of this passage.
- 33.
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Translations of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. ii. p. 119.
Translations of the Asian Society of Japan, vol. ii. p. 119.
- 34.
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Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. iii. part ii.
Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. iii. part ii.
- 35.
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In Mr. Aston's translation this word is printed “heart,” but evidently this must be a misprint.
In Mr. Aston's translation, this word is printed "heart," but it seems this must be a misprint.
- 36.
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It is lamentable to reflect how many monstrous designs have been perpetrated under the general name of Gothic, which are neither in spirit nor letter realized the character of Mediaeval art. In London these extraordinary ebullitions of uneducated taste generally appear in the form of meeting-houses, music-halls, and similar places of popular resort. Showy in their general effect, and usually overloaded with meretricious ornament, they are likely enough to impose upon an uninformed judgment, which is incapable of discriminating between what Mr. Ruskin has called the “Lamp of Sacrifice,”—one of the glories of ancient art,—and the lust of profusion which is the bane of modern design.—Eastlake's Hints on Household Taste, p. 21.
It’s unfortunate to think about how many terrible designs have been created under the broad label of Gothic, which don’t truly capture the essence of Medieval art, either in spirit or form. In London, these bizarre expressions of uninformed taste usually show up as meeting houses, music halls, and other similar popular spots. Flashy in appearance and often cluttered with cheap ornamentation, they can easily mislead someone who lacks the knowledge to tell the difference between what Mr. Ruskin referred to as the "Light of Sacrifice,"—one of the treasures of ancient art—and the excessive decoration that ruins modern design.—Eastlake's Tips on Home Style p. 21.
- 37.
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Notes of a visit to Hachijô, in 1878. By F. V. Dickins and Ernest Satow. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. vi. part iii. p. 435.
Notes of a visit to Hachijô, in 1878. By F. V. Dickins and Ernest Satow. Transactions of the Asiatic Society of Japan, vol. vi. part iii. p. 435.
- 38.
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Vol. iv. p. 68.
Vol. 4, p. 68.
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