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Fire-making Apparatus in the U. S. National Museum.
By Walter Hough.
By Walter Hough.
Man in his originals seems to be a thing unarmed and naked, and unable to help itself, as needing the aid of many things; therefore Prometheus makes haste to find out fire, which suppediates and yields comfort and help in a manner to all human wants and necessities; so that if the soul be the form of forms, and the hand be the instrument of instruments, fire deserves well to be called the succor of succors, or the help of helps, that infinite ways afford aid and assistance to all labors and the mechanical arts, and to the sciences themselves. Bacon.—Wisdom of the ancients, Prometheus, Works, vol. iii. Lond., 1825, p. 72.
In his natural state, humans seem defenseless and dependent on many things for support. That's why Prometheus quickly sets out to find fire, which brings comfort and meets all human needs. If the soul is the essence of all forms, and the hand is the tool of all tools, then fire truly deserves to be called the ultimate helper, providing countless ways to assist with various tasks, as well as in the arts and sciences themselves. Bacon.—Wisdom of the ancients, Prometheus, Works, vol. iii. Lond., 1825, p. 72.
There is a prevalent belief that to make fire by rubbing two pieces of wood is very difficult. It is not so; the writer has repeatedly made fire in thirty seconds by the twirling sticks and in five seconds with the bow drill.
There’s a common belief that starting a fire by rubbing two pieces of wood together is really hard. That’s not true; the writer has easily started a fire in thirty seconds with twirling sticks and in five seconds using the bow drill.
Many travelers relate that they have seen various peoples make fire with sticks of wood. The most common way, by twirling one stick upon another is well described by Pere Lafitau with reference to the Hurons and Iroquois.
Many travelers say they've seen different people start fires using sticks. The most common method, where one stick is twirled on another, is well explained by Pere Lafitau in relation to the Hurons and Iroquois.
They take two pieces of cedar wood, dry and light; they hold one piece firmly down with the knee and in a cavity which they have made with a beaver-tooth or with the point of a knife on the edge of one of these pieces of wood which is flat and a little larger, they insert the other piece which is round and pointed and turn and press down with so much rapidity and violence that the material of the wood agitated with vehemence falls off in a rain of fire by means of a crack or little canal which leaps from the cavity over a match [slow match]. This match receives the sparks which fall, and preserves them for a long time and from which they can make a large fire by touching it to other dry materials.[1]
They take two pieces of dry, lightweight cedar wood. They hold one piece down with their knee and, using a beaver tooth or the tip of a knife, make a cavity on the edge of a flat, slightly larger piece of wood. They insert the other, round and pointed piece into this cavity and twist and press down quickly and forcefully, causing the wood material to be agitated and fall off in a shower of sparks through a crack or small channel that opens up. This ignites a slow match. The match captures the falling sparks and holds onto them for a long time, enabling them to start a big fire by touching it to other dry materials.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
All these descriptions omit details that are essential to the comprehension of the reader. There is a great knack in twirling the vertical stick. It is taken between the palms of the outstretched hands, which are drawn backwards and forwards past each other almost to the finger tips, thus giving the drill a reciprocating motion. At the same time a strong downward pressure, is given which may be called a rotating pressure. The hands move down the drill; when they nearly reach the lower end they are brought back to the top with a quick, deft motion. This is repeated as rapidly as possible. If the lower part of the drill is observed when the motion begins it will be seen that powder is ground 532 off and is collecting in the canal cut into the cavity from the side of the lower piece of wood. Soon, as the motion progresses, the powder begins to increase and to get darker, the odor of burning wood is noticed and the smoke is seen. Probably when the next motion ceases there will be a little curl of peculiarly colored smoke, which shows that active combustion has begun. The pellet of ground-off wood may now be shaken out of the slot or canal. At first it is dark; a thin line of smoke comes from it; gradually the fire spreads through it until it glows. In this semi-charred dust the heat is held until it increases to about 450°, or higher. Everything depends on keeping the dust in a heap; it is impossible to make fire without doing this. This is true in all kinds of wooden fire-making tools.
All these descriptions leave out details that are essential for the reader's understanding. There's a real skill to spinning the vertical stick. It’s held between the palms of hands that are extended, moving back and forth almost to the fingertips, creating a back-and-forth motion. At the same time, a strong downward pressure is applied, which we could call rotating pressure. The hands slide down the stick; just before reaching the bottom, they quickly return to the top. This is done as fast as possible. If you look at the bottom part of the stick when the motion starts, you'll see that wood shavings are ground off and collect in the channel carved into the side of the lower piece of wood. As the motion continues, the amount of shavings increases and becomes darker, accompanied by the smell of burning wood and visible smoke. When the next movement stops, there might be a small swirl of uniquely colored smoke, indicating that combustion has started. The pile of ground wood can then be shaken out of the channel. Initially, it’s dark, with thin wisps of smoke rising from it; gradually, the fire spreads until it glows. This semi-charred dust retains heat until it reaches around 450° or higher. Everything relies on keeping the dust piled together; it’s impossible to start a fire without doing this. This applies to all types of wooden fire-making tools.
By examination of many specimens of aboriginal fire apparatus it is found that both the drill and lower piece, which, for convenience, shall be called the hearth, must be of dry, inflammable wood. Wood that is soft from incipient decay is chosen; most often pieces riddled by worms. This is the felicis materia spoken of by Festus as used by the Vestals. Wood of this kind is not only easier of ignition, but it is ground off more easily and retains the heat generated until enough is accumulated to ignite the powder. In strong, skillful hands fire can be made from wood that does not wholly fulfill these conditions.
By looking at many examples of ancient fire-making tools, it turns out that both the drill and the lower part, which we'll call the hearth for simplicity, need to be made of dry, flammable wood. Usually, wood that is soft from early decay is chosen; often, pieces that are full of wormholes. This is the felicis materia mentioned by Festus as being used by the Vestals. This type of wood not only ignites more easily, but it's also easier to grind down and holds onto the heat generated until there's enough to ignite the powder. Skilled hands can create fire from wood that doesn't completely meet these criteria.
Woods vary in combustibility, depending on their density, coloring matter, and, perhaps, their chemical constitution. Sap wood of juniper and soft, white maple yield fire with the bow, but light mesquite is the best of all. The vascular, starchy flowering stems of plants have always been a favorite fire-generating material.
Woods differ in how easily they catch fire, based on their density, color, and possibly their chemical makeup. The sapwood of juniper and soft, white maple can produce fire when using a bow drill, but light mesquite is the best overall. The vascular, starchy stems of flowering plants have always been popular for starting fires.
It will be seen that the Eskimo attachments to the simple drill enable him to use wood ordinarily of no account for making fire. Sand is used by Indians and other peoples to increase the friction.
It can be seen that the Eskimo's tools for the simple drill allow him to use wood that would normally be considered worthless for starting a fire. Sand is used by Native Americans and other groups to enhance the friction.
From the material in the collection at the Museum, it is found that nearly every method that is or was used in the world is represented. The following classification, based upon the presumed order of development of the invention, is followed in this paper:
From the materials in the collection at the Museum, it’s clear that almost every method currently or previously used around the world is represented. This paper follows the classification based on the assumed order of development of the invention:
- I.—Fire-making by reciprocating motion.
- 1. Simple, two-stick apparatus: Indians of the two Americas, Ainos, Somalis, Kaffirs, Veddahs, Australians, etc.
- 2. Four-part apparatus: Eskimo, some Indians, Hindoos, and Dyaks.
- 3. Weighted drill, with spindle whorl; Iroquois and Chukchis.
- II.—Fire-making by sawing.
- Malays, Burmese, etc.
- III.—Fire-making by plowing.
- Polynesians, Australians, and Papuans.
- IV.—Fire-making by percussion.
- 1. With pyrites, or stone containing iron, and flint: Eskimo and northern Indians.
- 2. With flint and steel; General.
I. FIRE-MAKING BY RECIPROCATING MOTION.
1. SIMPLE TWO-STICK APPARATUS.
This method may be said to have a world-wide distribution, and to have had no narrow range in time. It is a very interesting study to observe the many different practices that have been superadded to the simple task of twirling two sticks with the design of creating fire. It is also instructive to note how fixed have become tribal characters in so small a thing as the shaping of the elements of the fire drill. It has well been said by Dr. Schweinfurth, that—
This method can be said to have a global presence and has not been limited in time. It's fascinating to look at the various practices that have been added to the simple act of spinning two sticks to create fire. It's also enlightening to see how established tribal identities have shaped even the smallest details of the fire drill design. Dr. Schweinfurth wisely noted that—
A people, as long as they are on the lowest step of their development, are far better characterized by their industrial products than they are either by their habits, which may be purely local, or by their own representations, which (rendered in their rude and unformed language) are often incorrectly interpreted by ourselves. If we possessed more of these tokens we should be in a position to comprehend better than we do the primitive condition of many a nation that has now reached a high degree of culture.[2]
A group of people, especially in the early stages of their development, are better represented by their industrial products than by their local habits or their expressions, which can often be misinterpreted when translated from their rough and unpolished language. If we had more of these indicators, we would better understand the fundamental state of many nations that have now reached a high level of culture.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
This fact holds good with reference to tribes in a higher plane than the learned writer included in this statement, in this way. There are many little things that have not been subject to the modification of time, intercourse, or environment, but co-exist with an art. To particularize: Prof. E. S. Morse has shown the value of the simple act of releasing an arrow from a bow-string as a classifier. Close attention to the minor acts and arts will reveal much more than the nice measurements of man’s practically unmodified skeleton.
This fact applies to tribes on a higher level than the educated writer included in this statement, in this way. There are many small things that haven't changed with time, interaction, or environment, but exist alongside an art form. To be specific: Prof. E. S. Morse has demonstrated the significance of the simple action of releasing an arrow from a bowstring as a classifier. Paying close attention to the minor actions and arts will uncover much more than the precise measurements of man's practically unaltered skeleton.
Differences that have become functional in the arts have come down from an early period; when they can be found they are of the greatest value as aids in ethnology.
Differences in the arts that have become useful have originated from an early time; when they can be identified, they are extremely valuable for studying cultures.
The ethnography of the simple fire drill is studied geographically, beginning in North America with the most northerly tribes that use it, and ranging from north to south in the different sections of the country, among the tribes from which there are specimens in the Museum. Other countries are examined from west to east.
The study of basic fire drills is approached geographically, starting in North America with the northernmost tribes that utilize them, and extending from north to south across various parts of the country, among the tribes represented in the Museum. Other countries are explored from west to east.
The Sitkan fire-drill spindle is unusually long and thick (fig. 1). Both hearth and drills are of the Thuja gigantea, a tree that enters so largely into the life of the Indians along this coast. The wood grinds off very well with much friction; at ordinary speed there is soon a small heap of powder at the bottom of the fire slot. The latter is deeply cut in from the side nearly to the center of the fire-hole. The whole hearth has been charred at the fire. This repels moisture, and also renders it easier to ignite the wood, charring being a process somewhat analogous to the decay of wood by rotting. If kept carefully in a dry place, this apparatus was perfectly adequate for the purpose of the Sitkan, and in his skillful hands would no doubt give the spark in a minute or so. The long drill would indicate that two worked at it consecutively 534 to keep up a continuous motion, as will be noted in the use of the Aino drill (p. 551).
The Sitkan fire-drill spindle is unusually long and thick (fig. 1). Both the hearth and drills are made from Thuja gigantea, a tree that plays a significant role in the lives of the Indigenous people along this coast. The wood grinds down well with a lot of friction; at a normal speed, a small pile of powder soon collects at the bottom of the fire slot. This slot is cut deeply from the side almost to the center of the fire-hole. The entire hearth has been charred from the fire. This keeps moisture away and makes it easier to ignite the wood, as charring is similar to how wood decays when it rots. If kept carefully in a dry spot, this setup was perfectly adequate for the Sitkan, and in his skilled hands, it would likely produce a spark in a minute or so. The long drill suggests that two people worked on it one after the other to maintain a continuous motion, as seen in the use of the Aino drill (p. 551).
For tinder, the bark of the arbor vitæ was used. It is finely frayed, and is much improved by being slightly charred. They also use, preferably, a tinder made from a fungus, because it is “quicker,” i. e., ignites more readily than the frayed bark.
For tinder, they used the bark of the arbor vitæ. It's finely shredded and works better when it's a little charred. They also prefer to use tinder made from fungus because it's "quicker," meaning it catches fire more easily than the shredded bark.
The hearth is squared and measures 23 inches; the drill is of equal length.
The hearth is square and measures 23 inches; the drill is the same length.
Going southward from Sitka the next fire-making set in the series is from Bella-Bella, British Columbia. These Indians are of the Salishan stock, and are called Bilhulas. The horizontal is a piece of cedar wood dressed square on three faces. It is apparently a piece of an oar or spear handle. The fire holes are shallow, and the fire slots are quite narrow (fig. 2). The drills have been scored longitudinally near the rubbing end; this may be a device to cause the wood to wear away more rapidly, and furnish fuel to the incipient fire. Fire has evidently been made with this set. Both parts are 1½ feet long; the drill is much thinner than that of Sitka. The tinder is of frayed cedar bark.
Going south from Sitka, the next fire-making set in the series comes from Bella-Bella, British Columbia. These Native Americans belong to the Salishan family and are known as Bilhulas. The horizontal piece is a block of cedar wood shaped squarely on three sides. It seems to be part of an oar or spear handle. The fire holes are shallow, and the fire slots are quite narrow (fig. 2). The drills have vertical grooves near the rubbing end; this might be a method to make the wood wear down faster and provide fuel for the emerging fire. It's clear that this set has been used to make fire. Both pieces are 1½ feet long; the drill is much thinner compared to the one from Sitka. The tinder consists of frayed cedar bark.
From a southern family of the Salishan stock, called the Quinaielt Indians, of Washington Territory, the museum has a complete set collected by the late Charles Willoughby. It consists of a hearth, two drills, and a slow-match. The hearth is a rounded piece of cedar wood; opposite the fire-holes it is dressed flat, so as to rest firmly on the ground. There are three fire-holes with wide notches. The drills taper to each end, that is, are larger in the middle (fig. 3). The powder, a fine brown dust, collects at the junction of the slot and fire-hole, where they form a lip and there readily ignites. This side of the hearth is semi-decayed. No doubt the slots were cut in that side for the purpose of utilizing this quality. The drills are bulged toward the middle, thereby rendering it possible to give great pressure and at the same time rapid rotation without allowing the hands to slip down too rapidly, a fault in many fire-drills. The slow-match is of frayed cedar bark, about a yard long, folded squarely together, and used section by section. Mr. Willoughby says:
From a southern family of the Salishan stock, called the Quinaielt Indians of Washington Territory, the museum has a complete set collected by the late Charles Willoughby. It includes a hearth, two drills, and a slow-match. The hearth is a rounded piece of cedar wood; opposite the fire-holes, it is flat to rest securely on the ground. There are three fire-holes with wide notches. The drills taper at both ends, meaning they are wider in the middle (fig. 3). The powder, a fine brown dust, gathers at the junction of the slot and fire-hole, where they form a lip and easily ignite. This side of the hearth is partially decayed. It's likely the slots were cut into this side to take advantage of this condition. The drills are bulged toward the middle, making it possible to apply a lot of pressure while still allowing for quick rotation without letting the hands slip down too quickly, which is a common issue with many fire-drills. The slow-match is made of frayed cedar bark, about a yard long, folded neatly together, and used section by section. Mr. Willoughby says:
The stick with three cavities was placed upon the ground, the Indian kneeling and placing a knee upon each end. He placed one end of the smaller stick in one of the cavities, and, holding the other end between the palms of his hands, kept up a rapid half-rotary motion, causing an amount of friction sufficient to produce fire. With this he lighted the end of the braided slow-match of cedar bark. This was often carried for weeks thus ignited and held carefully beneath the blanket to protect it from wind and rain.
The stick with three grooves was placed on the ground, with the Indian kneeling and resting a knee on each end. He put one end of the smaller stick into one of the grooves and, holding the other end between his palms, quickly rotated it back and forth, generating enough friction to start a fire. With this, he lit the end of the braided slow-match made from cedar bark. This was often carried for weeks while still burning, carefully kept under a blanket to protect it from the wind and rain.
Fire is easily procured with this set. It takes but a slight effort to cause a wreath of aromatic smoke to curl up, and the friction easily grinds off a dark powder, which collects between the edges of the slot. When this ignites it drops down the slot in a little pellet, and falls upon the tinder placed below to receive it. Both drill and hearth are 18 inches long.
Fire is easy to make with this set. It only takes a little effort to create a swirl of aromatic smoke, and the friction easily grinds off a dark powder that collects between the edges of the slot. When this ignites, it drops down the slot in a small pellet and lands on the tinder below it. Both the drill and the hearth are 18 inches long.

Fig. 1. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No 74.379, U. S. N. M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.)
Fig. 1. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No 74.379, U.S. N.M. Tlingit Indians, Sitka, Alaska. Collected by John J. McLean.)

Fig. 2. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No 20.644, U. S. N. M. Bella-Bella, B. C. Collected by James G. Swan.)
Fig. 2. Fire Kit.
(Cat. No 20.644, U.S. N.M. Bella-Bella, B.C. Collected by James G. Swan.)

Fig. 3. Fire making Set and Slow Match.
(Cat. No 127.866. U. S. N. M. Quinaielt Indians, Quinaielt, Washington. Collected by Charles Willoughby.)
Fig. 3. Fire-Making Kit and Slow Match.
(Cat. No 127.866. U. S. N. M. Quinaielt Indians, Quinaielt, Washington. Collected by Charles Willoughby.)
The Klamaths, of Oregon, of the Lutuamian stock, use a fire apparatus that looks very much like that of the Utes. The hearth is a rounded piece of soft wood thinned down at the ends (fig. 4). The drill is a long, round arrow-stick, with a hard-wood point set in with resin and served with sinew (see Ute drill, fig. 7). The holes in this hearth are very small, being less than three-eighths of an inch in diameter. They are in the center, and the fire slot being cut into the rounded edge widens out below, so that the coal can drop down and get draught. The wood is quite soft, apparently being sap-wood of yew or cedar, while the drill-point is of the hardest wood obtainable. It is probable that sand is used on the drill. The hearth is 13 inches long, and the drill 26.
The Klamaths from Oregon, who belong to the Lutuamian group, use a fire-making tool that looks very similar to that of the Utes. The hearth is a rounded piece of soft wood that’s tapered at the ends (fig. 4). The drill is a long, round arrow stick with a hard-wood tip attached using resin and wrapped with sinew (see Ute drill, fig. 7). The holes in this hearth are very small, less than three-eighths of an inch in diameter. They are located in the center, and the fire slot cut into the rounded edge widens below so that the coal can fall down and get airflow. The wood is quite soft, likely being sapwood from yew or cedar, while the drill tip is made from the hardest wood available. It's likely that sand is used with the drill. The hearth measures 13 inches in length, and the drill is 26 inches long.
The Chinooks, a tribe of Indians of a separate stock, called Chinookan, formerly lived about the mouth of the Columbia River, in Oregon, but are now nearly extinct. Hon. James G. Swan, the veteran explorer, investigator, and collector among the Northwest coast tribes, says that the Chinooks are the best wet-weather fire-makers he ever knew.[3]
The Chinooks, a tribe of Native Americans from a distinct group known as Chinookan, used to live near the mouth of the Columbia River in Oregon, but they are now almost extinct. Hon. James G. Swan, a seasoned explorer, researcher, and collector among the tribes of the Northwest coast, states that the Chinooks are the best fire-makers in wet weather that he has ever encountered.[3]
To kindle a fire the Chinook twirls rapidly between the palms a cedar stick, the point of which is pressed into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same material, the sparks falling on finely frayed bark. Sticks are commonly carried for the purpose, improving with use.[4]
To start a fire, the Chinook quickly rubs a cedar stick between their palms, pressing the tip into a small hollow in a flat piece of the same wood, allowing sparks to fall onto finely shredded bark. They often carry sticks made just for this, and these improve with use.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__

Fig. 4. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No 24096, U. S. N. M., Klamath Indians, Oregon, Collected by L. S. Dyar.)
Fig. 4. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No 24096, U. S. N. M., Klamath Indians, Oregon, Collected by L. S. Dyar.)

Fig. 5. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 77193, U. S. N. M., Hupa Indians, California. Collected by Lieut. P. H. Ray, U S A.)
Fig. 5. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 77193, U.S. N.M., Hupa Indians, California. Collected by Lieut. P.H. Ray, U.S.A.)
Mr. Paul Kane[5] describes the hearth as a “flat piece of dry cedar, 537 in which a small hollow is cut with a channel for the ignited charcoal to run over. In a short time sparks begin to fall through the channel upon finely frayed cedar bark placed underneath, which they soon ignite.” The Ahts and Haidas also use cedar fire-sticks of the usual Indian kind.
Mr. Paul Kane[5] describes the hearth as a “flat piece of dry cedar, 537 with a small hollow cut out and a channel for the glowing charcoal to flow through. Before long, sparks start to fall through the channel onto the finely shredded cedar bark placed underneath, which they soon catch fire.” The Ahts and Haidas also use cedar fire-sticks like those commonly found among Native Americans.
The Hupa Indians of California are of the Athapascan stock. Their fire-drill is a carefully made piece of apparatus (fig. 5). The hearth is of a reddish, punky piece, probably of mesquite, Prosopis juliflora, somewhat harder than the drill, which is charred slightly for some distance along the grinding end. Fire has been made in one of the holes; the others show the rough, frayed cavities which have been made to start the drill. The notches at each end of the hearth seem to be to facilitate the tying of the pieces together as a precaution to prevent their loss or separation. They are usually intrusted into the hands of the most skillful fire-maker, who wraps them up to keep them from becoming damp. The effectiveness of the sticks increases with use and age; a stick and hearth that have been charred by the former making of fire in most cases yields the spark in half the time required for new apparatus. Another advantage is that the drill is softer from incipient decay.
The Hupa Indians of California belong to the Athapascan group. Their fire-drill is a carefully crafted tool (fig. 5). The hearth is made from a reddish, soft material, likely mesquite, Prosopis juliflora, which is a bit harder than the drill and has a slight char along the grinding end. Fire has been created in one of the holes; the others show rough, frayed spots made for starting the drill. The notches at each end of the hearth appear to be for tying the pieces together to prevent them from getting lost or separated. They are typically given to the most skilled fire-maker, who wraps them up to keep them dry. The effectiveness of the sticks improves with use and age; a stick and hearth that have been charred from previous fire-making usually produce a spark in half the time it takes for new tools. Another advantage is that the drill becomes softer with slight decay.
That this set is in the highest degree efficient is shown by the fact that the writer repeatedly got a glowing coal, the size of a pea, from it in less than twenty seconds. The hearth is 18 and the drill 21 inches long.
That this set is extremely effective is evident from the fact that the writer consistently produced a glowing coal, the size of a pea, in under twenty seconds. The hearth is 18 inches long and the drill is 21 inches long.
The McCloud River Indians (Copehan stock) make the drill from the buckeye tree.
The McCloud River Indians (Copehan stock) make the drill from the buckeye tree.
The Indians of Washoe, Nevada, from their language, have been classed by the Bureau of Ethnology as a separate stock, the Washoan. Stephen Powers, many years ago collected a rather remarkable hearth from these Indians. It has eight rather small holes, in every one of which fire has been made. The wood is soft, well-seasoned pine. Apparently sand has been made use of to get greater friction, as is the custom of the Zuñis and Apaches. This device, in a measure, obviates the necessity of having tinder-like wood, or wood in a state of partial decay. For the drill any hardwood cylindrical stick might be employed. A strip of buckskin about an inch wide is passed around the hearth over the fire holes to keep them dry (fig. 6).
The Washoe people of Nevada are classified by the Bureau of Ethnology as a distinct group, known as the Washoan, based on their language. Stephen Powers collected an interesting hearth from these people many years ago. It has eight small holes, each showing signs of fire. The wood used is soft, well-seasoned pine. It seems sand was added to create more friction, similar to the practices of the Zuñis and Apaches. This method reduces the need for tinder-like wood or wood that’s partly decayed. For the drill, any cylindrical stick made of hardwood can be used. A strip of buckskin about an inch wide goes around the hearth over the fire holes to keep them dry (fig. 6).
At the end of the hearth is a mass of cement made of the resin of a pine mixed with sand, apparently; a kind of material used by the Indians over a large area in the Great Basin and southward to fix their arrowheads, pitch the water-bottles, and for other purposes. It is quite probable that this stick was the property of an arrow-maker, whose need of fire to melt the somewhat intractable cement, caused him to combine these functions in one tool.
At the back of the fireplace is a clump of cement made from pine resin mixed with sand, it seems; a type of material used by the Indigenous peoples across a wide area in the Great Basin and southward to secure their arrowheads, seal their water bottles, and for other uses. It's likely that this stick belonged to an arrow-maker, who needed fire to melt the rather stubborn cement, prompting him to combine these tasks into a single tool.
It has a better finish, and displays greater skill in its manufacture than the fire-tools of the neighboring tribes of Shoshonian (Utes) and 538 Moquelumnian stocks. In fact, it has a close affinity in appearance to those of the very near Athapascan (Hupa, etc.) stock. It is a matter of very great interest to compare with this a stick from the Mackenzie River. (See Fig. 28.) The resemblance is striking; it is as though one found a word of familiar sound and import in an unexpected place. The related tribes of the Indians dwelling on the Mackenzie have a wider range than the distance between the localities whence the respective sticks came; in fact, the Athapascans range about 50 degrees in latitude and the southern colonies of this great family are only about 250 miles southeast of the Washoans, while, as has been stated, the Hupas are quite near.
It has a better finish and shows more skill in its construction than the fire-tools of the nearby Shoshonian (Utes) and Moquelumnian tribes. In fact, it looks very similar to those of the nearby Athapascan (Hupa, etc.) tribe. It's really interesting to compare this with a stick from the Mackenzie River. (See Fig. 28.) The similarity is striking; it's like finding a familiar word in an unexpected place. The related tribes of Indians living along the Mackenzie have a broader range than the distance between the locations of the respective sticks; actually, the Athapascans spread about 50 degrees in latitude and the southern branches of this large family are only about 250 miles southeast of the Washoans, while, as noted, the Hupas are quite close.
It would be presumptuous to say at present that this tool is a remnant of the influence of the Athapascan wave that swept along the Great Interior Basin, leaving groups here and there in California and other parts to mark its progress, but there is more to its credit than a coincidence of form and function.
It would be presumptuous to say right now that this tool is a leftover from the Athapascan wave that moved through the Great Interior Basin, leaving groups scattered in California and other places to indicate its path, but there is more to its significance than just a coincidence of form and function.

Fig. 6. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 19640, U. S. N. M. Washoe Indians, Nevada. Collected by Stephen Powers.)
Fig. 6. Firestarter Kit.
(Cat. No. 19640, U.S. National Museum. Washoe Indians, Nevada. Collected by Stephen Powers.)

Fig. 7. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 17230, U. S. N. M. Pai-Ute Indians, Southern Utah. Collected by Maj. J. W. Powell.)
Fig. 7. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 17230, U. S. N. M. Paiute Indians, Southern Utah. Collected by Maj. J. W. Powell.)
The museum is in possession of a complete collection of fire-making material from the tribes of the Shoshonian stock. They were collected by Maj. J. W. Powell. The native name for the Ute fire set is whu-tu ni-weap. While the lower member of the set—the hearth—differs among the several tribes in point of material, shape, etc., the spliced drill is characteristic of the whole stock. It has never been noticed outside of the southern part of the Great Interior Basin but in one instance—among the 539 Klamaths of Oregon. The main part of the drill is either a reed, or a straight sprout, usually the former. At one end a short piece of very hard wood—greasewood, sarcobatus vermiculatus—is set in and lashed with sinew. It resembles the Shoshonian arrows, which are foreshafted in this way. They also use sand in common with other neighboring tribes.
The museum has a complete collection of fire-making tools from the Shoshone tribes. These were gathered by Maj. J. W. Powell. The native name for the Ute fire set is whu-tu ni-weap. While the lower part of the set—the hearth—varies among the tribes in terms of materials, shape, and so on, the spliced drill is typical of the entire stock. It has only been found outside the southern part of the Great Interior Basin in one instance—among the 539 Klamaths of Oregon. The main part of the drill is usually a reed or a straight sprout, with the reed being more common. At one end, a short piece of very hard wood—greasewood, sarcobatus vermiculatus—is embedded and secured with sinew. This resembles How the Shoshone arrows are made, which are also foreshafted in this manner. They also use sand like other neighboring tribes.
The Pai-Utes, of Southern Utah, make their hearths of a short, rounded piece usually of the sap-wood of juniper. It is tied to the drill with a thong of buckskin when not in use (fig. 7). The drill is like the usual one, just described. This is the common form of the Pai-Ute apparatus. The small, two-holed hearth of rounded form, and the shortened, spliced drill are for convenience of carrying, this kind being used by hunters while away from the lodges. Mr. S. J. Hare says that the men do not usually make the fire, except when out on a hunting excursion. At the lodge it is the squaw’s duty to make the fire when it is needed.
The Pai-Utes of Southern Utah make their hearths from a short, rounded piece typically made from the sapwood of juniper. When not in use, it is tied to the drill with a buckskin thong (fig. 7). The drill is similar to the usual one just described. This is the common type of equipment used by the Pai-Utes. The small, rounded hearth with two holes and the shortened, spliced drill are designed for easy transport, making it convenient for hunters when they are away from the lodges. Mr. S. J. Hare mentions that the men usually do not start the fire, except when they are on a hunting trip. In the lodge, it is the woman's responsibility to make the fire when it is needed.

Fig. 8. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 11976, U. S. N. M. Pai-Ute Indians, Southern Utah. Collected by Maj. J. W. Powell.)
Fig. 8. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 11976, U. S. N. M. Paiute Indians, Southern Utah. Collected by Maj. J. W. Powell.)

Fig. 9. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 22022, U. S. N. M. Shoshone Indians, Wind River, Wyoming. Collected by Maj. J. W. Powell.)
Fig. 9. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 22022, U.S. N.M. Shoshone Indians, Wind River, Wyoming. Collected by Maj. J.W. Powell.)
The Pai-Ute is rarely at a loss to get fire; he is master of various devices. Mr. Hare, who was among the Utes for some time, states that when the Indian is in need of a light he uses either the flint and steel, the drill, or, if these are not at hand, he takes two branches, and rubs one up and down on the other, soon getting fire. The Australians are said to have practiced fire-making by rubbing in the way mentioned. This is the only observation collected of its occurrence in America. It is, in all probability, a difficult, unusual way; only practiced under pressure of necessity among the Utes. They take great 540 pride in their skill; to be a quick fire-maker is to achieve fame in the tribe. They are fond of exhibiting their art to white travelers in the hope of gain.
The Pai-Ute people can usually easily make fire; they have various methods. Mr. Hare, who spent some time with the Utes, notes that when they need a light, they either use flint and steel, a fire drill, or, if those aren’t available, they take two branches and rub one up and down against the other until they create fire. It's said that Australians have made fire this way too. This is the only recorded instance of this method being used in America. It’s probably a challenging and uncommon technique, used only out of necessity among the Utes. They take great pride in their skill; being a fast fire-maker is a mark of fame within the tribe. They enjoy showcasing their talent to white travelers in hopes of earning something in return.
Another form of hearth (fig. 8) is made of yucca flower stalk, like those of the Apache and Navajos. The drill is of tule reed, set with a very hard wood head. It is suggested that the reason for splicing the drill is that the hard wood of the kind used for the head (greasewood) can not be procured in pieces long enough to make the whole drill. This set is apparently one used as a fixture in the Ute domestic economy, the squaws having to light the fire. The duty is mainly relegated to the females in several other Indian tribes, and among the Eskimo. Mr. Catlin says that the Sioux objected to letting the squaws have their portraits painted, saying that their women had never taken scalps, nor done anything better than make fires and dress skins.[6] The hearth and drill last figured are respectively 20 and 23 inches long, while in the hunting set (fig. 8) the length is 7 and 18 inches.
Another type of hearth (fig. 8) is made from yucca flower stalks, similar to those used by the Apache and Navajo. The drill is made from tule reed, with a very hard wood head. It seems that the reason for splicing the drill is that the hard wood used for the head (greasewood) can't be found in long enough pieces to create the whole drill. This set appears to be a standard tool in Ute households, with the women responsible for starting the fire. This task is mainly assigned to women in several other Native American tribes and among the Eskimo. Mr. Catlin mentions that the Sioux were opposed to having their women's portraits painted, claiming that their women had never taken scalps or done anything more impressive than start fires and dress skins.[6] The hearth and drill previously mentioned are 20 and 23 inches long, while in the hunting set (fig. 8) the lengths are 7 and 18 inches.
The Wind River Shoshones are also represented (fig. 9). The hearth is of hard wood, rudely hacked out, and rounded. Upon the slanting edge are eight holes, or shallow depressions, prepared for the drill, with notches cut in to meet them from the sides. The drill is a willow branch, 25 inches long, with a hard wood head mortised in, and served with buckskin. It is most probable that sand was used with this set, because, if the parts are not models, it would be necessary to use it on sticks of equal hardness like these. I am inclined to believe that they are models, from their appearance, and from the difficulty of setting up a pyrogenic friction upon them even with sand. They were collected some fifteen years ago by Maj. J. W. Powell.
The Wind River Shoshones are also represented (fig. 9). The hearth is made of hardwood, roughly carved and rounded. On the sloping edge are eight holes or shallow depressions meant for the drill, with notches cut in from the sides to align with them. The drill is a 25-inch long willow branch with a hardwood head inserted and wrapped in buckskin. It's likely that sand was used with this setup because if the parts aren’t just models, it would be necessary to use it on sticks of similar hardness. I believe they are models based on their appearance and the difficulty of creating friction with them even using sand. They were collected around fifteen years ago by Maj. J. W. Powell.
The Mokis are the most differentiated members of the Shoshonian stock. Mrs. T. E. Stevenson collected the two excellent fire-making sets in the Museum from the Moki Pueblos. The hearth is a branch of the very best quality of soft wood. In one hearth an end has been broken off, but there still remain eighteen fire-holes, showing that it was in use for a long time and highly prized (fig. 10). The drill is a roughly dressed branch of hard wood. It is comparatively easy to make fire on this apparatus. In the set numbered 126,694 these conditions are reversed; the hearth is tolerably hard wood and the drill soft wood.
The Mokis are the most distinct members of the Shoshonian group. Mrs. T. E. Stevenson gathered two excellent fire-making sets at the Museum from the Moki Pueblos. The hearth is made from a top-quality softwood branch. In one hearth, an end has been broken off, but there are still eighteen fire-holes, indicating it was used for a long time and held in high regard (fig. 10). The drill is a roughly shaped hardwood branch. It's relatively easy to make fire with this equipment. In set number 126,694, these roles are switched; the hearth is made of fairly hard wood, while the drill is made of soft wood.
The Moki fire-tools are used now principally in the estufas to light the sacred fire and the new fire as do the Zuñis, and the Aztecs of Mexico did hundreds of years ago. They use tinder of fungus or dried grass rubbed between the hands.
The Moki fire-tools are now mainly used in the estufas to ignite the sacred fire and the new fire, just like the Zuñis and the Aztecs of Mexico did hundreds of years ago. They use tinder made of fungus or dried grass rubbed between their hands.
By their language the Zuñi people belong to a distinct stock of Indians. Their fire-sticks are of the agave stalk, a soft, pithy wood with harder longitudinal fibers, rendering it a good medium for the purpose of making fire.
By their language, the Zuñi people belong to a unique group of Indigenous people. Their fire-making tools are made from the agave stalk, which is a soft, spongy wood with tougher fibers running along its length, making it effective for starting fires.
As to the plan pursued in grinding out fire, Col. James Stevenson informed the writer that they make a slightly concave place where the burnt holes are seen, cut the notch on the side, sprinkle a little fine sand on the concavity, set the end of the round stick on the sand and roll it rapidly between the palms of the hands, pressing down hard. The “sawdust,” Colonel Stevenson called it, oozes out of the notch and forms a small mass, which on blowing slightly becomes a burning coal, and the application of a little tinder creates a blaze. For preserving the fire for any length of time they use a piece of decayed wood. (Figs. 11 and 12.)
As for the method used to create fire, Col. James Stevenson told me that they make a slight dip in the surface where the charred holes are visible, carve a notch on the side, sprinkle a bit of fine sand in the dip, place the end of a round stick on the sand, and then roll it quickly between their hands while pressing down firmly. The "sawdust," as Colonel Stevenson referred to it, oozes out of the notch and forms a small pile, which, when blown on gently, turns into a glowing ember, and adding a bit of tinder ignites a flame. To keep the fire going for a longer period, they use a piece of rotting wood. (Figs. 11 and 12.)

Fig. 10. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 128694, U. S. N. M., Moki Indians, Arizona. Collected by Mrs. T. E. Stevenson.)
Fig. 10. Fire starter kit.
(Cat. No. 128694, U.S. N.M., Moki Indians, Arizona. Collected by Mrs. T.E. Stevenson.)

Figs. 11 and 12. Fire-making Set and Slow Match.
(Cat. Nos. 127708 and 69850, U. S. N. M., Zuñi Indians, New Mexico. Collected by James Stevenson.)
Figs. 11 and 12. Fire Starter Kit and Slow Match.
(Cat. Nos. 127708 and 69850, U.S. National Museum, Zuñi Indians, New Mexico. Collected by James Stevenson.)
Viewed in another aspect than as an implement of necessary or common use, this set is an important cult apparatus in the wonderfully complicated religious worship of the Zuñis. These people make the sacred fire that burns always in their estufas by friction of wood that has been wet. New fire is made at the beginning of their new year with great ceremony. The house is swept and everything is moved out of it until the fire is made. Their regard for fire and their customs with reference to it add 542 them to the list of peoples who have held it in similar reverence and have practiced similar customs all over the world, ranging widely in time. The wetting of the drill, increasing their labor, may be done to please their Gods.
Viewed from a different angle than just a tool for everyday use, this set is a significant religious device in the incredibly complex worship of the Zuñis. These people create the sacred fire that constantly burns in their estufas by rubbing wet wood together. New fire is made at the start of their new year with great ceremony. The house gets cleaned, and everything is taken out until the fire is lit. Their respect for fire and their associated customs place them alongside other cultures that have similarly revered it and practiced comparable traditions throughout history. Wetting the drill, which makes their work harder, might be done to please their gods.
This art must have been practiced for a long time in this region, for Mr. Henry Metcalf found a hearth (Fig. 13) with three fire-holes in a cave-dwelling at Silver City, New Mexico. It is apparently very ancient. The wood is much altered and has become heavy by impregnation with some salt, probably niter.
This craft must have been practiced for a long time in this area, as Mr. Henry Metcalf discovered a hearth (Fig. 13) with three fire-holes in a cave dwelling at Silver City, New Mexico. It seems to be very old. The wood has changed significantly and has become heavy from being soaked in some kind of salt, likely niter.
The Apaches and Navajos belong to the great Athapascan stock, that ranges so widely in North America. Capt. John G. Bourke, U. S. Army, collected the hearth of yucca wood shown (Fig. 14), and says:
The Apaches and Navajos are part of the larger Athapascan family, which is spread widely across North America. Capt. John G. Bourke, U.S. Army, gathered the yucca wood hearth shown (Fig. 14), and states:
With the stick you now see, the Apache Indians in my presence made fire in not quite eight seconds by the watch, and one asserted that he could make it in a number of motions, which, on the watch, occupied exactly two seconds, that is, under most favorable circumstances. The experiments, made under my own observation, ran all the way from eight to forty-seven seconds; sand is generally used, although not essential to success.
With the stick you see now, the Apache Indians in front of me made a fire in just under eight seconds, according to my watch. One even claimed he could do it in just a couple of motions that would take exactly two seconds on the watch, but only under ideal conditions. The experiments I observed took anywhere from eight to forty-seven seconds; sand is typically used, but it’s not essential for success.
Captain Bourke’s observation is very interesting, as it records the fact that the Apache is the most skillful fire-maker in the world. Many other tribes can make fire in less than a minute; I think by far the majority of them, but there is no eight-second record, while if he could prove his ability to do it in two seconds he would arrive at the facility of striking a match.
Captain Bourke’s observation is very interesting, as it notes the fact that the Apache is the most skilled fire-maker in the world. Many other tribes can create fire in less than a minute; I believe most of them can, but there’s no eight-second record, and if he could prove his ability to do it in two seconds, he would achieve the same ease as striking a match.

Fig. 13. Lower Stick of Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 35268, U. S. N. M. From a cave at Silver City, New Mexico. Collected by Henry Metcalf.)
Fig. 13. Lower Fire-making Set Stick.
(Cat. No. 35268, U. S. N. M. From a cave in Silver City, New Mexico. Collected by Henry Metcalf.)

Fig. 14. Lower Piece of Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 130672, U. S. N. M. Apache Indians, Arizona. Collected by Capt. John G. Bourke, U.S.A.).
Fig. 14. Lower Fire-Making Kit.
(Cat. No. 130672, U.S. N.M. Apache Indians, Arizona. Collected by Capt. John G. Bourke, U.S.A.)
Mr. William F. Corbusier has noticed the fire-making of the Apache-Yumas of Arizona (Yuman stock).[7] They use a drill about 2 feet long and one-half inch thick, made of o-oh-kad-je, or “Fire-stick bush.” Its end is dipped in sand and drilled on a soft piece of agave or yucca stalk held down by the feet. They carry a slow torch of dead wood (spunk) 543 and also use a flint and steel. For tinder they use dry grass or bark fiber. They use also a fungus, polyporus sp., for the same purpose.
Mr. William F. Corbusier has observed the fire-making methods of the Apache-Yumas in Arizona (Yuman stock).[7] They use a drill that's about 2 feet long and half an inch thick, made from o-oh-kad-je, or “Fire-stick bush.” The end of the drill is dipped in sand and rotated against a soft piece of agave or yucca stalk that is held down with their feet. They carry a slow-burning torch made from dead wood (spunk) 543 and also use flint and steel. For tinder, they use dry grass or bark fiber. They also use a fungus, polyporus sp., for the same purpose.
Another reference to the fire making of this stock (Yuman) is found in the translation by the late Dr. Charles Rau of the writings of Father Baegert on the Californian Peninsula.[8] He says:
Another reference to the fire making of this stock (Yuman) is found in the translation by the late Dr. Charles Rau of the writings of Father Baegert on the Californian Peninsula.[8] He says:
To light a fire, the Californian makes no use of steel and flint, but obtains it by the friction of two pieces of wood. One of them is cylindrical and pointed at one end, which fits into a round cavity in the other, and by turning the cylindrical piece with great rapidity between their hands, like a twirling-stick, they succeed in igniting the lower piece if they continue the process for a sufficient length of time.
To start a fire, Californians don’t use steel and flint; they create it by rubbing two pieces of wood together. One piece is cylindrical and sharp at one end, which fits into a round hole in the other piece. By rapidly spinning the cylindrical piece between their hands, like a twirling stick, they can ignite the lower piece if they keep it up long enough.
The Navajo fire-set looks very much like a mere makeshift. The hearth is a piece of yucca stalk and the fire-holes have but a shallow side notch. The drill is a broken arrow shaft, to which has been rudely lashed with a cotton rag a smaller piece of yucca wood (fig. 15). This carelessness, which it is rather than lack of skill, is characteristic of the Navajos in their minor implements. They resemble the crude Apache in this. One thinks of the Navajos only with regard to their fine blanket weaving and silver working, so well presented by Dr. Washington Matthews in the reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, and does not consider their arts in other lines.[9]
The Navajo fire-set looks like a simple makeshift tool. The hearth is made from a piece of yucca stalk, and the fire-holes only have a shallow side notch. The drill is a broken arrow shaft, to which a smaller piece of yucca wood is roughly tied with a cotton rag (fig. 15). This apparent carelessness, rather than a lack of skill, is typical of the Navajos in their minor tools. They are similar to the crude Apache in this respect. People usually think of the Navajos in relation to their beautiful blanket weaving and silverwork, as highlighted by Dr. Washington Matthews in the reports of the Bureau of Ethnology, and don’t consider their craftsmanship in other areas.[9]

Fig. 15. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 9555, U. S. N. M. Navajo Indians, New Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer.)
Fig. 15. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 9555, U.S. N.M. Navajo Indians, New Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer.)
Mr. Thomas C. Battey, a Friend, long missionary among the Indians, kindly gives a description of the Kiowan fire-making process, not now practiced among them, but shown to him as a relic of an abandoned art:
Mr. Thomas C. Battey, a Friend and longtime missionary among the Indians, kindly describes the Kiowan fire-making process, which is no longer practiced by them but was shown to him as a remnant of a lost art:
A piece of very hard and coarse, rough-grained wood, perhaps 8 inches in length, 2 in width, and three-fourths of an inch in thickness is procured. In one side of this and near one edge several holes are made, about one-half an inch in diameter by five-eighths of an inch in depth, rounded at the bottom, but left somewhat rough or very slightly corrugated. In the edge nearest these holes a corresponding number of smaller and tapering holes are made, opening by a small orifice into the bottom of each of the larger ones. These are made very smooth.
A piece of very hard, coarse wood, about 8 inches long, 2 inches wide, and three-quarters of an inch thick is prepared. On one side, near one edge, several holes are drilled, roughly half an inch in diameter and five-eighths of an inch deep, rounded at the bottom but left a bit rough or slightly textured. On the edge nearest these holes, a matching number of smaller, tapered holes are made, connecting to the bottoms of the larger ones through a small opening. These smaller holes are smoothed out very well.
A straight stick, also of hard, rough-grained wood, about 8 or 10 inches in length, about the size they usually make their 544 arrows or larger, is provided. Both ends of this are rounded, but one end is made smooth, the other is left slightly rough. The dried pith of some kind of reed, or more probably of the yucca, some fibers of the same loosely prepared like hackled flax, some powdered charcoal, I think formed by charring the yucca, and a piece of hard thick leather similar to sole leather, completes the outfit, which is carried in a leather bag made for the purpose. The first described piece of wood is placed upon the knees of the operator with a quantity of the fibrous substance beneath it which has been powdered with charcoal dust; some of the latter is put into one of the holes and the rough end of the stick inserted, the other end is put into an indentation of the leather placed under the chin, so that a gentle pressure may be exerted. The spindle is then rapidly revolved by rolling it one way and the other between the hands. The friction thus produced by the rubbing of the roughened surfaces ignites the fine coal dust, which, dropping as sparks of fire through the orifice at the bottom of the hole, falls into the dry fibrous preparation, thus igniting that, then by the breath blowing upon it a flame is produced and communicated to some fine dry wood and a fire is soon obtained. The whole operation occupies but a few minutes.
A straight stick made of hard, rough-grained wood, around 8 to 10 inches long, similar in size to their typical arrows or even a bit larger, is provided. Both ends of this stick are rounded, but one end is smooth while the other is slightly rough. Dried pith from some type of reed, or more likely from yucca, along with some fibers of the same, roughly prepared like flax, some powdered charcoal—likely made by charring the yucca—and a piece of thick, hard leather similar to sole leather complete the setup, all carried in a specially made leather bag. The first piece of wood is placed on the operator’s knees, with a portion of the fibrous material underneath it, dusted with charcoal. Some of the charcoal dust is placed into one of the holes, and the rough end of the stick is inserted. The other end is positioned into a dent in the leather under the chin to apply gentle pressure. The spindle is then quickly rolled back and forth between the hands. The friction created by rubbing the rough surfaces ignites the fine charcoal dust, which drops as sparks through the opening at the bottom of the hole and falls onto the dry fibrous material, igniting it. By blowing gently on it, a flame is produced, which can then be transferred to some fine dry wood, quickly creating a fire. The whole process takes just a few minutes.

Fig. 16. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 15396. U. S. N. M. Natives of Talamanca, Costa Rica. Collected by Prof. W. M. Gabb.)
Fig. 16. Fire starter kit.
(Cat. No. 15396. U. S. N. M. Natives of Talamanca, Costa Rica. Collected by Prof. W. M. Gabb.)
One of the rudest fire-making appliances in the Museum was collected by Prof. W. M. Gabb, at Talamanca, Costa Rica. The hearth is a rude billet of charred, black wood, resembling mahogany. It has central holes, with no gutter usually, though sometimes a shallow notch is cut on both sides of the fire-hole. The drill is a light branch, rather crooked, but dressed down roughly with a knife. Another hearth is of partly decayed, worm-eaten wood; with this a hard wood drill can be used, the hearth wasting away instead of the drill (fig. 16.) The absence of any fire slot, that is, the use of the central fire-hole, is worthy of notice in this locality. I have only observed its use in various parts of the Eskimo area, from East Greenland to Kadiak; outside of this range I have not noticed it anywhere else among the present tribes of the world. From descriptions 545 given it seems to have been practiced by the Caranchua Indians, a recently extinct tribe in Texas and Mexico. (See below.)
One of the most primitive fire-making tools in the Museum was collected by Prof. W. M. Gabb in Talamanca, Costa Rica. The hearth is a basic piece of charred black wood that looks like mahogany. It features central holes, usually without a gutter, although sometimes a shallow notch is cut on both sides of the fire hole. The drill is a light branch, somewhat crooked but roughly shaped with a knife. Another hearth is made of partially decayed, worm-eaten wood; with this, a hard wood drill can be used, causing the hearth to wear down instead of the drill (fig. 16.) It's noteworthy that there is no fire slot, meaning the central fire hole is used, which is unusual for this area. I've only seen its use in various parts of the Eskimo region, from East Greenland to Kadiak; outside this range, I haven't spotted it among any other contemporary tribes worldwide. From descriptions, it appears this technique was used by the Caranchua Indians, a recently extinct tribe in Texas and Mexico. (See below.)
These specimens from Costa Rica are the crudest fire tools, not to be mere make-shifts, that have come to my notice or have been described in the literature examined. The Costa Rican Indians are very interesting in their preservation of several other arts that may justly be classed among the most ancient. One may be mentioned, that of bark cloth making. Professor Gabb made quite a collection from Talamanca, but has not left any notes on these remarkable people, who are well worthy of the careful study of ethnologists.
These samples from Costa Rica represent the most basic fire tools I've come across or that have been documented in the literature I've reviewed. The Costa Rican Indigenous people are fascinating for their preservation of several other crafts that can rightly be considered among the oldest. One example is the making of bark cloth. Professor Gabb gathered quite a collection from Talamanca, but he hasn't left any notes on these remarkable people, who truly deserve the careful attention of ethnologists.
A curious modification of this central hole plan is figured and described in Oviedo, folio 90, as occurring in Hispaniola; that is, the West Indies, Hayti, San Domingo, etc. He says that “two dry light sticks of brown wood were tied firmly together, and the point of the drill of a particular hard wood was inserted between the two and then worked.” Mr. H. Ling Roth[10] thinks that if one can judge from the illustration (which is a miserable one) in Benzoni’s work, the natives of Nicaragua also used three sticks in making fire. Benzoni, however, says:[11]
A unique variation of this central hole method is depicted and explained in Oviedo, folio 90, as taking place in Hispaniola, which includes the West Indies, Haiti, San Domingo, and so on. He mentions that “two dry light sticks made of brown wood were tightly bound together, and the tip of a drill made of particularly hard wood was placed between them and then used.” Mr. H. Ling Roth[10] believes that if we can judge from the illustration (which is quite poor) in Benzoni’s work, the natives of Nicaragua also utilized three sticks to create fire. However, Benzoni states: [11]
All over India they light fire with two pieces of wood; although they had a great deal of wax, they knew no use for it, and produced light from pieces of wild pine wood.
Across India, they light fires using two pieces of wood; despite having plenty of wax, they didn’t know how to use it and created light from pieces of wild pine wood.
From Oviedo’s description I am inclined to believe that the dust in which the fire starts was allowed to fall below on tinder placed beneath the hearth.
From Oviedo’s description, I tend to think that the dust that ignites was allowed to settle on the tinder positioned under the hearth.
Through the kindness of Prof. F. W. Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum, at Cambridge, Mass., I have received an extract from a manuscript written by Mrs. Alice W. Oliver, of Lynn, who, as a girl, in 1838 resided on Matagorda Bay, and learned the language and customs of the Caranchua Indians, a separate stock, now thought to be extinct.
Through the generosity of Prof. F. W. Putnam, curator of the Peabody Museum in Cambridge, Mass., I received an excerpt from a manuscript written by Mrs. Alice W. Oliver, from Lynn, who, as a young girl in 1838, lived on Matagorda Bay and learned the language and customs of the Caranchua Indians, a distinct group now believed to be extinct.
Mrs. Oliver says:
Mrs. Oliver says:
After the hut is built a fire is made, the squaws usually begging fire or matches from the settlers, but, in case their fire is out and they have no other means of kindling it, they resort to the primitive method of producing it by friction of wood. They always carry their fire-sticks with them, keeping them carefully wrapped in several layers of skins tied up with thongs and made into a neat package; they are thus kept very dry, and as soon as the occasion for their use is over, they are immediately wrapped up again and laid away.
After the hut is built, they start a fire, usually with the women asking the settlers for fire or matches. If their fire is out and they have no other way to relight it, they resort to the old method of making fire by rubbing wood together. They always carry their fire-starting tools with them, keeping them neatly wrapped in several layers of animal skins tied with strings to make a tidy package; this keeps them very dry, and as soon as they’re done using them, they wrap them up again and put them away.
These sticks are two in number. One of them is held across the knees as they squat on the ground, and is about two feet long, made of a close-grained, brownish-yellow wood (perhaps pecan), half round in section; the flat face, which is held upward, is about an inch across. Three cylindrical holes about half an inch in diameter and of equal depth, the bottoms slightly concave, are made in it. The three holes are equally distant apart, about 2 inches, and the first one is the same distance from the end of the stick, which rests upon the right knee. In one of the holes is inserted the slightly-rounded end of a twirling stick made of a white, softer kind of wood, somewhat less than the diameter of the hole, so as to turn easily, and about 18 inches long.
These tools consist of two sticks. One of them is held across the knees while they squat on the ground. It’s about two feet long, made of a close-grained, brownish-yellow wood (possibly pecan), and has a half-round shape; the flat side, which faces up, is about an inch wide. There are three cylindrical holes about half an inch in diameter and equal depth, with slightly concave bottoms. The holes are spaced about 2 inches apart, with the first one the same distance from the end of the stick that rests on the right knee. In one of the holes is inserted the slightly-rounded end of a twirling stick made of a softer white wood, which is slightly smaller than the diameter of the hole to allow for easy rotation and is about 18 inches long.
546Holding the twirler vertically between the palms of the hands, a gentle but rapid alternating rotary motion is imparted. After continuing this for about five minutes the abrasion of the softer wood causes a fine, impalpable dust to collect in the hole, from which soon issues a thin, blue line of smoke.
Holding the twirler vertically between your palms, apply a gentle but quick back-and-forth rotary motion. After about five minutes, the friction of the softer wood creates a fine, powdery dust that collects in the hole, from which a thin, blue line of smoke soon rises.
As soon as the Indian sees this he quickly withdraws his twirler with one hand, while with the other he catches up and crushes a few dry leaves previously placed on a dry cloth close by (having been produced from thin wrappings, in which they have been preserved for this very purpose, to serve as tinder), and quickly but lightly sprinkles them in and around the hole, over which both hands are now held protectingly, the head bent down, and the incipient fire fanned to a blaze with the breath. As soon as the blaze has fairly caught, the stick and tinder are deftly turned over upon a little pile of dry twigs and leaves, got ready beforehand, and the fire is started.
As soon as the Indian sees this, he quickly pulls his twirler away with one hand while using the other to grab and crush a few dry leaves that were placed on a dry cloth nearby (these leaves come from thin wrappings specifically kept for this purpose to use as tinder). He then lightly and quickly sprinkles them in and around the hole, where both hands are now held protectively, with his head bent down, and he fans the emerging fire to life with his breath. Once the fire catches well, he deftly flips the stick and tinder onto a small pile of dry twigs and leaves that he had prepared beforehand, igniting the fire.
This operation of getting fire is always performed by the men, and not by the squaws. The fire is invariably built in the center of the hut, upon the ground, and, is usually kept burning, for the Indians never slept regularly, but whenever they pleased, often asleep in the day time and awake nights, or vice versa, as they felt inclined.
This task of starting a fire is always done by the men, not the women. The fire is typically built in the middle of the hut, on the ground, and is usually kept burning, as the Indians don’t follow a set schedule for sleep. They often nap during the day and stay awake at night, or vice versa, depending on their preference.
3. IROQUOIS WEIGHTED DRILL.
The Iroquois are unique in America, and perhaps in the world, in making fire with the pump-drill. Several other tribes in America use the pump drill to pierce stone and shell, for which purpose it is an excellent tool, but the mechanical difficulties lying in the way of making fire with it have only been overcome by the Iroquois. Pump-drills are intended for light, fine work, with uniform, light pressure; hence, with little friction. The Iroquois have added this element by increasing the size of the balance-wheel and stock. Mr. Morgan, in his “League of the Iroquois,” p. 381, figures a fire drill with a wooden stock 4 feet long and 1 inch in diameter. This stock has at the upper end a string and bow, while near the lower end is a “small wheel.” Mr. Morgan says this is “an Indian invention of great antiquity.”
The Iroquois are one-of-a-kind in America, and maybe even in the world, for making fire using the pump-drill. While several other tribes in America use the pump drill to bore into stone and shell, which it does very well, only the Iroquois have figured out how to successfully create fire with it despite the mechanical challenges. Pump-drills are designed for light, delicate work, applying consistent, gentle pressure; therefore, they create minimal friction. The Iroquois have enhanced this process by enlarging the balance-wheel and stock. Mr. Morgan, in his “League of the Iroquois,” p. 381, shows a fire drill with a wooden stock 4 feet long and 1 inch in diameter. This stock features a string and bow at the upper end, while close to the lower end is a “small wheel.” Mr. Morgan notes that this is “an Indian invention of great antiquity.”
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt, of the Bureau of Ethnology, has kindly given the writer a set of apparatus and valuable information with reference to fire-making among the Iroquois, especially the Onondagas and Tuscaroras. He states that at times when there is disease among the people they say it is because the fire is “old.” They then determine to make “new fire,” so all fires are put out and two slippery-elm logs are selected and one of these is laid on the ground and a V-shaped notch is cut on the upper side. In this notch some tinder of dry slippery-elm is put and three (mystic or sacred number) men at either end work the other log backward and forward until fire is generated, and from this the fires are lighted. He believes that the new fire is made at the winter feast of the Iroquois. They say that the drill with the weight is their own invention. They use elm for that also. In making the pump-drill they sometimes cut an elm sapling and work out the drill, leaving the tap root for the fore part, the knot for the weight, and part of the stem for the top part of the drill.
Mr. J. N. B. Hewitt from the Bureau of Ethnology has generously provided the writer with a set of tools and valuable information about fire-making among the Iroquois, particularly the Onondagas and Tuscaroras. He mentions that during times of illness in the community, they believe it's caused by “old” fire. They then decide to create “new fire,” leading to all existing fires being extinguished. Two slippery-elm logs are picked, one of which is placed on the ground with a V-shaped notch cut into the upper side. In this notch, some dry slippery-elm tinder is placed, and three (a mystical or sacred number) men at each end move the other log back and forth until fire is created, which is then used to rekindle the fires. He thinks that the new fire is made during the Iroquois winter feast. They claim that the drill with a weight is their own invention, and they also use elm for this purpose. When making the pump-drill, they sometimes cut an elm sapling, fashioning the drill from it while leaving the tap root as the front part, the knot as the weight, and a portion of the stem as the top part of the drill.
It is not improbable that the Iroquois—the most advanced Indians in some respects on the continent, invented this use of the widely diffused pump-drill. It scarcely seems to be a practical way to make fire, 547 and, despite the assurances and belief of the Iroquois, is not very ancient, but was perhaps suggested by the white man. Indeed, Pere Lafitau, that keen and careful observer, in his “Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains,” written in 1724, on page 242, gives a description of Indian fire-making that includes the Iroquois. He says:
It’s not unlikely that the Iroquois—the most advanced Indigenous people in some ways on the continent—came up with this method of using the widely known pump-drill. It doesn’t really seem like a practical way to start a fire, and despite the Iroquois’ confidence and belief in it, it isn’t very old and might have been inspired by white settlers. In fact, Père Lafitau, a sharp and attentive observer, in his “Moeurs des Sauvages Ameriquains,” written in 1724, on page 242, provides a description of how Native Americans made fire that includes the Iroquois. He says:
The Hurons, the Iroquois, and the other peoples of North America do not make fire from the veins of flint, but rub two pieces of wood one against the other.
The Hurons, the Iroquois, and other Indigenous peoples of North America don’t make fire from flint stones; they generate it by rubbing two pieces of wood together.
Then follows a description of fire-making, taken probably from the Iroquois, that is as good an account of the Indian apparatus and the way of working it as exists in the literature of the subject.
Then follows a description of fire-making, probably sourced from the Iroquois, that is one of the best accounts of the Native American tools and methods as found in the literature on the topic.
The drill was sufficient for its time for the reason that there was at that period rarely necessity for generating fire; the art of fire preservation was at its height.
The drill was adequate for its time because, during that period, there was rarely a need for starting a fire; the skill of keeping fire was at its peak.
The Cherokees, the most southerly of the Iroquois, Mr. James Mooney states, kept fire buried in the mounds upon which the council houses were built, so that if the house was destroyed by enemies the fire would remain there for a year or so. The Cherokees use the simple rotation apparatus, and, as far as Mr. Mooney can ascertain, never used the pump-drill. They have a tradition that fire originally came out of an old hollow sycamore tree (Platanus occidentalis).
The Cherokees, the southernmost of the Iroquois, as stated by Mr. James Mooney, kept fire buried in the mounds on which the council houses were built, so that if the house was destroyed by enemies, the fire would stay there for about a year. The Cherokees used a simple rotation tool, and as far as Mr. Mooney could tell, they never used a pump-drill. They have a tradition that fire originally came from an old hollow sycamore tree (Platanus occidentalis).
Capt. John Smith tells how the Indians of Virginia made fire. He says:
Capt. John Smith shares how the Native Americans of Virginia created fire. He says:
Their fire they kindled presently by chafing a dry pointed sticke in a hole of a little square piece of wood, that firing itselfe, will so fire mosse, leaves, or anie such like drie thing that will quickly burn.[12]
They quickly started their fire by rubbing a dry pointed stick in a hole in a small square piece of wood, which would catch fire and then ignite moss, leaves, or any other dry materials that would burn easily.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Writing in the first quarter of the next century, Beverley says:
Writing in the first quarter of the next century, Beverley says:
They rubbed Fire out of particular sorts of Wood (as the Ancients did out of the Ivy and Bays) by turning the end of a Piece that is soft and dry, like a Spindle on its Inke, by which it heats and at length burns; to this they put sometimes also rotten Wood and dry leaves to hasten the Work.[13]
They made fire from certain kinds of wood (just like the ancients did with ivy and bay) by spinning the end of a soft, dry stick, like a spindle on its axis, which generates heat and eventually catches fire. They sometimes added rotten wood and dry leaves to speed things up.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Loskiel says of the Delawares:
Loskiel comments on the Delawares:
Formerly they kindled fire by turning or twirling a dry stick, with great swiftness on a dry board, using both hands.[14]
They used to start a fire by rapidly rubbing a dry stick against a dry board with both hands.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
The Cherokees used for a drill the stalk of a composite plant (senecio), and twirled it on a piece of wood. The art has long been out of common use, but they employed the wooden drill to make fire for the Green Corn Dance into the present century, though flint and steel was then in vogue. Sometimes they passed the bow over drill. The tinder was of a fungus or dried moss. Mr. James Mooney collected this information from some of the older men of the tribe in North Carolina, who have retained the ancient customs and traditions, which the part of the tribe removed to the West has entirely lost.
The Cherokees used the stalk of a composite plant (senecio) for drilling and twirled it on a piece of wood. This technique has mostly fallen out of common usage, but they continued to use the wooden drill to start fires for the Green Corn Dance well into the 20th century, even though flint and steel were more popular by then. Sometimes they would also pass the bow over the drill. The tinder they used was made from fungus or dried moss. Mr. James Mooney gathered this information from some of the older men of the tribe in North Carolina, who have preserved the ancient customs and traditions that the part of the tribe that moved to the West has completely lost.
The Creeks (Muskogean stock) had a regularly authorized fire-maker, who early in the morning made fire for the Green Corn Dance. The 548 apparatus that he made use of was four sticks placed end to end to form a square cross. This was oriented, and at the junction of the sticks new fire was made by friction.[15]
The Creeks (Muskogean people) had an official fire-maker who would start a fire early in the morning for the Green Corn Dance. The setup he used consisted of four sticks arranged end to end to form a square cross. This was oriented, and at the point where the sticks intersected, new fire was created through friction.[15]
The Choctaws (also Muskogean) of Mississippi, Mr. M. F. Berry writes, make fire in the following way: One stick of dry wood that has a hole in it, with a smaller hole at the bottom going through, is placed between the feet. Another piece made round and about 3 feet long is made to revolve rapidly back and forth between the hands in the hole, and the fire drops through the small hole below. When new fire was wanted for the Green Corn Dance, or other purposes, three men would place themselves so that each in turn could keep the stick revolving without a stop, until fire would drop down through the hole, which was nursed with dry material into a flame.
The Choctaws (also known as Muskogean) of Mississippi, Mr. M. F. Berry writes, create fire this way: They take a stick of dry wood that has a hole in it, which has a smaller hole at the bottom, and place it between their feet. Then, they use another piece of wood that is round and about 3 feet long to quickly spin back and forth in the hole with their hands, causing the fire to fall through the small hole below. When they needed new fire for the Green Corn Dance or other events, three men would position themselves so each could take turns spinning the stick continuously until the fire dropped down through the hole, which was then fanned with dry materials to create a flame.
This form of the fire hearth is not represented in the collections of the Museum; the only other description of a process closely like it was given by Mr. Thomas C. Battey, who observed it among the Kiowas. It was shown him at that time as a revival of the ancient method (p. 543). The pierced fire hearth is somewhat impracticable, except in the Malay sawing method. In the rotary drill the small hole would come over the axis of least friction and heat. Unless provision was made for the dust to fall freely underneath by a double cone perforation worked from both sides the dust is likely to become obstructed and smother the fire. It will be seen, too, that it departs very much from the simplicity of the usual fire drill in the fact that a hole must be made through the piece of wood, a matter of some difficulty before the introduction of iron awls.
This type of fire hearth isn't found in the Museum's collections; the only other similar description was provided by Mr. Thomas C. Battey, who noticed it among the Kiowas. He was shown this revival of the ancient method (p. 543). The pierced fire hearth is pretty unworkable, except in the Malay sawing technique. In the rotary drill, the small hole would align with the area of least friction and heat. Unless there's a way for the dust to drop freely below, using a double cone perforation from both sides, the dust is likely to get stuck and suffocate the fire. You'll also see that it strays quite a bit from the straightforwardness of the usual fire drill since a hole needs to be drilled through the piece of wood, which was pretty challenging before the advent of iron awls.
The Seminoles of Florida, the most Southern Muskoki, have neglected the art of fire making by simple friction, unless at the starting of the sacred fire for the Green Corn Dance, says Mr. Clay MacCauley.[16] A fire is now kindled either by the common matches, ma-tci, or by steel and flint.
The Seminoles of Florida, the southernmost Muskoki, have stopped using the traditional method of making fire by friction, except when starting the sacred fire for the Green Corn Dance, according to Mr. Clay MacCauley. A fire is now lit either with common matches, ma-tci, or with steel and flint.
Thus it is seen that wherever in the earlier period of the exploration in this country the observation has been made, the Indian, almost without exception, was found to be using the friction apparatus, consisting of two sticks of wood. Some tribes had improved on the working of the invention, while a very few others had perhaps arrived at the use of the higher invention of the flint and pyrites.
Thus, it can be observed that wherever observations were made during the early exploration period in this country, the Native American, almost without exception, was found using a friction device made from two sticks of wood. Some tribes had improved the functionality of this invention, while a very few others had possibly discovered the more advanced method using flint and pyrites.
Returning to the tribes of the wide central plains of our country, we find that the flint and steel soon displaced the fire-sticks, except for religious purposes. The Mandans, of the great Siouan stock, were using flint and steel at the time of Mr. Catlin’s visit in 1832.[17]
Returning to the tribes of the vast central plains of our country, we see that flint and steel quickly replaced fire-sticks, except for religious uses. The Mandans, who belong to the great Siouan group, were using flint and steel when Mr. Catlin visited in 1832.[17]
There seems to be a great misapprehension among some of the writers 549 on ethnology, as to the general use of the bow-drill among the Indians. In mentioning that the Sioux use the bow-drill, Schoolcraft is quoted as authority. As a matter of fact the reference is to a “made-up” figure of a bow-drill set, marked “Dacota.” On the same plate there is a representation of an Iroquois pump-drill that is obviously wrong. The lower part of the plate is taken up by a picture of an Indian woman (presumably Californian) pounding acorns in a mortar. To complete the absurdity the whole plate is entitled “Methods of obtaining fire by percussion,” and is placed in the text of a questionnaire on the Californian Indians, opposite a description of the Californian way of making fire by twirling two sticks.[18]
There seems to be a big misunderstanding among some writers on ethnology regarding the general use of the bow-drill by the Indians. When mentioning that the Sioux use the bow-drill, Schoolcraft is cited as an authority. However, the reference is to a “made-up” illustration of a bow-drill set labeled “Dacota.” On the same page, there’s a depiction of an Iroquois pump-drill that is clearly incorrect. The lower part of the page features a picture of an Indian woman (presumably Californian) grinding acorns in a mortar. To make matters worse, the entire plate is titled “Methods of obtaining fire by percussion,” and it’s included in the text of a questionnaire about the Californian Indians, right next to a description of the Californian method for making fire by twirling two sticks.[18]
Mr. Schoolcraft is not to blame for this state of affairs; in those days illustrations were not ethnological, they were “padding” gotten up by the artist. Nowhere in his great work does Mr. Schoolcraft describe either the Dacota or Iroquois drill. Among the northern Indians in central and northern Canada, however, the bow is used.
Mr. Schoolcraft isn't at fault for this situation; back then, illustrations weren't ethnological; they were just "padding" created by the artist. Nowhere in his extensive work does Mr. Schoolcraft detail either the Dacota or Iroquois drill. However, among the northern Indigenous peoples in central and northern Canada, the bow is used.
Sir Daniel Wilson, in his work on Prehistoric Man, notes that the Red Indians of Canada use the drill bow. In August, 1888, at the meeting of the American association, at Toronto, he gave an account of the facility with which these Indians make fire. He said that at Nipissing, on the north shore of Lake Superior, while he was traveling in a pouring rain, and not having the means wherewith to light a fire, an Indian volunteered to light one. He searched around for a pine knot and for tinder, rubbed up the soft inner bark of the birch between the hands, got a stick from a sheltered place, made a socket in the knot and another piece of wood for a rest for the drill, tied a thong to a piece of a branch for a bow. He put the tinder in the hole and rested his breast on the drill and revolved it with the bow and quickly made fire.
Sir Daniel Wilson, in his book on Prehistoric Man, mentions that the Indigenous Peoples of Canada use a drill bow. In August 1888, at the meeting of the American Association in Toronto, he described how easily these Indigenous Peoples can start a fire. He recounted that while he was traveling in heavy rain at Nipissing on the north shore of Lake Superior and had no way to light a fire, an Indigenous person offered to help. The person looked around for a pine knot and some tinder, rubbed the soft inner bark of birch in their hands, found a stick from a sheltered spot, created a socket in the knot and another piece of wood for the drill to rest on, and tied a thong to a piece of branch to make a bow. They placed the tinder in the hole, pressed their chest onto the drill, and quickly spun it with the bow to start a fire.
It is perhaps true that some of the Dacotas did use the bow at times, but it is not correct to place it as the customary tool of the whole stock. On the contrary, there is evidence that they used the simple means. Dr. J. Owen Dorsey writes:
It may be true that some of the Dacotas occasionally used bows, but it's inaccurate to say it was the standard weapon for all of them. In fact, there’s evidence showing they relied on simpler methods. Dr. J. Owen Dorsey writes:
I was told in 1879 by the late Joseph La Flèche, that the Omahas, prior to the advent of the white men, made fire by using pieces of the “du-à-du-á-hi,” a grass (?) that grows in the Sand Hill region of Nebraska, near the sources of the Elkhorn River. One piece was placed horizontally on the ground, and a slight notch was cut at one end, wherein a few grains of sand were put. The other stick was held between the palms of the hands, with one end in the notch of the horizontal stick, and then rolled first in one direction then in the other till fire was produced. A fresh notch was made in the first stick whenever the old one became useless, and so on until it became necessary to procure a new stick.
In 1879, the late Joseph La Flèche told me that the Omahas, before white settlers arrived, started fires using pieces of the “du-à-du-á-hi,” a kind of grass (?) that grows in the Sand Hill area of Nebraska, close to the Elkhorn River. One piece was laid flat on the ground with a small notch cut at one end, where a few grains of sand were placed. The other stick was held between the palms, with one end in the notch of the horizontal stick, and then rolled back and forth until a fire was made. A new notch was made in the first stick whenever the old one wore out, and this process continued until it was necessary to get a new stick.
In the Green Corn Dance of the Minitaries, another Siouan tribe, the “corn is boiled on the fire, which is then put out by removing it with the ashes and burying them. New fire is made by desperate and painful exertion, by three men seated on the ground facing each other and violently drilling the end of a stick into a hard block of wood by rolling 550 it between the hands, each one catching it in turn from the others without allowing the motion to stop until smoke, and at last a spark of fire is seen and caught in a piece of spunk, when there is great rejoicing in the crowd.”[19] The desperate exertion was not necessary, except in imitation of the Zuñi fashion of wetting the drill to create sacred fire.
In the Green Corn Dance of the Minitaries, another Siouan tribe, the "corn is boiled on the fire, which is then extinguished by removing it with the ashes and burying them. New fire is created through intense and painful effort, by three men sitting on the ground facing each other and vigorously drilling the end of a stick into a hard block of wood by rolling it between their hands, each one catching it in turn from the others without stopping the motion until smoke, and eventually a spark of fire appears and is captured in a piece of spunk, which brings great joy to the crowd.”[19] The extreme effort wasn't necessary, except to mimic the Zuñi method of wetting the drill to produce sacred fire.
It will be seen from these references given that the Sioux used the customary Indian method. Later, they may have used the bow to expedite the drill when the wood was intractable. The bow may have been borrowed from more northern tribes, the Algonquians are said to use it;[20] Mr. Thomas C. Battey says that the Sac-Fox Indians (Algonquian stock) used a soft wood drill and a hard wood hearth. “The drill was worked by a bow and the fire caught on the end of the drill and touched to tinder.”
It can be seen from these references that the Sioux used the traditional Native American method. Later on, they might have used a bow to make the drilling process faster when the wood was difficult to work with. The bow may have been borrowed from tribes further north, as the Algonquians are known to use it; [20] Mr. Thomas C. Battey mentions that the Sac-Fox Indians (of Algonquian descent) used a soft wood drill and a hard wood hearth. “The drill was operated with a bow, and the fire ignited on the tip of the drill and was applied to the tinder.”
Throughout South America the art of fire-making with two sticks of wood is found to be as thoroughly diffused as it is in North America. Many of the tribes still use it; we may say that in all tribes the use of flint and steel was preceded by that of the sticks of wood.
Throughout South America, the skill of making fire with two sticks of wood is just as widespread as it is in North America. Many tribes still use this method; we can say that in all tribes, the use of flint and steel came after the use of wooden sticks.
The Guanchos, a mixed tribe of herders on the Pampas of Venezuela, practice a peculiar way of fire-getting. They select a pliant rod, place one end against the breast and the other against the block forming the hearth, held on a line with the breast. By pressing against the rod it is bent and turned rapidly around like an auger. This impracticable and no doubt very local method is described by Prof. E. B. Tylor.[21]
The Guanchos, a mixed tribe of herders in the Pampas of Venezuela, have a unique method of starting a fire. They take a flexible stick, rest one end against their chest and the other against the block that forms the hearth, aligned with the chest. By pushing against the stick, it bends and spins quickly like a drill. This impractical and likely very regional technique is detailed by Prof. E. B. Tylor.[21]
In Brazil, in the Province of Goyaz, the Chavantes, Cayapós, and Angaytés, use the simple fire drill.[22] The Angaytés drill figured looks somewhat like that of the Mokis. It is usually 28cm. long for the hearth, and for the drill 20cm. They use the throat skin of the Nandu, Rhea Americana, for a tinder sack. The Lenguas of the same province use a strike-a-light consisting of a tinder horn, flint, and steel, which is also figured in the cited report. This set is very interesting, because from it, we can say with certainty where the Lengua got it. The steel is the English “flourish,” and the flint is the oval, old English shape, probably broken somewhat by blows. The Lenguas, being on the line of travel, have adopted the method from English traders. In Rio Janeiro the Indians had an angular recess at the back of their snuff mills for the purpose of making fire by friction.[23]
In Brazil, in the Province of Goyaz, the Chavantes, Cayapós, and Angaytés use a simple fire drill. The Angaytés' drill design looks somewhat like that of the Mokis. It typically measures 28 cm long for the hearth and 20 cm for the drill. They use the throat skin of the Nandu, Rhea Americana, as a tinder sack. The Lenguas of the same province use a fire starter that includes a tinder horn, flint, and steel, which is also shown in the mentioned report. This set is very interesting because it provides clear evidence of where the Lengua acquired it. The steel is the English "flourish," and the flint has an oval, old English shape, likely slightly chipped from strikes. Since the Lenguas are on a trade route, they adopted this method from English traders. In Rio de Janeiro, the Indians had an angular recess at the back of their snuff mills for creating fire by friction.
The Ainos of Japan formerly used fire-sticks, and are said even yet to resort to this method when they have no other means of getting fire. They use also flint and steel, adopted from the Japanese. A specimen (No. 22257) is figured and described on page 583 of this paper. The fire-sticks 551 of the Ainos of Yezo (No. 129970, fig. 17) were loaned to the Museum by Prof. F. W. Putnam, who also secured the following letter of Mr. D. P. Penhallow, who collected the sticks:
The Ainos of Japan used to rely on fire sticks and are said to still use this method when they can't find another way to make fire. They also use flint and steel, which they adopted from the Japanese. A specimen (No. 22257) is shown and described on page 583 of this paper. The fire sticks of the Ainos from Yezo (No. 129970, fig. 17) were lent to the Museum by Prof. F. W. Putnam, who also obtained the following letter from Mr. D. P. Penhallow, who collected the sticks:
At our request the chief brought several fire-sticks to my house, together with the necessary number of men to get fire in the approved style. Upon examination the sticks were found to be from 6 to 9 inches long, and very dry. Our informant stated that they were from the root of the elm Ulmus campestris, var. lævis, and that it was customary to keep a supply ahead, as the sticks require to be seasoned for about one year, by hanging them from the rafters of the house above the fire. To prepare them for the process of making fire, a shorter stick was cut flat on opposite sides, and about midway of one of the flattened sides a small hole was made with the point of the knife for the purpose of establishing the center of action. Another stick about 9 inches long was then well sharpened at one end. Three men now seated themselves in a circle, facing inward, with the flattened stick notched side uppermost in the center.
At our request, the chief brought several fire sticks to my house, along with the right number of men to start a fire in the traditional way. Upon closer inspection, the sticks were found to be between 6 and 9 inches long and very dry. Our source mentioned that they came from the root of the elm Ulmus campestris, var. lævis, and that it was common practice to keep a stockpile since the sticks need to be seasoned for about a year by hanging them from the rafters of the house above the fire. To prepare them for making fire, a shorter stick was flattened on opposite sides, and a small hole was made in the middle of one of the flattened sides with the knife's tip to establish the center of action. Another stick, about 9 inches long, was then sharpened at one end. Three men then sat in a circle, facing inward, with the notched side of the flattened stick facing up in the center.
The point of the long stick was now placed in the notch, and with the stick in a vertical position and grasped between the extended palms of the hands, a steady and somewhat fast rotating pressure was brought to bear, exactly as in the use of the old-fashioned awl. As soon as the first man became weary, the second brought his hands to bear upon the upper end of the stick, and continued the motion without allowing it to cease. This was repeated as often as necessary until fire was obtained. Owing to the very dry character of the sticks used, the parts in contact rapidly wear away, so that the notch quickly becomes cup-shaped, and the pointed end is correspondingly rounded, while at the same time the powdery product is thrown out, forming a raised ring on all sides. Before long it is observed that the powder acquires a brownish tinge. This gradually deepens as the temperature rises until finally a delicate line of smoke warns the operator that the end is near.
The tip of the long stick was placed in the notch, and with the stick held vertically between the open palms, a steady and somewhat quick rotating pressure was applied, like using an old-fashioned awl. When the first person got tired, the second person would put their hands on the upper end of the stick and keep the motion going without stopping. This was repeated as needed until fire was created. Because the sticks used were very dry, the parts in contact quickly wore down, so the notch quickly became cup-shaped, and the pointed end became rounded, while the powdery product was pushed out, forming a raised ring all around. Soon, it was noticeable that the powder was turning brown. This gradually darkened as the temperature increased until a thin line of smoke signaled to the operator that the end was near.
The motion is now continued until the smoke is well established, when the vertical stick is raised, disclosing a spark on its end. The mouth is applied to the opposite extremity, and by means of a few vigorous pulls as if smoking a cigar, owing to the porous nature of the stick, the spark is drawn into a flame.
The motion continued until the smoke was well established, when the vertical stick was raised, revealing a spark on its end. The mouth was placed on the opposite end, and by taking a few strong puffs like smoking a cigar, the spark was drawn into a flame due to the porous nature of the stick.
The actual operation as witnessed by us consumed about two hours, and the Ainos state that the process requires from one and one-half to two and one-half hours.
The actual operation that we witnessed took about two hours, and the Ainos say that the process takes between one and a half to two and a half hours.
The sticks figured are the actual ones that were used in the operation above described.
The sticks shown are the actual ones that were used in the operation described above.

Fig. 17. Fire-making Set with Touchwood.
(Cat. No. 129970, U. S. N. M. Ainos of Yezo, Japan. Collected by D. P. Penhallow. Lent by Peabody Museum, through Prof. F. W. Putnam.)
Fig. 17. Fire-making Kit with Touchwood.
(Cat. No. 129970, U.S. N.M. Ainos of Yezo, Japan. Collected by D.P. Penhallow. Lent by Peabody Museum, through Prof. F.W. Putnam.)
The Japanese formerly used the simple drill; a few are yet preserved in the temples. Under the name of “Sacred fire drill” it is described[24] as a board 1 foot wide, 1 foot 4 inches long, 1 inch thick, and with a step 1 inch wide or over on one edge. It has holes and grooves like the Eskimo hearth. The drill is a stick twirled between the hands. The parts are of the hi-no-ki, or fire tree, Chamæocyparis obtusa. The drill is called hi-kiri-usu, or fire drilling mortar. It was and perhaps is yet used for the purpose of drilling fire at the four corners of the temple inclosure to ward off the calamity of fire. They are said also to have used the rokuro, or pump-drill. It is interesting to note that the Japanese carpenter’s drill with the iron point is rotated between the palms. They are still in use. The one figured is in the Tokio Museum.
The Japanese used to rely on a simple fire drill, and some are still found in temples. Known as the “Sacred fire drill,” it is described as a board that's 1 foot wide, 1 foot 4 inches long, and 1 inch thick, with a step that is at least 1 inch wide on one edge. It features holes and grooves similar to the Eskimo hearth. The drill consists of a stick that’s spun between the hands. The materials are made from the hi-no-ki, or fire tree, Chamæocyparis obtusa. It’s called hi-kiri-usu, meaning fire drilling mortar. It was, and perhaps still is, used to create fire at the four corners of the temple enclosure to prevent the disaster of fire. They are also said to have used the rokuro, or pump-drill. It’s interesting to note that the Japanese carpenter's drill, with its iron point, is rotated between the palms and is still in use today. The one shown is in the Tokyo Museum.
Prof. Romyn Hitchcock has kindly allowed a drawing to be made of a photograph which he procured of a sacred fire drill preserved in the temple called Oyashiro, at Idzumo, Japan (fig. 18). The hearth of this set is made of hi-no-ki wood and the drill of the Ut-su-gi, Deutzia scabra.
Prof. Romyn Hitchcock has graciously permitted a drawing to be created from a photograph he obtained of a sacred fire drill kept in the temple known as Oyashiro, in Idzumo, Japan (fig. 18). The base of this set is made from hi-no-ki wood, and the drill is made from Ut-su-gi, Deutzia scabra.

Fig. 18. Sacred Fire Drill.
From photograph of specimen in Tokio Museum. Lent by Romyn Hitchcock.
Fig. 18. Sacred Fire Ritual.
From a photo of a specimen at the Tokyo Museum. Loaned by Romyn Hitchcock.
Professor Hitchcock says:
Prof. Hitchcock says:
The fire drill is used at the festivals of the Oyashiro to produce fire for use in cooking the food offered to the gods. Until the temple was examined officially in 1872, the head priest used it for preparing his private meals at all times. Since then it has been used only at festivals and in the head priest’s house on the eve of festivals, when he purifies himself for their celebration in the Imbidous, or room for preparing holy fire, where he makes the fire and prepares the food.
The fire drill is used during the Oyashiro festivals to start a fire for cooking the food offered to the gods. Before the temple was officially inspected in 1872, the head priest used it for his personal meals at all times. Since then, it has been used only during festivals and at the head priest’s house the night before festivals, when he purifies himself for the celebrations in the Imbidous, or the room for preparing sacred fire, where he starts the fire and prepares the food.
The art of fire-making by sticks of wood by the method of rotation is, or has been, as far as we know, universal on the African continent as it was in the two Americas at the time of the discovery. There is not a clue as to how the ancient Egyptians generated fire.
The art of making fire by rubbing sticks of wood through rotation is, or has been, known to be universal across the African continent, just like in the two Americas at the time of discovery. There's no indication of how the ancient Egyptians created fire.
The Somalis are a pastoral people of Arab extraction, inhabiting a large maritime country south of the Gulf of Aden. Their fire-sticks (fig. 19) are pieces of branches of brownish wood of equal texture, in fact the hearth has formerly been used as a drill, as may be seen by its regularly-formed and charred end. This is another proof that it is not necessary that the sticks should be of different degrees of hardness. The grain of the wood, that of the drill being against and the hearth 553 with the grain, in effect accomplishes what the use of wood of different qualities results in. The hearth and drill are in the neighborhood of 12 inches long, the former with a diameter of three-eighths of an inch and the latter one-fourth of an inch. They were collected by Dr. Charles Pickering in 1843.
The Somalis are a pastoral people of Arab descent, living in a large coastal country south of the Gulf of Aden. Their fire-sticks (fig. 19) are made from pieces of brownish wood that have a uniform texture; in fact, the hearth has previously been used as a drill, as indicated by its regularly shaped and charred end. This further proves that it's not necessary for the sticks to have varying degrees of hardness. The grain of the wood, with the drill going against it and the hearth along with it, effectively achieves what using wood of different qualities would accomplish. The hearth and drill are about 12 inches long, with the former having a diameter of three-eighths of an inch and the latter a quarter of an inch. They were collected by Dr. Charles Pickering in 1843.
It is possible that the Somalis may have carried this method with them from Arabia. They conquered this coast, driving back the earlier tribes inhabiting the country in the early part of the fifteenth century. Long since that time, and even now, some Arab tribes practice the drilling of wooden sticks to produce fire.
It’s possible that the Somalis brought this method with them from Arabia. They took over this coast, pushing back the earlier tribes that lived in the area in the early 15th century. Since then, and even today, some Arab tribes still practice drilling wooden sticks to create fire.

Fig. 19. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 129971, U. S. N. M. Somalis, E. Africa. Collected by Dr. Charles Pickering. Lent by Peabody Museum through Prof. F. W. Putnam.)
Fig. 19. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 129971, U.S. National Museum. Somalis, East Africa. Collected by Dr. Charles Pickering. Loaned by Peabody Museum through Prof. F. W. Putnam.)

Fig 20. Taveita Africans Making Fire.
After H. H. Johnston. (See Jour. Soc. Arts, June 24, 1887.)
Fig 20. Taveita Africans Starting Fire.
After H. H. Johnston. (See Journal of Society of Arts, June 24, 1887.)
In eastern equatorial Africa the Wataveita, says Mr. H. H. Johnston, generate fire in the common African way by rapidly drilling a hard-pointed stick into a small hole in a flat piece of wood. An interesting bit of custom comes out in connection with this art among the people. “It is the exclusive privilege of the men, and the secret is handed down from father to son, and never under any conditions (as they say) revealed to women.” I asked one man why that was. “Oh,” he said, “if women knew how to make fire they would become our masters.”[25] The figure (fig. 20) shows how this people of the great Bantu stock make fire; this tribe visited by Mr. Johnston lives on the slopes of the beautiful Kilimanjaro Mountain.
In eastern equatorial Africa, the Wataveita, according to Mr. H. H. Johnston, create fire in the common African way by quickly drilling a hard-pointed stick into a small hole in a flat piece of wood. An interesting custom related to this practice among the people stands out. “It’s a privilege reserved for men, and the secret is passed down from father to son, never revealed to women under any circumstances,” they say. I asked one man why that is. “Oh,” he replied, “if women knew how to make fire, they would become our masters.” [25] The figure (fig. 20) shows how this group of the great Bantu stock creates fire; this tribe that Mr. Johnston visited lives on the slopes of the beautiful Kilimanjaro Mountain.
Mr. R. W. Felkin[26], in a study of the Maidu or Moru negroes of Central Africa, 5° north latitude, 30° 20′ east longitude, describes the fire-making of that tribe. He says that one piece of wood about the size and shape of a large pencil is rotated in a hole in a flat piece of hard wood. One man holds the wood steady whilst two others take it in turn to rotate the stick. This article of Mr. Felkin’s is commended to ethnologists as a model ethnologic study in method and research.
Mr. R. W. Felkin, in a study of the Maidu or Moru people of Central Africa, located at 5° north latitude and 30° 20′ east longitude, describes the tribe's fire-making techniques. He notes that one piece of wood, about the size and shape of a large pencil, is rotated in a hole in a flat piece of hard wood. One person holds the wood steady while two others take turns rotating the stick. This work by Mr. Felkin is recommended to ethnologists as an excellent example of ethnological study in terms of method and research.
That veteran and renowned explorer, Dr. Schweinfurth, gives the following:
That veteran and well-known explorer, Dr. Schweinfurth, provides the following:
The method of obtaining fire, practiced alike by the natives of the Nile lands and of the adjacent country in the Welle system, consists simply in rubbing together two hard sticks at right-angles to one another till a spark is emitted. The hard twigs of the Avona senegalensis are usually selected for the purpose. Underneath them is placed either a stone or something upon which a little pile of embers has been laid; the friction of the upper piece of wood wears a hole in the lower, and soon a spark is caught by the ashes and is fanned into a flame with dry grass, which is swung to and fro to cause a draught, the whole proceeding being a marvel which might well-nigh eclipse the magic of my lucifer matches.[27]
To start a fire, the locals from the Nile region and nearby areas in the Welle system typically rub two hard sticks together at right angles until a spark is created. They usually use hard twigs from the Avona senegalensis tree for this. They place a stone or something with a small pile of embers underneath; as the top stick rubs against the bottom one, it creates a hole, and soon a spark ignites the ashes. This is then turned into flames by fanning it with dry grass, moved back and forth to create airflow. Watching this process is quite fascinating, almost more impressive than using my strike-anywhere matches.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Kaffir fire-making is described in some detail in the following:
Kaffir fire-making is explained in detail in the following:
The Kaffir blacksmith never need trouble himself about the means of obtaining a fire. Should he set up his forge in the vicinity of a Kraal, the simplest plan is to send his assistant for a fire-brand from one of the huts. But if he should prefer, as is often the case, to work at some distance from the huts, he can procure fire with perfect certainty, though not without some labor. He first procures two sticks, one of them taken from a soft-wood tree and the other from an acacia or some other tree that furnishes a hard wood. Of course both sticks must be thoroughly dry, a condition about which there is little difficulty in so hot a climate. His next care is to shape one end of the hard stick into a point and to bore a small hole in the middle of the soft stick. He now squats down * * * places the pointed tip of the hard stick in the hole of the soft stick, and, taking the former between his hands, twirls it backwards and forwards with extreme rapidity. As he goes on the hole becomes enlarged and a small quantity of very fine dust falls into it, being rubbed away by the friction. Presently the dust is seen to darken in color, then to become nearly black, and presently a very slight smoke is seen to rise. The Kaffir now redoubles his efforts; he aids the effect of the revolving stick by his breath, and in a few more seconds the dust bursts into a flame. The exertion required by this operation is very severe, and by the time the fire manifests itself the producer is bathed in perspiration.
The Kaffir blacksmith never has to worry about getting fire. If he sets up his forge near a Kraal, the easiest option is to send his assistant to grab a fire-brand from one of the huts. But if he prefers, as he often does, to work further from the huts, he can still create fire, although it takes some effort. He starts by gathering two sticks: one from a soft-wood tree and the other from an acacia or another type of hard-wood tree. Of course, both sticks need to be completely dry, which is easy to find in such hot weather. Next, he shapes one end of the hard stick into a point and drills a small hole in the middle of the soft stick. He then squats down, places the pointed tip of the hard stick in the hole of the soft stick, and, holding the hard stick with both hands, spins it back and forth really fast. As he works, the hole gets bigger and fine dust collects in it from the friction. Soon, the dust starts to darken, then turns almost black, and eventually a little smoke begins to rise. The Kaffir intensifies his efforts; he supports the spinning stick with his breath, and in just a few more seconds, the dust ignites into a flame. This process is very demanding, and by the time the fire appears, he’s drenched in sweat.
Usually two men at least take part in fire-making, and by dividing the labor very much shorten the process. It is evident that if the perpendicular stick be thus worked, the hands must gradually slide down until they reach the point. The solitary Kaffir would then be obliged to stop the stick, shift his hands to the top, and begin again, thus losing much valuable time. But when two Kaffirs unite in fire-making, one sits opposite the other, and as soon as he sees that his comrade’s hands have nearly worked themselves down to the bottom of the stick he places his own hands on the top, continues the movement, and relieves his friend. Thus the movement of the stick is never checked for a moment, and the operation is consequently hastened. Moreover, considerable assistance is given by the second Kaffir keeping the dust properly arranged round the point of the stick and by taking the part of the bellows, so as to allow his comrade to expend all his strength in twirling.[28]
Usually, at least two men are involved in making fire, and by sharing the work, they greatly speed up the process. It's clear that if the vertical stick is being used this way, the hands will gradually slide down to the bottom. A single person would have to stop, move their hands back to the top, and start again, wasting a lot of time. But when two men work together, one sits across from the other, and as soon as he sees his partner's hands getting close to the bottom, he places his hands on top, keeps the motion going, and assists his friend. This way, the stick's movement is continuous, making the process faster. Additionally, the second person helps by keeping the dust around the stick's tip organized and acting as a bellows, allowing his partner to focus all his energy on twirling. __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
It is an anomaly that the African, to light the fire to smelt the iron out of which he forges his remarkable weapons, should use sticks of wood.
It’s unusual that the African, to start the fire for smelting the iron he uses to create his impressive weapons, relies on sticks of wood.
2. ESKIMO FOUR-PART APPARATUS.
The arts of the Eskimo yield more satisfactory results to students of comparative ethnology than those of any other people.
The arts of the Eskimo provide more valuable insights to students of comparative ethnology than those of any other culture.
In all their range the culture is uniform; one finds this fact forced upon his observation who has examined the series of specimens in the National Museum, where they are arranged in order by localities from Labrador to southern Alaska. Prof. Otis T. Mason’s paper on Eskimo throwing-sticks[29] gave a new interpretation to this fact and powerfully forwarded the study of ethnology by showing the classificatory value of the distribution of an art.
In all their variety, the culture is consistent; this becomes evident to anyone who has looked at the series of specimens in the National Museum, where they are organized by location from Labrador to southern Alaska. Prof. Otis T. Mason's paper on Eskimo throwing-sticks[29] provided a new perspective on this fact and significantly advanced the study of ethnology by demonstrating the classification value of how an art is distributed.
Professor Mason points out that though the Eskimo culture is uniform in general, in particular the arts show the modification wrought by surroundings and isolation—tribal individuality, it may be called—and admit of the arrangement of this people into a number of groups that have been subjected to these influences.
Professor Mason notes that while Eskimo culture is generally uniform, the arts specifically reflect changes brought on by their environment and isolation—what could be called tribal individuality—and allow for the categorization of these people into several groups that have been influenced by these factors.
The Eskimo fire-making tools in the Museum admit of an ethnographic arrangement, but in this paper it is not found necessary to make a close study of this kind. From every locality whence the Museum possesses a complete typical set, it has been figured and described.
The Eskimo fire-making tools in the Museum can be organized ethnographically, but this paper doesn’t require a detailed study of that sort. For every area where the Museum has a complete typical set, it has been illustrated and described.
The Eskimo are not singular in using a four-part apparatus, but are singular in the method of using it. The mouth-piece is the peculiar feature that is found nowhere else.
The Eskimo aren't unique in using a four-part tool, but they are unique in how they use it. The mouthpiece is the distinctive element that's not found anywhere else.
The drilling and fire-making set consists of four parts, viz:
The drilling and fire-making kit has four parts, namely:
The mouth-piece,—sometimes a mere block of wood, ivory, or even the simple concave vertebra of a fish, or the astragalus of a caribou. More often, they show great skill and care in their workmanship, being carved with truth to resemble bear, seals, whales, and walrus. The seal is the most common subject. The upper part is almost always worked out into a block, forming a grip for the teeth. The extent to which some of these are chewed attests the power of the Eskimo jaw. Frequently the piece is intended to be held in the hand, or in both hands, hence it has no teeth grip. In the under part is set a piece of stone, in which is hollowed out a cup-shaped cavity to hold the head of the drill. These stones seem to be selected as much for their appearance as for their anti-friction qualities. They use beautifully-mottled stone, marble, obsidian, and ringed concretions.
The mouthpiece—sometimes just a simple block of wood, ivory, or even the curved vertebra of a fish, or the ankle bone of a caribou. More often, they showcase great skill and care in their craftsmanship, carved accurately to resemble bears, seals, whales, and walruses. The seal is the most common design. The upper part is usually shaped into a block, providing a grip for the teeth. The degree to which some of these are chewed shows the strength of the Eskimo jaw. Often, the piece is meant to be held in one hand or both hands, so it doesn’t have a teeth grip. In the lower part, there's a piece of stone with a cup-shaped cavity hollowed out to hold the drill's head. These stones appear to be chosen for both their looks and their anti-friction properties. They use beautifully mottled stone, marble, obsidian, and ringed concretions.
The drill is always a short spindle, thicker than any other drill in the world. It is frequently of the same kind of wood as the hearth.
The drill is always a short spindle, thicker than any other drill in the world. It’s often made from the same type of wood as the hearth.
The thong is the usual accompaniment of the fire drill. It is rawhide of seal or other animals. The handles have a primitive appearance; they are nearly always made of bears’ teeth, hollow bones, or 556 bits of wood. Sometimes handles are dispensed with. Mr. Warren K. Moorhead found some perforated teeth in an Ohio mound that in every respect resemble the Eskimo cord handles. They have also been found in caves in Europe decorated with concentric circles like those on the Eskimo specimens.
The thong usually goes along with the fire drill. It's made from rawhide of seals or other animals. The handles look pretty basic; they're almost always made from bears’ teeth, hollow bones, or bits of wood. Sometimes, there are no handles at all. Mr. Warren K. Moorhead discovered some perforated teeth in an Ohio mound that look just like the cord handles used by Eskimos. They’ve also been found in caves in Europe adorned with concentric circles similar to those on the Eskimo pieces.
The bows are among the most striking specimens from this people. They are pared down with great waste from the tusks of the walrus, taking the graceful curve of the tusk. The Museum possesses one 24½ inches long. It is on their decoration that the Eskimo lavishes his utmost art. The bow does not lend itself well to sculpture, as does the mouth-piece; so he covers the smooth ivory with the most graphic and truthful engravings of scenes in the active hunting life in the Arctic, or he tallies on it the pictures of the reindeer, whales, seals, and other animals that he has killed.
The bows are some of the most impressive pieces from this culture. They're carefully shaped from walrus tusks, following the natural curve of the tusk. The Museum has one that's 24½ inches long. The Eskimo puts all of his artistic skill into the decoration of the bow. While the bow isn't great for sculpture like the mouthpiece is, he adorns the smooth ivory with detailed and realistic engravings of scenes from active hunting life in the Arctic, or he marks it with images of the reindeer, whales, seals, and other animals he's hunted.
Professor Baird was interested more with these bows than with any other Eskimo products, and desired to have them figured and studied.
Professor Baird was more interested in these bows than any other Eskimo products and wanted to have them illustrated and examined.
The bow is used by individuals in boring holes. It is presumed that its use as a fire-making tool is secondary, the cord and handles being the older. The difficulty of making fire is greatly increased when one man attempts to make it with the compound drill; at the critical moment the dust will fail to ignite; besides, there is no need of one man making fire; a thing that is for the common good will be shared by all. Hence the cord with handles, which usually requires that two men should work at the drill, is as a rule used by the Eskimo.
The bow is used by people to drill holes. It's believed that its role as a fire-making tool came later, with the cord and handles being the older elements. Making fire becomes much harder when one person tries to do it with the compound drill; at the crucial moment, the dust often won’t ignite. Plus, there's no reason for one person to make fire alone; something that benefits everyone is typically shared. Therefore, the cord with handles, which generally requires two people to operate the drill, is usually used by the Eskimo.
Though the Sioux, and some other North American tribes, made use of the bow to increase the speed of the drill, they did not use the thong with handles, nor was the bow common even in tribes of the Siouan stock that had attained to its use (see remarks p. 549). The bow may be termed a more advanced invention, allowing one man with ease to bore holes.
Though the Sioux and some other North American tribes used the bow to speed up the drilling process, they didn’t use the thong with handles, nor was the bow common even among the Siouan tribes that had started using it (see remarks p. 549). The bow can be considered a more advanced invention, enabling one person to drill holes with greater ease.
The hearth is made of any suitable wood. It is commonly stepped and has slots. The central hole with groove is also found. These hearths are preserved carefully, and fire has been made on some of them many times.
The hearth is made of any appropriate wood. It usually has a stepped design and features slots. There's also a central hole with a groove. These hearths are carefully maintained, and fire has been lit on some of them many times.
The distribution of the central-hole hearth (see fig. 21, pl. LXXIV), and the slot-and-step hearth (see fig. 36), is rather striking. The central holes are found in the specimens observed from the north coast of Alaska, Insular British America, and Greenland, exclusively. The stepped hearth with edge holes and slots is by far the more common in western Alaska, though the other method crops out occasionally; both ways are sometimes used in the same tribe. More often, the central holes are bored on a groove (fig. 34), which collects the ground-off particles and facilitates ignition. Rarely fire is made by working the drill on a plane surface, in single, non-connecting holes.
The distribution of the central-hole hearth (see fig. 21, pl. LXXIV), and the slot-and-step hearth (see fig. 36), is quite noticeable. The central holes are found in the specimens observed from the north coast of Alaska, Insular British America, and Greenland only. The stepped hearth with edge holes and slots is much more common in western Alaska, although the other method does appear from time to time; both methods are sometimes used within the same tribe. More often, the central holes are drilled on a groove (fig. 34), which collects the ground-off particles and makes it easier to ignite. Rarely is fire made by drilling on a flat surface, in single, non-connecting holes.
Plate 74.

Figs. 21, 22. Fire-making Set and Extra Hearth.
Cat. No. 10258, U. S. N. M. Frobisher Bay. Collected by Capt. C. F. Hall.
Figs. 21, 22. Fire Starter Kit and Extra Hearth.
Cat. No. 10258, U.S. N.M. Frobisher Bay. Collected by Captain C. F. Hall.

Fig. 22.
Fig. 22.

Fig. 23. Moss in a Leathern Case.
Cat. No. 10191, U. S. N. M. Collected by Capt. C. F. Hall.
Fig. 23. Moss in a Leather Bag.
Cat. No. 10191, U.S. N.M. Collected by Capt. C.F. Hall.

Fig. 24. Boring-set.
Cat. No. 34114, U. S. N. M. Cumberland Gulf. Collected by L. Kumlein.
Fig. 24. Boring set.
Cat. No. 34114, U. S. N. M. Cumberland Gulf. Collected by L. Kumlein.
The difference between these features is, that it is found to be more difficult to get fire by a single hole without groove, or slot, than when the latter features are added. The powder forms a ring around the edge of the hole, is liable to be dispersed, and does not get together in sufficient amount to reach the requisite heat for ignition. Of course this is obviated when a second hole is bored connecting with the first, when the latter becomes a receptacle for the powder.
The difference between these features is that it’s harder to start a fire using a single hole without a groove or slot than when those features are added. The powder tends to form a ring around the edge of the hole, is likely to scatter, and doesn’t accumulate enough to reach the necessary heat for ignition. This issue is resolved when a second hole is drilled connecting to the first, making the first hole a container for the powder.
It is found that these different ways are due to environmental modification, showing itself as remarkably in fire-making, as in any other Eskimo art. Both the stepped and central-hole hearth are different devices for the same end. The step on the hearth is to keep the pellet of glowing powder from falling off into the snow, so universal in Eskimo-land; hence, the simple hearth of primitive times and peoples of warmer climates has received this addition. The same reason caused the Eskimo to bore the holes in the middle of the block.
It’s found that these different methods are a result of changes in the environment, which is evident in fire-making just as much as in any other Eskimo art. Both the stepped hearth and the central-hole hearth are different tools for the same purpose. The step on the hearth prevents the glowing pellet from falling into the snow, which is common in Eskimo territories; therefore, the basic hearth used by earlier cultures and people in warmer climates has been modified with this feature. The same reason led the Eskimo to drill holes in the center of the block.
By following the distribution of the center hole method, a clew may perhaps be gotten to the migrations of the Eskimo.
By using the center hole distribution method, we might be able to gain insight into the migrations of the Eskimo.
From Labrador to Norton Sound, by the collections in the Museum, the center hole is alone used; south of Norton Sound both methods prevail, with a preponderance of the stepped-hearth species. The step seems to be an addition to the Indian hearth; the center is an independent invention.
From Labrador to Norton Sound, based on the collections in the Museum, only the center hole is used. South of Norton Sound, both methods are used, with a majority favoring the stepped-hearth style. The step appears to be an enhancement to the Indian hearth, whereas the center is a separate invention.
The operation of the drill is well told in the oft-quoted description by Sir. E. Belcher. The writer can attest to the additional statement, that the teeth of civilized man can scarcely stand the shock. He says:
The way the drill works is clearly explained in the frequently quoted description by Sir E. Belcher. I can confirm the added point that modern humans' teeth can hardly handle the impact. He says:
“The thong of the drill bow being passed twice around the drill, the upper end is steadied by a mouth-piece of wood, having a piece of the same stone imbedded, with a counter-sunk cavity. This, held firmly between the teeth, directs the tool. Any workman would be astonished at the performance of this tool on ivory; but having once tried it myself, I found the jar or vibration on the jaws, head, and brain, quite enough to prevent my repeating it.”[32]
“The strap of the bow drill is wrapped around the drill twice, and the top is secured with a wooden mouthpiece that has a piece of the same stone fitted into it, creating a recessed area. When held tightly between the teeth, this helps to control the tool. Any worker would be impressed by what this tool can achieve on ivory; however, after trying it myself, I found the intense vibration in my jaws, head, and brain was enough to keep me from doing it again.”__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
The ethnographical study of the Eskimo fire-drill begins with Labrador, including Greenland and following the distribution of the people among the islands and around the North American coast, to Kadiak Island and the Aleutian chain. The following is an interesting account from Labrador, showing what a man would do in the exigency:
The ethnographic study of the Eskimo fire drill starts in Labrador, then includes Greenland, and traces the movement of the people across the islands and along the North American coast, reaching Kadiak Island and the Aleutian chain. Here’s an intriguing story from Labrador that illustrates what a man would do in a tough situation:
He cut a stout stick from a neighboring larch, and taking out the leather thong with which his moccasins were tied, made a short bow and strung it. He then searched for a piece of dry wood, and having found it, cut it into shape, sharpened both ends, and twisted it once around the bowstring; he then took a bit of fungus from his pocket and put it into a little hole which he made in another dry piece of wood with the point of the knife. A third piece of dry wood was fashioned into a handle for his drill.[33]
He cut a thick stick from a nearby larch tree, and using the leather thong that held his moccasins together, he crafted a short bow and strung it. Next, he searched for a piece of dry wood, and after finding it, he shaped it, sharpened both ends, and twisted it once around the bowstring. Then he took a bit of fungus from his pocket and placed it into a small hole he carved in another piece of dry wood with the tip of his knife. A third piece of dry wood was shaped into a handle for his drill.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Eskimo in other localities often use such make-shifts. Cup cavities are often observed in the handles of knives and other bone and ivory tools where they have used them for heads of the fire-drill.
Eskimos in other regions often use similar makeshift solutions. Cup-shaped indentations are frequently seen in the handles of knives and other bone and ivory tools where they have been used as the heads of the fire drill.
Cumberland Gulf is the next locality to the northward. There are several specimens in the collection from this part of Baffin Land, procured by the famous explorer, Captain Hall, and the less known, but equally indefatigable Kumlein. The fire-making implements from Cumberland Gulf have a markedly different appearance from those of any other locality in the Eskimo area. They have a crude look, and there is a paucity of ornamention unusual among this people. The drill bow is one of the things which the Eskimo usually decorates, but these bows have not even a scratch.
Cumberland Gulf is the next area to the north. There are several samples in the collection from this part of Baffin Land, collected by the well-known explorer, Captain Hall, and the less famous, but equally tireless, Kumlein. The fire-making tools from Cumberland Gulf look noticeably different from those found in any other Eskimo area. They have a rough appearance, and there is a lack of decoration that's unusual for this culture. The drill bow is typically something the Eskimo decorates, but these bows don't even have a single mark on them.
It can be inferred that in Baffin Land, more unfavorable conditions prevail than in southern Alaska. It must be this cause coupled with poor food supply, that have conspired to make them the most wretched of the Eskimo.
It can be inferred that in Baffin Land, worse conditions exist than in southern Alaska. It must be this reason along with a lack of food that has combined to make them the most unfortunate of the Eskimo.
The hearth (fig. 21, pl. LXXIV) is of drift oak. It was collected at Frobisher Bay by Capt. Charles F. Hall. It has central holes, and appears to be very unfavorable wood for fire-making. The block hearth is also from Frobisher Bay (fig. 22, pl. LXXIV). It is an old piece of hemlock, with two central communicating holes. The mouth-piece is a block of ivory. Another mouth-piece is a bit of hard wood soaked in oil; it was used with a bone drill having an iron point. A very small, rude bow goes with this set (fig. 24).
The hearth (fig. 21, pl. L74) is made of drift oak. Capt. Charles F. Hall collected it at Frobisher Bay. It has central holes and seems to be poor wood for making fires. The block hearth is also from Frobisher Bay (fig. 22, pl. 74). It's an old piece of hemlock with two central connecting holes. The mouthpiece is a block of ivory. Another mouthpiece is a piece of hardwood soaked in oil; it was used with a bone drill that has an iron point. A very small, simple bow comes with this set (fig. 24).

Fig 25. Fire-making Set.
(Angmagsalik Eskimo, E. Greenland. Copied from G. Holm’s Ethnologisk of Angmagsalikerne, 1887.)
Fig 25. Fire Starter Kit.
(Angmagsalik Eskimo, East Greenland. Taken from G. Holm’s Ethnologisk of Angmagsalikerne, 1887.)
Our knowledge of eastern Greenland has been very much increased by the explorations of Holm and Garde, who reached a village on the east coast never before visited by a white man. Extensive collections were made, both of information and specimens. In reference to fire-making, Mr. Holm reports:
Our understanding of eastern Greenland has significantly grown thanks to the explorations by Holm and Garde, who arrived at a village on the east coast that had never been visited by a white person before. They gathered a lot of information and samples. Regarding fire-making, Mr. Holm reports:
“They make fire by turning a hard stick, of which the socket end is dipped in train oil, very rapidly around by means of a sealskin thong with handles. This stick is fixed at one end into a head set with bone, and the other end is pressed down into a cavity on the lower piece of wood (fig. 25). Therefore there must be two persons in order to make a fire. One turns the drill with the cord, while the other presses it down on the hearth; both support the block with their feet. As soon as the dust begins to burn they fan it with the hand. When it is ignited, they take it and put it into dried moss (sphagnum), blow it, and soon get a blaze. In this way they make a fire in an incredibly short time.”[34]
“They create fire by quickly spinning a hard stick, with one end dipped in train oil, using a sealskin thong with handles. One end of this stick is secured in a bone head, while the other end presses into a groove on a lower piece of wood (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__). This process requires two people to start a fire. One person spins the drill with the cord while the other presses it down on the hearth; both support the block with their feet. As soon as the dust begins to smolder, they fan it with their hands. Once it catches fire, they place it in dried moss (sphagnum), blow on it, and soon get a flame. This technique allows them to light a fire in a remarkably short amount of time.”__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
In the preliminary report, Mr. Holm gives the time at almost less than half a minute. It was made by the Eskimo, Illinguaki, and his wife, who, on being presented with a box of matches, gave up their drill, saying that they had no farther use for it.
In the preliminary report, Mr. Holm states the time as almost under thirty seconds. It was given by the Eskimo, Illinguaki, and his wife, who, after receiving a box of matches, stopped using their drill, saying they no longer needed it.
In the same report Mr. Holm gives an interesting note. He says:
In the same report, Mr. Holm includes an interesting note. He says:
This fire apparatus is certainly better developed than that which has been described and drawn by Nordenskiöld from the Chukchis (Voy. of the Vega, II, p. 126). The principle is the same as the Greenlander’s drill, which they employ for making holes in wood and bone, and which is furnished with a bow and mouth-piece.[35] (fig. 26.)
This fire tool is clearly more advanced than the one described and shown by Nordenskiöld from the Chukchis (Voy. of the Vega, II, p. 126). The idea is similar to the drill used by the Greenlanders, which they use to make holes in wood and bone, and it includes a bow and mouthpiece.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__ (__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__.)

Fig. 26. Boring Set.
(Angmagsalik Eskimo, E. Greenland. G. Holm’s Ethnologisk of Angmagsalikerne.)
Fig. 26. Boring Collection.
(Angmagsalik Eskimo, East Greenland. G. Holm’s Ethnological Study of the Angmagsalik People.)
The central holes of this hearth are worthy of note, occurring in the farthest eastern locality of the Eskimo, and in Labrador.
The central holes of this hearth are worth mentioning, found in the easternmost region of the Eskimo and in Labrador.
Western Greenland.—The material in the Museum from western Greenland is very scanty. The southern coast has been settled for so long a time that the Eskimo and many of their arts have almost become extinct. No view of fire-making in Greenland would be complete without Davis’s quaint description of it, made three hundred years ago, but it was the upper end of the spindle that was wet in Trane. A Greenlander “begaune to kindle a fire in this manner: He tooke a piece of a boord wherein was a hole half thorow; into that hole he puts the end of a round sticke like unto a bedstaffe, wetting the end thereof in Trane, and in a fashion of a turner with a piece of lether, by his violent motion doeth very speedily produce fire.”[36]
Western Greenland.—The materials in the Museum from western Greenland are quite limited. The southern coast has been inhabited for such a long time that the Eskimo culture and many of their traditional arts are nearly gone. No account of fire-making in Greenland would be complete without Davis’s unique description from three hundred years ago, but it was the upper end of the spindle that was wet in Trane. A Greenlander "began to start a fire this way: He took a piece of wood with a hole cut halfway through; into that hole, he placed the end of a round stick like a bedpost, wetting the end in Trane, and like a lathe worker with a piece of leather, his vigorous motion quickly produced fire."[36]
Eskimo graves and village sites yield evidence also that the fire-making tools were not different from those at present used higher north along the coast, and on the east coast.
Eskimo graves and village sites also provide evidence that the fire-making tools were similar to those currently used further north along the coast and on the east coast.
Dr. Bessels, speaking of Itah Eskimo of Foulke Fiord in Smith Sound, says: “The catkins of the arctic willow are used as tinder to catch the sparks produced by grinding two pieces of stone. Also the widely diffused ‘fire-drill’ is found here; the spindle is held between a piece of bone and a fragment of semi-decayed wood, and is set in motion by the well-known bow, and is turned until the wood begins to ignite.”[37]
Dr. Bessels, discussing the Itah Eskimo of Foulke Fiord in Smith Sound, says: “The catkins of the arctic willow are used as tinder to catch the sparks created by grinding two pieces of stone. The popular ‘fire-drill’ is also found here; the spindle is held between a piece of bone and a piece of semi-decayed wood, and is set in motion by the familiar bow, turning it until the wood starts to ignite.”[37]
The “fire-bag” is an accompaniment to all sorts of fire-making apparatus. The fire-bag shown (fig. 27, pl. LXXV) was collected by Captain Hall, at Holsteinberg, western Greenland in 1860. It is made of sealskin, and is a good specimen of the excellent needlework of these Eskimo. It was used to carry, more especially, the fire-drill and tinder which require to be kept very dry.
The “fire-bag” is used with various fire-making tools. The fire-bag shown (fig. 27, pl. 75) was collected by Captain Hall at Holsteinberg, western Greenland in 1860. It’s made of sealskin and is a great example of the impressive needlework done by these Eskimos. It was primarily used to carry the fire-drill and tinder, which needed to be kept very dry.
There is a wide gap in the collections of the Museum between the locality of the specimen just mentioned, and the fire hearth from the Mackenzie River (fig. 28). This specimen is from Fort Simpson presumably, where B. R. Ross collected. It is said to be difficult to discriminate the Eskimo from the Indian on the lower Mackenzie. This hearth may be Indian, as it has that appearance; besides, no Eskimo hearth yet observed has side holes and slots like this without the step. The Indians of this region are of the great Athapascan stock of the North. The close resemblance of this stick to the one from the Washoans of Nevada has been commented upon. (See fig. 6, p. 537.)
There is a significant gap in the Museum's collections between the location of the previously mentioned specimen and the fire hearth from the Mackenzie River (fig. 28). This specimen is likely from Fort Simpson, where B. R. Ross collected it. It’s said to be hard to tell the difference between the Eskimo and the Indian populations along the lower Mackenzie. This hearth could be Indian since it looks that way; also, no Eskimo hearth observed so far has side holes and slots like this one without a step. The Indians in this area belong to the large Athapascan group of the North. The close similarity of this stick to one from the Washoans of Nevada has been noted. (See fig. 6, p. 537.)
There is also a very fine old central-hole hearth from the Mackenzie River, collected also by Mr. Ross. It is a rough billet of branch wood, cut apparently with an axe, or hatchet (fig. 29). It is semi-decayed and worm-eaten. It has ten central holes where fire has been made; they are quite deep, forming a gutter in the middle of the hearth. There is, as can be seen, no need of a groove, as the dust falls over into the next hole, collects in a mass, and ignites.
There’s a really nice old central-hole hearth from the Mackenzie River, also collected by Mr. Ross. It's a rough piece of branch wood, clearly cut with an axe or hatchet (fig. 29). It's partially decayed and infested with worms. There are ten central holes where fire has been made; they’re fairly deep, creating a gutter in the center of the hearth. As you can see, there’s no need for a groove since the ash falls into the next hole, piles up, and ignites.

Fig. 28. Lower Part of Fire-making Set (on one end is gum for cement).
(Cat. No. 1978, U. S. N. M. Mackenzie River, B. C. Collected by B. R. Ross.)
Fig. 28. Bottom of Fire Starter Set (one end has gum for adhesive).
(Cat. No. 1978, U.S. N.M. Mackenzie River, B.C. Collected by B.R. Ross.)

Fig. 29. Lower Part of Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 1963, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Mackenzie River, B. C. Collected by B. R. Ross.)
Fig. 29. Bottom of Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 1963, U. S. N. M. Eskimo from Mackenzie River, B. C. Collected by B. R. Ross.)
Plate 75.

Fig. 27. Fire-bag.
Cat. No. 10128, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Holsteinberg, West Greenland. Collected by Capt. C. F. Hall.
Fig. 27. Fire bag.
Cat. No. 10128, U. S. N. M. Eskimo from Holsteinberg, West Greenland. Collected by Captain C. F. Hall.
The Anderson River set is a very complete and interesting outfit. It was collected many years ago by C. P. Gaudet. The parts are small for convenience of carrying. It is the custom of those who live in snow-covered regions to wrap the drill and hearth together very carefully to keep them dry, as these are the essential parts of the apparatus. It does not matter about the mouth-piece or bow. In this example there is a groove cut along the bottom of the hearth in order to facilitate tying the drill and hearth securely together. The hearth is a square block of soft wood with three central holes (fig. 30).
The Anderson River set is a complete and interesting kit. It was collected many years ago by C. P. Gaudet. The parts are small for easy transport. People living in snowy areas usually wrap the drill and hearth together carefully to keep them dry, as these are the key components of the setup. The mouthpiece or bow isn't as important. In this example, there’s a groove cut along the bottom of the hearth to help tie the drill and hearth securely together. The hearth is a square block of soft wood with three center holes (fig. 30).
The other parts of this set are also worthy of consideration. The mouth-piece is set with a square piece of black stone. The part held in the mouth is very much chewed. One of the wings has a hole for tying, as has the hearth.
The other parts of this set are also worth noting. The mouthpiece has a square piece of black stone. The part you hold in your mouth is quite worn down from chewing. One of the wings has a hole for tying, just like the hearth.
This is an usual Eskimo precaution to prevent small objects from being lost in the snow. The drill is short, being only 7 inches long. The bow is the fibula of a deer, pierced at each end for the frayed thong of sealskin. It has a primitive look, but it admirably serves its purpose.
This is a typical Inuit precaution to stop small items from getting lost in the snow. The drill is short, measuring just 7 inches long. The bow is made from a deer's fibula, with holes at each end for the frayed sealskin thong. It looks primitive, but it serves its purpose very well.
The Point Barrow set was collected by the most successful expedition under charge of Lieut. P. H. Ray, U. S. Army. The knuckle-bone of a deer serves as a mouth-piece, the cup cavity and its general shape fitting it for the purpose admirably.
The Point Barrow set was gathered by the most successful expedition led by Lieut. P. H. Ray, U.S. Army. The knuckle bone of a deer acts as a mouthpiece, with the cup shape and cavity making it perfect for this purpose.

Fig. 30. Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 1327 U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Anderson River, B. C. Collected by C. P. Gaudet.)
Fig. 30. Fire Starter Kit.
(Cat. No. 1327 U. S. N. M. Eskimo from Anderson River, B.C. Collected by C. P. Gaudet.)
The drill is regularly made of light pine wood; it is slightly smaller in the middle. The hearth is a rudely rounded piece of pine. A fragment has been split off, and on this surface a groove has been cut and three fire-holes bored along it. The thong is without handles; it is used to tie the parts together when they are not in 562 use. A bunch of willow twigs, the down of which is used as tinder, is also shown (fig. 31).
The drill is usually made of light pine wood and is a bit narrower in the middle. The hearth is a roughly rounded piece of pine. A section has been split off, and on this surface, a groove has been cut with three fire-holes drilled along it. The thong doesn’t have handles; it’s used to tie the parts together when they're not in use. A bundle of willow twigs, which has down used as tinder, is also shown (fig. 31).
This set is especially interesting, because it shows the degeneration of an art. The fire-drill is so rarely used at Point Barrow, Mr. John Murdoch says, that it was not possible to get a full set devoted to that purpose. Those here shown are a make-shift. The method only survives by the conservatism of a few old men of the tribe, who still cling to old usages. One of these made the drill for Lieutenant Ray, telling him that it was the kind used in old times. It seems primitive enough; the knuckle-bone might well have been the first mouth-piece. The Eskimo farther east sometimes use a fish vertebra for the same purpose; one from the Anderson River has this. The cord without handles is undoubtedly the earliest form also.
This collection is particularly fascinating because it demonstrates the decline of an art form. Mr. John Murdoch notes that the fire-drill is so rarely used at Point Barrow that it was impossible to gather a complete set for that purpose. The items displayed here are makeshift. This method has only persisted due to the traditions upheld by a few elderly members of the tribe who still hold on to old practices. One of these elders crafted the drill for Lieutenant Ray, telling him it was the kind used in ancient times. It seems quite primitive; the knuckle-bone could easily have been the first mouthpiece. Eskimos further east sometimes use a fish vertebra for the same purpose; one from the Anderson River is included here. The cord without handles is likely the earliest version as well.
The small wooden and bone mouth-pieces of the Eskimo east of Point Barrow to Cumberland Gulf seem to be copies of the deer knuckle-bone. Another primitive adaptation is found in an Anderson River bow, which is made of the fibula of a deer (see fig. 30).
The small wooden and bone mouthpieces of the Eskimo east of Point Barrow to Cumberland Gulf appear to be replicas of the deer knuckle-bone. Another basic adaptation can be found in a bow from Anderson River, which is crafted from a deer's fibula (see fig. 30).
The fire-making drill collected from the Chukchis by the Vega expedition in the Cape Wankerem region, in northeastern Siberia, about the same latitude as Point Barrow, is figured in Nordenskiöld’s Report.[38] It is worked by a bow, and the drill turns in a mouth-piece of a deer astragalus like the Point Barrow specimen. The block has central holes, with short grooves running into each one.
The fire-making drill gathered from the Chukchis by the Vega expedition in the Cape Wankerem area of northeastern Siberia, around the same latitude as Point Barrow, is illustrated in Nordenskiöld’s Report.[38] It’s operated by a bow, and the drill spins in a mouthpiece made from a deer’s astragalus, similar to the Point Barrow example. The block has central holes, with short grooves extending into each one.

Fig. 31. Fire-making Set (with mouth-piece of deer’s knuckle-bone, thong, and tinder of willow catkins).
(Cat. No. 89822. U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Point Barrow, Alaska. Collected by Lieut. P. H. Ray, U. S. A.)
Fig. 31. Fire Kit (featuring a mouthpiece made from a deer's knuckle bone, a thong, and tinder from willow catkins).
(Cat. No. 89822. U.S. N.M. Eskimo of Point Barrow, Alaska. Collected by Lieut. P.H. Ray, U.S.A.)
Nordenskiöld’s description of the manner of making fire is very detailed. 563 He records that the “women appear to be more accustomed than the men to the use of this implement.”
Nordenskiöld’s description of how to make fire is very detailed. 563 He notes that the “women seem to be more familiar with this tool than the men.”
He gives also a most interesting observation on the use of a weighted pump drill among the Chukchis. The Chukchis also use flint and steel.[39]
He also makes a really interesting observation about the use of a weighted pump drill by the Chukchis. The Chukchis also use flint and steel.[39]
The drilling set from Point Barrow (pl. LXXVI, fig. 32), will show the appearance of the parts of the fire-drill if we substitute the round stick for the flint drill. Some of the old drill stocks are pointed with finely chipped flint heads. The length of these points varies from 2 to 4 inches; the transverse section of one would be a parabola. They are in general more finely wrought than any of the prehistoric drills found in various localities all over the world. Prehistoric man was an adept in the art of drilling stone, bone, and shell; the stone tubes, some of them 18 inches long, bored very truly, are triumphs of the American Indians. Without doubt the prehistoric drill points were mounted like the Eskimo specimen, and were, perhaps, twirled between the hands, the almost universal method of using the fire-drill. Japanese carpenters drill holes in this way.
The drilling set from Point Barrow (pl. LXXVI, fig. 32) shows the features of the fire-drill parts when we replace the round stick with the flint drill. Some of the old drill stocks have pointed tips made from finely chipped flint. The length of these points ranges from 2 to 4 inches, and the cross-section of one is shaped like a parabola. Generally, they are more finely crafted than any prehistoric drills found in various parts of the world. Prehistoric people were skilled at drilling into stone, bone, and shell; the stone tubes, some as long as 18 inches, which were drilled accurately, are impressive works of the American Indians. It's likely that the prehistoric drill points were attached similarly to the Eskimo specimen and were probably twirled between the hands, which is the nearly universal way to use the fire-drill. Japanese carpenters drill holes in this manner.
The winged mouth-piece is also a good example of workmanship. It is set with a mottled, homogeneous stone that is tolerably soft, which gives a minimum friction. This stone is much affected by the tribes over quite an extent of coast for labrets, etc. It is probably an article of trade as are flints. The bow is of walrus tusk, accurately made, but poorly engraved in comparison with the life-like art work of the southern Eskimo.
The winged mouthpiece is also a great example of craftsmanship. It's made with a speckled, uniform stone that's relatively soft, which minimizes friction. This stone is highly sought after by various tribes along a large stretch of coastline for labrets and similar items. It's likely a trade item, just like flint. The bow is made from walrus tusk, well-crafted, but the engraving isn't as detailed compared to the lifelike artwork of the southern Eskimo.
Another drilling set is from Sledge Island (pl. LXXVII, fig. 33). The Museum has no fire-making specimen from this locality. The drill stock is set with a point of jadeite lashed in with sinew cord. The bow is of walrus ivory; it is rounded on the belly and flat on the back. All Eskimo bows of ivory have a like curve, no doubt determined by the shape of the walrus tusk. In another, the most common form of the bow, its section is nearly an isosceles triangle, one angle coming in the center of the belly of the bow. The head is intended to be held in one or both hands; it agrees in form with the rude St. Lawrence Island heads.
Another drilling set comes from Sledge Island (pl. 77, fig. 33). The Museum lacks a fire-making specimen from this area. The drill stock is fitted with a jadeite point secured with sinew cord. The bow is made of walrus ivory; it has a rounded belly and a flat back. All Eskimo ivory bows share this curve, likely shaped by the walrus tusk. In another common type of bow, its cross-section is nearly an isosceles triangle, with one angle positioned at the center of the bow's belly. The head is designed to be held in one or both hands and resembles the crude head shapes from St. Lawrence Island.
Mr. E. W. Nelson collected at Unalakleet, in Norton Sound, a fire-drill, and the native names of the parts. The name of the set is ŏŏ-jŏŏ-gŭ-tat; the mouth-piece, nă-ghŏŏ-tuk; the drill, ŏŏ-jŏŏ-ga-tuk; the hearth of tinder-wood, athl-uk; the bow, arshu-lŏw-shuk-pish-ik-sin-uk.
Mr. E. W. Nelson collected a fire-drill at Unalakleet in Norton Sound, along with the native names for its parts. The set is called ŏŏ-jŏŏ-gŭ-tat; the mouthpiece is nă-ghŏŏ-tuk; the drill is ŏŏ-jŏŏ-ga-tuk; the hearth for the tinder is athl-uk; and the bow is arshu-lŏw-shuk-pish-ik-sin-uk.
Plate 76.

Fig. 32. Boring-set.
Cat. Nos. 89400, 89424, and 89630, U. S. N. M. Point Barrow, Alaska. Collected by Lieut. P. H. Ray, U. S. A.
Fig. 32. Boring set.
Catalog Numbers 89400, 89424, and 89630, U.S. National Museum. Point Barrow, Alaska. Collected by Lieutenant P. H. Ray, U.S. Army.
Plate 77.

Fig. 33. Drilling-set.
Cat. Nos. 25021, 44978, and 45108, U. S. N. M. Sledge Island, Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson.
Fig. 33. Drilling rig.
Cat. Nos. 25021, 44978, and 45108, U.S. N.M. Sledge Island, Alaska. Collected by E.W. Nelson.
This is a complete set (fig. 34) in first-rate order. The hearth has central holes along a deep median groove. Its bottom is flat, and it is rounded off on the sides and ends. All the parts are of pine wood, decorated in places with red paint. The drill is quite long, much longer than in any Eskimo set observed. It resembles more the Indian drill 564 for rubbing between the hands. The bow is of wood, which also is quite the exception in other Eskimo regions, where it is of ivory. There are many bows of antler from Norton Sound in the Museum, some of them skillfully and truthfully engraved. The mouth-piece is plain; not very well made. It is set with a square block of marble. It has the usual hole in one of the wings for the passage of a thong.
This is a complete set (fig. 34) in great condition. The hearth has central holes along a deep middle groove. Its bottom is flat, and the sides and ends are rounded. All the parts are made of pine wood, with some areas decorated in red paint. The drill is quite long, much longer than in any observed Eskimo set. It more closely resembles the Indian drill used for rubbing between the hands. The bow is made of wood, which is unusual in other Eskimo regions where it's typically made of ivory. There are many bows made of antler from Norton Sound in the Museum, some of which are skillfully and accurately engraved. The mouthpiece is plain and not very well made. It's fitted with a square block of marble. It has the usual hole in one of the wings for passing a thong.

Fig. 34. Fire-making Set (hearth showing median groove).
(Cat. No. 33166, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Norton Sound, Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson.)
Fig. 34. Fire Starter Kit (hearth showing center groove).
(Cat. No. 33166, U.S. N.M. Eskimo of Norton Sound, Alaska. Collected by E.W. Nelson.)

Fig. 35. Lower Piece of Fire-making Set (hearth).
(Cat. No. 39601, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Cape Vancouver, Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson.)
Fig. 35. Lower Fire-making Kit (hearth).
(Cat. No. 39601, U. S. N. M. Eskimo from Cape Vancouver, Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson.)
Cape Vancouver is represented by a fine old hearth. This object has evidently been prized by its owner; it has had two rows of fire-holes (fig. 35), one row bored on the step in front of the first holes made; some of the holes are bored clear through. The reason why this was valued is, because the wood is so tindery that it is easy to make fire upon it.
Cape Vancouver is represented by a nice old hearth. This object has clearly been treasured by its owner; it has two rows of fire holes (fig. 35), with one row drilled on the step in front of the first holes made; some of the holes go all the way through. The reason it was valued is that the wood is so tinder-like that it's easy to start a fire with it.
Chalitmute, in the Kuskokwim region, on the northern side of the bay of that name, opposite Nunivak Island, is the next locality southward, to be considered. The parts of this set are exceptionally well-finished. The hearth is (pl. LXXVIII, fig. 36) stepped. It has four holes prepared for use; on one, fire has been made. The drill is unusually thick. The mouth-piece has no teeth-grip, and there is no evidence that it was ever held in the mouth. It is intended to be held in the hand. This mouth-piece is set with an oval socket-stone of black obsidian, ground down into facets and polished. The cord handles are fine, large teeth of the sea lion. The centers of the circles so characteristic of Eskimo art, are inlaid with wood. The holes for the drill cord are narrow; they must have been dug through with a sharp, narrow instrument. As before remarked, this is the region where the hand rest is more used than the mouth-piece, and the bow is not used at all.
Chalitmute, located in the Kuskokwim region on the northern side of the bay of the same name, directly across from Nunivak Island, is the next area to consider moving southward. The items in this collection are exceptionally well-crafted. The hearth is stepped (pl. L78, fig. 36). It has four holes prepared for use; one of them has been used for a fire. The drill is unusually thick. The mouthpiece doesn't have a grip for the teeth, and there’s no sign that it was ever held in the mouth. It’s designed to be held in the hand. This mouthpiece features an oval socket stone made of black obsidian, shaped with facets and polished. The cord handles are made from the fine, large teeth of a sea lion. The centers of the characteristic circles in Eskimo art are inlaid with wood. The holes for the drill cord are narrow, likely drilled through with a sharp, thin tool. As previously mentioned, this region uses the hand rest more than the mouthpiece, and the bow is not used at all.
The fire-making set from the Togiak River, was collected in 1886, by Sergt. I. Applegate, of the U. S. Signal Corps. Kassianamute, from which village it comes, is in the Bristol Bay region, but this set has a different appearance from the former outfits (pl. LXXIX., fig. 37). The hearth is a block of wood worked out at one end into a handle. It is remarkable in having central holes not connecting, and with no connecting grooves. In this it closely resembles the block from East Greenland (fig. 25). This hearth is of soft, tindery wood, and doubtless when the holes became too deep to allow the powder to mass around the edge, the upper part of hearth was scarped down. The mouth-piece is large, and is in the form of a seal. It has only a shallow, crescentic teeth-grip; from the size of the mouth-piece, its shape, and the absence of a block to fasten between the teeth, it must have been nearly always held in the hand of one of the operators. It is set with a round pebble, mottled with green. The cord is a thong of rawhide with handles of wood.
The fire-making set from the Togiak River was collected in 1886 by Sgt. I. Applegate of the U.S. Signal Corps. Kassianamute, the village it comes from, is in the Bristol Bay area, but this set looks different from earlier ones (pl. LXXIX., fig. 37). The hearth is a block of wood shaped on one end to form a handle. It’s notable for having central holes that don’t connect to each other, and it has no connecting grooves. This design closely resembles the block from East Greenland (fig. 25). This hearth is made of soft, fibrous wood, and when the holes became too deep to let the powder accumulate around the edge, the top part of the hearth was shaved down. The mouthpiece is large and shaped like a seal. It has only a shallow, crescent-shaped grip for teeth; based on the size and shape of the mouthpiece and the lack of a block for fastening between the teeth, it must have mostly been held in the hand by one of the users. It’s set with a round, mottled green pebble. The cord is a rawhide thong with wooden handles.
The next locality is Koggiung, on the southern shore of Bristol Bay, near its head. Two sets are shown from this locality. From the hearths it will be seen that both fire-slots on the side and center holes are used here. These sets are called nŭ-tshŭn (fig. 38). The apparatus shown in figure 38 has the stepped hearth. Both drill and hearth apparently have been made for sale. The mouth-piece is a good one, set with a large socket-piece of a black stone with green mottlings. This stone is tolerably soft. It is much used by the Bristol Bay Eskimo for making labrets, etc. The teeth-grip is very shallow. The hearth (fig. 39) is of a very peculiar shape; only one other has been noticed like it. The wood is of the best kind, and fire has been made on it a number of times. In several places the holes have been bored clear through. The mouth-piece bears no evidence that it has been held between the teeth. It is highly probable that fire was made on these outfits more often by two persons, one holding the mouth-piece, or rest, and fanning the flame, the other pulling the cord. This must be the method in Bristol Bay. Neither the true mouth-piece nor any bow has been procured by the Museum from this interesting region, from whence there are copious collections of ethnological objects. The cords without handles are worthy of notice.
The next location is Koggiung, on the southern shore of Bristol Bay, near its head. Two sets are shown from this area. From the hearths, you'll see that both side fire-slots and center holes are used here. These sets are called nŭ-tshŭn (fig. 38). The device shown in figure 38 has a stepped hearth. Both the drill and hearth seem to have been made for sale. The mouthpiece is well-crafted, featuring a large socket made of black stone with green mottlings. This stone is fairly soft and is commonly used by the Bristol Bay Eskimo for making labrets and other items. The teeth grip is very shallow. The hearth (fig. 39) has a very unique shape; only one other similar piece has been found. The wood is of the highest quality, and it has been used for fire multiple times. In several places, the holes have been bored all the way through. The mouthpiece shows no signs of being held between the teeth. It's highly likely that fire was made with these tools more often by two people—one holding the mouthpiece or rest and fanning the flame, while the other pulls the cord. This seems to be the method used in Bristol Bay. The Museum has not acquired the true mouthpiece or any bow from this intriguing region, which has a rich collection of ethnological artifacts. The cords without handles deserve special mention.
Plate 78.

Fig. 36. Fire-making set.
Cat. Nos. 36325 and 37961. U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Chalitmute (Kuskokwim Region), Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson.
Fig. 36. Fire starter kit.
Cat. Nos. 36325 and 37961. U.S. N.M. Eskimo from Chalitmute (Kuskokwim Region), Alaska. Collected by E. W. Nelson.
Plate 79.

Fig. 37. Fire-making Set.
Cat. No. 127520, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Kassianamute (Togiak Region), Alaska. Collected by S. Applegate.
Fig. 37. Fire Starter Kit.
Cat. No. 127520, U.S. N.M. Eskimo from Kassianamute (Togiak Region), Alaska. Collected by S. Applegate.

Fig. 38. Fire-making Set (hearth with step and five slots).
(Cat. No. 127819a, U. S. N. M. Koggiung, Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by W. J. Fisher.)
Fig. 38. Fire Starter Kit (hearth with step and five slots).
(Cat. No. 127819a, U. S. N. M. Koggiung, Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by W. J. Fisher.)

Fig. 39. Fire-Making Set (hearth with central holes and end step).
(Cat. No. 127819b, U. S. N. M. Koggiung, Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by W. J. Fisher.)
Fig. 39. Fire Starter Kit (hearth with central holes and end step).
(Cat. No. 127819b, U.S. N.M. Koggiung, Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by W.J. Fisher.)
Plate 80.

Fig. 40. Fire-making Set.
Cat. No. 55938, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by Charles McKay.
Fig. 40. Fire Starter Kit.
Cat. No. 55938, U.S. N.M. Eskimo from Bristol Bay, Alaska. Collected by Charles McKay.
Another set from Bristol Bay is said by its collector, Charles McKay, to be used by both Eskimo and Indians. It is a very valuable outfit because of its completeness (pl. LXXX, fig. 40). The hearth is a rounded piece of wood with four large holes opening by slots onto the step. The drill is a thick, tolerably hard piece of close-grained wood like the hearth. The mouth-piece has no regular block for the teeth-grip, but has a crescentic gash on each side instead. It is set with a socket of a rock resembling marble. Nearly all the mouth-pieces south of Norton Sound are in the shape of seals, or other long animals. Cord handles are used attached to a thick thong of buckskin. Fungus is used for tinder and a blaze is started with cones of the larch. These are kept in the box, the lid of which is tied on with a thong.
Another set from Bristol Bay is said by its collector, Charles McKay, to be used by both Eskimos and Native Americans. It’s a very valuable outfit because of its completeness (pl. LXXX, fig. 40). The hearth is a rounded piece of wood with four large holes that connect to slots on the step. The drill is a thick, fairly hard piece of close-grained wood, like the hearth. The mouthpiece doesn’t have a regular block for a tooth grip but has a crescent-shaped cut on each side instead. It’s fitted with a rock socket that looks like marble. Nearly all the mouthpieces south of Norton Sound are shaped like seals or other long animals. Cord handles are used, attached to a thick thong of buckskin. Fungus is used for tinder, and a fire is started with larch cones. These are kept in a box, the lid of which is tied on with a thong.
Kadiak, the lowest limit of the western Eskimo, is as far south as the four part fire-drill extends by specimens in the Museum (fig. 41). The hearth is of cedar wood with three central holes with a connecting groove. It is neatly finished. The drill is also of cedar and bears the marks of the use of the thong; the top has also been used in the socket of a rest. The drill approaches in length those used for twirling between the hands by the Indians.
Kadiak, the southernmost point of the western Eskimo territory, is as far south as the four-part fire-drill found in the Museum (fig. 41). The hearth is made of cedar wood and features three central holes connected by a groove. It has a polished finish. The drill is also made of cedar and shows signs of having been used with a thong; the top has also been used in the socket of a rest. The drill's length is similar to those used for twirling between the hands by Native Americans.
While the Aleutians use flint and steel, or a stone containing quartz and pyrites, struck against another stone, they still make use of the four-part drill at certain times. Hunting parties, says Mr. L. M. Turner, carry the drill to use when their matches run out. It takes two men to work it, one holding the hand rest and the other pulling the thong. The spindle is made of harder wood, so as to wear the light dust which ignites, from the hearth. A moment only is necessary to get fire; this is fed with tinder made of willow catkins and powdered charcoal. Sometimes, in order to get fire, they hold tinder at the mouth of a gun and ignite it by firing off a light charge of loose powder.
While the Aleutians use flint and steel, or a stone with quartz and pyrites struck against another stone, they still occasionally use a four-part drill. Hunting parties, according to Mr. L. M. Turner, carry the drill to use when their matches run out. It takes two people to operate it, one holding the hand rest and the other pulling the thong. The spindle is made of a harder wood to create the fine dust needed to ignite from the hearth. It only takes a moment to get a fire; this is fed with tinder made from willow catkins and powdered charcoal. Sometimes, to start a fire, they hold tinder at the mouth of a gun and ignite it by firing off a small charge of loose powder.

Fig. 41. Lower Piece and Spindle of Fire-making Set.
(Cat. No. 72514, U. S. N. M. Eskimo of Kadiak Island, Alaska. Collected by W. J. Fisher.)
Fig. 41. Lower piece and spindle of fire-making set.
(Cat. No. 72514, U.S. N.M. Eskimo from Kadiak Island, Alaska. Collected by W.J. Fisher.)
Possessed of four methods of getting fire, the Aleutian is superior to more fortunately situated people who depend wholly on matches.
Possessing four ways to start a fire, the Aleutian is better off than those who rely entirely on matches.
II. FIRE-MAKING BY SAWING.
Prof. Alfred Russel Wallace has noted the method by sawing in his work entitled “The Malay Archipelago,” p. 332: Two pieces of bamboo are used; a sharp edge piece like a knife is rubbed across a convex piece in which a notch is cut, nearly severing the bamboo (fig. 42); after sawing across for awhile the bamboo is pierced, and the heated particles fall below and ignite. The Ternate Malays and the Tungaras of British North Borneo[40] have improved upon this by striking a piece of china with tinder held with it against the outside of a piece of bamboo, the siliceous coating of the latter yielding a spark like flint. Both of the methods mentioned are in use at different points in the area affected by Malay influence.
Prof. Alfred Russel Wallace has noted the method of sawing in his work titled “The Malay Archipelago,” p. 332: Two pieces of bamboo are used; a sharp edge piece, like a knife, is rubbed against a convex piece that has a notch cut into it, nearly severing the bamboo (fig. 42); after sawing for a while, the bamboo gets pierced, and the heated particles fall below and ignite. The Ternate Malays and the Tungaras of British North Borneo [40] have improved on this by striking a piece of china with tinder held against the outside of a piece of bamboo, with the siliceous coating of the latter producing a spark like flint. Both methods mentioned are used at different locations in the area influenced by Malay culture.
The Chittagong hill tribes, on the eastern frontier of British India, use sand on the sawing knife to increase the friction.[41]
The Chittagong hill tribes, located on the eastern border of British India, use sand on the saw's blade to boost the friction.[41]
The Karens of Burma, Dr. R. M. Luther informs the writer, hollow out a branch of the Dipterocarpus tree like the lower piece of bamboo spoken of, cut a transverse notch, and saw across in it with a rubber of iron-wood. The wood fibers ground off form the tinder; the coal is wrapped up in a dry leaf and swung around the head till it blazes. It takes only two or three minutes to get a blaze this way.
The Karens of Burma, Dr. R. M. Luther tells the writer, hollow out a branch of the Dipterocarpus tree like the lower piece of bamboo mentioned, cut a crosswise notch, and saw across it with a rubber of ironwood. The wood fibers that come off are used as tinder; the coal is wrapped in a dry leaf and swung around the head until it catches fire. It only takes two or three minutes to create a flame this way.
Bearing upon the origin of this method of sawing in these localities, nature is alleged to suggest the way and to repeat the process that would give to tireless man the hint. Mr. W. T. Hornaday relates that many fires are started in the jungle by bamboo rubbing together in a high wind-storm. The creaking is indescribable; the noise of the rasping and grinding of the horny stems is almost unendurable.
Referring to the origin of this sawing method in these areas, it's believed that nature provides guidance and repeats the process that inspires tireless humans. Mr. W. T. Hornaday notes that many fires in the jungle are sparked by bamboo rubbing together in strong winds. The sound is beyond description; the noise from the scraping and grinding of the tough stems is nearly unbearable.
In many tribes it is found that often there is more than one method of fire-making practiced. For instance, in Borneo, as we have seen, the Tungaras use the sawing method, the Saribus Dyaks the besiapi, or fire syringe, a most interesting fact,[42] other Dyaks the rotary drill,[43] while the Rev. Dr. Taylor says that the Dyaks are acquainted with the use of the bow and string and the upright stick and cord (pump drill). In connection with all these methods probably flint and steel were used.
In many tribes, it's common to find more than one way of starting a fire. For example, in Borneo, as we've seen, the Tungaras use the sawing method, the Saribus Dyaks use the besiapi, or fire syringe, which is a really interesting fact,[42] while other Dyaks use the rotary drill,[43] and Rev. Dr. Taylor mentions that the Dyaks also know how to use the bow and string as well as the upright stick and cord (pump drill). It's likely that flint and steel were used with all these methods.

Fig. 42. Malay Fire Sticks.
(Cat. No. 129775, U. S. N. M. Models in bamboo made by Mr. Hough after Prof. A. R. Wallace’s description. The Malay Archipelago, p. 332.)
Fig. 42. Malay Firesticks.
(Cat. No. 129775, U. S. N. M. Bamboo models made by Mr. Hough based on Prof. A. R. Wallace’s description. The Malay Archipelago, p. 332.)
So in Australia, while the rotary drill is the usual way, some tribes have acquired the art of producing fire with knife or rubber, that is, the sawing method presumably under foreign influence.[44]
So in Australia, while using a rotary drill is the norm, some tribes have learned to create fire using a knife or rubber, which is the sawing method likely influenced by outside sources. [44]
III.—FIRE-MAKING BY PLOWING.
One of the most marked of fire-making methods in its distribution is that pursued by the Pacific Islanders, confined almost entirely to the Polynesian cultural area. It has spread to other islands, however, being met with among the Negritos of New Britain:
One of the most notable fire-making methods in terms of its spread is the one used by the Pacific Islanders, which is mostly found within the Polynesian cultural area. However, it has also spread to other islands, appearing among the Negritos of New Britain.
They rub a sharpened piece of hard stick against the inside of a piece of dried split bamboo. This has a natural dust that soon ignites. They use soft wood when no bamboo can be procured, but it takes longer to ignite. The flame is fed with grass.[45]
They rub a sharpened stick against the inside of a dried split bamboo. This creates a natural dust that ignites easily. When bamboo isn’t available, they use soft wood, but it takes longer to catch fire. They add grass to fuel the flame.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
There is a close connection between the Malay sawing method and this, as there is a decided Malay preponderance in the make-up of the population of the Islands.
There is a strong link between the Malay sawing method and this, as there is a clear Malay majority in the population of the Islands.
The fire-sticks shown (fig. 43) were procured by Mr. Harold M. Sewall, at Samoa, and deposited in the museum by him.
The fire sticks displayed (fig. 43) were obtained by Mr. Harold M. Sewall in Samoa and donated to the museum by him.
The wood is a light corky variety, probably of the Hibiscus tiliacus, which is used for this purpose at Tahiti, or perhaps it is of the paper mulberry. The rubber may be of some hard wood, although fire may be made by means of a rubber of the same kind of wood as that of the hearth, though no doubt it requires a longer time to make fire if this is done. In the Sandwich Islands, Mr. Franklin Hale Austin, secretary of the King, states that the rubber is of koh or ohia, that is, hard wood and the hearth of hon, or soft wood, and the friction is always in soft woods; this is true, I believe, everywhere this method is practiced, in spite of the fact that a soft rubber on hard wood will answer as well.
The wood is a light, corky type, likely from the Hibiscus tiliacus, which is used for this purpose in Tahiti, or it might be from the paper mulberry. The rubber could come from some hard wood, although you can create fire using rubber made of the same kind of wood as the hearth, but it probably takes longer to start the fire this way. In the Sandwich Islands, Mr. Franklin Hale Austin, the King’s secretary, mentions that the rubber comes from koh or ohia, which are hard woods, while the hearth is made from hon, or soft wood, and the friction is always applied with soft woods; I believe this is true wherever this method is used, despite the fact that using soft rubber on hard wood works just as well.
Lieut. William I. Moore, U. S. Navy, gave the writer a complete description of the manipulation of the Samoan fire-getting apparatus.
Lieut. William I. Moore, U.S. Navy, gave me a full description of how to use the Samoan fire-making tool.

Fig. 43. Fire-making Sticks (a Showing Groove).
(Cat. No. 130675, U. S. N. M. Samoa. Deposited by Harold M. Sewall.)
Fig. 43. Fire-starting Sticks (a Showcasing Groove).
(Cat. No. 130675, U.S. N.M. Samoa. Submitted by Harold M. Sewall.)
The blunt pointed stick is taken between the clasped hands, somewhat as one takes a pen, and projected forward from the body along the groove at the greatest frictional angle consistent with the forward motion which has been found to be from 40 to 45 degrees. Kneeling on the stick the man forces the rubber forward, slowly at first, with a range of perhaps 571 6 inches, till the wood begins to be ground off and made to go into a little heap at the end of the groove; then he gradually accelerates the speed and moves with a shorter range until, when he pushes the stick with great velocity, the brown dust ignites. This is allowed to glow and if it is required to be transferred to dry leaves or chips of wood it is done by means of a tinder made of frayed or worn tapa cloth.
The blunt pointed stick is held firmly between the clasped hands, a bit like how you hold a pen, and pushed forward from the body along the groove at the maximum angle that allows for forward motion, which is around 40 to 45 degrees. Kneeling on the stick, the person pushes the rubber forward slowly at first, with a distance of about 6 inches, until the wood starts to wear down and forms a little pile at the end of the groove; then, they gradually increase the speed and move with a shorter range until, when they push the stick very quickly, the brown dust catches fire. This is left to smolder, and if it needs to be transferred to dry leaves or bits of wood, it is done using a tinder made of frayed or worn tapa cloth.
The groove (fig. 43a) is the most characteristic feature of this apparatus, there being apparently no definite form of implements for this purpose. Fire is made on any billet of dry wood that is available. It is not necessary to cut a slot, or even a groove, the hard wood rubber will form one, so that there is no more need of apparatus than among the Navajos, where two bits of yucca stalk collected near by form the fire tools.
The groove (fig. 43a) is the most distinctive feature of this device, and it seems there’s no specific shape of tools needed for this task. Fire can be made with any piece of dry wood that’s available. There's no need to cut a slot or even a groove; the hardwood rubber will create one. So, there's no more equipment required than with the Navajos, where two pieces of yucca stalk found nearby serve as the fire-making tools.
That making fire by this way is difficult to those inexperienced in it is not strange. Mr. Darwin found it quite so, but at last succeeded. The Samoan gets fire in forty seconds, and so great is the friction and the wood so well adapted that Mr. Austin, before quoted, says it sometimes actually bursts into flame.
That making fire this way is tough for beginners isn’t surprising. Mr. Darwin found it quite challenging, but eventually managed. The Samoan can create fire in forty seconds, and the friction is so intense along with the wood being so suited for it that Mr. Austin, previously mentioned, says it sometimes actually ignites.
The Australians in some parts use a method very much like the one described. They rub a knife of wood along a groove made in another stick previously filled with tinder.[46]
The Australians in some areas use a method very similar to the one described. They scrape a wooden knife along a groove made in another stick that was previously packed with tinder.[46]
IV.—PERCUSSION.
1. FLINT AND PYRITES.
Ac primum silici scintillam excudit Achates
Ac primum silici scintillam excudit Achates
Suscepitque ignum foliis atque arida circum
Suscepitque ignum foliis atque arida circum
Nutrimenta dedit, rapuitque in fomite flammam.
Nourishment was given and the flame was snatched in the kindling.
(Æneid B. 1, 174-176.)
(Æneid B. 1, 174-176.)
One of the oldest methods of fire-making that we know of is, that by the percussion of flint and pyrites. It is believed to have been the original discovery. If there is any difference in the difficulties of conception and execution in either of the inventions, it lies in favor of the sticks of wood.
One of the oldest methods of making fire that we know of is by striking flint and pyrites together. It's thought to be the original discovery. If there's any difference in the challenges of understanding and performing either of the methods, it favors using sticks of wood.
The distribution of the flint and pyrites method, both in time and place, is very interesting. Mr. Evans, in his epoch-making work, “Ancient Stone Implements,” page 14, remarks that the name of pyrites (πυρ, fire) is itself sufficient evidence of the purpose to which the mineral was applied in ancient times. Whatever the fact is in Roman history, the Eskimo calls pyrites firestone, some Indian tribes call flint firestone, the German name for flint is feuerstein, and it is a reasonable supposition that whatever people used flint or quartz, pyrites, or other forms of iron ore for making fire, would call the stone firestone The statement of Pliny that fire was first struck out of flint by Pyrodé, the son of Cilix, Mr. Evans thinks, is a myth which points to the use of silex and pyrites, rather than to steel.
The way flint and pyrites were used throughout history is really fascinating. Mr. Evans, in his groundbreaking work, “Ancient Stone Implements,” page 14, points out that the name pyrites (πυρ, fire) itself shows the purpose this mineral served in ancient times. Regardless of the specifics in Roman history, the Eskimo refers to pyrites as firestone, some Native American tribes call flint firestone, and the German word for flint is feuerstein. It's reasonable to assume that any group using flint or quartz, pyrites, or other types of iron ore for making fire would refer to the material as firestone. Mr. Evans believes that Pliny's claim that fire was first sparked from flint by Pyrodé, the son of Cilix, is a myth that actually hints at the use of silex and pyrites instead of steel.
Mr. Thomas Wilson calls my attention to a discovery of a pyrites nodule by M. Gaillard, in a flint workshop on the island of Guiberon in Brittany. The piece bore traces of use. Mr. Wilson thinks that the curved flakes of flint like the one figured, found so numerously, were used with pyrites as strike-a-lights. The comparative rarity of pyrites is, perhaps, because it is easily decomposed and disintegrates in unfavorable situations in a short time, so that the absence of pyrites does not militate against the theory that it was used. A subcylindrical nodule of pyrites 2½ inches long and bruised at one end was found in the cave of Les Eyzies, in the valley of Vézère, Perigord, mentioned in Reliquae Aquitanicæ, page 248. This is supposed to have been a strike-a-light.
Mr. Thomas Wilson draws my attention to a discovery of a pyrites nodule by M. Gaillard, in a flint workshop on the island of Guiberon in Brittany. The piece showed signs of use. Mr. Wilson believes that the curved flakes of flint, like the one pictured and found in large quantities, were used with pyrites as striking tools. The relatively rare presence of pyrites might be because it easily breaks down and disintegrates quickly in unfavorable conditions, so the lack of pyrites doesn't go against the theory that it was used. A subcylindrical nodule of pyrites, 2½ inches long and damaged at one end, was discovered in the cave of Les Eyzies, in the Vézère valley, Perigord, noted in Reliquae Aquitanicæ, page 248. This is thought to have been a striking tool.
Prof. W. B. Dawkins thinks that—
Prof. W. B. Dawkins thinks that—
In all probability the Cave-man obtained fire by the friction of one piece of hard wood upon another, as is now the custom among many savage tribes. Sometimes, however, as in the Trou de Chaleux, quoted by M. Dupont (Le Temps Prehistorique en Belgique, second edition, page 153), he may have obtained a light by the friction of a bit of flint against a piece of iron pyrites, as is usual with the Eskimos of the present day.[47]
It's likely that cavemen discovered fire by rubbing two pieces of hard wood together, just like many indigenous tribes do today. However, as noted in Trou de Chaleux by M. Dupont (Le Temps Prehistorique en Belgique, second edition, page 153), they might have also created sparks by rubbing flint against iron pyrites, similar to the method used by modern Eskimos.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Mr. Dawkins also says that fire was obtained in the Bronze Age by striking a flint flake against a piece of pyrites, sometimes found together in the tumuli. He figures a strike-a-light from Seven Barrows, Lambourne, Berks, England, an outline of which is reproduced here for comparison with the one from Fort Simpson, British Columbia (fig. 44a and b). Pyrites has been found in a kitchen-midden at Ventnor, in connection with Roman pottery.[48] Chambers’s Encyclopædia, article, Pyrites,[49] is authority for the statement that pyrites was used in kindling powder in the pans of muskets before the gun flint was introduced.
Mr. Dawkins also states that fire was created in the Bronze Age by striking a flint flake against a piece of pyrite, which was sometimes found together in burial mounds. He illustrates a fire starter from Seven Barrows, Lambourne, Berks, England, the outline of which is shown here for comparison with the one from Fort Simpson, British Columbia (fig. 44a and b). Pyrite has been discovered in a kitchen midden at Ventnor, along with Roman pottery.[48] Chambers’s Encyclopædia, article, Pyrites,[49] is a reliable source for the claim that pyrite was used to ignite powder in the pans of muskets before gun flints were introduced.
It is thus seen that this art has a high antiquity, and that on its ancient areas its use comes down nearly to the present day, the flint and steel being its modern or allied form.
It is clear that this art is very old, and that its use in ancient times has continued almost to the present day, with flint and steel being its modern or related form.
In North America this art is distributed among the more northerly ranging Indian tribes, and the Eskimo of some parts. Its use was and is yet quite prevalent among the Indians of the Athapascan (formerly Tinné) stock of the north. By specimens in the Museum, and notes of explorers, it is found to range from north of Dixon’s Sound to Labrador, the following localities being represented, viz: Stikine River, Sitka, Aleutian Islands, Kotzebue Sound, Point Barrow, the Mackenzie River district, at Fort Simpson, and probably Hershel Island, Pelly Bay, Melville Peninsula, Smith Sound, and Labrador. The Canadian and Algonquins strike two pieces of pyrites (pierres de mine) together over an eagle’s thigh, dried with its down, and serving instead of tinder.[50] From 573 other sources we know that the extinct Beothucs, of Newfoundland, did the same.[51]
In North America, this art is practiced by various northern Indian tribes and some Eskimo groups. It was and still is quite common among the Athapascan (formerly Tinné) Indians in the north. Based on museum specimens and explorer notes, it is found from north of Dixon’s Sound to Labrador, with the following locations represented: Stikine River, Sitka, Aleutian Islands, Kotzebue Sound, Point Barrow, the Mackenzie River area, Fort Simpson, and likely Hershel Island, Pelly Bay, Melville Peninsula, Smith Sound, and Labrador. The Canadian and Algonquin people strike two pieces of pyrites (pierres de mine) together over an eagle’s thigh, dried with its down, and use it as tinder.[50] From 573 other sources, we know that the extinct Beothuks of Newfoundland did the same.[51]
As far as can be ascertained, the Eskimo and Indians both use the method, so that it is not characteristic of either, as the four-part drill is of the Eskimo, as contrasted with the simple rotation sticks of the Indians. A description of a flint and pyrites outfit, as at present used, will give a general idea of the status of the invention. In different localities the manipulation differs somewhat, as will be noted farther on.
As far as we can tell, both the Eskimos and Indians use this method, so it isn't unique to either group, unlike the four-part drill that's specific to the Eskimos compared to the simple rotating sticks the Indians use. A description of a flint and pyrites setup, as it's currently used, will provide a general understanding of the invention's status. The techniques vary slightly in different areas, as will be discussed later.

Fig. 44. a Strike-a-light.
(Seven Barrows, Berks County, England. From Lubbock’s Early Man in Britain, p. 258.)
b Strike-a-light.
(Cat. No. 1861, U. S. N. M. Indians of Fort Simpson, Mackenzie River district, B. C. Collected by B. R. Ross.)
Fig. 44. a Firestarter.
(Seven Barrows, Berks County, England. From Lubbock’s Early Man in Britain, p. 258.)
b Fire starter.
(Cat. No. 1861, U. S. N. M. Indians of Fort Simpson, Mackenzie River region, B. C. Collected by B. R. Ross.)
The strike-a-light (No. 128405) was collected by Capt. E. P. Herendeen from natives who told him that it came from Cape Bathurst, hence 574 he assigned the specimen to this locality on the evidence. Mr. John Murdoch has, with a great deal of probability, questioned this and thinks that it came from Herschel Island with the rest of Mr. Herendeen’s collection and did not come from as far east as Cape Bathurst. While there is no improbability that this method is practiced at Cape Bathurst, yet the specimen has the appearance of the Mackenzie River strike-a-lights, hence it is deemed advisable to locate it in the Mackenzie River district at Herschel Island.
The strike-a-light (No. 128405) was collected by Capt. E. P. Herendeen from locals who told him it came from Cape Bathurst, so he assigned the specimen to that location based on their information. Mr. John Murdoch has questioned this with considerable validity and believes it actually came from Herschel Island with the rest of Mr. Herendeen’s collection, not from as far east as Cape Bathurst. While it’s possible that this method is used at Cape Bathurst, the specimen resembles the strike-a-lights from the Mackenzie River, so it’s considered better to place it in the Mackenzie River area at Herschel Island.

Fig. 45. 1. Tinder Pocket. 2. Fire Bag. (Part of Strike-a-light set).
(Cat. No. 128405, U. S. N. M. Mackenzie River District, B. C. Collected by E. P. Herendeen.)
Fig. 45. 1. Tinder app. 2. Emergency Kit. (Part of Strike-a-light set).
(Cat. No. 128405, U.S. N.M. Mackenzie River District, B.C. Collected by E.P. Herendeen.)
The essential parts of the apparatus are a piece of pyrites, a piece of flint and tinder. In the more northern parts of the Eskimo area, tinder is made from the down from the stems and catkins of various species of dwarf arctic willows. At present the natives often soak the tinder in a strong solution of gunpowder and water to make it quick; an older way was to mix powdered charcoal with it. This plan is like the charring of the linen rags used in the old-fashioned tinder boxes of forty years ago. The Eskimo then puts the tinder into a little round, flat pouch, with a flap in the middle (fig. 45, 1).
The main components of the equipment are a piece of pyrites, a piece of flint, and tinder. In the northern regions of the Eskimo area, tinder is made from the down of the stems and catkins of various species of dwarf arctic willows. Nowadays, the locals often soak the tinder in a strong solution of gunpowder and water to make it ignite quickly; an older method was to mix it with powdered charcoal. This approach is similar to the charring of linen rags used in the traditional tinder boxes from forty years ago. The Eskimo then places the tinder into a small round, flat pouch with a flap in the middle (fig. 45, 1).

Fig. 46. 3. Pyrites. 4, 4a. Flint Striker and Handle. (Part of Strike-a-light set.)
(Cat. No. 128405, U. S. N. M. Mackenzie River District, B. C. Collected by E. P. Herendeen.)
Fig. 46. 3. Fool's gold. 4, 4a. Flint striker and handle. (Part of Strike-a-light set.)
(Cat. No. 128405, U.S. N.M. Mackenzie River District, B.C. Collected by E.P. Herendeen.)
The pyrites (fig. 46, 3) looks like a short pestle, too much of which appearance the repeated scraping has no doubt given rise. The upper end is concave, while the lower end has the original smooth surface of the concretion. Pyrite is found at Point Barrow in spherical masses of various sizes up to several pounds in weight. These spheres are nearly always cracked in two and scraped on the plane 575 surface for very obvious reasons. This gives the shape seen in Fort Simpson and Long Barrows specimen. Mr. Murdoch says that the Eskimo think that pyrites comes down from above in meteors. They call it “firestone.” A native related that in old times they did not use flint, but two pieces of pyrites, and got “big fire.”
The pyrite (fig. 46, 3) looks like a short pestle, which its repeated scraping has likely caused. The upper end is concave, while the lower end retains the original smooth surface of the concretion. Pyrite is found at Point Barrow in spherical masses of varying sizes, weighing up to several pounds. These spheres are almost always cracked in half and scraped flat for very obvious reasons. This gives the same shape seen in the specimens from Fort Simpson and Long Barrows. Mr. Murdoch mentions that the Eskimo believe pyrite falls from the sky in meteors. They refer to it as “firestone.” A local shared that in the past they didn’t use flint, but two pieces of pyrite, which created “big fire.”
The flint (fig. 46, 4) is an oblong piece of chert, square at the base and rounded at the forward end. It is more elaborately made than the flakes so numerous in Europe, one of which was found with the piece of pyrites in the English Barrows. The Mackenzie River scraper is more like the curved ancient one (fig. 44b). In most cases the flints used are not mounted in a handle; this specimen, however, is fixed in a handle made of two pieces of wood held together by a thong of sealskin (fig. 46, 4a).
The flint (fig. 46, 4) is an elongated piece of chert, with a square base and a rounded tip. It’s crafted in a more detailed way compared to the many flakes found in Europe, one of which was discovered alongside a piece of pyrites in the English Barrows. The Mackenzie River scraper resembles an ancient curved version (fig. 44b). In most cases, the flints aren’t attached to a handle; however, this particular piece is secured in a handle made from two wooden pieces bound together with a sealskin thong (fig. 46, 4a).
The bag (fig. 45, 2) is made of reindeer skin. The little bag that hangs from the larger has a double use; it is a receptacle for reserve tinder, but its chief use is for a toggle; being passed under the belt it prevents the loss of the outfit, which is said to be carried by the women.
The bag (fig. 45, 2) is made from reindeer skin. The small bag that hangs from the larger one serves two purposes; it holds extra tinder, but its main function is as a toggle; it slips under the belt to keep the outfit secure, which is said to be carried by the women.
An oblong pad, stuffed with deer hair, is sewed to the mouth of the fire-bag to protect the hand from sparks and blows of the flint.
An elongated pad, filled with deer hair, is stitched to the opening of the fire-bag to shield the hand from sparks and impacts from the flint.
To get a spark, the Eskimo places (fig. 47) the piece of pyrites on the pad held in the left hand over the curved forefinger, the large end down and the thumb set in the cup shaped cavity in the top. The flap of the tinder pocket is turned back and held on the forefinger under the protecting pad. The flint is held in the right hand and by a scraping motion little pieces of pyrites at a dull red heat fall down into the tinder. The pellet that glows is transferred to the pipe or fire, and the flap of the tinder pocket is turned down, serving to keep the tinder dry and to extinguish it if necessary.[52]
To create a spark, the Eskimo places (fig. 47) the piece of pyrite on the pad held in the left hand over the curved forefinger, with the large end down and the thumb set in the cup-shaped cavity at the top. The flap of the tinder pocket is flipped back and held on the forefinger under the protective pad. The flint is held in the right hand, and by scraping, small pieces of pyrite at a dull red heat fall into the tinder. The glowing piece is transferred to the pipe or fire, and the flap of the tinder pocket is lowered, keeping the tinder dry and extinguishing it if necessary. [52]

Fig. 47. Method of Using the Strike-a-light.
(Cat. No. 128405, U. S. N. M. Drawing by W. H. Burger.)
Fig. 47. How to Use the Firestarter.
(Cat. No. 128405, U. S. N. M. Drawing by W. H. Burger.)
There comes in here appropriately a note of B. R. Ross on the burial customs of the Kutchin Indians of the eastern Athapascan stock. He says:
There’s a relevant note from B. R. Ross about the burial customs of the Kutchin Indians from the eastern Athapascan group. He states:
They bury with the dead a flint fastened to a stick, a stone to strike it on (pyrites) to make fire, and a piece of the fungus that grows on the birch tree for tinder and some touch-wood also.[53]
They bury the dead with a flint attached to a stick, a stone to strike it (pyrites) to create a fire, a piece of fungus that grows on birch trees for tinder, and some touchwood as well.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
There is no mention of this process of fire-making by the older writers 576 on Greenland, Cranz and Egede, though they carefully note and describe the plan by wood-boring. Later explorers going higher north in western Greenland have found it. Dr. Emil Bessels, writing about the Itah Eskimo of Smith Sound, says:
There is no mention of this process of fire-making by the earlier writers on Greenland, Cranz and Egede, even though they carefully note and describe the method of wood-boring. Later explorers venturing further north in western Greenland have discovered it. Dr. Emil Bessels, writing about the Itah Eskimo of Smith Sound, says:
The catkins of the arctic willow are used as tinder to catch the sparks which have been produced through the grinding of two pieces of stone.[54]
The catkins of the arctic willow are used as tinder to catch the sparks made by rubbing two pieces of stone together.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__
Dr. E. K. Kane gives a more complete account from nearly the same locality, the Arctic Highlands of northwest Greenland. He says that the Eskimo of Anoatok struck fire from two stones, one a plain piece of angular milky quartz, held in the right hand, the other apparently an oxide of iron [pyrites or iron ore?] They were struck together after the true tinder-box fashion, throwing a scanty supply of sparks on a tinder composed of the silky down of the willow catkins (Salix lanata) which he held on a lump of dried moss.[55]
Dr. E. K. Kane provides a more detailed account from almost the same area, the Arctic Highlands of northwest Greenland. He mentions that the Inuit of Anoatok created fire by striking two stones together: one was a plain piece of angular milky quartz held in the right hand, and the other appeared to be an oxide of iron [pyrites or iron ore?]. They struck the stones together in the traditional tinder-box method, producing a limited number of sparks that landed on a tinder made of the silky down from the willow catkins (Salix lanata), which he held on a chunk of dried moss.[55]
Very much farther west on Melville Peninsula Parry gives a complete and interesting description of the primitive way. This account gives us a link between the western and eastern Eskimo. He writes:
Very much farther west on Melville Peninsula, Parry provides a thorough and fascinating description of the traditional way of life. This account connects the western and eastern Eskimo cultures. He writes:
For the purpose of obtaining fire, the Eskimo use two lumps of common pyrites, from which sparks are struck into a little leathern case (see fig. 25, pl. LXXIV) containing moss well dried and rubbed between the hands. If this tinder does not readily catch, a small quantity of the white floss of the seed of the ground willow is laid above the moss. As soon as a spark has caught it is gently blown till the fire has spread an inch around, when the pointed end of a piece of wick being applied, it soon bursts into a flame, the whole process having occupied perhaps two or three minutes.[56]
To start a fire, the Eskimo uses two pieces of common pyrite to strike sparks into a small leather pouch (see __A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_0__, pl. LXXIV) filled with well-dried moss that has been rubbed between the hands. If this tinder doesn’t ignite easily, a small amount of the white fluff from the seeds of the ground willow is placed on top of the moss. Once a spark catches, it is gently blown on until the fire spreads about an inch around. Then, the pointed end of a piece of wick is applied, and it quickly bursts into flames, with the entire process taking maybe two or three minutes.__A_TAG_PLACEHOLDER_1__
The Museum was in possession of a specimen catalogued, “Moss-bag and lumps of pyrites used by Innuit for getting fire,” collected by Capt. C. F. Hall at Pelly Bay, in latitude 69°, longitude 90°, several degrees west of Melville Peninsula.
The museum had a specimen listed as “Moss-bag and lumps of pyrites used by Inuits for making fire,” collected by Capt. C. F. Hall at Pelly Bay, at latitude 69°, longitude 90°, several degrees west of Melville Peninsula.
The only other record of the process under consideration among the Eskimo is found in the Aleutian Islands. There is absolutely no evidence had by the writer that the Eskimo south of Kotzebue Sound (Western Eskimo) use the pyrites and flint for making fire. The latest information about the Aleutian Islanders is given in a manuscript of the careful explorer, Mr. Lucien M. Turner. His observation will serve to explain the description of striking a light by earlier travelers.
The only other account of the process we're looking into among the Eskimo is found in the Aleutian Islands. The writer has no evidence that the Eskimo south of Kotzebue Sound (Western Eskimo) use pyrites and flint to make fire. The most recent information about the Aleutian Islanders comes from a manuscript by the thorough explorer, Mr. Lucien M. Turner. His observations will help clarify the methods of starting a fire described by earlier travelers.
They use the four part drill but they also use pyrites. A stone containing quartz and pyrites is struck against another similar one, or a beach pebble, into a mass of sea bird down sprinkled with powdered sulphur. This ignites and is quickly caught on finely shredded blades of grass or beaten stalks of wild parsnips. This method prevails to this day on the islands west of Unalashka.
They utilize the four-part drill, but they also make use of pyrites. A stone containing quartz and pyrites is struck against another similar stone or a beach pebble to produce a mound of seabird down mixed with powdered sulfur. This ignites quickly and easily catches on finely shredded blades of grass or crushed stalks of wild parsnips. This method is still in use today on the islands west of Unalashka.
The people told Mr. Turner that this was the ancient way. There is a doubt in the writer’s mind that Sauer’s (Billing’s Expedition, page 59), and Campbell’s (Voyage, page 59) observations, brought together by Bancroft,[57] were accurate with regard to the stones used. All the 577 other details are correct, but they say they took two pieces of quartz, rubbed them with sulphur, and struck them together. It is well known that pieces of quartz even when rubbed with sulphur will not strike a spark of sufficient heat to cause ignition. The pieces used must have been pyritiferous quartz as noticed by Mr. L. M. Turner.
The people told Mr. Turner that this was the traditional method. The writer has some doubts about the accuracy of Sauer’s (Billing’s Expedition, page 59) and Campbell’s (Voyage, page 59) observations, which Bancroft gathered together, [57]. All the other details are correct, but they claim they took two pieces of quartz, rubbed them with sulfur, and struck them together. It is well known that pieces of quartz, even when rubbed with sulfur, will not produce a spark hot enough for ignition. The pieces used must have been pyritiferous quartz, as noted by Mr. L. M. Turner.
To resume, the following facts arise out of the foregoing considerations of the flint and pyrites method:
To sum up, the following facts come from the earlier discussion about the flint and pyrites method:
(1) It is very ancient, inferring from the few reliable finds of pyrites and flint in juxtaposition.
(1) It's very old, based on the scarce trustworthy discoveries of pyrites and flint found together.
(2) Its distribution is among high northern tribes, both Eskimo and Indian.
(2) Its distribution is among high northern tribes, including both Eskimo and Indian.
(3) As far as known, its range is limited to this area, only one other instance coming to our notice, that of the Fuegians.
(3) To the best of our knowledge, its range is limited to this area, with only one other instance that has come to our attention, which is that of the Fuegians.
2. FLINT AND STEEL.
The flint and pyrites method is the ancestor of the flint and steel. The latter method came in with the Iron Age. It is found in the early settlements of that period. A steel for striking fire was found in the pile dwellings of the Ueberlinger See.[58] The Archæological Department of the Museum has a specimen of a strike-a-light of the early age of iron in Scandinavia. It is a flat, oval quartz stone with a groove around the edge; it is thought to be for holding a strap by which it could be held up and struck along the flat surface with the steel. It is scored on these surfaces. The specimen in the Smithsonian is from the national museum at Stockholm. In Egypt it is believed to have been used for a long period, though there is no data at hand to support the conclusion.[59] In China it has been in use for many centuries. Chinese history, however, goes back to the use of sticks of wood. The briquet must have been carried nearly everywhere by early commerce from the ancient countries around the Mediterranean, as it was into new lands by later commerce.
The flint and pyrites method is the precursor to flint and steel. The latter technique emerged during the Iron Age and is found in the early settlements from that time. A steel used for striking fire was discovered in the pile dwellings at Ueberlinger See. The Archaeological Department of the Museum has a sample of an iron-age strike-a-light from Scandinavia. It is a flat, oval quartz stone with a groove around the edge, likely designed for attaching a strap so it could be held up and struck along the flat surface with steel. It has grooves on these surfaces. The specimen in the Smithsonian comes from the national museum in Stockholm. In Egypt, it is believed to have been used for an extended period, although there is no evidence available to support this claim. In China, it has been used for many centuries, though Chinese history also records the use of wooden sticks. The briquet must have been exchanged almost everywhere through early trade from the ancient Mediterranean countries, just as it continued into newer lands through later commerce.
Many persons remember the tinder-box that was taken from its warm nook beside the fire-place whenever a light was wanted; the matches tipped with sulphur used to start a blaze from the glowing tinder are also familiar to the older generation. The tinder-boxes in use in this country were just like those in England from time immemorial down to fifty years ago (fig. 48). Mr. Edward Lovett, of Croydon, England, who has studied this matter thoroughly, calls attention to the resemblance of the old English tinder-flints to the neolithic scrapers. These scrapers, picked up at Brandon, can scarcely be discriminated from those made at the present time at that place, and there is a suspicion that the present tinder-flint has come down directly from neolithic times. The old English steel, or “Flourish,” (fig. 48) is the characteristic shape, and has been carried by English commerce into many places. A picture of a strike-a-light used by the Lenguas of Brazil, seen lately, shows the unmistakable old “flourish.”
Many people remember the tinderbox that was taken from its cozy spot by the fireplace whenever a light was needed; the matches dipped in sulfur used to start a fire from the glowing tinder are also familiar to the older generation. The tinderboxes used in this country were just like those in England from ancient times up until fifty years ago (fig. 48). Mr. Edward Lovett, from Croydon, England, who has studied this topic thoroughly, points out the similarity between the old English tinder flints and the Neolithic scrapers. These scrapers, found at Brandon, are almost indistinguishable from those made today at that location, and there’s a suspicion that the current tinder flint has been directly passed down since Neolithic times. The old English steel, or “Flourish,” (fig. 48) has a distinctive shape and has been carried by English trade to many places. A recent picture of a strike-a-light used by the Lenguas of Brazil shows the unmistakable old “flourish.”

Fig. 48. English Tinder-box (with flint, “flourish,” and bundle of spunks.)
(Cat. No 75516, U. S. N. M. England. Collected by Louis and Maurice Farmer.)
Fig. 48. English Tinderbox (with flint, “flourish,” and a bundle of spunks.)
(Cat. No 75516, U. S. N. M. England. Collected by Louis and Maurice Farmer.)
The tinder-boxes had also a damper to extinguish the tinder of burnt linen and to keep it dry. The lids were furnished often with a candle socket. This feature, says Mr. Lovett, has led to their preservation as candle-sticks long after they were superseded by matches.
The tinder boxes also had a damper to put out the burnt linen tinder and to keep it dry. The lids were often designed with a candle holder. This feature, according to Mr. Lovett, is why they were still kept as candle holders even after matches took over.

Fig 49. Wheel Tinder-box.
(Cat No. 130431, U. S. N. M. Broadalbin, N. Y. Presented by F. S. Hawley.)
Fig 49. Wheel Firestarter.
(Cat No. 130431, U. S. N. M. Broadalbin, NY. Donated by F. S. Hawley.)
Many devices were invented in order to improve on the crude way of holding the flint and steel in the hands to strike the spark into the tinder-box. One of these was the wheel tinder-box (fig. 49). The compartment near the wheel held the tinder. The flint was placed in a socket on the sliding lid, and the wheel was turned by unwinding a string from off its axle with a sharp pull as in spinning a top. The 579 flint was pressed against the rapidly revolving wheel and a shower of sparks fell into the tinder. The tinder pistol, whose name suggests its use, was another device.[60]
Many devices were invented to improve on the basic method of holding flint and steel in your hands to strike a spark into the tinder box. One of these was the wheel tinder box (fig. 49). The compartment near the wheel held the tinder. The flint was placed in a socket on the sliding lid, and the wheel was spun by unwinding a string from its axle with a quick pull, similar to spinning a top. The 579 flint pressed against the fast-spinning wheel created a shower of sparks that fell into the tinder. The tinder pistol, aptly named for its function, was another device.[60]
Other devices were intended to be carried in the pocket, and were probably brought out by the introduction of tobacco and the need of smokers for a convenient light.
Other devices were meant to be pocket-sized and likely emerged with the rise of tobacco and the need for smokers to have an easy way to light up.

Fig. 50. Strike-a-light (Briquet).
(Cat. No 129693, U. S. N. M. Boulogne-sur-mer. France. Collected by Edward Lovett.)
Fig. 50. Lighter (Briquet).
(Cat. No 129693, U.S.N.M. Boulogne-sur-Mer, France. Collected by Edward Lovett.)
The pocket strike-a-light is still used. The one shown (fig. 50) was bought in 1888 by Mr. E. Lovett, at Boulogne-sur-mer. They are still used by the peasants and work-people of France. An old specimen in the Museum of this character is from Lima. The roll of tinder, or “match,” is made of the soft inner bark of a tree.
The pocket strike-a-light is still used. The one shown (fig. 50) was bought in 1888 by Mr. E. Lovett in Boulogne-sur-Mer. They are still used by the farmers and workers in France. An old example of this type is in the Museum and comes from Lima. The roll of tinder, or "match," is made from the soft inner bark of a tree.
Among many of our North American tribes the flint and steel superseded the wooden drills as effectually as did the iron points the stone arrow-heads.
Among many of our North American tribes, flint and steel replaced wooden drills just as effectively as iron points replaced stone arrowheads.
Some of these tribes were ripe for the introduction of many modern contrivances. Civilized methods of fire-lighting appealed to them at once. Among the Chukchis, Nordenskiöld says, matches had the honor of being the first of the inventions of the civilized races that have been recognized as superior to their own.[61] It was so among our Indian tribes; the Mandan chief “Four Bears” lighted his pipe by means of a flint and steel taken from his pouch when George Catlin visited him in 1832.[62]
Some of these tribes were ready for the introduction of many modern tools. Civilized methods of starting a fire caught their interest right away. According to Nordenskiöld, among the Chukchis, matches were the first invention from civilized societies that they recognized as better than their own.[61] This was also true for our Indian tribes; the Mandan chief “Four Bears” lit his pipe using a flint and steel from his pouch when George Catlin visited him in 1832.[62]
The Otoes (Siouan stock) made use of the flint and steel shown in fig. 51. The flint is a chipped piece of gray chert, probably an ancient implement picked up from the surface.
The Otoes (Siouan stock) used the flint and steel found in fig. 51. The flint is a chipped piece of gray chert, likely an ancient tool collected from the ground.
The flint, steel, and tinder were always carried in a pouch, usually suspended from a belt as in specimen No. 8481 from the Assiniboins (Siouan stock) of Dakota. This is a buckskin waist-belt, beaded and fringed, ornamented with bells of tin. It supports a flapped pouch for the flint, etc. The tinder used was fungus.
The flint, steel, and tinder were always kept in a pouch, typically hanging from a belt like in specimen No. 8481 from the Assiniboins (Siouan stock) of Dakota. This is a buckskin waist-belt, beaded and fringed, decorated with tin bells. It holds a flapped pouch for the flint and other items. The tinder used was fungus.

Fig. 51. Flint and Steel.
(Cat. No. 22431, U. S. N. M. Otoe Indiana, Kansas and Nebraska. Collected by J. W. Griest.)
Fig. 51. Flint and Steel.
(Cat. No. 22431, U.S. N.M. Otoe Indiana, Kansas, and Nebraska. Collected by J.W. Griest.)
The pouch of the Cheyennes (Algonquian stock) is compact, and neatly made of leather (fig. 52). The equipment is complete and of a superior order. The bone cup is used to hold the tinder while striking a spark into it. It is the tinder horn of early days, a cow’s horn which was used to hold tinder before sheet-iron boxes came into use. The Lenguas of Brazil use a horn for the same purpose.[64] In the Aino set, (fig. 57), and the Eskimo strike-a-light, (fig. 45), can be seen this feature. The tinder with this set is rotten wood. Nearly all Indians know the value of fungus tinder.
The Cheyennes' pouch (from the Algonquian family) is compact and well-crafted from leather (fig. 52). The gear is complete and of high quality. The bone cup is used to hold the tinder while striking a spark into it. It serves the same purpose as the old tinder horn, which is a cow’s horn that was used to store tinder before sheet-iron boxes became popular. The Lenguas people of Brazil use a horn for the same function.[64] In the Aino set, (fig. 57), and the Eskimo strike-a-light, (fig. 45), this feature can be observed. The tinder in this set is rotten wood. Almost all Native Americans recognize the importance of fungus tinder.
The Comanche Indian strike-a-light is a similar pouch to the one described, but much poorer in equipment (fig. 53.) A broken rasp, a piece of chert, and a piece of spunk, is enough for the purpose, and a bag made from a saddle skirt to hold them, completes the outfit.
The Comanche Indian strike-a-light is a similar pouch to the one described, but it has much less equipment (fig. 53.) A broken rasp, a piece of chert, and a piece of spunk are enough for the purpose, and a bag made from a saddle skirt to hold them completes the outfit.
The flint and steel is still used nearly all over Mexico, Dr. Palmer informs me. There is at present a manufacture of gun and strike-a-light flints at Brandon, England, whence they are shipped to Spain, 581 Mexico, Italy, and other civilized countries. Doubtless this flint from Guadalajara (fig. 54) came from Brandon. It is real calcareous flint, such as does not exist in this country. The flint is the “swallow-tail” pattern. The tinder is of prepared fungus sold in little packets.
The flint and steel are still widely used throughout Mexico, Dr. Palmer tells me. Right now, there's a production of gun and strike-a-light flints in Brandon, England, from where they are sent to Spain, 581 Mexico, Italy, and other developed countries. This flint from Guadalajara (fig. 54) likely came from Brandon. It is genuine calcareous flint, which isn’t found in this country. The flint has a “swallow-tail” pattern. The tinder is made from prepared fungus and is sold in small packets.

Fig. 52. Strike-a-light (flint, steel, tinder-horn, spunk, and pouch).
(Cat. No. 22104, U. S. N. M. Cheyenne Indians, Arkansas. Collected by Dr. J. H. Barry.)
Fig. 52. Lighter (flint, steel, tinder-horn, spunk, and pouch).
(Cat. No. 22104, U.S. N.M. Cheyenne Indians, Arkansas. Collected by Dr. J.H. Barry.)
The Koords of Bhotan, Eastern Turkey, carry a pipe pouch containing besides flint, steel, and tinder, a pipe pick and a pair of pincers, 582 to transfer the lighted tinder to the pipe (fig. 55). The tinder is prepared from a fungus, probably polyporus species. The steel, shaped like an old-fashioned bell pull, is a very good form for holding in the hand.
The Koords of Bhotan, Eastern Turkey, carry a pouch with a pipe that contains flint, steel, and tinder, along with a pipe pick and a pair of pincers, 582 to transfer the lit tinder to the pipe (fig. 55). The tinder is made from a fungus, probably a species of polyporus. The steel, shaped like a vintage bell pull, is very comfortable to hold.

Fig. 53. Strike-a-light. (Pouch for holding flint and steel.)
(Cat. No. 6972, U. S. N. M. Comanche Indians, Texas. Collected by Edward Palmer.)
Fig. 53. Lighter. (Pouch for holding flint and steel.)
(Cat. No. 6972, U. S. N. M. Comanche Indians, Texas. Collected by Edward Palmer.)
The Chinese strike-a-light is the customary appendage to the pipe pouch. It is a very ingenious way of combining the steel with a pouch in which to keep the flint and tinder (fig. 56). In Thibet they are made very large and are finely decorated. One owned by Mr. W. W. Rockhill has a curving steel between 5 and 6 inches long, finely carved. The pouch was trimmed with encrusted silver set with jewels.
The Chinese strike-a-light is a typical accessory for the pipe pouch. It's a clever design that combines steel with a pouch to hold the flint and tinder (fig. 56). In Tibet, they’re made quite large and are beautifully decorated. One belonging to Mr. W. W. Rockhill features a curved steel piece that is 5 to 6 inches long and intricately carved. The pouch is adorned with silver inlay set with jewels.
The Ainos of Japan use flint and steel for striking-a-light, this method having supplanted the generation of fire by sticks (p. 551.) This outfit shown (fig. 57, pl. LXXXI) is complete. The shoe-shaped steel is attached by a piece of sinew to the cork of a small wooden bottle containing the soft charcoal used as tinder. The flint is a small piece of ferruginous silex. With this set is a piece of stick which retains fire for a long time. It is the root of the Ulmus campestris, or lævis, formerly used for the fire-drill (see fig. 17), but has come into a secondary place since the introduction of the flint and steel.
The Ainos of Japan use flint and steel to start a fire, a method that has replaced the old way of making fire with sticks (p. 551.) This complete set shown (fig. 57, pl. LXXXI) includes a shoe-shaped steel attached by a piece of sinew to the cork of a small wooden bottle filled with soft charcoal for tinder. The flint is a small piece of ferruginous silex. Along with this set is a stick that can hold fire for a long time. It comes from the root of the Ulmus campestris or lævis, which was previously used for fire-drilling (see fig. 17), but it has become less important since flint and steel were introduced.

Fig. 54. Flint and Steel.
(Cat. No 126576, U. S. N. M. Guadalajara Indiana, Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer.)
Fig. 54. Flint and steel.
(Cat. No 126576, U. S. N. M. Guadalajara, Indiana, Mexico. Collected by Edward Palmer.)

Fig. 55. Smokers’ Pipe-lighting Outfit (showing flint, steel, pipe-pick, and pincers).
(Cat. No. 130607, U. S. N. M. Koords of Bhotan, eastern Turkey. Collected by Rev. A. N. Andrus.)
Fig. 55. Pipe Lighter Kit for Smokers (featuring flint, steel, pipe pick, and tongs).
(Cat. No. 130607, U.S. N.M. Koords of Bhotan, eastern Turkey. Collected by Rev. A.N. Andrus.)

Fig. 56. Strike-a-light.
(Cat. No. 130311, U. S. N. M. China. Gift of George G. Fryer.)
Fig. 56. Fire starter.
(Cat. No. 130311, U. S. N. M. China. Gift from George G. Fryer.)
Plate 81.

Fig. 57. Strike-a-light. Flint, steel, tinder-box, and rush-pouch.
Cat. No. 22257, U. S. N. M. Ainos of Yezo, Japan. Collected by B. S. Lyman.
Fig. 57. Firestarter. Flint, steel, tinder box, and rush pouch.
Cat. No. 22257, U.S. N.M. Ainos of Yezo, Japan. Collected by B.S. Lyman.

Fig. 58.
Fig. 58.

Fig. 59. Tinder-Box (showing mounted steel, flint, and bundle of shaving matches; box one-third natural size).
(Cat. No. 127137, U. S. N. M. Japan. Gift of the Japanese Department of Education, Tokio.)
Fig. 59. Tinderbox (showing mounted steel, flint, and a bundle of shavings for matches; box one-third of the actual size).
(Cat. No. 127137, U. S. N. M. Japan. Donated by the Japanese Department of Education, Tokyo.)
To strike a light the Aino takes out the cork with the steel attached and stirs up the tinder with the sharp point. He then holds up the flint in his hand over the box and strikes a spark down into it. He then transfers the coal to his pipe, or material for fire, or fire-stick, with the point of the steel. These articles are kept in a rush pouch of twined weaving. A much ruder pouch of fishskin is in the Museum.
To start a fire, the Aino removes the cork attached to the steel and stirs the tinder with the sharp point. He then holds the flint in his hand over the box and strikes a spark into it. He transfers the coal to his pipe, or fire-making material, or fire-stick, using the point of the steel. These items are stored in a rush pouch made of twined weaving. A much rougher pouch made of fishskin is in the Museum.
The Japanese tinder-box has two compartments, one with a damper for the tinder, and the other larger one for the flint and steel. This box is a familiar object in Japanese kitchens yet. The mounting of the steel in wood is an improvement on holding it between the fingers (fig. 58 and 59). No one it seems ever thought of so mounting the steel in Western countries. The matches are broad shavings tipped at both ends with sulphur, and are the Japanese rendering of the “spunks” used with our tinder-box.
The Japanese tinder box has two sections: one small compartment with a damper for the tinder, and a larger one for the flint and steel. This box is still a common sight in Japanese kitchens today. The way the steel is mounted in wood is an improvement over holding it between your fingers (fig. 58 and 59). It seems no one ever considered this method in Western countries. The matches are wide shavings with sulfur on both ends, and they are the Japanese version of the “spunks” used with our tinder box.

Fig. 60. Smokers’ Strike-a-light.
(Cat. No. 128138, U. S. N. M. Tokio, Japan. Gift of the Japanese Department of Education.)
Fig. 60. Smokers' Lighter.
(Cat. No. 128138, U. S. N. M. Tokyo, Japan. Gift from the Japanese Department of Education.)
Smokers in Japan carry a very small strike-a-light (fig. 60). The cloth pouch with a long flap that can be rolled around several times and tied, contains the three essentials, flint, steel, and tinder, the latter of burnt cotton.
Smokers in Japan carry a tiny lighter (fig. 60). The cloth pouch has a long flap that can be rolled up multiple times and tied, holding the three essentials: flint, steel, and tinder, which is made from burnt cotton.
List of specimens described and figured.
Catalog No. | Name. | Localities and Tribes. | Collector. | |
---|---|---|---|---|
Text fig. 1 | 74379 | Fire-making set | Sitkans, Alaska | John J. McLean. |
2 | 20644 | do | Bella Bella, British Columbia. | James G. Swan. |
3 | 127866 | do | Quinaielts, Washington | Charles Willoughby. |
4 | 24096 | do | Klamaths, Oregon | L. S. Dyar. |
5 | 77193 | do | Hupas, California | Lieut. P. H. Ray, U. S. Army. |
6 | 19640 | Hearth | Washoes, Nevada. | Stephen Powers. |
7 | 17230 | Fire-making set | Pai-Utes, Southern Utah | Maj. J. W. Powell. |
8 | 11976 | do | do | Do. |
9 | 22022 | do | Wind River Shoshones | Do. |
10 | 128694 | do | Mokis, Arizona | Mrs. Tilly E. Stevenson. |
11 | 127708 | do | Zuñi, New Mexico | Col. James Stevenson. |
12 | 69850 | Slow match, punk | do | Do. |
13 | 25268 | Hearth from cave | Silver City, New Mexico | Henry Metcalf. |
14 | 130672 | Hearth | Apaches, Arizona | Capt. Jno. G. Bourke, U.S. Army. |
15 | 9555 | Fire-making set | Navajos, New Mexico | Dr. E. Palmer. |
16 | 15396 | do | Costa Rica | W. M. Gabb. |
17 | 129970 | do | Ainos, Japan | Peabody Museum, D. P. Penhallow. |
18 | [65] | Sacred fire-drill | Idzumo, Japan | R. Hitchcock. |
19 | 129971 | Fire-making set | Somalis, East Africa | Peabody Museum, Dr. Chas. Pickering. |
20 | Taveita men making fire. | |||
Pl. LXXIV | {10258} | Fire tools | Frobisher Bay and Cumberland Gulf. | L. Kumlein. |
21 | {9833} | |||
22 | {10295} | |||
23 | {14252} | Capt. C. F. Hall. | ||
24 | {34114 | Boring set | do | L. Kumlein. |
Text fig. 25 | Fire drill | East Greenland | From Holm and Garde. | |
26 | Boring set | do | Do. | |
Pl. 75 27 | 10128 | Fire Bag | Holsteinberg, West Greenland. | Capt. C. F. Hall. |
Text fig. 28 | 1978 | Hearth with cement | Mackenzie River | B. R. Ross. |
29 | 1963 | Hearth | do | Do. |
30 | 1327 | Fire drill | Anderson River | C. P. Gaudet. |
31 | 89822 | Fire-making set | Point Barrow, Alaska | Lieut. P. H. Ray, U.S. Army. |
Pl. LXXVI 32 | {89500 | Boring set | do | Do. |
{89630 | ||||
{89424 | ||||
Pl. 77 33 | {25021 | do | Sledge Island, Alaska | E. W. Nelson. |
{44978 | ||||
{45108 | ||||
Text fig. 34 | 33166 | Fire-making set | Norton Sound, Alaska | Do. |
35 | 38601 | Hearth | Cape Vancouver, Alaska | Do. |
Pl. L78 36 | {37961 | Fire-making set | Chalitmute, Alaska | Do. |
{36325 | ||||
Pl. LXXIX 37 | 127520 | do | Kassianamute, Alaska | I. Applegate. |
Text fig. 38 | 127819a | do | Koggiung, Bristol Bay, Alaska. | W. J. Fisher. |
39 | 127819b | do | do | Do. |
Pl. LXXX 40 | 55938 | Fire-making set | Bristol Bay, Alaska | Charles L. McKay. |
Text fig. 41 | 72514 | Hearth and drill | Kadiak Island, Alaska | W. J. Fisher. |
42 | 129775 | Fire sticks (model) | Malays | After Wallace. |
43 | 130675 | do | Samoa | Harold M. Sewall. |
44 | 1861 | Strike-a-light | Fort Simpson, British Columbia. | B. R. Ross. |
45} | 128405 | do | Mackenzie River District | E. P. Herendeen. |
46} | ||||
47} | ||||
48 | 75516 | Tinder-box | England | L. and M. Farmer. |
49 | 130431 | Wheel tinder-box | Broadalbin, New York | F. S. Hawley. |
50 | 129693 | Strike-a-light | Boulogne-sur-mer, France | Edward Lovett. |
51 | {22431 | Flint and steel | Otoes, Kansas | J. W. Griest. |
{8481 | Belt with flint, steel, etc. | Assiniboins, Dakota | Dr. J. P. Kimball. | |
52 | 22104 | Strike-a-light | Cheyennes, Arkansas | Dr. W. H. Barry. |
53 | 6972 | do | Comanches, Texas | Dr. E. Palmer. |
54 | 126576 | Flint and steel | Guadalajara Indians, Mexico. | Do. |
55 | 130607 | Pipe-lighting outfit | Koords, East Turkey | Rev. A. N. Andrus. |
56 | 130311 | Strike-a-light | China | George G. Fryer. |
Pl. LXXXI 57 | 22257 | do | Ainos, Japan | B. S. Lyman. |
Text fig. 58} | 128137 | Tinder-box | Japan | Japanese Department of Education. |
59} | ||||
60 | 128138 | Strike-a-light | do | Do. |
Footnotes
Transcriber’s Notes
- Corrected a few palpable typographical errors.
- The “List of Specimens” was not consistent with figure captions; there was no obvious fix, and none was attempted.
- Added one section heading, “3. Iroquois Weighted Drill” to make section headings (but not section order) consistent with the introductory classification.
- In the text versions only, text in italics is delimited by _underscores_.
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